House of Commons
Thursday, November 3, 1921
The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.
Private Business
Dundee Corporation Order Confirmation Bill,
Read a Second time; and ordered to be considered To-morrow.
Oral Answers to Questions
Ex-Service Men
Mental Treatment
2, 3 and 4.
asked the Minister of Pensions (1) the maximum amount paid as treatment allowances to an ex-service man confined in a lunatic asylum; if the same allowance is payable in respect of a patient certified insane undergoing curative treatment in an institution approved by the Board of Control;
(2) if more than 6,000 ex-service men are at the moment confined in lunatic asylums; if treatment allowances are paid by his Department in respect of persons so detained but refused in certain instances to persons unwilling to suffer such detention and asking, in the alternative, to be received by known institutions approved by the Board of Control but which are not lunatic asylums in the ordinary sense;
(3) if he is aware that an institution known as Chartfield, supported by voluntary subscriptions, has through intensive medical treatment achieved remarkable results in the cases of ex-service men rendered temporarily insane through the stress of war; and if treatment allow ances are being refused to patients anxious to enter this institution, and in certain cases granted only on the condition that the patient suffers detention in a lunatic asylum?
The number of ex-service men at present in asylums is as stated. Men suffering from certifiable insanity due to war service are eligible for treatment and allowances at the expense of the Ministry in any institution, approved by the Board of Control, which, in the opinion of my medical advisers, affords the most appropriate treatment. Treatment allowances in respect of these patients are made on substantially the same basis as in other cases of in-patient treatment, and do not vary with the institution. My hon. and gallant Friend appears to be confusing treatment allowances with the cost of treatment. To the best of my knowledge all the officers whose condition is due to service, at present in Chartfield, are receiving maximum retired pay; but it is the fact that the Ministry has refused to accept responsibility for the charges for their medical treatment at this home. As my hon. and gallant Friend well knows, I readily welcomed the deputation which he recently brought to me to consider what improvements are possible in the treatment provided for these unfortunate men, and I arranged to have Chartfield inspected and to consider further its possibilities. The Report has not yet been submitted to me, but in the meantime I have consulted with the Board of Control, who now say that they are unable to recommend the Ministry to place this home on the approved list for the reception of patients generally. This, I may add, is in accordance with the general policy of the Ministry, which has been and is to separate persons suffering from certifiable insanity from other patients.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that he has not been asked, either by Chartfield or, so far as I know, by anyone else, to utilise this place generally, but only in regard to insane patients, and will he tell me definitely, does he adopt the position that if a man is insane he must go to a licensed lunatic asylum and to no other place? Otherwise, what test does he apply in regard to approving a particular institution?
I need hardly tell the House that I take the greatest personal care to see that all the institutions I have are good. I am bound by law to send a certified patient to an asylum or some other place approved by the Board of Control. So far as I know, and I have given the matter careful attention, the places I utilise for this unfortunate class of men are very well run indeed. I do not ask for any charity. I feel that it is an obligation of the State, and so long as I am' Minister of Pensions I shall not look to charity but to the State.
In spite of what the right hon. Gentleman has said, is it not a fact that men have come from lunatic asylums to which they have been sent by his Department, in a shocking state, and that these same men have been kindly treated and actually cured at this institution?
Is there any valid reason why Chartfield, which has been so successful in dealing with these cases, should not be put on a par with other establishments?
I have no personal knowledge of the success or otherwise of Chartfield. I sent a man down, and his report is now being submitted. I shall consider the individual merits of Chartfield, but I am satisfield that it is my duty to see that the various institutions which I have are good and are carrying on successful work. I refuse to send ex-service men into charity institutions. It is my duty to see that the State pays a fair and reasonable amount, and that they are properly treated.
Is the right hon. Gentleman prepared to give the names of the gentlemen who comprise the Board of Control?
Certainly.
Is it not a fact that the general asylums are fully aware of the hope and possibility of treatment, and put that as their first object in receiving patients?
I am sorry to press the right hon. Gentleman again, but may I ask what kind of hardship are we inflicting upon the insane by compelling them to mix with the sane? That is what I cannot follow.
It is rather difficult to discuss a question of policy of that kind by questions and answer, but I refuse to mix insane patients with neurasthenics.
Naval and Military Pensions and Grants
Royal Engineers (F. Colbourne)
asked the Minister of Pensions whether he is aware that Mr. Frederick Colbourne, late Royal Engineers, who has been for the past four months on full treatment allowances, has been unable to secure payment of allowance in respect of his second youngest child, though application was properly-made through the pensions committee 16 weeks ago; and whether he can expedite payment?
Treatment allowances have been regularly paid in respect of all the children eligible and known to the Ministry. The allowances in respect of the youngest child, of whom the-Ministry were not made aware until comparatively recently, have now been adjusted and payment authorised accordingly.
Orphans (Assistance)
asked the Minister of Pensions whether he is aware that the six orphan children of the late Private John Langford, No. 202,722, Highland Light Infantry, who died from consumption in December last, are left entirely destitute; that their claim for pension has just been dismissed by the appeal tribunal on the score of the father's death not being due to War service, which decision was owing to a conflict of medical opinion; and whether, in view of the particularly distressing circumstances of the children, he can recommend them for a grant from the Special Grants Committee?
I will consider whether any assistance outside the Warrant can be given in this case, and will communicate with my hon. and gallant Friend at an early date.
Tuberculosis (Institutional Treatment)
asked the Minister of Pensions what steps have been taken and are being taken by his Department to indemnify local insurance autho- rities for the expenses incurred by them for the institutional treatment of ex-service men whose appeals for pensions on account of tuberculosis have been upheld after the Ministry have declined liability, and ceased payments for institutional treatment?
The expenses of residential treatment for ex-service men suffering from tuberculosis are settled directly between my Department and the Ministry of Health, in accordance with preferential arrangements applicable to ex-service men, and subject to a mutual arrangement entered into between the two Departments. I am not aware that there has been any failure to deal with the claims referred to in the question in acordance with the agreement reached.
With all respect to the right hon. Gentleman, has he not failed to meet the point of the question, namely, that when a man has won his appeal and has been refused by the local authorities, how is the local authority, who have been supporting him out of the local funds, to be indemnified against the pensions authority for a charge which the Board has admitted to be due from the Pensions Ministry?
If I have not fully caught the point of the question on the Paper, I will reconsider it in the light of the hon. Member's supplementary question, and, perhaps, he will put the question down again.
Labour Corps (H. Angel)
asked the Minister of Pensions whether he is aware that Henry Angel, 25, Parmiter Street, E., late Private, No. 75640, Labour Corps, who lost his wife during his war service and placed his children in the care of the Church Army after her death, has been refused payment of allowances for those children at motherless rates while he is undergoing treatment; that this refusal is stated to be based on the fact that Angel has not contributed to the maintenance of these children since May, 1920; whether, since Angel has been on treatment allowances from 3rd April, 1920, to 1st February, 1921, and again from 5th February, 1921, to the present date, he is aware that it would have been impossible for the man to contribute when he is expressly debarred from earning whilst drawing treatment allowances; that these children will have to be handed over to the care of the guardians unless the allowances to which their father is entitled are granted; and whether he will take steps to have this obvious injustice remedied?
This matter presents considerable difficulty, and I am giving it my close personal attention. I will communicate with my right hon. Friend as soon as possible.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that this case has been hanging on for some months?
Yes, Sir, but my right hon. Friend knows, as an ex-Minister of Pensions, that there are questions, simple in themselves, which involve a great amount of financial difficulty.
Children's Allowances (W. Chapman)
asked the Minister of Pensions if he can make provision for the decision being made retrospective which was given by him in a letter of September last in respect to William Chapman, an ex-service man who had been deserted by his wife, and whose allowances in respect to his children had been wrongfully paid to the said wife; and is he aware that stoppages are now being made from the man?
I regret that I am unable to accept my right hon. Friend's suggestion. The allowance paid to the wife was in accordance with the practice then in force, and on no occasion have allowances in respect of the children been paid to her. The deductions referred to in the last part of the question are being made by the local committee to recover large overpayments made by them to the man.
East Surrey Regiment (Private W. E. Newson)
asked the Minister of Pensions whether he is aware that Private W. E. Newson, No. 5944, 1st East Surrey Regiment, Ministry Reference No. 11/m/149930, who was discharged 11th August, 1915, with tubercular condition of both lungs and marked attributable to war service, is now marked aggravated; and can he say why the change of entitlement was made after the previous medical boards had marked the medical sheets attributable?
I am having inquiries made into this matter, and will communicate the result to my hon. and gallant Friend as soon as possible.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that this kind of treatment is causing a good result of unrest, and is this present arrangement the result of the Anti-Waste campaign?
I can assure my hon. and gallant Friend, and I should like to assure the House, that the view of the Ministry of Pensions is that, however vigorous the Anti-Waste campaign may be in this country, under no consideration whatsoever will it be responsible for decreasing the amount due to pensioners.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that at the present time the schemes for tuberculosis colonies have been cut down?
Unfortunately, that is one of the difficulties of the Ministry of Pensions, namely, dual control. As my hon. and gallant Friend knows, tuberculosis patients have been taken away from the Ministry of Pensions and put under the control of the Ministry of Health.
Statistics
asked the Minister of Pensions what are the present total number of pensioners and their approximate yearly cost; how many of the total are female pensioners and if in all cases they are final pensions or what percentage of the same are liable to review?
The total number of persons at present in receipt of pensions or allowances from the Ministry is approximately 3,200,000 and the estimated expenditure for the current financial year (exclusive of £4,000,000 for administration) is £107,000,000. With regard to the second part of the question, pensions are in payment to 1,400 nurses and 171,000 widows of officers and men. Pensions to motherless children and other classes of dependants are not classified according to sex. All pensions payable under the Ministry Warrants have hitherto been subject to review in certain circumstances, and none can therefore be regarded as final. Under the War Pensions Act recently passed I have power to make final awards in accordance with regulations which are now being framed, and these regulations will apply retrospectively to many awards already made.
Ireland
Sinn Fein Passes
asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether any high official in Dublin Castle was supplied with a safe conduct permit or pass by the Irish republican army or Sinn Fein, and under what conditions it was issued?
The answer to the first part is in the negative. The second part does not, therefore, arise.
How is it that Mr. Cope was able to go about Dublin?
I have answered that no such pass was issued. Mr. Cope, I am glad to say, is a plucky servant of the Crown.
Sinn Fein Camps
asked the Chief Secretary how many Sinn Fein military camps exist in Ireland; whether at these camps bombing, machine-gun, and rifle practice are carried on daily; and whether the police and military authorities have been instructed not to interfere with the Sinn Fein operations?
The terms of the truce agreement provide hat there is to be no provocative display of force, armed or unarmed, on the part of Sinn Fein. The instructions to the police and military are that this provision is to be adhered to in the letter and in the spirit. Where camps have come to notice which infringed this provision, steps have been taken to secure their dispersal, and these steps have been successful.
How many camps have been notified to the right hon. Baronet by the police authorities, and is he aware that they are not allowed to take any steps whatever to disperse them?
As to the second part of the question, it is simply not true that no steps are taken to disperse camps which are in violation of the truce. The total number differs from week to week as camps are dispersed. I can see no object in giving any particular total.
Do the right hon Baronet's remarks really apply to the area around North Cork?
They apply throughout Ireland.
They do not.
The whole point in reference to a particular camp comes down to this issue. Is it in violation of the truce, or is it not? When it comes to that point there are two ways of dealing with it, by force and dispersal, or by taking it up through the machinery of liaison officers, which as far as I know, has not failed.
Are there camps in Ireland which are not in contravention of the truce, and what is the nature of those camps?
There are camps which are not in contravention of the truce.
Will the right hon. Baronet kindly define when a camp ceases to be provocative?
Why have loyalists who have recently been arrested with arms and court-martialled been subjected to five years' imprisonment, while Sinn Feiners who have been court-martialled under similar circumstances have been discharged? Is that one of the conditions of the truce?
That does not arise out of this question.
Will the right hon. Baronet tell the House when a camp of armed Sinn Feiners drilling is within the truce and when it is without the truce?
That can only arise in the case of a given camp. It is impossible for me to do otherwise than try to interpret the truce which was made on 11th July.
Are we to understand that there are several camps where Sinn Feiners are allowed to drill and arm openly within the truce?
Such a camp would not be within the truce and would be dispersed if necessary.
What is the difference?
Are the camps that were represented in the illustrated papers, where the Sinn Feiners were going through machine gun drill with machine guns, camps or not camps?
That particular camp was dispersed.
Key Cyphers
asked the Chief Secretary whether key cyphers and confidential information regarding important matters in Ireland have been communicated by high officials in Dublin Castle to the Sinn Fein leaders; whether careful investigations have revealed the fact that not more than three officials could have been responsible for betraying the Government secrets; and whether he can say what action the Government has taken with regard to these officials?
My answer to this question is in the negative, and I think I am entitled to ask, when an hon. Member makes exceedingly grave insinuations against responsible officials who have my confidence, and for whose actions I am responsible to this House, that he will furnish me fully and without reserve with the grounds of his allegations, whatever they may be.
I have no objection whatever to replying to that. I ask the right hon. Baronet whether it is a fact that on several occasions when the police have made searches they have found the secret key cypher before it has been communicated to the county inspector?
I have no knowledge of any such thing.
I have.
Land Purchase
asked the Chief Secretary whether the Government intend to proceed with the Irish Land Purchase Bill; and is he aware that unpurchased tenants in many parts of the country are entering into a combination to withhold rent unless the Land Purchase Bill is proceeded with or they receive an immediate reduction of 40 per cent, on their present rents?
As regards the first part of this question I am not at present in a position to make any state- ment as the matter is clearly bound up with much larger issues. The answer to the second part of the question is in the negative.
Is the right hon. Baronet aware that if he would make some clear statement in this case it would prevent a great deal of justifiable anxiety?
Yes, and the landlords in Ireland would be very pleased.
Oats
asked the Chief Secretary whether his attention has been called to the disastrous fall in the price of oats that has taken place in Ireland during the past few weeks; and is there any legislation on the Statute Book to which the Irish farmer can look to mitigate the sudden severity of the fall as there is in the case of Great Britain?
The relevant provisions of the Corn Production Act continue in force in Ireland as regards the 1921 oats crop, notwithstanding the passing of the Corn Production Acts {Repeal) Act, 1921. I am, however, informed that, notwithstanding the heavy recent fall in the price of oats, it is unlikely that the average price for the 1921 crop, calculated as provided in the Act, will fall below the fixed minimum which is the standard for purposes of compensation.
Are we to understand that farmers in Ireland are going to get the full guaranteed prices and farmers here are not?
The hon. Member is to understand the answer exactly as I have read it.
Police Barracks (Evacuation)
asked the Chief Secretary how many police barracks, occupied by the Royal Irish Constabulary at the time of the truce, have since been evacuated by orders from Dublin Castle; whether barracks so evacuated have remained empty or whether the same have since been occupied by Sinn Fein police; whether any steps are taken when police barracks are evacuated by the Royal Irish Constabulary to evacuate with them persons resident in the neigh- bourhood who have in the past befriended or assisted the Royal Irish Constabulary; and whether any steps have been taken to prevent their becoming the victims of reprisal?
asked the Chief Secretary whether many police barracks in Southern Ireland have been evacuated within the last week, and whether he can state the number; and whether he will inform the House in what manner, in the absence of the police, he proposes to give protection to law-abiding citizens forcibly compelled to obey the orders of Sinn Fein courts?
I do not think it is in the public interest to give the particulars asked for, but I can assure the House that any recent redistribution of forces in Ireland has been effected in the closest consultation and after agreement with the General Officer Commanding-in-Chief. The barracks evacuated remain empty, and provision is made for the supervision of the areas affected by means of mobile patrols. I have no reason to think that these re-arrangements will result in the less efficient protection of the civil community.
Does the right hon. Baronet propose to give protection after the assault or before?
Does the right hon. Baronet consider that mobile patrols are any use at night, or that foot patrols are the only patrols that are of the slightest practical value?
In these matters I must be guided by, and I do support, the recommendations of the commander-in-chief and the chief of police.
Munitions (Importation)
asked the Chief Secretary whether he has any information that arms were illegally landed near Dingle on 12th October?
This was one of a number of unverified rumours received after alleged event. No information of an intended landing of arms was reported by the police, and no actual landing has been verified by them.
asked the Chief Secretary whether his attention has been drawn to a letter in the Press of General Prescott Decie, lately in command of the Royal Irish Constabulary over a large area in Ireland, in which General Decie categorically states that he reported that a cargo which was almost certainly arms was being landed at a certain harbour in the South of Ireland, and that he was not allowed to have the cargo searched by the auxiliary police; and if he can now state why orders to search this cargo were not immediately given from Dublin Castle?
I have already dealt very fully in answers in this House with the question of the importation of arms into Ireland during the truce, and in particular with the statements contained in General Prescott Decie's letters. There is no foundation for the suggestion that any orders have at any time been given which precluded the search of a ship suspected of carrying arms. It would have been the clear duty of the responsible police officer on the spot to see that such a search was made in these circumstances, and from what I know of General Prescott Decie, I cannot but think that he would have been the first to order such action had he thought that the circumstances warranted it. Any reports that have tome to my notice have been based on vague rumour and only purported to refer to past events.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that General Prescott Decie says that he telegraphed to Dublin and asked for leave to search this particular ship in the harbour, and that he received no instructions until days afterwards, when the ship had gone and the arms had been taken off?
General Prescott Decie was the senior police officer under the military Governor of Cork, which is in the martial-law area. He was under the orders of the military Governor the whole time he was there, and if he allowed a ship to land any arms he was defaulting in his duty.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that instructions were given that the auxiliary police were withdrawn from searching these cargoes, and General Prescott Decie asked that the auxiliary police should be allowed to search this particular ship, and he was not given instructions?
I cannot allow these very serious allegations to ride off on the question of the auxiliary police. The police force in the whole of the martial-law area was available for searching ships suspected of carrying arms, and if there were not enough police they could have called in the military to assist them. In my opinion the particular port referred to had not been abandoned, as some hon. Members have said, by the auxiliary police, either during the truce or at any other time.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that he himself has informed the House that the searching of cargoes was suspended for 10 weeks, and it was during that 10 weeks that this ship arrived, and General Prescott Decie asked for special permission to seach this particular ship, and it was not given to him?
Was not General Prescott Decie one of many police officers who informed the Government that arms were being landed in Ireland?
There is no need for any police officer informing the Government that arms are being landed or attempted to be landed. It is his plain duty to intercept them on the ship.
asked the Chief Secretary whether his attention has been drawn to statements made by General Prescott Decie that the Royal Irish Constabulary were constantly reporting to Government the presence of Sinn Fein traitors and spies in the Customs and Post Office, but no action was ever taken; whether, in view of the fact that the Irish Customs are known to have large numbers of Sinn Fein sympathisers and spies amongst them, bodies of the special auxiliary police may be employed at every port to search cargoes for arms; and whether he can say if any, and, if so, how many, of His Majesty's ships are employed on patrolling duties to prevent gun running?
The suggestion that any means of identifying spies or traitors in any Government Department have been, or are being neglected is unfounded, and I must express my great regret that general charges of this kind, contrary to the public interest and un- substantiated by any evidence whatever, should be put forward. In cases where evidence of disloyalty has been forthcoming, immediate and drastic action has been taken. As regards the second part of the question, the Government have taken, and will continue to take, such measures as, in the light of the information available, seem to them best. It would not be in the public interest to give particulars of the nature indicated in the last part of the question, but I can state that all His Majesty's vessels in Irish waters are under the direct orders of the Commander-in-Chief, Western Approaches, who, in his turn, works in cooperation with the General Officer Commanding-in-Chief in Ireland.
Outrages, Skibbereen
asked the Chief Secretary whether Michael Sweetman, a Protestant farmer residing near Skibbereen, was murdered last February; whether later all the stock was driven off the farm by the Sinn Fein forces; whether, on 21st July, 10 days after the truce began, a quantity of the furniture was stolen from the house; whether, at the end of August, a large body of men, who said they were acting for the Irish Republic, seized and threshed all the corn on the farm and sold it and kept the proceeds; whether, subsequently, Mrs. Sweetman and her son were served with a notice to leave the district within 48 hours and left in consequence; whether, within the last fortnight, an auction has been held on the farm by Sinn Fein at which everything was sold; what measures the Government took to protect Mrs. Sweetman against these outrages; and what steps, if any, they have taken on her behalf since this occurrence?
As this question appeared on the Paper for the first time yesterday, I have not been able to complete the necessary inquiries. I would ask the hon. Member to repeat it one day next week. I profoundly sympathise—
Sympathy will do nothing. It is ridiculous.
I profoundly sympathise, and I am doing my best to compensate them as far as lies in my power.
Royal Irish Constabulary
asked the Chief Secretary what steps are being taken for the protection of the Royal Irish Constabulary in the negotiations now being conducted with the rebel leaders in Ireland?
I would refer my hon. and gallant Friend to the reply given by the Prime Minister to the question of the hon. Member for Rathmines on the Motion of the Adjournment on 19th August. I have recently seen the representative body of the force and have further assured them that their interests would be fully guarded.
British Casualties
asked the Prime Minister if he will issue a White Paper giving a list of the officers, non-commissioned officers, and men of the Army, auxiliary forces and Royal Irish Constabulary who have been killed in Ireland from the commencement of 1919 up to date, giving particulars containing date of death, place of death, and home domicile of each individual, as was done in the published casualty lists in the Great War?
I would refer my hon. Friend to a reply given to the same question by my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for War on the 5th April last.
Will the right hon. Gentleman say whether that answer was in the affirmative or negative, and if in the negative will he reconsider it now?
I will let my hon. Friend see the answer. It is very long, and if he studies it he will find that there are conclusive reasons given.
Attack on Soldier, Limerick
asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether on 14th October a private soldier was attacked by armed men in the city of Limerick while walking with a girl; whether his bandolier was stolen; and what steps, if any, he has taken in the matter?
I understand from the Commander-in-Chief that the facts are as stated in the question. Inquiries into the matter are still proceeding.
Has the matter been brought to the notice of the Sinn Fein delegates in London?
No, it has not.
Will it be brought to their notice?
Not necessarily.
Rathkeale Workhouse
asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether the workhouse at Rathkeale, County Limerick, was occupied by a large party of armed rebels on 11th October; whether the ratepayers of the district are bound to pay for the upkeep of premises so occupied; and what steps he has taken in the matter?
It is the case that this workhouse, which had been vacant for some time, has been occupied by a number of men believed to be members of the Irish Republican Army. Such buildings are under the management of the local authority, and I have not been able to ascertain what arrangements were made in regard to upkeep when this building ceased to be used as a workhouse. Action has been already taken in regard to the present occupation of the building.
May I ask whether this is not a display of force, and whether, as such, it has been brought to the notice of the Sinn Fein leaders at the Conference?
As a matter of fact, I expect the evacuation has taken place to-day.
Will the right hon. Gentleman say whether the occupation of buildings is in the same category as a display of force?
Certainly. The commandeering of buildings is a breach of the truce, and a breach of the truce must be treated through the liaison machinery. That is the only way of dealing with it of which I know. It is a clear case of resistance to the proper interpretation of the truce.
Does the billeting of members of the Irish Republican Army come under the heading of the remarks that the right hon. Gentleman has just made?
Certainly, and the Sinn Fein liaison officials and their representatives here in London do not pretend that billeting is other than an infraction of the truce.
If the liaison office does nothing or is unable to do anything, what happens?
Sinn Fein Courts
asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether on Monday, 17th October, 1921, while the Clare County Court was sitting in the court house at Ennis, a Sinn Fein Court was sitting in the same building; whether the sitting of the Sinn Fein Court was interfered with by the military and police authorities; and, if not, whether he will explain why the sitting of an illegal court was permitted in His Majesty's court house?
I have made inquiries into this matter, and am informed that while the Clare County Court was sitting in the Ennis Court House, on the date mentioned, the county council held a meeting in another part of the same building. In addition to their ordinary business, they dealt with a number of arbitrations. No complaints were received by the police, either before or subsequently to the holding of these arbitrations.
Did the right hon. Gentleman receive the information before or after the inquiries were made?
I received the information to-day from Ennis.
asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether he is aware that a Sinn Fein court was held at Kin-sale on 1st September, 1921, at which a woman who kept a public house was fined for refusing to allow the Irish Republican Army police on her premises; whether the date of the meeting of the court was known to the military authorities at Kin-sale, as well as the fact that this case was to come on for hearing; whether instructions were issued by the authorities that the court was not to be interfered with; and whether, since the authorities thereby precluded themselves from protecting the accused woman, he will say in what way such persons summoned before Sinn Fein courts receive protection?
asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether, while the assize courts were recently held in Kilkenny, a Sinn Fein court of assize sat simultaneously at the town hall; whether the same legal gentlemen transacted business in both courts; whether the Government had knowledge of the sitting of the Sinn Fein court, and nevertheless permitted it to continue without protest; and, if so, for what reason?
These questions, which appeared on the Paper for the first time yesterday, involve a number of details in regard to certain Sinn Fein courts alleged to have been held recently in Ireland. Inquiries were at once instituted, but there has been no time to obtain all the information required. I would, therefore, ask the hon. Members to repeat their questions one day next week.
Are we to understand the right hon. Gentleman has not got a complete list of all these cases which have taken place?
It is impossible for me to say that every allegation made in reference to the holding of Sinn Fein courts is true in fact. The cases that are reported by the police are dealt with at once, but there have been cases alleged which turned out not to have ever existed at all. I must make inquiries before I can arrive at a decision on these allegations.
Is the right hon. Gentleman in a position to answer that part of the question as to whether instructions were given by the authorities that these courts were not to be interfered with?
Instructions have been issued to the police to use their own discretion in reference to these courts.
What do you mean by "discretion?"
If the court be illegal the police have orders to disperse it.
Is it not the case that every one of these courts must be illegal?
Truce (Breaches)
asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether he is aware that several civilians were arrested during the month of August last in Bandon by the Irish Republican Army Police on a charge of robbery, and detained as prisoners outside the town for a considerable time, during which they were fed with provisions demanded from a loyalist farmer, whose motor cycle and horse and car were also taken by the rebel police; and whether he has taken any measures in regard to the matter?
Reports regarding breaches of the truce in the Bandon district last August have been examined, but it has proved impossible to identify the case referred to in the question. Inquiries are being made, and it would be of assistance if the hon. Member would meantime furnish me with some more precise information.
Are we to understand that the right hon. Gentleman has no source of information and depends entirely on us?
If people in Ireland will not present their grievances to the police, but are content to leave them to questions in the House of Commons, I cannot help it.
Is it not the fact that until this House met and pressure was applied, no steps were taken to protect these people?
The hon. Member is not to accept any such suggestion, because it is not true.
Is the right hon. Gentleman not aware that any one seen going to the police in Ireland would be shot, or, at any rate, would be marked?
There is no substance in the statement of the hon. Member.
Why is there a truce?
There has been no clear case of murder by Sinn Fein since the agreed truce. There are two doubtful cases, but there is no clear case. The suggestion that anybody who even reports to the police is in danger of being shot is simply not true.
Is the right hon. Gentleman not aware that people who go to the police or officials are informed that they are marked men who will be dealt with after the truce?
Would the right hon. Gentleman send any of his own kith and kin there at the present time?
Yes, I go myself. I do not consider that during the truce anyone is in danger of his life.
Trade Boycott
asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether his attention has been called to a Sinn Fein report on the working of the trade boycotts on British and Belfast goods which was presented to a convention of Sinn Fein delegates at the Dublin Mansion House under the presidency of Mr. de Valera, on 27th October last, and which was duly published in the daily papers; whether he is aware that, as stated in this report, 225,000 notices boycotting British goods and 30,000 notices boycotting Belfast goods have been distributed in Southern Ireland during the present year; whether many firms in the South and West of Ireland which before the boycott were in a prosperous condition were now ruined as the result of this boycott; whether anyone has been prosecuted for distributing these boycotting notices; and what other steps have been taken?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative, but I would mention that I have no means of checking the accuracy of the figures put forward. As regards the second part, while I do not desire to minimise the evil effects of this interference with personal freedom in the conduct of trade and industry, the statement that many firms in the South and West of Ireland have been brought to ruin by such action is, so far as my information goes, an exaggeration. These boycott operations are conducted with a very careful regard to the risks involved, and there is the additional difficulty of inducing injured persons to come forward to give evidence, but the policy of the Government in regard to these boycotts has been, and still is, to enforce the law, and the police have specific instructions to that effect. A number of prosecutions for intimidation have been undertaken and convictions obtained.
Has the right hon. Gentleman taken any steps to inform Senor de Valera that this is a breach of the truce? Has the right hon. Gentleman also pointed out to him—
called upon Mr. Gwynne to put the next Question [No . 56— see cols . 1910–11.]
Beggar's Bush Barracks, Dublin
asked the Chief Secretary whether bombs were thrown into the Beggar's Bush Barracks, Dublin, on Saturday, 29th October last; whether he can give any particulars of the outrage; and what steps, if any, he has taken in regard to the discovery and punishment of those who committed it?
Two bombs exploded in the outer yard of the Auxiliary Police Barracks at Beggar's Bush, Dublin, on the evening of the 28th ultimo. No other damage was committed than the breaking of two windows. A Board of Investigation was held the following day, and found that the bombs were thrown by persons unknown. The authors of the outrage have not yet been discovered, and the police investigations are still proceeding with a view to their apprehension and punishment.
Can the right hon. Gentleman inform me whether any Sinn Feiner has been arrested or punished since the truce began?
Certainly.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say how many?
That really does not arise on this question.
Motor Taxes (Dublin)
asked the Chief Secretary if the Irish Government is at present collecting motor taxes in the city of Dublin; and, if so, what amount has been collected, and why the authorities are prosecuting the owners of taxi-cabs elsewhere who have not taken out licences while Dublin taxi-cab owners are not prosecuted?
I have been asked to reply to this question. Under the provisions of the Order in Council of the 14th February, 1921, the Chief Commissioner of the Dublin Metropolitan Police is responsible for seeing that mechanically-propelled road vehicles in the city of Dublin are registered and that the proper duties are paid in respect of them. The actual duties are paid through the post offices to the Road Fund. The latest figures available, up to 30th June last, show that the collections from the city of Dublin amounted to £24,117. I have no information with regard to the last part of the question.
Unemployment
Relief Proposals
asked the Prime Minister whether any estimate has been formed as to the number now unemployed who will receive employment during the coming winter as a result of the measures now passing through Parliament; and, if so, what is the estimate?
I have been asked to reply. On the information at present available, it is impracticable to estimate the number of unemployed persons for whom work will be provided as a result of the various proposals which have been put forward by the Government, but I most sincerely hope that every effort will be made to expedite the various schemes with a view to the employment at the earliest possible date of the largest possible number of workpeople. I might mention that up to the present under the scheme of assistance to local authorities for public works, local authorities have sent up schemes involving in all a total expenditure of over £2,000,000. Further, six land drainage schemes and certain light railway schemes are under consideration by the Ministries of Agriculture and Transport respectively.
German Indemnity Payments
asked the Prime Minister if he will consider the policy of not exacting in payment from the German Government towards the indemnity any goods which will have the effect of causing unemployment in Great Britain?
It has always been the endeavour of His Majesty's Government, acting in conjunction with the Allied Governments, to safeguard the interests of British industry in connection with Germany's reparation payments.
Evictions
asked the Prime Minister whether it is proposed to take any steps to prevent the eviction of bonâ fide unemployed persons who are unable to pay their rents during the present emergency?
Having regard to the wide discretionary power of the Courts, to which I referred in answering my hon. and learned Friend's question of 18th August last, I do not think any further steps are necessary. I will send my hon. and learned Friend a copy of the answer I then gave him and the enactment therein mentioned.
Do I understand that the Courts have a discretionary power as to whether they should grant evictions?
If my hon. Friend will look at the answer he will see.
In view of the very great distress at the present moment, may I ask whether the right hon. Gentleman has considered, among other proposals, the possibility of encouraging or assisting voluntary funds, such as that which has been established in Glasgow?
Certainly.
Assisting them?
Questions
Egypt
asked the Prime Minister whether, having regard to the presumably unauthorised statements that appeared in the Press on the 25th instant in regard to the future government of Egypt, he is in a position to inform the House what is the present state of the negotiations between the Egyptian delegation and the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs; and whether he can assure the House that the decision of the Government, when arrived at, will not be made public otherwise than by means of a statement to Parliament?
I would refer my hon. and gallant Friend to my reply to my hon. Friend the Member for Twickenham on the 27th ultimo.
Russia
Trade Agreement
asked the Prime Minister how many Notes, and on what dates, have been exchanged between His Majesty's Government and the Russian Soviet Government since the British Note published in the London Press on the 21st September last regarding the breaches of the terms of the trade agreement by the Russian Soviet Republic; and whether, in accordance with the statements made by the Government when the economic treaty in question was signed, he will now take steps to have this treaty rescinded?
The reply of the Soviet Government to the British Note of 7th September was despatched from Moscow on 27th September. The substance of it has already appeared in the Press. A further Note on the subject, reaffirming the authenticity of the evidence upon which the first British Note was based, is in course of preparation. The course to be followed by His Majesty's Government in regard to the trade agreement must depend on the way in which the Soviet Government meets the protests and demands addressed to them.
Is it not a fact that the total value of the actual business so far consummated between the British Government and the Soviet Government is negligible in comparison with the value of the propaganda that is going on?
There is a question on that point.
Famine Relief
asked the Prime Minister if he is aware of the latest news received by Dr. Nansen from Russia, and of the imperative need for food and clothing, and coal to transport them; and if he will consider these facts of human needs in relation to money claims which can be discussed between Russia and Britain whenever its Ministers choose to initiate such discussion?
His Majesty's Government are fully aware of the extreme seriousness of the Russian famine, and are following it as closely as possible. As regards the second part of the question, I would refer the hon. Member to the resolutions adopted at the recent conference of the International Russian Famine Relief Commission at Brussels. His Majesty's Government, whose policy in the question is in no way influenced by political considerations, desire to encourage voluntary assistance to the utmost of their power; and they have themselves contributed £250,000 worth of surplus stores to the British Red Cross.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the trade agreement of last March specifically leaves it open for the British Government to raise the question of debts, and has not the latest communication from the Soviet Government left the way open for the recognition of all legitimate debts?
Can the right hon. Gentleman say if the Government have finally decided that it is impossible to come to the assistance of these people?
We have contributed £250,000 worth of stores through the British Red Cross.
We are all very grateful for that, but I understand that they are all medical stores, which, of course, are of great value. That is not food. I am asking in regard to food?
We were assured that this was the most valuable contribution that we could make. America, on the other hand, was to contribute food. We were told that this was the best contribution we could make, unless we could supply them with the sort of commodity that would enable the Government to obtain food.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware of the pre-War practice of the big companies trading in Russia to barter in kind with the peasants, and is he aware that if the stored-up commodities, hammers, nails, and other things that the peasants use, could be sent to Russia., that these in turn would yield the corn.
Hungarian Prisoners
asked the Prime Minister whether there are still thousands of Hungarian prisoners in Russia; and, if so, whether the settlement with Russia, if reached, could be made to include the return to Hungary of such of these prisoners as wish to go back to Hungary?
I have no information regarding the exact numbers of Hungarian ex-prisoners of war still in Russia, many of whom have been, and are being, it is understood, repatriated through the instrumentality of the League of Nations. The question of Hungarian prisoners would not form part of any negotiation between His Majesty's Government and the Russian Government.
Could representations be made to our representatives at Budapest with a view to facilitating this arrangement?
Questions
Ministry of Transport
asked the Prime Minister whether he has yet received the recommendations of the hon. Member for Cambridge with regard to the future of the Ministry of Transport; and whether legislation is to be proposed for the transfer of the powers of the Minister of Transport?
I propose to await the report of the enquiry into expenditure before definitely deciding what provision should be made for the permanent work of the Ministry of Transport?
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that, as there is no Minister of Transport to sanction schemes for relief works, such schemes are being held up, because there is no Minister with power to sanction? Is he aware that there is at present before the Ministry a scheme from my own constituency which would employ 700 men at once if there were only someone with power to sanction it; and will he provide someone with power to sanction such works at once?
I agree that it is essential that there should be someone with authority at the Ministry of Transport, in order to sign the necessary documents, and arrangements are being made to appoint a Minister, without salary, to enable this to be done.
In considering the advisability of transferring the Ministry of Transport to the Board of Trade, where a person would naturally go in these matters, will the right hon. Gentleman bear in mind that at present the public are put to considerable inconvenience through not knowing to which Department to apply?
I do not see why they should suffer any inconvenience at the present moment.
They are.
At the present moment, they should write to the Ministry of Transport. The question of handing the business in connection with transport over to the Board of Trade is one which requires very careful consideration. I am not sure that it would be the best Department, but I do not want for the moment to express a definite opinion.
Is my right hon. Friend aware—I do not suppose that he is—that at present some important Departments connected with transport are specifically reserved to the Board of Trade?
Hungary
asked the Prime Minister whether he has any information indicating that French policy has favoured and actively encouraged the return of the Emperor Charles to the throne of Hungary?
No, Sir; on the contrary, the French Government have acted on all the points strictly in concert with their Allies.
Turkey (British Prisoners)
asked the Prime Minister how many British prisoners of war have recently been released from Turkey and how many still remain; where those who remain are interned; and on what terms release has been granted to some and how soon it is-hoped the remainder will be free?
Three British military prisoners and five British civilian prisoners were released on 1st July, 1921. Negotiations are now in progress for the release of all British prisoners remaining in the hands of the Turkish Nationalists in Anatolia. Should the negotiations prove successful it is probable that the release will be completed within a very short time. Just as I came into the House I received a telegram from Constantinople about the release of a certain number of prisoners. It had just arrived. I am sorry that I have not got it with me. I intended to bring it with me, but I will let my hon. and learned Friend have it at the end of questions.
Have those who have been released been exchanged for Turkish prisoners in English hands?
I must have notice of that question.
International Labour Office
asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been drawn to the announcement in the Press that at Thursday's meeting of the governing body of the International Labour Office a letter was read from Sir Malcolm Delevingne stating that he would be unable to take further part in the meetings of the governing body; and whether, in view of the fact that such a loss in continuity of work and intimate knowledge of the working of the International Labour Organisation as is involved by Sir Malcolm Delevingne's retirement is a public calamity, he can explain why this change in the representation of the British Government on the governing body has been made?
His Majesty's Government decided at the end of last year that the Ministry of Labour should be charged with the supervision and coordination of matters connected with the International Labour Organisation. This decision involved the appointment as British member of the governing body of that organisation, of a representative of the Ministry of Labour, who would in the ordinary course of his duties be acquainted with the work of the International Labour Office and with the matters to be discussed by the governing body and at the International Labour Conferences. My hon. Friend the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Labour was accordingly appointed.
Was not this gentleman elected for three years to this office, and is the right hon. Gentleman aware that at the meeting which is now being held at Geneva not a single person from this country who was in at the inauguration of this organisation is present?
Gaming Laws
asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware that the highest judicial authority has pronounced the whole law relating to gambling to be in an extremely illogical and unsatisfactory condition; whether he is aware that numerous racecourses are the property of municipal and other corporations and of private owners, who may have no desire to break the law, but are permitted, and in practice compelled, to evade it; and whether, in view of the widespread interest among all classes in the sport of horse racing, he will consider the appointment of a Select Committee of this House, or some other competent body, to inquire into the best method of bringing the law relating to betting and other forms of gambling into accord with the wishes and the practice of a great part of the community?
The answer to the first two parts of the question is in the affirmative. I am not sure that the suggested Committee would be the best way of dealing with the subject, but the matter is under consideration.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the Corporation of Brighton, of which I am a member, is at present being prosecuted at assizes for permitting the ancient sport of throwing sticks at cocoa nuts?
Will the Prime Minister, in order to deal with the urgent question which has already come before another House, give the necessary facilities for the Bill which has already received the approval of the Lord Chancellor in another place?
That is a question which should be addressed to the Leader of the House.
Cement Trust
asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been drawn to the restraint upon trade occasioned by the Cement Trust imposing the condition upon their customers that they must not buy any cement except from members of the trust; and what steps do the Government propose to take to combat the evil of artificially maintained high prices made possible by this prohibition of competitive imports of cement from abroad?
I have been asked to reply. The matter to which the hon. Member refers is fully discussed in the Report on Cement and Mortar presented to the Board of Trade in December last by the Standing Committees on the Investigation of Prices and Trusts established under the Profiteering Acts. I am sending a copy of this Report to the hon. Member, and from it he will see that the restriction in question applies only to merchants desirous of obtaining the maximum rebates given by the manufacturers. The Committee further reported that the cement manufacturers had not increased the price to an unreasonable extent, and in this connection I would point out that recently the price of imported cement has been higher than that of the home product.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that owing to the condition which prohibits merchants from buying except from the Cement Trust unless they sign this very definite condition that they will buy from no one else they cannot get cement from the trust except at regulation prices?
Will the right hon. Gentleman answer the question? Is not this imposing on the public high prices which tend to keep back industry at a time when every effort should be made to make prices come down?
According to the answer which I gave in the latter part of the reply, the cost of these goods has come down.
Is not the Government's silence on the subject of trusts and combines indicative of the fact that they are prepared to support them?
Albania
asked the Prime Minister whether a commission has been appointed by the League of Nations to proceed to Albania and report on the evacuation of Albanian territory and disturbances on her frontier; of whom the commission consists; and when it will begin to exercise its duties?
At their meeting of 6th October the Council of the League of Nations decided that a commission of three impartial persons should be despatched to Albania. I have as yet no official information as to the persons composing the commission, but I understand that they have now been selected, and should arrive in Albania within the next ten days.
( by Private Notice ) asked the Prime Minister whether it is true that the Serbian forces have advanced into Albanian territory and attacked the Albanians; if so, whether such action is not a breach of Article 15 of the Covenant of the League of Nations exposing the Serbian Government to the penalties of Article 16, and whether the Government have requested the Secretary General of the League to summon an emergency meeting of the Council under Article 11, so that joint action under Article 16 may be taken by all members of the League in accordance with the Resolutions passed at the last meeting of the Assembly?
Information has reached His Majesty's Government that the Jugoslav forces have advanced into Albanian territory in the direction of Liura. This aggression which, so far as our information goes, is entirely unjustified and unprovoked, has induced the Conference of Ambassadors in Paris to address to the Serb-Croat-Slovene Government the strongest remonstrances. As regards the application of Article 15 of the Covenant of the League of Nations to this dispute, I would observe that it is for the Albanian Government themselves, who are a party to the dispute, again to appeal to the League of Nations if they so desire and thereby put into operation the machinery provided for in Articles 11 and 16 of the Covenant. His Majesty's Government are at present concerned only so far as their influence can be directed through the diplomatic channel to preserving the peace, and I can assure the Noble Lord that we have already taken and shall continue to take such action in this direction as may be in the best interests of a pacific settlement.
May I ask my hon. Friend whether it is not a fact that the Government are bound by Treaty obligations to take instant measures under Article 16 if there has been an invasion by Serbia of Albania, and whether the steps that they ought to take are not to cause a meeting of the Council of the League to be summoned, so that the Council can settle on the general steps to be taken by all the members of the League? May I ask further whether there is not an absolute obligation on the Government, and that unless they are going to treat their obligations as a scrap of paper they are bound to take action?
Surely my Noble Friend will admit that inasmuch as Albania has a right to appeal to the League of Nations, it would be more appropriate to give them that opportunity.
Is my hon. Friend aware that Albania has repeatedly appealed to the League of Nations, and has been guaranteed the support of the League of Nations, and under these circumstances is it not the duty of every member of the League to fulfil their obligations?
Albania appealed to the League of Nations under circumstances not so fully developed as these, and it is open to Albania to appeal to the League again.
I do not know at all what is going to happen to the other Motion for the adjournment, but in view of the answer that has been given by the Government, I also shall desire to ask leave to move the adjournment of the House.
Eastern Galicia
asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been called to the Resolution passed unanimously at the last Assembly of the League of Nations, expressing the wish that the Council of the League should draw the attention of the Allied and associated Powers to the desirability of determining at an early date the legal status of Eastern Galicia; whether the British Representative on the Council has taken any action on that Resolution; what the condition of Eastern Galicia is at the present time; and what steps the Government propose to take in order to promote the determination of its legal status?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative; the British Representative on the Council has not taken any special action with regard to the Resolution, which was communicated to His Majesty's Government by the ordinary machinery of the League Secretariat. There has been no essential change in the status of Eastern Galicia, since the Poles were authorised to occupy the country. As regards the fourth part of his question, my Noble Friend is aware that in respect of this problem His Majesty's Government have no separate responsibility. The Supreme Council will doubtless consider the matter when a solution has been reached on the other outstanding Polish problems.
Is not the British Government going to ask the Council to give a decision at the earliest possible moment? Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the Polish Representative at Geneva is as keen as anybody else that there should be a settlement of this question?
I will represent my Noble Friend's view to the Secretary or State.
Are we to understand that the fate of the people of Eastern Galicia is to be decided by a bargain to which they are not parties?
Government Departments
Conscientious Objectors
asked the Prime Minister in what Departments of Government, respectively, the 234 conscientious objectors now employed in the Civil Service are employed; and whether the concession made to these men by Parliament in exempting them from fighting to defend this country was accompanied by any pledge that they would be continued to be employed in the Civil Service to the exclusion of ex-service men and others?
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer in what Department the conscientious objectors in the Civil Service are now employed; arid in what numbers?
I would refer the hon. and learned Member and the hon. and gallant Member to my reply on the 26th October to a similar question by the hon. Member for Ilford. The answer to the last part of the question by the hon. Member for York is in the negative.
Does the reply to which he has referred give the particulars for which I ask—the names of the Department in which these conscientious objectors are employed?
Yes, it does.
Is it not a fact that during the War the very Gentlemen who are now putting questions were themselves conscientious objectors?
Has the Committee which has been referred to been set up yet?
On a point of Order. The hon. Member below me has just referred to me as a conscientious objector during the War. May I ask you what remedy or redress I have?
I would recommend the Noble Lord to make a study of Irish humour.
May I ask whether it is consistent, even with the lowest class of Irish humour, to accuse hon. Members of this House unjustly of being part and parcel of a most disreputable class?
Hon. Members should be permeable by a little humour.
War Expenditure (Private Firms)
asked the Prime Minister whether it is the policy of the Government to disclaim responsibility for claims made against it for capital expenditure undertaken by private firms during the War for national purposes, where such expenditure is not covered by strictly legal covenant; and if, in order to avoid the expense of defending such claims, he will see that the Departments take a more generous view in this matter or that an independent tribunal is constituted to deal with such claims?
Responsibility for claims not covered by legal covenants is not and cannot be admitted by Government Departments. Departments clearly have no power to take a generous view of such claims in order to avoid the expense of defending them, and I do not think that any useful purpose would be served by constituting an independent tribunal in order to investigate them.
Washington Conference
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what is the number of the entire staff of the delegation to the Conference at Washington?
I would refer my hon. Friend to the answer which my right hon. Friend the Lord Privy Seal gave on this subject on the 26th October.
Safeguarding of Industries Act (Customs Formalities)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether in the case of limited liability companies and corporations, for the purpose of making declarations under the Safeguarding of Industries and German Reparation (Recovery) Acts, His Majesty's Board of Customs require such declarations to bear the seal of the company and the necessary signatures of two directors and the secretary, which often necessitates, owing to the articles of association, a board meeting before they can be obtained; and whether, as very often such declarations refer to items for such petty amounts as two or three shillings, he will consider the advisability of some drastic alteration in the present procedure of His Majesty's Board of Customs when dealing with the many small transactions which now arise under the Safeguarding of Industries Act?
The position is not as stated by the hon. Member. The Customs Regulations provide that, in the case of limited liability companies, the declarations on entries for goods liable to reparation levy or to duty under Part 1 of the Safeguarding of Industries Act may be made by the managing-director or secretary without authorisation under the seal of the company. Moreover, such an officer of a company may give standing authority in writing to a shipping agent to make such declarations on behalf of the company.
Questions
Sir Basil Thomson
I desire to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department a question of which I have given private notice. Before doing so I should like to point out that, as you, Mr. Speaker, are aware, I put down the full question, but you ruled—and informed me so before the House met—that the first part could not be asked owing to the fact that Question 79 on the Paper covered the same ground. In these circumstances, with your permission, I desire to ask the second part only.
According to our rule, a question which is on the Paper cannot be asked as a private notice question. It is clear that if there was time to put it down on the Paper that takes it out of the category of private notice questions.
I am bound by your ruling, Sir. With your permission, I now ask the Home Secretary if he will say who has been appointed as successor to Sir Basil Thomson?
The appointment of a successor is not yet complete.
May I ask my right hon. Friend whether the appointment of Sir Joseph Byrne has anything to do with the past duties of Sir Basil Thomson?
I do not follow the question. I have really nothing to add to what I have already said.
I beg to give notice that, in consequence of this unsatisfactory reply, I propose to ask leave to move the Adjournment of the House.
Will the right hon. Gentleman inform us if Sir Basil Thomson voluntarily resigned or was he dismissed, and, if so, why?
Sir Basil Thomson resigned.
May we be told if this question of permitting Sir Basil Thomson to resign was considered by the Cabinet as a whole?
That is a question which is never answered.
Is it not a fact that Sir Basil Thomson knew nothing of his impending resignation last week, and was suddenly invited to resign by the Home Secretary on the invitation of the Prime Minister?
No, Sir, it is not so
Invited by the Labour party.
Was any communication sent from the right hon. Gentleman himself or the Cabinet to Sir Basil Thomson before he resigned?
The question has been discussed for months.
Is it not a fact that Sir Basil Thomson was told to be out of the office by Monday with all his papers?
No, Sir, it is not a fact.
Was it suggested to Sir Basil Thomson that he would endanger his rights to pension if he did not resign?
There is absolutely no foundation for that suggestion.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether this question of resignation came voluntarily from Sir Basil Thomson without pressure from the Home Office?
It is quite impossible to answer that question without going into the whole of the facts.
When a gentleman resigns, is it not reasonable to expect that his resignation is voluntary?
Surely the right hon. Gentleman can answer the simple question whether Sir Basil Thomson resigned voluntarily or under pressure from the Home Office?
May I ask whether General Byrne has been appointed to any post which deals with the same kind of duties, after having been dismissed?
No. Sir Joseph Byrne has not yet been appointed. I have invited him to accept.
May I ask my right hon. Friend whether, when a great public servant like Sir Basil Thomson resigns, the House of Commons is not entitled to know the reasons for his resignation?
Is it not a fact that Sir Basil Thomson was forced to resign as a result of the clamour of the "Daily Herald"?
What pressure was put on the right hon. Gentleman by the Labour party?
The hon. and gallant Member for the West Derby Division of Liverpool (Sir B. Hall) has placed before me two Motions to put before the House—one referring to the alleged dismissal of Sir Basil Thomson, and the other dealing with the alleged appointment of Sir Joseph Byrne. Those are two separate points, and the hon. and gallant Gentleman may put whichever of the two he may please.
I have a third. I beg to ask leave to move the Adjournment of the House for the purpose of discussing a definite matter of urgent public importance, namely, "the grave danger to the public safety consequent upon the fact that the position vacated by Sir Basil Thomson is still vacant."
The pleasure of the House not having been signified , Mr. SPEAKER called on those Members who supported the Motion to rise in their places, and not fewer than forty Members having accordingly risen ,
The Motion stood over, under Standing Order No . 10, until a quarter past eight this evening .
On a point of Order. As the Adjournment is granted, will it be possible on this Motion, which is merely discussing the delay in filling up the appointment, to discuss the circumstances attending the resignation of Sir Basil Thomson?
I will give my ruling on that question at the time. The hon. and gallant Member has drafted his own Motion.
On a point of Order. May I ask whether, in view of the circumstances that have arisen, I should be in order in asking leave to move the Adjournment on Monday, as I have not been able to move it to-day?
That, again, I had better deal with at the time. I am afraid the fact that it might have happened to-day would take it out of the category of urgency. However, I will not commit myself. There might be new circumstances before Monday—that I do not know.
May I remind you that it has been constantly ruled from the Chair that there are some questions which become more and more urgent as time progresses, while others lose their urgency unless dealt with at once?
Certainly, new circumstances may arise, but I do not propose to give a decision until Monday.
Seeing that the subject for discussion to-night is so extremely narrow, may there not be a possibility of discussing both subjects tonight? Could we not therefore move the Adjournment also for this purpose?
There is only one 8.15 on the clock.
Business of the House
Can the Leader of the House give us any further information about the business for next week?
No, Sir; I have nothing to add to what I said yesterday, when I gave as complete a sketch for the business for next week as I could.
Bills Presented
Shops (Early Closing) Act (1920), Amendment (No. 2) Bill,
"to extend the hours during which sweets, chocolates, and certain other articles may be sold to the public," presented by Mr. MACQUISTEN; supported by Mr. Seddon, Mr. Higham, Mr. Lort-Williams, Mr. Raper, Bear-Admiral Sir Reginald Hall, Lieut.-Colonel Morden, and Captain Gee; to be read a Second time upon Monday next, and to be printed. [Bill 231.]
Pharmacy Acts Amendment Bill,
"to regularise the position of all persons trading as chemists and druggists or pharmacy store proprietors in the sale of drugs, the dispensing of doctors' prescriptions, and the sale of patent medicines," presented by Captain O'GRADY; supported by Lieut.-Colonel Watts-Morgan and Mr. Casey; to be read a Second time upon Monday next, and to be printed. [Bill 232.]
Orders of the Day
Trade Facilities Bill
Bill read the Third time, and passed.
Local Authorities (Financial Provisions) Bill
As amended, considered.
NEW CLAUSE—(Definition of local authority.)
4.0 P.M.
"For the purposes of this Act 'local authority' means the council of any borough and any authority whose accounts are subject to audit by district auditors."— [Sir A. Mond .]
Brought up, and read the First time.
Motion made, and Question proposed,
"That the Clause be now read a Second time."— [Sir R. Home.]
On a point of Order. There was a considerable amount of interruption and we are not aware whether the Trade Facilities Bill was read the Third time or not. We did not hear the Question put.
I put it three separate times. The Question now is the new Clause to the Local Authorities (Financial Provisions) Bill.
Question put, and agreed to.
Clause added to the Bill.
CLAUSE 3—(Borrowing on short term loans by local authorities.)
(3) All sums borrowed by a local authority under this Section together with the interest thereon shall be repaid out of the revenue of the local authority received in respect of the financial year in which the expenses were incurred:
Provided that as respects money borrowed under this Section before the first day of April nineteen hundred and twenty-three the Minister may, if satisfied that the particular circumstances of the case justify such a course, extend the term within which such repayment is to be made to such extent as he may think fit.
I beg to move, in Sub section (3), to leave out the words "to such extent as he may think fit," and to insert instead thereof the words "for a period not exceeding ten years from the date on which the money is borrowed."
Members who were present during the Committee stage will remember that we had some discussion on this Clause, and I was asked to extend the same facilities to England and Wales as had been adopted in the Scottish Bill in the course of the afternoon. I have no objection to adopting the course followed in the Scottish Bill, and I therefore move this Amendment to bring the English Bill and the Scottish Bill into harmony.
Amendment agreed to.
CLAUSE 4—(Temporary power to suspend sinking fund payments, &C, in case of money borrowed for unremunera-tive works.)
Where within twelve months after the passing of this Act money is borrowed by a local authority for the purpose of the construction of new or extension or alteration of existing works forming or to form part of an undertaking of a revenue-producing character, then, notwithstanding anything to the contrary contained in any Act, it shall be lawful for the annual provision required to be made by the local authority for the repayment of the money so borrowed to be suspended while the expenditure out of that money remains unremunerative or such period and subject to such conditions as the Minister of Health or other authority by whom the borrowing is sanctioned may determine. Provided that such suspension shall not be for a longer period than five years from the commencement of the financial year next after that in which such expenditure commences to be incurred.
I beg to move, to leave out the words "Within twelve months after the passing of this Act."
This Amendment is also in accordance with a promise I gave yesterday. It takes away the limitation of twelve months on money borrowed by local authorities for the purpose of the construction of new, or the extension or alteration of existing works.
Amendment agreed to.
CLAUSE 5—(Modification of provisions for repayment of loans.)
(1) Where any local authority owing to circumstances arising out of the War have been unable to make the required provision by means of a sinking fund or otherwise for the due discharge of any loan the authority may submit to the Minister a scheme varying any statutory provision requiring the loan to be discharged within any particular time or in any particular manner, and the Minister may, if he thinks fit, approve any such scheme either with or without modifications.
(2) Any scheme approved by the Minister under this Sub-section shall have effect as if enacted in this Act.
Amendments made: In Sub-section (1), after the word "Minister" ["the Minister may"], insert the words "of Health."
In Sub-section (2), leave out the word "Sub-section," and insert instead thereof the word "Section."— [Sir A. Mond .]
CLAUSE 6—(Relaxation of limit of borrowing powers of local authorities in certain cases.)
(1) Any money borrowed by a local authority within twelve months after the passing of this Act, if certified by the Minister to have been borrowed for the purpose of any work undertaken by the authority with a view to the provision of employment for unemployed persons, and any money borrowed under the last foregoing Section, shall not be reckoned as part of the debt of the local authority for the purposes of any enactment limiting the powers of borrowing by that authority.
(2) During a period of twelve months from the passing of this Act, Sub-section (3) of Section two hundred and thirty-four of the Public Health Act, 1875 (which prohibits the Minister of Health from sanctioning a loan in certain cases until one of his inspectors has held a local inquiry and reported to the Minister), shall cease to have effect.
(3) For the purposes of this and the last foregoing Section, "local authority" means the council of any borough and any authority whose accounts are subject to audit by district auditors.
I beg to move, in Sub-section (1), to leave out the words, "within twelve months after the passing of this Act," and to insert instead thereof the words, "before the first day of April, nineteen hundred and twenty-three."
This brings the Clause into harmony with the previous Clause.
Amendment agreed to.
Further Amendments made: In Subsection (1), after the word "Minister," insert the words, "of Health."
In Sub-section (2), leave out the words, "During a period of 12 months from the passing of this Act," and insert instead thereof the words, "Until the first day of April, nineteen hundred and twenty-three."
Leave out Sub-section (3)— [Sir A. Mond .]
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read the Third time."
I feel that a protest ought to be made as to the inadequacy of the Bill, and that the concession made to the London boroughs for consolidating their poor charges has not been extended to the provinces. The right hon. Gentleman, in resisting an appeal made from industrial and other parts of England—South Wales, the greater metropolis and the north—suggested that there was no comparison between an industrial area in the north and the metropolitan area of London. In the metropolitan area of London you had watertight compartments which were really part of a whole, and to compare them with the industrial areas of the north and residential areas in other districts was to make a false analogy. I submit that the comparison is not so false as he suggested. No doubt, in the old days, when the employer and those interested in the industry lived in the area, and when the whole of the capital of that industry was resident in that area, there was some truth in that suggestion, but, under present industrial conditions, you have people, who happen to own the business, absentee owners living outside and in many cases scattered right throughout the country. The incidence of the poor charge, especially at times of unemployment, is inequitable, because those drawing profits from the business do not bear their share of the cost imposed by this unemployment. I hope, when the right hon. Gentleman has this question before him, as I am afraid he is bound to have in the near future, he will give weight to that law and rule of justice which he advocates so admirably for the metropolitan area of equalising the poor rate and apply it to the industrial areas. It is not merely a question of the north and south of England. You have in some counties quite close to each other a heavy poor charge in an industrial area where the burden can least well be borne and a very light poor charge in a residential area occupied in many cases by those people who draw their dividends from the very industrial area which is now overcharged.
I do wish again to express regret, on behalf of a large number of industrial districts and local authorities, that this added burden should have been placed on their backs, and that the Government should not have manfully faced the problem and allowed the cost to be a national charge. On the Second Reading of the Financial Resolutions dealing with the whole question of unemployment, the Prime Minister said that this was a national question, and should be dealt with on national lines. It is most unfortunate the assistance which this Bill gives to local authorities is most meagre and inadequate. What advantage is it to local authorities whose rates are 20s. in the £, and may next year be 30s., to tell them that they may capitalise their charges for one particular year? The Bill merely allows them to borrow for one year, and the Minister has power to extend that period to five or even more years. That is of no help to local authorities whose rates are now 20s. or 30s. in the £. What assistance is it to tell them that they may capitalise their further burdens? Those burdens will still fall upon them, and they will get no relief by this Bill.
The right hon. Gentleman tells us that we must not look upon this Bill by itself, but that we must have regard to the other schemes which the Government have in hand. I do appeal "to the right hon. Gentleman, when applications are made by local authorities outside London, who get practically no relief from this Bill, that he will look upon their requests sympathetically, use the powers that he has, and make representations to the Treasury whereby charges which are now leading local authorities into bankruptcy shall be met in a more sympathetic spirit from the central authority, and that this matter shall be dealt with on national lines and not on the mere miserable parochial lines which this Bill provides, because you are putting the burden on those who cannot bear it. The Minister says it is all very well to complain, but they made considerable profits during the War, and will make considerable profits in the future. I would point out that those profits went into the pockets of the people as Income Tax payers, and not as ratepayers, and that the burden on the ratepayer is not in proportion to his earning capacity. It would be out of Order to go into the whole question of the incidence of rating, but I submit to the right hon. Gentleman and to the House that, in so far as the burden of rating is not based on earning capacity, it is no relief whatever to tell a local authority, "You had good years, and therefore you can afford to pay for the abnormal and heavy rates you have to face." Those big profits came to them in the capacity of Income Tax payers, and in the case of those in industrial areas who have made huge profits during the War—merchants, shipbrokers and others —their rates are not in proportion to their profits, but in proportion to the surface covered by the offices in which they carry on their business, and it is manifestly unfair that they should escape, as taxpayers, the burden, and that the small shopkeeper and small householder, who have made no profits comparable with theirs, should be burdened more. I do appeal to the right hon. Gentleman, in his anxiety to save the Treasury, and to save next year's Budget, not to plunge into bankruptcy industrial areas throughout the country which cannot go further than they have done in meeting these abnormal charges.
The hon Member for Middlesbrough (Mr. T. Thomson), with his usual myopia, has not carried his argument to its logical conclusion. He informs us that it is a great injustice, and a very great disadvantage, to the inhabitants of this country that in the industrial towns, for instance, in the North of England, there should be heavy rates within the city boundaries and light rates in the residential quarter outside those boundaries. At first sight, there seems to be a good deal in what the hon Member says, but, if he will really give his mind to the subject, he will see that it is, from the point of view of the industrial worker, of the utmost advantage that there should be lightly-rated residential areas immediately outside the city boundaries where he lives and where he works. Otherwise, where are we to obtain that decentralisation of the population we all wish to see? How on earth is the worker in the town who at present lives in slum property close to the works where he is employed ever to get into the residential quarter outside, if the rates are to be as high there as within the city boundaries? There is nothing more likely to prevent the decentralisation of the population, and the formation of garden cities outside city boundaries than this attempt to get the same burden of rates in residential areas as within the boundaries themselves.
Again, the hon. Member suggests that those who live in the residential areas escape local taxation to an unfair extent. He does not tell the House, what he and I know to be perfectly true, that those who live in the residential quarter outside the large industrial towns are probably the biggest ratepayers within the city boundaries themselves. He talks of their drawing large dividends out of the works situated within the heavily rated area in the centre of the city, and suggests that they do not bear anything like their fair share of the burden, when he knows perfectly well that they are rated extremely heavily on that industrial business property within the centre of the city, where the rates are high. Therefore, I do ask the House not to be taken in by this shortsighted argument, but to consider what would be the ultimate effect of heavily rating those districts which are in the immediate vicinity of large industrial towns. He also neglected to inform the House, when he spoke of War fortunes and great profits being made, that in the industrial towns of the North, at the present time, the rating assessment of business premises within the borough boundaries has been raised in some cases as much as five or six times what it was before the War, and that the burden of rates upon industry in this present time of depression is enormously high. Then he goes riding off, and assumes that directors of industries are making no contribution to the rates in proportion to their responsibilities.
I am sure my hon. Friend does not wish to misinterpret me. My whole intention was to show—I am afraid very inadequately—that it was putting an unfair burden on industry, as compared with merchants, who paid rates on offices, and did not pay in comparison with the big employers of labour.
I am within the recollection of the House when I say that the hon. Member painted a picture of the War profiteer, presumably to introduce prejudice, and suggested that these industrial directors of industry were not bearing their fair share. I submit that that was the whole tendency of the latter part of his speech, and, therefore, I do protest against arguments of this sort. The hon. Member is continually using what I may call, without offence, these half-baked arguments. He gets hold of some plausible idea, and he lacks, perhaps, the moral courage, may I say, to drive his arguments to their logical conclusion, and, so long as I am in this House facing him, I shall make it my endeavour, as far as possible, to take his arguments in their half-baked condition and reduce them to their logical conclusion.
If the arguments of my hon. Friend the Member for Middles-brough (Mr. T. Thomson) are of a half baked character, as the hon. Member says, the arguments just presented are of a very crusted character. I think they need a little criticism. So far as I under stand it, the argument which the hon. Member has advanced against that of my hon. Friend the Member for Middles brough is this. At the present time we have two kinds of areas—heavily-rated industrial areas, and lightly-rated residential areas. You have your heavily rated industrial area, which shades off to the lightly-rated agricultural area, passing through this residential area, and his view is that these residential areas offer just the kind of place for garden cities, to which the industrial workers in heavily-rated areas might repair, and enjoy all the advantages of light rating. I think the hon. Member is rather severe on ideals when expressed from these benches, and I think it is rather a bit of fairyland which he has pictured. As he was speaking, I thought that a bird in the hand is worth two in the bush, and I rather fancy the workers in the heavily rated industrial areas would be quite willing, if they could, to get rid of some of the heavy rates. In the future golden age, when the Transport Minister's schemes are so far advanced as to permit of these people being taken out of these areas, and planted into garden cities, which will not come into being so long as the Minister of Health is there to put a stop to housing—
Are we to understand from the hon. and gallant Gentleman's misquotation of an ancient proverb that one slum in existence is worth two garden cities in possibility?
Not at all, but what I suggest is that you are not going to improve your slums in cities by heavily rating them.
Yes, you are.
If that be the case, all the slums ought to have disappeared, and if my hon. Friend's argument is carried to what he always desires an argument to be carried, a logical conclusion, then, being a sincere housing reformer, he ought to rejoice continually at the increasing rates in the towns.
rose —
The hon. Member, when he is speaking, is fairly provocative, and if every time he made a point someone on this side wanted to get up and answer him, I do not think he would get through his speeches quite as well as he does. Perhaps he will allow me to continue. I do think this Bill is of advantage to the Metropolis, and the poorer metropolitan boroughs, because it does introduce the principle of the equalisation of rates, and there can be no doubt that, as a result of the passing of this Bill, the poorer boroughs in London, which some of my hon. Friends on these benches represent, will be considerably advantaged. I understand that yesterday, in an interruption in a speech made by the right hon. Member for Derby (Mr. J. H. Thomas), the Minister of Health said that this Bill has nothing at all to do with the action of the Poplar Council. That may be so. It is not always a safe thing to argue that, because a thing happens after another thing, it happens because of it. That is a logical fallacy; but certainly there is some significance in the sequence, and what I would suggest is that it would be very difficult to convince local authorities in the industrial North that the principle which has been applied to London, that is, the principle of spreading the burden which comes upon a particular area, is good for London and bad for them. There are only two ways in which local authorities can get relief, and that is by spreading the burden over a larger area, which is being done in London, or by making an added contribution from, the State.
I quite realise that there would be difficulties in treating large areas in the provinces in the way in which the London area has been treated. I agree with the Minister of Health so far that London is a unit, and that arguments can be adduced for amalgamating London boroughs that could not be adduced for amalgamating, for example, all the boroughs on the Tyne. That being so, and that measure of relief being, perhaps, impossible to apply, I only wish to express my regret that, in introducing this Measure at the present time, the Government have not been able to help the industrial areas in the provinces in the other way. I think that if this Bill were really fairly described, it would not be described as a Local Authorities (Financial Provisions) Bill, but it would be described as a Bill for making provision for the bankruptcy of local authorities. That is really the correct description of it in so far as it applies outside the London area. What does this Bill do? Here you have got the local authorities of the country shouldering a burden of an unprecedented character, and they say that they cannot carry this burden out of their income. What does the Minister propose in this Bill? All he says to them is this, "If you cannot carry it out of your incomes, borrow, and I will help you to borrow. You can go and borrow in a way you were not allowed to borrow before. You can suspend your sinking fund. I will make the path of borrowing easier." There is a proverb which says, "Swift and easy is the descent into Hell," and that is what the Minister of Health is preparing for the local authorities outside of London. He is making that slope very slippery, and I think he is aware of that, because this Bill does contain the provision which, while it does not at present apply to those local authorities, it can easily be made to apply to them afterwards.
There is a provision in this Bill that when you have got into bankruptcy a receiver can be appointed. That, I quite agree, at the present time, is also an advantage to the Metropolitan Boroughs. It is dangerous to prophesy, but I am rather inclined to think if this represents all that the Government is going to do for local authorities outside the Metropolis, if all they are going to do is to give them these facilities for getting into debt then it will not be very long before we shall get another Bill from the Government making provision for their bankruptcy and the appointment of a receiver in their cases. This Bill really, so far as we in the provinces are concerned, is no contribution to us at all. It is of the same character as all the other Bills which have been introduced in this Session, that the Government is not shouldering any burden, but simply saying to the local authorities: "We cannot give you any money, but we are going to relax the restrictions we have hitherto laid upon you, so as to make it possible that you can get money from other people." That is not going to be a very great help.
Only the other day I was in the Department of the Ministry of Health with representatives of some local authorities who, at the present time, are in debt to the tune of £70,000. They are practically now bankrupt. All the Minister is saying to them under this Bill is: "You have borrowed £70,000; well done good and faithful servants, go and borrow some more if you can." That is very little help and very cold comfort where the banks at the present time are drawing in their loans not being satisfied with their present securities. I do not see how this Bill is going to give them any additional security. I very much regret that the principle of this Bill, which is recognised to be good, and is being applied to the London Metropolitan Area, is not to be applied to the provinces and that this and the other Bills do not offer a more real and substantial financial help to these authorities.
As one of those who spoke on Friday last on the Second Reading of this Measure, I want to say at once on behalf of the authorities that are affected by Clauses 4, 5 and 6, that we are not ungrateful to the right hon. Gentleman for the amendments and improvements that have been made in order to meet the cases put forward, and at any rate, as far as they go, to apply some sound common sense as a working basis in this matter. We have had a good deal about the decentralisation of the population in the industrial districts where there is congestion, and I heard the Member for Mossley Division (Mr. Hopkinson) speaking very airily in respect to remarks made by my hon. Friend the Member for Middlesbrough (Mr. T. Thomson) when he claimed they were still the biggest ratepayers: though they might be living outside the cities or the large industrial centres they still paid very high rates. Whatever my hon. Friend the Member for the Mossley Divi- sion knows in regard to other industries, I venture to say he knows very little about the coal trade or he would not have made that statement in reply to the complaint of the hon. Member for Middlesbrough.
Take, for instance, coal. Our collieries in the South Wales industrial area, almost without exception, are rated upon a certain amount per ton, and that amount per ton has not been changed during the whole time of the War. It was fixed more than 40 years ago, and we are receiving exactly the same amount of coal per ton produced, notwithstanding that coal was sold to our Allies in Italy at £13 per ton, the highest price of which formally was 32s. We sold coal to France for £6 per ton; yet the colliery owners have never paid a penny piece more in rates, notwithstanding all the money made in the coal trade. In the main the extra rate has fallen upon the people who are living in the districts. For that reason I endorse all that has been said, but I should have been glad to welcome the principle initiated by the Prime Minister in his opening speech on the Resolution. After all the money that has been made during the War now that we are in these deplorable times everyone ought to pay his fair share, following the consequence and burden of the War. We are thankful to the Minister for the concessions he has made, but we would have been much better pleased if there had been more, and I hope that in the other measures he has outlined, particularly in regard to the opening up of our trade, we shall have further consideration in the direction I have indicated.
While I join with the previous speaker in expressing thanks to the right hon. Gentleman who sits opposite for the concessions he has made, I must say that I also would join with those who have condemned this Bill in its relation to the local authorities in the country. May I say one of two words in regard to the remarks of the hon. Member for the Mossley Division. He spoke as though the great concerns in our industrial areas were "condemned"—I suppose that is the word he would use?—to bear the same kind of burden of rates for the future as they have done in the past. As a matter of fact, the position is this: On account of the stoppage in the coal trade, extending over four or five months, these industrial concerns have been able to go to the boards of guardians and obtain a reduction in their assessments, and on account of these reductions, people who have not been able to go to the boards of guardians with a like story-have a greater burden to bear. I, therefore, suggest that it is entirely erroneous to entertain the idea put forward that the great industrial concerns are going to bear the same or a greater burden in the future as they did previous to the stoppage.
I should like to make this criticism on the Bill. I am entirely in favour of the principle of devolution, but I should like to see it applied not only to the difficulties. The Government seems to me to have introduced this Bill very largely in order to foist upon the local authorities the grave and difficult problem of dealing with the unemployment in their own areas. Having allowed these difficulties to accumulate upon the local authorities they provide the local authorities with the ability to meet these difficulties in a specific manner; in other words, and in effect, the Governmental proposals say once more that the poor shall help the poor. It is the people who have to pay the rates with and in their rent who, in point of fact, have to provide some kind of relief for the fellow-members of their trade unions and those in other industries. Moreover, because the local authorities are to be called upon to shoulder this burden, the very people who are now unemployed will actually be called upon to pay the higher rates which have been spent in the relief. A more silly and absurd position I cannot well imagine!
I want to put another point to the right hon. Gentleman. The rates in the local authorities' areas in the present moment are high—for a very specific reason. Take the district that the right hon. Gentleman possibly knows very well, the Swansea Valley. The right hon. Gentleman will, perchance, say that the rates are high in South Wales and that they are so because of the stoppage. I would, however, remind him that in his own area, in part of the town which he represents, there were hundreds if not thousands of people out of work long before the stoppage began. I happen to know that because. I am a member of the Glamorganshire Education Committee, and I happen to know that the Glamorganshire Educa- tion Committee has had to feed the children of those men who have been unemployed on account of the circumstances over which they have no control—that is unemployment.
For 12 months before the stoppage.
I would remind the House that there are people in that particular area which the right hon. Gentleman knows very well who are still out of work and are likely to be out of work for very many months. The rates in these particular areas are extremely high, as they are generally in South Wales, but in this particular area it can be shown to demonstration that there are unemployed, not because of the stoppage, but because of the reparations clauses of the Peace Treaty—which, of course, I do not propose to discuss at this moment. I want, however, to put another point which I think was given by way of an illustration last week. I ask the right hon. Gentleman what is his answer as to the position in the Blaina Valley where there are no less than 16,000 people of whom 12,000 are now on the rates. Their pits are closed. There is no work obtainable. What can they do? The right hon. Gentleman says, "Let them go to the local authorities," and he suggests that the local authorities should get a loan. Who is to give them that loan? Suppose they go to a financier. That financier will say, "What is your security?" and if they have to turn round and tell him, "ur rates are so and so"—it may be 30s. in the £—no financier will think of lending money. 1 therefore ask the right hon. Gentleman what are these people to do in those circumstances?
I will tell the hon. Gentleman when he sits down.
I thank the right hon. Gentleman very much, and I shall be very interested to hear what he has to say. What is the point of view on which the local authorities have to look at this matter? All these men are entitled to the right to live. That right to live can only be safeguarded in one or two ways. They must either have maintenance or work. They cannot get work in these areas. There is no work obtainable. The only alternative, therefore, is main- tenance. I want to know where these local authorities are going to get the money to maintain these people, if they cannot get loans in the market. They have no rates, for the rates they have to collect can only be collected from the people who are now unemployed, and, therefore, have no money with which to pay rates I suggest to the right hon. Gentleman that this is a Bill, which, I daresay, may meet the point of view of the people in London, but from the point of view of the local authorities in these other areas, it is an utterly impossible Bill. It will not help us except in the very, very smallest degree. If the right hon. Gentleman goes down to the Swansea area and tells the people what has been done for their support, they will view the situation, I am quite sure, with very grave apprehension indeed.
The hon. Gentleman who has just sat down has asked a very specific question, and I hope to be able to give an answer. I am very fully in sympathy with the very peculiar difficulties of some of the South Wales areas—
All of them!
Well, there are differences in the areas and I do not want to go into this matter in any controversial spirit this afternoon, or to try to make out any case that ought not to be made out. The difficulties are there. As the hon. Gentleman very fairly said, these people have got to live, and what are the local authorities to do? The hon. Member has overlooked the fact that it has been announced in this House that, where the Poor Law guardians cannot make a loan, the Government is prepared to come to their assistance. As soon as this particular business is out of the way I shall move the Estimates on the Paper, under which a large sum of money will be placed at the disposal of my Ministry with an Advisory Committee, in order to meet the position of the very kind of authorities which have just been described. I have been dealing for a long time with harassed Poor Law authorities whose rates are so high that they cannot be raised by ordinary methods, their finances are so low that they cannot go to ordinary bankers, and that is why I propose to provide a guarantee fund to grant loans on terms to such Poor Law guardians The hon. Member for East Newcastle (Major Barnes) has expressed a most gloomy picture of our municipal finance, and, according to what he has stated, all our local authorities are almost in a state of bankruptcy. In my view the local authorities have better credit in the money market to-day than the Government, and it is absurd to say that they cannot find any money. This Bill is not casting any new duty upon local authorities at all. The statutory duty to relieve destitution comes down from the time of Queen Elizabeth, and therefore the Poor Law guardians are not called upon to do anything new. There seems to be an idea that there is an abnormal state of destitution in the country which it is not the business of the guardians to deal with. I should like to know where that is laid down in any Statute.
Will the right hon. Gentleman give any instance in the Rhondda Valley where, out of 42,000 people employed, 16,000 were idle, as is the case at the present moment?
If the hon. Member will go back to a period just after the War he will find a much worse state of things than that. The relieving of destitution has been the function of Poor Law guardians at all time, and it has not been measured by any particular standard, but by what they had to deal with. The position is very serious and the Government is coming to the assistance of Poor Law guardians in the form of a loan to assist them to carry on over a period of abnormal trade, and a burden which may seem very heavy in the next six or twelve months when things become normal again will not be a Very great burden to the rates if it is spread over a longer period. My hon. Friend (Lieut.-Colonel Watts-Morgan) speaks about the Rhondda Valley. Whose fault is it that in that locality the rating is based upon a system of production of coal? It is nobody's fault but the fault of the people there. The result is that when the collieries are stopped they get no rates.
It is because the colliery owners are on the rating authority.
I have never pretended or stated that this Bill was going to solve all the unemployment difficulties. This Bill is primarily designed to deal with London. The hon. Member for Middlesbrough (Mr. T. Thomson) says that we ought to spread these burdens over as large an area as possible. On that point all I wish to say is that when this whole question conies to be reconsidered on a big scale it will have to be of an extensive character, but it is not possible in this Session of Parliament at the present time to introduce a Bill creating new rating authorities. I am enabling local authorities to do several things. I am enabling them to do reproductive and revenue-producing work. I am told that the local authorities cannot find the money, and that the Government will not adopt any scheme that they put forward. They can put their schemes before the Lord St. Davids Committee, and it is no use stating here that they do not help to solve the unemployed problem. They are helping to solve it to the extent of £12,000,000. Then there is the Bill we have been discussing, introduced by the Minister of Labour, dealing with unemployed dependants, and there is also the Trade Facilities Bill, which gives further assistance. You must take the whole of these things together. This Bill will ease the problem and will put the local authorities in a better position than they would be in if this Bill had not been introduced.
The Minister of Health has told us that the relief of unemployment always has been a function of the Poor Law guardians.
For the relief of destitution.
Yes, of destitution arising out of unemployment. That is exactly our complaint. We say that the system has completely broken down. The Poor Law guardians have shown themselves fairly competent to deal with ordinary destitution, but our complaint is that where you have widespread unemployment arising from international causes it is hopeless to expect the guardians of particular areas to deal with it, especially where the industrial population is concentrated together and living in property of small rateable value. Our complaint, and the complaint of the local authorities throughout the industrial North, is that this Bill does nothing to relieve that situation. It is all very well saying that when this matter comes to be considered fully, and in its entirety, that there will have to be some very much larger scheme, but meanwhile these authorities have to get through the next year or so with rates at a perfectly impossible figure. Meanwhile they see other areas where the more well-to-do people live enjoying a comparatively low rating.
The hon. Member for Mossley (Mr. A. Hopkinson) spoke of that as being a desirable thing because it enabled garden cities to be built in those outside areas. If that policy is carried out, who is going to remain in the central areas to pay the exorbitant high rates? Such a proposal could only apply to a small number of more favoured people, but it cannot possibly affect the condition of the great mass of the people, who must remain in those industrial areas to suffer through all the depression and high rents which are brought about by the high rating. These are the things which are protested against by the local authorities in the districts I know, and the Bill does nothing to meet them. It has been suggested that there is to be some consideration of this question as a whole and from a wider point of view. I am delighted to hear it, and I hope that reconsideration will come as soon as possible, and that there will be an attempt to deal with unemployment from a national point of view.
Opinions are divided as to whether the dealing with this problem should be entirely a national burden, or whether each trade should to a certain extent be made responsible for its own unemployment. It would not be in order for me to discuss that question now, but I do say that a Bill like this makes no material improvement and we need far more drastic legislation which will to a large extent prevent unemployment by a proper regulation of the finances of the country, by economies, by regulation of the currency, and a proper regulation of the volume of work in the country from time to time. We need to prevent as far as possible unemployment, and it is possible to do that. It is not possible by such a Bill as this to deal with the misery and the evils caused by unemployment when you have allowed it to be fully developed and after it has overrun great parts of the industrial areas of the country
5.0 P.M.
I entirely agree that we are now dealing with an appalling abnormal emergency. We have 1,500,000 people out of work, but that means that there are nearer 3,000,000 people, including their dependants, without any means of livelihood. I think the Minister for Health does not pay enough attention to the smaller boroughs. He referred to the fact that the large authorities find it easier to obtain loans and, I presume, he means to pay them off also. With a small borough and district, not only is it difficult to borrow the money, but it has to be paid off and a loan is likely to be a millstone around its neck for many years. I think the State, instead of offering to come to the assistance of poor districts with loans, should, under the exceptional circumstances, come to their aid with grants. I am fully aware it will be said that that would involve a charge on the Exchequer with increased taxation. That does not necessarily follow, for under these abnormal circumstances the Government might well suspend the Sinking Fund on the National Debt and make use of the money for this purpose. I think we are too anxious to get rid of the debt we owe. I do not know if the House is aware of the fact, but £400,000,000 of the 1816 debt is still unpaid, and we, the great grandchildren of the people who raised the debt are paying it off.
I must remind the hon. and gallant Gentleman that on the Third Reading of a Bill we should discuss only what is in the Bill. The observations he is making would be more appropriate to a Second Reading Debate.
I think I have said all I wish to say.
I propose to confine my remarks to what is contained in the Bill. As I understand, two principles are embodied in it, one being that the richer boroughs in London will have to find a larger amount for the poorer boroughs of London, and the second is that, having done so, they are to have no say whatever as to the way in which the money is going to be spent. With regard to the first principle, I approve the richer boroughs paying more than they have done in the past; I am, however, opposed to the second principle, because the very basis of British constitutional government is that there should be no taxation without representation. Although regulations are going to be made by the Minister of Health, that right hon. Gentleman does not represent the London ratepayers. I am sorry to think that this Bill owes its inception to the policy of direct action carried out by the Poplar borough council, an example likely to be followed by other poor districts in London. This is a great discouragement to those who believe in constitutional action and a great encouragement to those who believe in revolutionary methods.
It seems to be forgotten by some of those who are claiming that unemployment ought to be a national charge, that the ratepayer is likewise a taxpayer. The claim is repeatedly put forward that the whole of this burden should be borne by the national Exchequer. I think we should find ourselves in great difficulty if that policy were followed. We had experience during the War of the Government finding the money and someone else paying it out, and that experience should have taught us that it is bad policy, because those who paid the money out, spent it with a very lavish hand. What is going to happen to the nation at the end of the financial year if we put the whole responsibility on the Exchequer of finding the money and leave it to borough councils up and down the country to spend it as they like? Even if through the burden of rates Caerphilly might go under and Middlesbrough cease to be, the country would still survive. The Empire might go on, but I venture to think that if we made the Exchequer bankrupt, as we probably would do, we should all go down together. I do not want to follow the Minister of Health in what he said regarding the Poor Law of 1601, but I venture to suggest, if we do go back to that date, we shall discover that in those days on the various parishes there was a first obligation of finding work for the unemployed, and if it could not be done, then they had to find a subsidy. I think in this matter the Government position is the right one. If the local councils, instead of passing long-winded resolutions, would set themselves to the task within their own borders of finding work for the unemployed, the position would soon become much easier. As a matter of fact, it is wrong to say that no relief has been given to the local authorities. They have already received grants. I believe we are now at the bottom of the depression, and that things have begun to improve.
Five years hence we shall be better able to meet our debts than we are to-day. There is a vast amount of Work that could be found by the local authorities. It is no use saying it should be done by the Central Government. That could not find jobs except in a small way, but the local authorities could undertake work of real permanent value in almost every town and every rural area, and if they did that in the rural areas, they could ease the burden in the urban area. I would like my hon. Friends opposite to try and cease these continual appeals to the Exchequer to find millions of money for the benefit of the local area. Let them, rather, set themselves to the task of inducing the local councils to find work for as many men as possible. They might ease the trouble in that way very considerably. In the long run I feel sure it will be discovered that the policy of the Government in this matter is a true and sound policy.
We are told that this Bill was largely designed for London. I should like to know from the Minister of Health why he designed a Bill to be largely confined to the metropolitan boroughs. No one knows better than he that the evils complained of in London have been very much more accentuated in the provinces. I belong to a constituency where the rates are now 38s. in the £. The wealth produced in that constituency goes largely to Cardiff and to Newport, where the rates are nothing near so high. If it is necessary to have equalisation of rating for the metropolitan areas, it is equally necessary to have it in provincial areas. There is a portion of Monmouthshire where the employers have closed down three collieries. The men employed in those collieries, with their families, aggregate a population of 16,000. The colliery owners have drawn very large profits out of the colliery. As a matter of fact, they have made over £1,500,000 sterling since 1916, and now they are relieving themselves of their obligations by closing down the collieries. The people living in this area are entirely out of employment, and have been so for the last eight or nine months. The Minister of Health has no remedy for this, yet no one knows the difficulty better than he, as we have troubled him several times with deputations asking for special treatment. I find in the South Wales papers that the board of guardians at Bedwelty were this week appealed to on behalf of the families of men in full employment, who based their claim for assistance on the low rate of wages they were receiving. In South Wales there are 30,000 or 40,000 men whose wages, when in full work, are only £1 18s. 4d. per week. It is impossible to maintain a family in comfort on that, and, consequently, they made application to the board of guardians for help, and there was quite a quarrel among the guardians over the matter. This particular board of guardians has an overdraft at the bank of £70,000. The rates are up to 38s. in the £. The right hon. Gentleman says he is going to meet these special cases, and he proposes to meet them by lending them money—to lend money to people in these financial straits! Clearly anything done by this Government is devoid absolutely of statesmanship, and I heard some of the people living in this area recently refer to the right hon. Gentleman, not in an offensive way, as the Minister for Wealth, because he has been engaged during the last 12 months in putting the local authorities further and further into the mire. At the same time he has been protecting the wealthy parties in the country. He has been trying all the time to put the burden on the local authorities, and he has done it very successfully.
I think it is the other way about.
The local authorities could not help themselves. They cannot allow people to starve. They had to resort to every measure possible in order to get food for the people. The right hon. Gentleman lives in London. He does not know what is going on in this district, but he is putting these people more and more into debt. This Bill does not relieve the situation at all. It makes me say that the Government is absolutely bankrupt of statesmanship. This trouble is national, and, being national and arising out of a national peril and a national war, why is it that the nation does not shoulder the burden instead of throwing it on the local authorities? The right hon. Gentleman considers that local authorities can borrow money and have better credit than the Government, but what is the use of, looking at a matter like this in the aggregate? He has to look at it as it affects particular localities, and I wonder how much credit there is for the Bedwelty people to borrow money at the present time, with rates at 38s. in the £ and an overdraft of £70,000? I say that the proposals are entirely inadequate, like all the other proposals of the Government, to meet this evil, and that therefore the strongest condemnation possible should be put upon the Government for not dealing adequately with the situation.
The hon. Member for Abertillery (Mr. G. Barker) said that the coalowners did not pay on the rates. I sat for 12 years on the Morpeth Assessment Committee, and also as a member of the board of overseers of the parish, and we laid down the principle that, as the average net selling price of coal increased, so the rate to the coalowners should be increased. That was the practice in the Morpeth Union, and I thought I would put that right as far as we are concerned. Our trade union funds are broken up, and we have nothing left. I am the Financial Secretary of the Northumberland Miners' Association, and we have no funds to pay anything out. We are dead beat. We had to get a loan of £70,000, and that is gone. The coalowners cannot help us, while our men are paying in order to liquidate a loan from the co-operative society. I am glad that the pool has been acknowledged. The Government would not acknowledge the pool as far as the miners were concerned, but this is a pool for the Metropolitan area. Why not make it a national pool? When men had to fight for the defence of their country, it was made a national pool of men. We sent 40 battalions from our county, and about 4,000 of our men whom I knew personally died fighting for their country.
We want all the help we can get. The Minister said that it was laid down in the time of Queen Elizabeth that cases of destitution ought to be relieved. There are cases of destitution. We have several pits closed down, and several working short time, and you cannot penalise the owners any more. Trade is about £79,000,000 to the bad. In accordance with the Regulations for the payment of benefit under the Unemployment Insurance Act, if a man is at work one day and idle another, and that goes on, he never gets any payment at all. He may have five days off and five days at work, and get nothing at all. I hope that the Minister will have some consideration for the country. We shall have an awful winter if you do not help the local authorities. They cannot get "any more money. What are men going to do if they have nothing to live on? When children come to you crying for bread, what are you to do? You would be a coward if you died, when you knew there was sufficient money elsewhere. I would not like to be the man to hear my children cry. I hope this suggestion will be accepted, and that the Bill may be extended to the whole country. Let the strong bear the burden of the weak. If you cannot accept that, it is either from want of heart or want of head. I think it is want of heart. I believe there is very little sympathy in this House. When a certain Resolution was submitted to the House on Monday we had 482 Members present, but now, when it is a question of extending relief to the country, how many are there here? Not more than 40, or less than a tenth of the number present the other day when it was a question of censuring the Government. We voted with the Government. We always vote with them when they are in the right, but never when they are in the wrong.
It is very hard for Members to sit here and listen to the same arguments being repeated by Member after Member long after they have been answered. It is no wonder, when that goes on day after day, that there are only 40 Members present. Hon. Members complain that this Bill does nothing for the local authorities—that it only gives them permission to borrow, and that no one will lend them any money. If hon. Members had taken the trouble to read the White Paper on the Supplementary Estimate which is the next business on the Order Paper, and which will come on in a few minutes, they would have answered their arguments themselves, and there would have been no necessity to take up the time of the House by repeating them. I should like to read one sentence from the White Paper. It says:
"Relief of unemployment, £5,500,000."
That is going to be voted in a few minutes, and for what? The White Paper goes on:
"The above sum will be allocated … as the Treasury may prescribe, to meet expenditure by way of grants or loans under the direction of the competent Government Departments, in connection with schemes for the employment of labour on Land Improvement and Drainage, Forestry, Roads, Light Railways, and also by way of loans to boards of guardians and parish councils in necessitous areas who are unable to meet claims upon them for relief."
The Bill which we are now considering merely gives the power to local authorities to borrow. The very next business gives them £5,500,000 out of which loans can be made. The hon. Member for Morpeth (Mr. Cairns) said what a terrible winter we shall have if the local authorities are not assisted. They are assisted, to the extent that I have quoted, with 65 per cent, of the money expended by them on work that they find for the unemployed in their areas. The business of the local authorities is to find the work. The Government will pay 65 per cent and it is said that that is no assistance to the local authorities. If hon. Members had only taken the trouble to know the scheme of the Government—which does not appear for the first time in this White Paper, but has been adumbrated on several occasions in this House—we should have been spared the taunt that there are not 40 Members present. Members are tired of sitting listening to arguments which ought never to be put forward, because they are answered already if the trouble had only been taken to read the documents.
It is refreshing to find that the Government have at least one enthusiastic supporter for this Bill; but if that hon. Gentleman represented White-chapel, as I have the honour to do, and if he were a ratepayer there, I think he would express himself somewhat differently. In my district, which is one of the poorest in East London, the authority are called upon under this Bill to pay 4d. in the £ more in rates. That is the relief which is coming to them under this proposal. As they are in the East End of London, the number of their poor is very large, and they are doing their best to cope with the difficulty; and, as a reward for their carefulness and energy, their rate is increased by 4d. in the £.
I did not refer in any way to the metropolitan boroughs, but to the necessitous areas.
As far as London is concerned, I think that before the House gives the Minister the Third Reading we should have from him some definite understanding as to what he intends to do on the matter of equalising the poor rate. That is a subject which has been before this House in season and out of season, and, as I reminded the Minister a few days ago, the House last year definitely decided that it was a matter of urgent public importance, and should receive the attention of his Department. That was a year ago, and we are as far off to-day from that instruction being carried out as we were at that time. The Minister, no doubt, would say that a Royal Commission has been appointed, and why not wait? It will not be more than a year or two, I suppose, before that Commission reports, and in the course of another year or two we may get its recommendations, and, as I understand it, the recommendations of this Royal Commission will be more interested in boundaries than in the question of the equalising of rates. But, whatever this Royal Commission may report, there is no reason whatever for further delay in this very urgent matter. Instead of a piecemeal proposal such as that which is now before us, by which, while one constituency in East London will receive 2s. 9d., another poor district beside it is called upon to pay an extra 4d. in order to contribute to the extra 2s. 9d. for the adjacent district; such absurdities should cease to exist, and there should be a proper equalisation of the poor rate as far as London is concerned, with proper supervision from the Ministry of Health or some other controlling body, so that a proper system may be established by which equal treatment will be given to all the poor of London, instead of the arrangement that is now in vogue. Before the Third Reading is agreed to, I should like to have some explanation as to why there should be any further delay in bringing in a Measure for the equalisation of the poor rate.
rose to put the Question .
Cannot I have some reply?
I have made one speech on the Third Reading, and I do not think it would be in order that I should make another.
It does seem to me that in a matter of this nature, dealing with one of the most vital problems in the country, we are entitled to the presence of one other of the 23 Ministers, who would be in a position to answer the very pertinent questions which have been put to him.
Question, "That the Bill be now read the Third time," put, and agreed to.
Bill accordingly read the Third time, and passed.
Supply
Considered in Committee.
[Sir E. CORNWALL in the Chair.]
Civil Services Supplementary Estimates, 1921–22
Class II
Colonial Office
Motion made, and Question proposed,
"That a supplementary sum, not exceeding £330,000, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge which will come in course or payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1922, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Department of His Majesty's Secretary of State for the Colonies, including Grants in Aid and other Expenses connected with Overseas Settlement."
I rise to support this Vote, because I believe this is one of the best ways of meeting the excessive unemployment that we have to-day. I think the Overseas Settlement Committee are much to be congratulated upon the manner in which they have carried out their operation of overseas settlements. I understand that some 60,000 people have been settled overseas since the Armistice, and that with this £330,000 another 10,000 to 15,000 are still to go overseas. But does this go far enough? There are in addition 60,000 applicants registered, I understand, with the Overseas Settlement Committee who have expressed a desire to be given an opportunity to settle in the Dominions. In February last a State Conference sat in London at which certain proposals were put forward by Senator Millen on behalf of the Australian Gov- ernment under which large State-aided schemes of fresh settlement in Australia opening up fresh land should be entered into, and under which at least 20,000 men from this country could be settled in that Dominion. Only in the last few days there has appeared in the "Times" an article from the pen of Sir Joseph Carruthers, a well-known statesman in Australia, in which he advocated a very much larger scheme than that proposed by Senator Millen, and since then Mr. Hughes, the Premier of Australia, who has as great a knowledge of the conditions in this country as he has of the conditions in Australia, has put forward another suggestion under which some 100,000 men from this country are to be settled in Australia. When that Committee sat in February and considered this proposal of Senator Millen, the Government, no doubt upon the advice of the Treasury, did not see their way to accede to it, but came to the conclusion that the best manner of dealing with it was by the expenditure of £2,000,000 a year in any year in respect of "schemes of land settlement, assisted passages, and such other kindred schemes as may commend themselves to the Governments concerned." When the Government came to that conclusion, conditions in this country were very different from what they arc to-day. The question of unemployment was not so serious. To-day a different situation has arisen altogether, because not only in this country but also in the Dominions themselves they are feeling the effects of the world's depression in trade and in other, ways. The result of this is that in the Dominions there is a measure of unemployment springing up, it is true not to the same extent as we find in this country, but still a measure of unemployment with which they have to deal. By settling men from here under the old conditions of assisted passages, and so on, there is a great danger that after they arrive in the Dominions they will, in a very short time, go to swell the unemployment which exists there and add to the slump in the cities which has already sprung up. Therefore, it is particularly by large schemes like those suggested by Senator Millen and Sir Joseph Carruthers and Mr. Hughes that it is possible to meet this very serious situation and to meet the wishes of the many applicants there are still in this country to settle in the Dominions overseas.
I should like again to draw attention to a speech made by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Platting (Mr. Clyries) a fortnight ago in which he referred to the necessity for Labour having a larger share in the supervision of emigration arrangements in this country. I said a few days ago that I thoroughly agreed with that suggestion, and next week I have a question down in which I am asking the Government to consider the advisability of adding Labour representatives to the Overseas Settlement Committee. I hope that proposal will be taken into consideration, because it is a very important matter that Labour should have every confidence in the arrangements which are being made for overseas settlement. I must refer to the importance of overseas settlement from the point of view of trade in this country. Trade between different parts of the Empire is probably five or six times more valuable than trade with Europe or with other foreign countries. The reason is that by trading with our Empire we obtain raw material which we manufacture into articles which we sell again at probably five or six times the value of the raw material we import. Trade with foreign countries is mostly confined to the interchange of manufactured articles of almost the same value, and that is really perhaps the most important reason for trying all we can to promote trade within the Empire. Under overseas settlement arrangements, there are certain Colonies to which only persons can go who have a certain amount of capital. I refer particulary to Crown Colonies like the Gold Coast, or the West Indies, and it is important that when settlers go to these places they should know that the articles they are going to grow will find a secure market in this country. It is possible to meet these conditions by guaranteeing Imperial prefer ence for from six to ten years, in the same way as guarantees of loans under the Trade Facilities Bill are going to be made in the course of the next few weeks. I regard this as a very important side of overseas settlement, and after all, if the Colonies, as they have done in the West Indies and I think in the Gold Coast and in other cases, give us a preference upon goods which we send to them, why on earth should this country not be content to do the same, but only, as we do to-day, pass it from year to year so that the Colonies never know where they are. I heartily welcome this Vote, but it does not go far enough, and I urge upon the Government to take up these larger schemes of settlement and thus assist to relieve unemployment.
I do not think a subject of greater importance than this could possibly be brought before us in this short Session. There are a hundred and one reasons why Britain should attempt, without compulsion and under proper safeguards, to people some of the fertile, yet, at present, waste places, within the territories of the British Dominions. After, all, Englishmen love their own country best, but there are many of these Colonies, and one who has travelled knows perfectly well that there are opportunities for an immense influx of European settlers, especially of British origin. Not only would it be an immense advantage to themselves personally if their transference to more fertile soil under a Dominion flag could be accomplished, but it would strengthen to an enormous extent the power of the Empire. Therefore, I would urge the Government to go forward.
I imagine that this supplementary scheme is not intended to be their whole effort in this direction. I should like to hear some statement upon that subject, and to be assured that this is only the beginning. Something has been done already, but nothing in comparison with what was anticipated at the conclusion of the War. The Colonies came to help us. There are great questions arising in international politics in the Pacific. There are enormous territories in Australia that are uninhabited, and it is impossible for us to suppose that we can for ever maintain them in their unoccupied and undeveloped condition, so long as the pressure of the yellow races, the Asiatics, is as great as we know it to be. If we cannot people these parts of the British Dominions, it is a moral certainty that we shall be obliged to allow the people of these other races to populate them. If we have a surplus population, or if we have a population apart from its being surplus, that is adventurous enough to go out and to build homes outside this little United Kingdom, so long as they retain their allegiance to the Flag, it would be our bounden duty not to boggle about the expense, knowing perfectly well that it must be ultimately a good Empire investment. My hon. Friend who has just spoken complained of the speech which was made a few weeks ago by the right hon. Member for Miles Platting (Mr. Clynes).
That is not so. I did not complain. I was only quoting the speech. I thoroughly agree with it.
I am pleased to hear that that is so, because I entirely endorse the position taken up by the right hon. Member for Miles Platting. If you are not careful, and if you do not consult the Labour organisations of this country from which you take the emigrants, and also the Labour organisation of the Dominions where you intend to settle the emigrants, you will have great difficulty. It is only quite recently that I have been brought into particular touch with this question. Recently, the suggestion was made that the Federation of Trades Unions should call a conference of English-speaking people, and that we who speak the same language, live under the same institutions, and have the same mental outlook and psychology, should meet together, without any interference from the ordinary continental representatives, and discuss subjects from a purely British point of view. We have met the representatives of the Canadian trades unions recently, and also an official deputation from the South African trade unions, of which Mr. Crawford, the President of the Trades Council of Johannesburg, was the leader. It is a remarkable fact that the Canadian trades unions, the South African trades unions, and all the other parts of the British Dominions that have organised European labour in their midst, all insisted that the first item on the agenda of the conference, which is to be held in a year's time, should be the question of emigration. Mr. Crawford, not in any hostility, informed us that if we were to attempt at the present time to send miners to Johannesburg, or to South Africa generally, we should make a great mistake, because there is a surplus of mining labour already in existence there.
On the other hand, he pointed out, in a lengthy discussion, that there are other forms of labour for which South Africa is almost entirely stopped, and the probabilities are that the South African Union Government would assist the British Government financially if they could only secure the kind of man and citizen that they want. Therefore the speech of the right hon. Member for Miles Platting is worthy of note. He said it is necessary, if you are going to avoid difficulty and obstacles, and maybe prejudices, on the part of the Labour organisations of this country, from which it is proposed to take the emigrants, or from the Labour organisations of the country to which you intend to send them, you must consult them. If you do not do so you will increase your difficulties enormously. You may create misunderstandings, and opposition due to misunderstandings, unless you consult the organised workmen at both ends of your project. For that reason, I desire to revive the speech of the right hon. Member for Miles Platting. You ought not to anticipate for one moment that the great Labour organisations of this country will allow you to transfer labour from this country on any kind of a big scale such as I should like to see, unless they are admitted to your discussions and are satisfied that the project is for the benefit of the men who are to be sent, and for the benefit of both communities, and not in the interests of any particular financial clique or interest.
I do advise the Colonial Office to extend enormously their activities along the lines suggested by the Supplementary Estimate, and I do appeal to the Government not to be afraid to do so. If you can take men who cannot find a place in the economy of our industrial life at home, even though it may be at a heavy initial expense, and plant them under the British flag in one of our Dominions, where they can strengthen our hold upon those parts of the world, and add to the strength and dignity of the race to which we belong, you must not boggle about the expense, because the consequences and the results may be so far-reaching. I not only support the proposition, but I warn the Department that while I hope they will go forward with a big scheme they must be very cautious about going too far before consulting and taking into consideration the wishes of organised labour both here and in lour Colonies.
I listened with interest to the two speeches that have been delivered on the subject of emigration or, as I prefer to call it, migration within the Empire. Unlike the hon. and gallant Member who has just spoken, who told us that he has recently been brought into the movement, I have been in it for 25 years. For years I spent many hours each day dealing with the question of actual emigration. I was on the Committee of the Unemployed Body in 1905–10, when we had a very active Committee dealing with emigration, and that emigration was paid for, not by the Government, but out of the rates. The hon. and gallant Member has laid great stress upon consultation with the Labour parties in different parts of the Empire. Perhaps he will forgive me for reminding him that the Labour parties in different parts of the Empire have been most active in their opposition to emigration, or, rather, migration, for many years. There is no need to consult them, because they perfectly understand the position. I am glad to see that in this country, at any rate, a change has come over the Labour party in this connection. I am not going to say hard things about the Labour party. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] I am sorry to hear that ironical cheer, because if those hon. Members of the Labour party knew how hard I worked in connection with emigration, and how much opposition I received from the Labour party, I do not think that ironical cheer would have occurred. At any rate, I was not paid for my job. For years and years there was never a Trade Union Congress without a resolution on its agenda opposing emigration, and it was always passed unanimously.
It would be now, under similar conditions.
I am glad to see that the Labour party are beginning to realise that a man has a right to live where he likes,* and under what conditions he likes, and that he may migrate to any part of the Dominions if he chooses to do so.
Are you going to give him the right to live?
6.0. P. M.
We have heard a great deal about the right to work, but the time has arrived when a man has a right to emigrate. I pass from what are not pleasant reminiscences, and will deal with emigration work, as compared with relief work, carried out by the Central Committee of the London Unemployed Body, the last time we had a serious period of unemployment. If you exclude Hollesley Bay, which was the place where the unemployed workman was taught to do agricultural work, in most cases for the purpose of emigrating him, and if you count from the day when the Central Committee began to operate, up to 31st May, 1910, when it finished its work, you will find that 23,206 men were given work in London at the expense of the State. After deducting recoupments from the gross outlay, the net amount expended in round figures was £222,000, and the average employment of each man was 9.66 weeks in the year. The actual cost to the State per man was about £l per week. Inuring the same period a certain number of women were given assistance, and their average cost per week to the State was 12s. If you place against these figures the statistics of emigration work carried out by the central body, you will find that 9,000 men, women, and children, were emigrated between 23rd November, 1905, and 31st May, 1910, at a cost of £69,000, all provided from the rates, of this amount the emigrants promised to repay something like £24,000 or £25,000, and at the end of the time when the Board was dissolved about 27 per cent, of these loans had been repaid. That left the net expenditure on migration by the Central Board £62,831, or about £6 15s. per head, a result which, I think, the Committee will agree compares favourably with the recurring cost of £9 6s. per year expended on London for an average period of nine weeks The point which I wish to make from these statements is this, that what we have to-consider is the permanent good done to the individual. Temporary relief does not do any permanent good, whereas migration within the Empire, if properly carried out, does as much good as is possible. I heard it stated the other day in the House that we had expended on public assistance in 1911 something like £69,000,000 and that this had gone up to £257,500,000 in 192l! If a few millions of that money had been spent on an Imperial system of migration, unemployment would not be anything so serious as it is to-day.
The difficulty in the past has been that the Imperial aspect of migration, which includes emigration from this country and immigration into other countries has never been considered. The problem to my mind has always been indivisible. It is an Imperial problem. In this country both the advocates and opponents of migration have continually lost sight of the Imperial aspect. The question of immigration as I think will be admitted by the hon. Member opposite has been regarded by Dominion Governments mainly with respect to local issues. Instead of attacking the problem as an entity they have, and we have, discussed the points for and against emigration and immigration, and there has been no platform common to the Motherland and the Dominions, no common policy. At the recent Imperial Conference the subject of a joint policy was brought up. The hon. Member below in a very excellent speech said that a programme had been arrived at by which a common policy between this country and the Overseas Dominions with regard to migration will be adopted. That policy I think is not to come into force until next year. I only wish it were to come into force at once, because I think that it would be of very great assistance towards solving the problem of unemployment.
The other day an hon. Member of the Labour party seemed to think that when the Prime Minister spoke about migration it was through a desire to get rid of people for some purpose or other, but certainly not for the good of the individual. I assure the hon. Member who interrupted on that occasion that he was entirely mistaken. It is for the good of the individual that I have been working for the last 25 years. It is for the good of the individual that I set up the Central Emigration Board, and that I have myself migrated over 3,000 people to the Oversea Dominions. I have settled every one of them, and every one of them is content, and this I did for the good of the individual, not for the State. Therefore I beg the hon. Member to think before he inter- rupts again when we are talking about migration, because it is for the good of the individual that he should go to countries where better conditions prevail and where he can bring up his family to live a life which unfortunately it is impossible to do here.
In this country we have 45,000,000 people, on a small area. Look at the area of Australia and of Canada. The population of Canada is a little over 7,500,000 and the population of Australia, is between 5,000,000 and 6,000,000. When you consider the great areas of these Dominions, not areas in which people cannot live and enjoy themselves, but areas in Australia where they can sleep out all night, where they can enjoy themselves and bring up their families and get a good education and good wages and have every comfort—that is all for the good of the individual. I saw in the paper the other day that a prominent member of the Queensland Railway Employees Association, returned to the Queensland House of Representatives, had amassed a considerable fortune in Australia. He had gone out from this country not so well provided for as most hon. Members opposite and had become a very important person. He was a Barnardo boy. Then we have the case of Sir Sidney Kidman, the Empire's largest landowner. He started at 10s. a week as a cowboy and was knighted last year. Now he is a very important man in South Australia. Why should people in this country be stopped from doing likewise?
The Labour party should not put any obstacle in the way of migration, but whenever they are making speeches they should point out its advantages and do the best they can for the Empire. Then it must be remembered, as the hon. Member said just now, that these migrants are not lost to the Empire. They are working in another part of the Empire, they trade with this country, they become very useful people in the economic scheme of Empire. If we had only considered years ago the question of State-aided migration between this country and other parts of our Empire we should have had a very different position of trade from what there is to-day. We all remember the fight between Free Trade and Tariff Reform. None of these questions would have arisen if only you had had a State-aided system of migration between this country and the Dominions. I heard an hon. Member opposite say the other day that we wanted to send out our best. For a great number of years in different parts of the country I have been endeavouring to impress upon people who have been good enough to listen to me that that is a very ridiculous and absurd suggestion. Of course, they want the best. Why should not they have them? Remember that we have got 45,000,000 people in this country and there are a great number of best. Before the War—and it is the case now—if a situation were advertised as vacant I have seen 300 men apply for it, and I have mixed among them and talked to them, and I should not hesitate to say that 150 of those men were of the best. They cannot all get the one situation. Why not let the 149 go out and get what they can in Australia and Canada?
You do not suppose that the Empire was built up by the halt, the maimed, and the blind? It was built up by the best of our people. They were not all from the labouring class. A great number of people who built up the great Dominions were men of the upper and middle classes; but they went out and worked and did the same work as the working classes do in this country, and helped to build up the great Dominions. I remember in the Guildhall when the King returned from his tour in the Dominions as Prince of Wales, he spoke of the important question of the development of the outlying portions of the Empire, and told us that the one prevailing and pressing demand in the Dominions was for a greater population. That is many years ago, and what has this or any other Government done to assist in supplying the Dominions with that population? Nothing whatever until the War came, and then it became absolutely necessary to vote a few hundred thousand pounds to assist a number of ex-soldiers to migrate, and now they only propose to give about £300,000 to a few more ex-soldiers so that they can migrate. We want to migrate more than a few thousand people. The money is not enough. It is a mere flea-bite. We want some millions. I do not ask this country altogether to provide the millions. A certain amount should come from the Dominions overseas.
From whom?
The right hon. Baronet has a great financial mind and understands raising money better than I do. I was able to raise it when I migrated some 3,000 people. I raised sufficient money to migrate them and settle them on the land. I went on the principle of loans, and I see by the White Paper that that is the system which is now proposed. By a system of loans you can get a very large population to Australia and Canada and can assist the individual at the same time. I got all my money back that I had lent within a short time, and I was able to use it over and over again. I believe that is the policy that the Government are going to pursue in future. I wish to emphasise the fact that before Imperial migration can be placed on a sound footing you must recognise the two sections. If these are recognised both by the home and the Dominion Governments migration will proceed on a prosperous footing. Migration is not an insular but is an Imperial problem, and if British settlers are to be attracted to the Dominions, the overseas Governments must offer them greater advantages than are offered by a foreign country.
On the other hand, the Imperial Government must do its duty. It must be prepared to grant further financial assistance for migration at the present time. I do not wish any interference with the autonomy of the overseas nations any more than they should interfere with our autonomy here, but the linking up of the machinery in the two countries is necessary because unless it is done there can be no joint schemes. I have for many years—and I put the matter clearly before the Dominions Royal Commission—advocated that there should be this joint financial assistance. We require State direction, State aid and joint financial assistance. We have got the State direction at last. We have got the State aid, but at present we have not got joint financial assistance. Until that comes in, you will not have an Imperial system, of migration. I was exceedingly delighted to read the speech of the right hon. Member for Platting (Mr. Clynes) and to see his letter. He is a statesman of whom the Labour party may well be proud. He has seen what I call the light, and he is acting up to it, and hon. Members behind him, if only they will look a little further ahead than they have done in the past, will also see the light and follow it. Remember, union is strength. We must have the Labour party with us, and all parties and all sections of the community. Unless we have that, we cannot go forward. Unification and federation have made the British Dominions what they are to-day. They have proved so advantageous in political organisation that I can scarcely think they will fail to be equally advantageous in solving the problem of migration.
I cannot bring myself to look at this question from the angle of any party or from the standpoint of any class. It is to me just one of those practical questions which, having to come before Parliament, ought to be viewed upon its merits and a decision reached from the standpoint of what is best jointly for the Empire and for the individuals concerned. There is not any recorded Parliamentary Labour Party doctrine on this question. I have no claim to speak for the whole of my hon. Friends who act with me on this side of the House, but no doubt I shall carry with me very many of them, if not all of them, to a great extent, in what I have to say. The size of Australia is somewhere about that of the whole of America. I have not the dimensions more accurately in my mind. The population of America is in the region of 105,000,000 people. In Australia the population is about 5,000,000 people. Great Britain may be considered in many respects to be overpopulated, that is to say, comparing the territory we inhabit with the uninhabited territory of many other parts of the Empire, and it will be agreed that in some parts there is a condition of overcrowding and in other parts of the Empire a complete absence of population. These are some who regard this matter in relation to unemployment. There are some who turn from the question of emigration for the reason that it is not a solution of the unemployed problem. No one has put it forward as a solution of the unemployed problem. Though it might have, and must have, in individual cases some bearing upon the total sum or degree of unemployment, I know no one who suggests it as a solution of our existing unemployment or economic problems.
Let us, then, view the question without the prejudices of either party or class or with regard to any view we may entertain as to our existing unemployment difficulties. For the reasons stated, we should not merely oppose it. I am glad that here as in some other matters the State is taking more note than it did of this question. It is leaving it less to private agents. It no longer trusts the emigrant to the mercies of shipping agents or to those who want to plant people upon the land of certain parts of the world for some particular private enterprise in which they are concerned. We shall agree that it is all to the good that the State should come in, in order to see that those who leave these shores and land in some more remote part of the Empire are not deceived, are not, when they land in a remote country, left stranded, unaided, without that assistance and that general sense of help which should be continued until they are properly placed in a position to earn their daily bread. I am not claiming that they should be coddled and nursed and, as it were, kept in hand until they themselves think they are sufficiently well established to be self-maintaining, tout I do say that it is the business of the State, if it assists them to leave this country, to assist them also until they are fairly well established in some proper productive work and are able to maintain themselves under proper conditions.
I think, then, we must admit that the prospects offered in the State and which is the subject of this grant, must be helpful both for the State and for the individual. Apart altogether from unemployment there may be many ex-soldiers who are disposed to leave these shores out of a spirit of adventure, out of a desire to try their luck in other parts of the world, men who have a wish to go into some new and greater country—greater in point of territory than this country. This money, I hope, is not being put before us with a view to exerting any compulsion upon any individual. No doubt there is a certain condition of economic pressure in some cases, tending to compel people to seek an opportunity of getting elsewhere the kind of living which they cannot possibly get in this country. I take the view that with the existing unevenness of population in the various parts of the Empire, it is the proper service of the State to step in and do what it can to make the distribution of population more helpful to the individual and better for the various parts of the Empire.
It is an insular and parochial doctrine, never, I hope, to be entertained by any party, that a Briton must not leave these shores and that once established here he must stay here. That has never, to my mind, been part of any Labour or Socialist doctrine. So, again, I come back to the practical angle of viewing this question. During war as at other times this country is far too dependent for its food and life necessaries upon countries lying outside the British Empire, and if we can use more fully the lands of Australia, Canada, and other great territories within the Empire it will be all to the good. In the matter of food it is a generally accepted Socialist and Labour view that it is better for us to try to supply ourselves with a larger measure of the food we require than we do now. These unpopulated acres do offer to us, for food, for timber, for fruit, for raw materials even, very many resources which at present are left neglected for the want of sufficient labour.
With regard to the right which labour has in this country and in other parts of the Empire on the question of the supervision of the arrangements for emigration and immigration, I must say a few words. In the past this matter has been left, in the main, to the interests and activities of hon. Gentlemen like my hon. Friend who spoke last, and it has been left to the ordinary play of private effort. I welcome the intervention of the State. Why has labour a special right to a considerable share in the supervising of the arrangements which must exist in regard to this matter? The reason is that, first of all, this is a question of trying to transfer labour. The reason why emigration is to have State assistance is that we want labour shifted from the place where it cannot be used to the place where it can be used. It becomes, therefore, an industrial, an economic, and a labour question, and labour interests have a right to be consulted by those who have the matter in their keeping. In this regard I speak not only of labour in this country, but labour in Canada, in Australia, in New Zealand, and in other lands. If we could have on these shores and on the other shores some share of effective labour supervision, I think we would be able to look at this matter in a manner that would set up such conditions of mutual welfare as would remove the opposition and suspicions of those who are the opponents of immigration in other countries.
The State is exhibiting a new motive in relation to emigration. It is the motive of seeking to strengthen and improve other parts of the Empire, now neglected and left workless for the want of human beings to live and labour in those lands. There is the Empire interest. That interest is becoming increasingly important. What is the good of having these great tracts of territory in remote parts of the world if we are not to make use of them? We must make either immediate or ultimate use of them; otherwise they become useless and to some extent a burden. They not only remain economically valueless, but they raise for us political difficulties. People will say, "Well, here are these lands which Nature gave the world, and if you are not to use them we claim the right to do so." These are issues which are coming very largely into the present-day politics of this country and other countries. I want to make any little contribution I can to the wholesome development of what I call this new State motive, a motive which, if pushed to its proper length, will be profitable to the individual as well as, incidentally, advantageous to the State. The definite interests of Labour, viewed from the standpoint of unemployment, of wages, and of conditions of work generally, is an interest which ought to be sympathetically considered with respect to any provision for the superintendence or supervision, either on these shores or elsewhere, of the men who are leaving.
I would like to congratulate the right hon. Gentleman who has just spoken on his well-reasoned address on this very interesting subject. Personally, I take more than an academic interest in the question, and I can assure him that in so far as the question of Labour interests being considered is concerned, he can rest content that so far as the other side of the water is affected—most of this argument has been confined practically to Australia—the Labour Governments there are quite prepared, and have been prepared in the past, to ensure proper supervision, so that people are not dumped on a market where there are no facilities for employment. Not only is a Labour Government, but every other Government prepared to do so. Personally, I am very much disappointed in the miserable provision of £330,000. What does it mean to send out about 8,000 people? Why, the State which I represented as Agent-General brought out 38,000 and assisted them to the extent of paying half their passage, and in the cases of girl domestic servants we paid up to within a few pounds of the total passage money. Of course, we have a different proposition to face at the present time. Five years ago you could send a man out comfortably for from £12 to £14, but it now costs something like £40. The House must realise that this £330,000 does not amount to a row of beans. It is, however, an evidence of the interest which this House has in Imperial matters and overseas affairs, that they are prepared to devote a considerable amount of their time to discussing that very small amount, and I hope the interest shown here will act as an impetus to the Government, and encourage them to spend more money than is contemplated in these Estimates.
My own interest is probably actuated by the fact that I was born in a State where there is plenty of room—Western Australia—which at the present time has only a population of something like 300,000 with an area of about 1,000,000 square miles—that is to say, one individual to each 2,000 acres. You can understand that in that particular portion of His Majesty's domains there is plenty of room for people. At the same time, I realise that all these schemes must receive the most careful supervision. We have read of some magnificent schemes in the papers, but as one who has practical knowledge, as a practical surveyor who worked in the bush for 15 years and had an opportunity of knowing the difficulties which faced the early settlers, I say you must not consider area alone, but the quality of the land. In dealing with any area in Australia, the first thing to be done is to classify it into first, second and third-class land, before you can go on with any scheme of railway or other facilities. The policy pursued during my time as Premier in Western Australia was to give facilities to every man on the land so that he would not, in any case, have to cart his products, more than 15 miles. On every main line we put in spur lines 30 miles apart. That is one proposition which must be faced in connection with any scheme of migration. We have to realise that coincident with the migration there must be a vigorous public works policy of development, and further than that, it is not sufficient to dump the man there. He must be looked after by the State. You have to make certain advances to him. Those advances must be made under proper supervision by the State agricultural bank or some other institution, so that the interests of the State, or whoever has advanced the money, are safeguarded. I suggest to some of the philanthropists in the House, that if they want to take a real active part in the development of the Empire, they cannot do it better than by helping some of their friends to go out there and working as partners with them. I may add that I induced a man to go out there and I took equal risks with him and he is now a working partner. That will give you an interest in the Dominion and at the same time it is an encouragement to the man. Schemes of that kind in my opinion would be much more effective than a huge scheme, which, when all is said and done, generally leads to the creation of an army of officials with very little else to show for it. I have been on certain Commissions dealing with these matters—on two Royal Commissions I think—and we have talked for years, but what has the Government ever done? How many men have they sent out, that is the point? We set up a Royal Commission, like Lord Tennyson's Commission, on which my Friend the hon. Member for Swindon (Sir F. Young), sat, and although this Commission sat for a long time and brought in a very long report yet nothing was ever done.
The Government should realise that if they are in earnest they have got the backing of the Labour party—judging by the remarks of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Miles Platting (Mr. Clynes)—in any reasonable scheme. The Labour party have asked that they should have some say in the supervision of the scheme. I do not know exactly what form that should take. Possibly it is in- tended to be in connection with the examination of the facilities and the accommodation provided on the emigrant ships. During the last few years wonderful improvements have been effected and the ordinary migrant can now go out under Very different conditions from those which appertained a few years ago. Many people in this country regard the departure of people from here as a loss to the Empire, but I have always been in favour of migration within the Empire. I remember a few years ago, when I was Agent-General, attending a function in Glasgow, and the Lord Provost said that while he was delighted to see me personally, yet he always associated my advent with the exit of some 500 good Scotsmen from Glasgow. I pointed out that as a result of those men, and men like them, going away, I had been able to place with the North British Company an order for 90 or 100 locomotives, which would provide employment for 300 or 400 citizens for 12 months. That was a practical illustration of what follows migration. If the people go out you must have railways, which will provide work in your steel industry and your locomotive works. In one State alone a few years ago it was estimated that each individual there was worth to this country, so far as trade was concerned, something like £20. When these men go away they are not lost to the flag. The mere fact that in Australia alone something like 400,000 men sprang to arms when the old country needed them, is an evidence that they are as loyal as the people here, and that is largely attributable to the fact that something like 97 per cent, of that population are born of English, Irish and Scottish parents.
I impress upon the Government the necessity for doing something more than is proposed in the Estimate. The hon. Member for Miles Platting referred to the size of Australia. I think it is something like 3,000,000 square miles, and as you know, there is only a population of about 5,000,000. An endeavour has been made recently to create the impression that a large part of Australia is a desert. I have been over a good part of it, and very little of it can be classed as desert, and a large area that has been set down as being desert is really very good grazing country. I understand this scheme is restricted to assisting ex-service men, their widows, and dependents. I hope ere long we shall see on another Estimate a sum which will give reasonable relief in the matter of unemployment in this country, and at the same time secure the migration to Australia, and to other parts of the Dominions, of a much larger number of people than we are providing for now.
I feel that on this subject, if it is properly considered, there is very little room for controversy. I am supported in that view by the speech of the right hon. Member for Miles Platting, who has addressed himself to the subject from a broad Imperial point of view and one which I think can provoke little or no opposition. I agree with him that we must look at it, first from the standpoint of the individual who is migrating, and secondly from the standpoint of the good of the Empire. At the moment the question comes up in conjunction with that of unemployment, but I venture to say that this really will do very little to meet the acute circumstances of the present day. The scheme is totally inadequate to make any serious impression on the problem which is facing us. In so far as it helps, so much to the good; but apart from whether it helps or not or to what extent it helps in dealing with unemployment at this particular time, I feel the House is very properly engaged in considering the Government's proposal, and I hope they will give it whole-hearted support. We have to realise that in this very small country, with its very large population, we must be constantly faced with over-crowding. It does not matter if the over-crowding is confined to certain parts; it is still over-crowding and will be followed by unsatisfactory results. If by migration to other parts of the Empire, we can reduce that over-crowding and can give the individual a home and a chance in life, as well as helping to develop our sparsely peopled lands overseas, we shall be accomplishing a great deal for the individual, for this country and for the Empire. The people here are particularly interested, and those in the Dominions who are hostile to immigration really have no cause for the suspicion which they show.
Nobody wishes for any form of immigration which leads to a reduction of the standard of living. So far as Australia is concerned, they have no desire there to import men and women to swell the city populations, from which Australia and the Dominions generally suffer too much. The overseas Dominions are primarily producing countries, and their great hope lies in the development of the broad acres. Therefore, immigration to be effective, both as regards the Dominion and the individual, must lie in the direction of importing those who will be willing, with proper assistance and guidance, to open up the immense areas of uncultivated soil still to be found. When such people are placed upon the land they become, and through them the State becomes, great potential buyers of the things which this country manufactures. They, in their turn, in the course of years begin to provide those raw materials and that food which is so valuable to this country. Migration should not involve in the long run a very serious expenditure on the part of this country. A great part of the expenditure need not be in the shape of a total gift. It can be done by way of loan, and in the bulk of the cases where the men and women are properly selected, the loans so made will be repaid, and can reconstitute a fund to help others to follow in the same successful path.
I am speaking with some little authority, as I occupied the position of Minister of Immigration for some years, and for a brief period I had the opportunity of bringing out young people of from 15 to 19 years of age to South Australia. I remember in particular one shipload of 85 boys. They were well enough selected, but they were selected very quickly. There was no undue care exercised or no care above that average which would be given in the selection of immigrants. The State contributed £10 to their passage and lent them £10. The total cost of bringing them out and giving them small kit was about £20, so that the 85 boys had an advance of £850. Every boy was placed on a farm or sheep station—that was one of the principles of the scheme—and in two years those 85 boys had repaid the whole of the £850, excepting about £60 or £70, but that 18 months ended somewhere in the middle of 1914, when the War broke out, and out of those 85 boys over 50 gave up their positions—and that represented those who had attained the age of 18—and came home with the Australian forces to fight in the War, so that you have in that example of emigration the fact that the boys were successful and that they repaid practically the whole of the money that was advanced in the shape of a loan, and, in the third place, they remembered with loyalty the country from which they came Such as have gone back are no doubt prospering to-day.
We constantly see that there are people who go out as emigrants and return very dissatisfied, and it is the old story of one easily seeing the black sheep amongst the hundreds of white sheep—and by using the term "black sheep," I do not mean it as disparaging to the individual—but it is the striking instance of failure as against the numerous instances of success, which are not so striking so far as the newspapers and reports are concerned. I venture to say, from experience, and speaking as regards Australia, that the great bulk of people who have gone out there as emigrants, many of them not such as you would perhaps in the first instance choose as likely to be successful, have in the course of time become successful, and in many instances have become particularly successful settlers in their new country. The opportunities are undoubtedly open there for a man who will work and take his part.
We have to face this fact—it has some relation to the point made by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Platting, on the question of Labour taking a part in the supervision—that there is very great hostility in the Dominions on the part of Labour to immigration. It is no good ignoring the fact, and it is based upon the suspicion, which is very hard to remove, that immigration has as its chief aim the bringing in of people as competitors in the labour market with a view to bringing down wages. That is firmly fixed in their minds, and it is one of the difficulties one has on the other side of the world in connection with immigration. It is all very well to say that these people should have a voice in the counsels, but they are not helpful as long as they come into those counsels with thoughts and suspicions of that kind in their minds. They are a hindrance to a good cause, and I would like to put it on the broad principle that, after all, in a question like immigration, whilst I am not opposed to some amount of representation, it is not the duty of Labour to look after the working men. This emigration system which we are considering to-day in this Bill is more or less under the direct supervision of the Government here and the representatives of the Governments of the various Dominions, and those Governments do not represent any one section of the community, but all sections, including labour, and I like to look to them as the people responsible for good conditions rather than to some outside, extraneous body which is not responsible either to this House or to the community as a whole.
We are entering upon a new system at the present time, where we are having joint action by the representatives of this country and of the Dominions, and therefore we are for the first time really facing emigration in a scientific manner—considering the interests of the individual primarily, what people this country can spare, and what people the country overseas particularly wants—and if that system is carried out thoroughly and carefully, the results ought to remove all the prejudices and suspicions which at present militate against efforts that have been made to bring about a good scheme of emigration. I join with the hon. Member for St. Rollox (Mr. G. Murray) in asking that the Government will go beyond merely helping by giving passage money to people to go overseas, and that they will take into consideration the special scheme which has been put forward in Australia, and similar schemes which may be put forward in other Dominions, by which we will combine with emigration a system of public works expenditure which will provide employment for the time being to those emigrants, and at the same time ensure the opening up of suitable lands to enable them to become established as producers in the full sense of the word in the Dominions to which they go. I am glad the Government are taking this extra step in furthering what I call scientific emigration, and I hope we shall make still further progress in this direction.
I had not intended to take part in this Debate, but in listening to the interesting speeches which have already been made, I have felt impelled to do so, because I consider that anyone who has had experience, as I have had, of this subject of migration within the Empire should contribute to the information before the Committee. I have been associated very closely for the last 30 years with Rhodesia and have seen the growth of a new country from prairie conditions to those in which it has become fit in many respects, if not in all, for the granting of responsible government. I have seen the European population grow from something like 5,000 at the end of the last century to between 30,000 and 40,000 to-day, and I have had the honour of being largely responsible for a great deal of the policy and many of the decisions which have been taken' with regard to immigration there. I have studied this question as deeply as I could and have acquainted myself with the methods by which successful migration has been carried out in other parts of the Empire, and I should like to say at once that I welcome the proposals that have been made by the Government, partly for the reduction of unemployment in this country, but mainly for the development of the Empire and for the production of conditions in the future which may help to prevent the recurrence of this grave problem of unemployment.
I hope that the question of migration within the Empire is going to start now on a new basis, and with a new spirit on the part of all who are concerned in it. Migration was absolutely stopped by the Great War. We are now making a new start, and, though this start will begin with a comparatively small trickle of individuals from this country to other parts of the Empire, I am satisfied myself that that trickle will grow into a great stream, that further financial proposals will have to be made by the Government at no distant date, and that continually the amount of money which will have to be devoted to this purpose will be swelled, because once that stream begins it will be impossible to stop it, and it will be in the interests of all concerned to increase and extend it. Therefore, I regard these modest proposals of the Government as a part of their development policy with almost as much interest and approval as I regarded their proposals for the development of trade, with which on a former occasion I expressed my entire concurrence.
I was particularly pleased this evening to hear the speech of the right hon. Member for Platting (Mr. Clynes). I venture to say that it marked an entirely new position in the attitude of organised labour in this country towards this problem of Empire migration, and I hope that after the words which have fallen from him to-day his followers also will study this subject and attempt to view it from a new standpoint and with new eyes. This is a matter in regard to which I am convinced, as the right hon. member for Platting has said, that we ought not to view it from any party standpoint or from the angle of any class. With that I entirely agree. I have seen newcomers in Rhodesia from all classes, and I have seen some of them succeed and some of them fail, but the great majority of them have certainly succeeded, and what made them succeed was not what class they sprang from, but their natural character, energy, and ability. I have seen men who started, as I think an hon. Member has said to-night, with 10s. or less become large landowners, with large estates, herds of cattle, prosperous farms, smiling orchards, and with all the amenities of civilised life—men who in this country would never have had a chance—and it is not one but hundreds who have done that, and what is true of Rhodesia is true of the other great fertile lands of the Empire in Canada, Australia, and also—though the conditions are somewhat dissimilar—in our tropical dependencies, and islands.
I have risen mainly to emphasise the point to which attention was directed by the hon. Member for St. Rollox (Mr. G. Murray), and also by the right hon. Member for Platting, that it is above all important that in future migration within the Empire should not be conducted upon any go-as-you-please system. It ought to be systematic, well-ordered, and controlled, from the moment when the emigrant starts from this country to the moment when he is placed, if possible, in remunerative employment or in a position in which he can make for himself a living and build up a home. If that be done, I have no fear whatever as to the success of this proposal. I should like to endorse what my hon. Friend the Member for Swindon (Sir F. Young) has said. It has been our experience that it is often necessary to give loans to emigrants leaving this country and to make provision for terms of repayment, and it is also often necessary to provide for them later much larger sums of capital, by means of land bank loans secured upon the holdings which they take up, upon easy terms. Generally speaking, those loans are practically always repaid. They are not found unduly onerous, and the love of the land which causes the man who has attached himself to it to remain there and work brings about automatically the repayment of these loans. Therefore a very large sum is not required to be provided at once, and a fund can be built up which, supplemented from time to time perhaps by further Government assistance, will do all that is required. I do not think this stream of emigration, once started off, requires an enormous and immediate capital expenditure. It can only proceed slowly, be built up slowly and be financed slowly; but once started it ought not to be checked, and I think the policy should be pursued with courage, with wisdom, and also with faith. I hope that all parties in this House will co-operate to promote its success, and I congratulate the Government on the proposals which they have made.
7.0 P.M.
I should like to bring another phase of this question to the notice of the Committee, as there is one side which has not been touched at all, and that is with regard to unemployment here. At the present time we are faced with an unemployment problem involving, roughly speaking, 2,000,000 of unemployed persons in this country, but that is not the worst that we have to face. In the next few years we have also got to face the possibility of having to find work for at leastr20 per cent, more workers owing to increased population. That is not sufficiently taken into account in discussing this question. But there is another point. During the past 50 years, before the War, our population increased practically 50 per cent., but during the whole of that time our agriculture went steadily backwards, and we were producing less food per head of the population all the time that the population was increasing Therefore, from that point of view, it requires very serious consideration. Our population is increasing at a fraction over 1 per cent, per annum, and we must take into consideration the fact that the time will arrive when it will be impossible to maintain all our population on these shores. From the point of view of our Dominions, we are there faced again with a similar difficulty, but in the opposite direction. In Australia you have a huge continent with approximately 5,000,000 inhabitants, and close to that you have the huge Empire of Japan with 70,000,000, with nowhere to go, and Australia has decided that, so far as she is concerned, she is going to have a white Australia, and brook no interference from anyone at all. It is obvious that if the Australians themselves do not people that huge continent, it will be impossible for them to keep the yellow races out, and very properly so. Therefore, from that point of view, it is necessary that a section of working-class labour in Australia should adopt a different attitude from that which they have adopted in the past.
Then in Canada you have a huge continent, with a population of approximately 7,500,000, and there you are faced with much the same position. I can understand the objection of organised labour in our Dominions to too much emigration, because in the past it has been of a very spasmodic nature. Emigrants have gone out to our Dominions, got settled there, and in time a number, having become dissatisfied with the conditions, have migrated into the towns, and there swelled the unemployment, just the same as our agricultural labourers in the past have done in this country. Therefore they have grounds for objecting to that kind of thing, so far as the future is concerned, and I do not blame them for taking precautions that it shall not be repeated. In the scheme in which I and others associated with me are interested, that will all be obviated. What we are hoping to do is to establish colonies of emigrants in different parts of the Dominions where suitable land can be obtained. These colonies will be thoroughly organised on a scientific basis, and loans will be supplied to the emigrants themselves. They will have a direct interest in it, and will have to pay these loans in time. There is another aspect of the question. In Canada there is land, I understand, which will, within 90 days of sowing the seed, produce crops of something like 40 bushels to the acre. That is a very important factor in this question of emigration, because it shows that in a country like that—I believe it is the Peace River Valley—important land at present is lying idle, and it is capable of producing this enormous quantity of food, and capable of employing an enormous amount of labour.
Therefore, it does seem to me that what we want to do is to encourage schemes such as the Government now have in contemplation in forming colonies of people from this country. We have already emigrated 60,000 people since the War, practically all volunteers anxious to settle in the Dominions, and I understand, in addition, there are 60,000 volunteers waiting to get the same facilities that the others had, but, unfortunately, those facilities are not sufficient. What we are anxious to see is that the emigrants should be very carefully selected, because it would be necessary for them to work together and co-operate on the land of their adopted countries, and it is very important that we should not get square pegs in round holes. You want carefully to select these emigrants, so that they will all have a kind of partnership amongst themselves, and work together.
I was rather surprised to hear one of the Members on the Labour Benches the other day speak in rather derogatory terms of emigration, but I know that that view is not held by the Labour party generally, because that has been made clear by the right hon. Member for Miles Platting (Mr. Clynes) this afternoon. I should like to mention that, during the War, I came into contact with a number of our Friends from overseas, and I remember one day discussing with an Australian about the War generally and the Dominions in particular. In his conversation, he spoke of this land as home the whole of the time, and I reminded him that he was an Australian, born in Australia, and this was the first time he had ever been to this country. He turned to me at once and said, "Mr. Jesson, this old country is home to everyone in Australia." That is a very beautiful spirit, and a great asset to the Empire. If we can retain that spirit, it is a most useful thing for our future in regard to emigration. There is one other point in conclusion. I believe that as science is steadily annihilating space, the time will come when our workers in this country will think no more of going to Australia, Canada, South Africa or New Zealand to search for employment than they think today of going from London to Glasgow or Manchester or any other part of this country. I believe that that time will come, and I hope this great scheme, to which the Government are now putting their hand, will grow and fructify, and be a blessing to the British race.
I desire to say a very few words on an aspect of this question which seems to me to be of first-class importance, and yet is receiving very little attention, either in public discussions outside, or, so far as I have been able to observe and to learn, in this Debate; in fact, I am informed that nothing has been said about it this evening, and I certainly have heard nothing. It is this. We have to deal here not only with the emigration of ex-service men, but also of ex-service women and dependants. Now, the emigration of men has gone on at a great rate from this country for the last 100 years or so, and one result of that is that, whereas when the first census was taken in this country, the numbers of males and females were practically equal, we have now more than 1,900,000 women and girls in excess of men and boys. That does not, in itself, prove that emigration is a bad thing, but it certainly does prove that emigration requires' to be very carefully considered and regulated from the point of view of securing, not only the emigration of men and boys, but the emigration of women as well. This excess of 1,900,000 looks serious enough on the face of it, but it is really very much more serious than it looks. Of course, a good many of the 1,900,000 are old women, or elderly women at any rate, but if you take the men and women in the prime of life, between 18 and 45, there can be very little doubt that there are at least 1,000,000 more women than men within those years, and if you allow for the men who are already married, you arrive at the conclusion that there are two unmarried young women for every unmarried young man in this country. Those are approximate figures, and there is no possibility of getting anything but approximate figures. But they are on the moderate side, and I believe really the proportion is greater than that. It is quite certain that if you are going, in addition, to emigrate large numbers of men from this country, and very few women, you are going to put a strain upon our institutions which they will find it very difficult to stand. Already the amount of emigration of men compared with that of women has had a very serious effect in this country, and if it goes on as it is, increasing from census to census, there will be a strain which our institutions will not stand.
One sees it suggested that 1,000,000 men should be settled on 1,000,000 farms in Australia. That may be a very excellent thing from one point of View, but we know by experience that if 1,000,000 men go from this old country, a comparatively small number of women will go at the same time, and the proportion of young women in excess of the numbers of young men will become greater than ever. I rose, therefore, to call attention to this matter. It is a very difficult one, because not only will women not go freely if left to themselves, but, even if you organise their emigration, it is very difficult, because in the Colonies I know, from careful inquiries that have been made, they want, first of all, female domestic servants who are not available in any considerable numbers in this country for emigration, and they also want women to marry farmers, live on the farms, and lead a life which is so hard and laborious that there are very few women in this country who are physically capable of enduring it. Therefore, the whole question of the emigration of women requires to be very carefully considered by the Government in any scheme for promoting emigration from this country. I do not say that it is insoluble, but I do believe it is one of the reasons which make it Very much better, if we could, to solve it by finding adequate opportunities for employment for our people in this country rather than in the Colonies. I would ask the Government, therefore, in considering this question, to give very careful consideration to this aspect of it.
Like other Members who have spoken, I have been much struck with the statesmanlike manner in which the right hon. Member for Platting (Mr. Clynes) has dealt with the problems, which, at the other end, are so many miles from Platting. It struck me when I heard the right hon. Member that there was a distinctly Tory tinge about his speech, and I was reminded of the man who, when he swore that he would die a bachelor, never dreamt that he would live to be a married man. I do not despair of seeing my right hon. Friend some day amongst the Die-hards. I did not however understand his reference to the transfer of labour. He spoke as if labour had been transferred abroad for the sake, let me say, of preventing it from interfering in the recent municipal elections, which were not so successful as they might have been. Surely no such idea was ever thought of. It is purely voluntary, as I understand, and that also, I think, disposes of the speech of the hon. and gallant Member for Stoke (Lieut.-Colonel J. Ward). He spoke of sending people out. So far as I understand, there is no proposal to send people out, but only to
In my opinion, in regard to this £330,000 and every other Supplementary Estimate that could, would or should be presented to the House, the first thing every individual Member has to consider, in justice to his constituents, is how the money is to be provided at a time when the trade of the country is thoroughly bad, when taxation is cruelly high, and when people are at their wits' end, particularly the Income Tax payer with whom hon. Gentlemen opposite have so little sympathy and who is suffering from two empty pockets. We have seen in this Debate that these things can be done without State assistance. As all State assistance, not by this Government, but by government qua government, is fatal to all enterprise and everything that makes a country great, I hope we shall see no more Votes on this account, although I support this particular Vote. I must ask leave to say how utterly they misunderstand who say that emigrants are left stranded. Why people jump at an emigrant if he is a person of any use! Everybody is competing to get him. They are frequently protected to death; they should be left alone to work out their own salvation, as every citizen of this country can do if he is put to it. If he cannot do that, the sooner he leaves this world for another the better. Even my hon. Friend the Member for Consett (Mr. A. Williams) was much concerned that there were not enough women going out. Does he contemplate that under this particular scheme women will be forcibly emigrated? Then how does he suppose that the State can see that the given number of women should be sent out with a given number of men if his theory that it is the business of the State is accepted. Surely any such suggestion is entirely foreign.
That is your suggestion, not mine.
My hon. Friend corrects me, but he certainly argued that they should be all controlled, that everybody should be regulated down to the last button and that the women should be arranged with men, that men should not go because women wanted to marry them here and that there should not be too many men there and too many women here. Unless he wants a State-controlled scheme I do not see the relevance of his remarks. I should like to refer to the question of immigrants interfering with labour. Other hon. Members have referred to Africa. Both in Africa and tropical countries I have seen something of these immigrants upon their arrival. They do not compete with native labour. If it is a tropical country each European becomes a centre of some activity which gives more employment to the people of this country. Therefore the centre, in-, stead of interfering with labour, really promotes the use of local labour and as I know from personal experience leads to an enormous rise in the cost of local labour because there is no European who can get it out of his head that the same rate of wages should apply over the world, no matter what the person has to do with the wages he gets. I mention this solely to show that the emigrants do not compete with labour, but that they promote and increase it. I would add that there is an atmosphere of freedom and spaciousness in other countries which makes the introduction of any system of trade unions unsuitable. It was stated by one speaker, and I agree with him, that the representatives of Labour should have their say and advice on any schemes as to emigration. Did it refer to this scheme? I am not sure. So little reference has been made to this scheme that I should be glad if my right hon. Friend will refer to it when he speaks.
My hon. Friend who has just spoken made what we usually describe in this House as a "characteristic speech." The only thing that I missed in it was the reference to Nottingham.
Does my right hon. Friend suggest it is an impropriety in me to refer to Nottingham?
No, but I missed a familiar point in my hon. Friend's contribution in the Debate. There is no doubt the emigration in this country, particularly to our own Dominions, has been a regular and, on the whole, a satisfactory part of the growth of that common wealth of nations which we call the British Empire. Men and women leave this country to go to other parts of Britain beyond the seas, not driven as a rule by the pinch of personal circumstances, but in tens of thousands of cases by that spirit of adventure which has made us on the whole what we are. Any development by the Government on proper lines is to be encouraged rather than unfairly criticised. You will not find the general body of the people take a very large, part in co-operating until that more fortunate time comes when the land question of this country is on a fairer and more equitable basis. I do not wish to elaborate that at all.
With regard to the question of women, I do not hold the view at all that is so often expressed, that the surplus woman, as they call her, is a charge upon the community; not at all. "Surplus woman" is a most offensive term to use. They are citizens of this country as much as I am or the most efficient working man. They have got their part to play in this country, and they are no more surplus than I am or any Member of this House. There are certain conditions in which I am quite certain that if women, especially young women, had proper opportunities of seeking a career in the British Dominions, it would be good for them and good for the Dominions. They want young women there, and they might seek a career which would do honour to themselves and assist this Commonwealth of nations. I hope, too, that the further grant which is mentioned of £330,000 will go in a sufficient amount to Head C of the original Estimate, that is the grants in aid of the voluntary societies which take special care of the safe conduct of young women in their journeys to places beyond the seas. I am very glad to notice that in the original Estimate there was the sum of £5,625 in 1920–21 for this increase in the Estimate 1921–22 to £7,500. I cannot claim to have any special knowledge about that society, but I know that money granted there comes back a thousand-fold. It is not tied up with State regulations or too much State interference. I know that those who work that society are experienced, humane, and full of the proper sense of citizenship. We all know the dangers which young girls and young women are subject to in their journeys, often dangerous, to their destination. I hope as much encouragement by way of money and otherwise to this splendid society in its most useful work will be given. That also applies to the Red Triangle Hospitality League of the Y.M.C.A. They have done and are doing splendid work. They are only getting £500, I am quite certain this money is well invested when given to these extra-official agencies outside the ambit of the ordinary Govern- ment Department, and I hope my hon. Friend can see his way to give them some encouragement.
The Committee has had the opportunity of listening to an interesting and harmonious discussion, and I only want to speak for a very few minutes. First of all I want to make one or two observations in reply to the remarks made by my right hon. Friend who has just sat down, and those which fell from the hon. Baronet the Member for East Nottingham (Sir J. D. Rees). I can assure the right hon. Gentleman that he need be under no alarm that those who are responsible for this work will in any way underestimate the value of the work that is done by the private societies. Probably I hold very much the views that he holds as to the relative value in this matter and of what can be done voluntarily, efficiently, and enthusiastically as compared with the best organised State activity. I can assure him whatever assistance it is in our power to give to those societies and agencies doing that work will be most willingly and gladly given. I can assure the hon. Member for Consett (Mr. A. Williams)—if I dare say it in the presence of the hon. Member for East Nottingham—that so far as it is possible to encourage and assist women, and so preserve the due proportion with men in the settlement scheme, we shall do it; and that matter is also receiving the very close attention of the Overseas Settlement Committee and those who have this problem directly in hand.
I was also very glad to find that the hon. Baronet the Member for Nottingham, although, as I understood him, he thought this Vote was founded upon a thoroughly vicious principle, was yet unwilling to disturb the harmony of the Committee's conclusions by not supporting it. While I think from his own point of view he is prepared to give an unprincipled vote, yet I am extremely glad we have been able to carry him with us in the conclusions at which we have arrived. I certainly, acting here as deputy for my hon. Friend the Financial Secretary to the Admiralty, who ought to be introducing this Estimate, have every reason to be grateful for the kind reception the Supplementary Estimates have received. There has been in fact only one complaint advanced in regard to this, namely, that it is too small. From almost every quarter of the Committee has come something in the nature of reproaches upon the Government as to the rather scanty nature of the sum we are asking for this object. In reply to those who made observations of this kind, let me remind them of two things: firstly, that this is a Supplementary Estimate, supplementary to the sum previously taken of something—if my memory serves me aright—like £650,000, and it does not purport to be more than the fulfilment of a pledge that was made by the. Government as long ago as April, 1919, on the specific question of assistance for overseas passages in approved cases. It, therefore, does not represent, and ought not to be taken to represent, the final contribution of the Government towards the solution, or partial solution of the great problem of what one of my hon. Friends behind me called Empire immigration. He asked me whether he was substantially correct in his number of those who had been assisted under the scheme. It is 60,000. It might interest the Committee to know that of that 60,000 souls, 25,000, roughly, have gone to Canada, 20,000 to Australia, 10,000 to New Zealand, 5,000 to South Africa, and a few others to sundry places. Therefore I cannot hold out any hope to my hon. Friend that this £330,000 is less than this, or I hope the next Government is likely to propose. I hope myself they will have it in their power to propose very much larger sums to the House of Commons in regard to this scheme after they have had time to consider the proposals and decisions made by the Imperial Conference last summer. I dc not for the moment refer to the wider schemes that have attracted attention in this Debate and elsewhere to the schemes associated with the names of Senator Millen and Sir John Carruthers. As I stated a few days ago in reply to a question, the Government are still considering how best they can implement the resolutions of the Imperial Conference last July, and, after all, these schemes that have been suggested, possessing as they do great merits, go a good way beyond the Resolution of the Imperial Conference, and will require, as they certainly deserve, the most careful consideration before I should be prepared, or, indeed, be in a position, to express an opinion about them.
As the Committee will remember, the Imperial Conference suggested that this country should contribute in any one year after next year a sum up to a maximum of £2,000,000, half of which was to be devoted to assisted passages, and the other half to land settlement. The half which was to be devoted to land settlement was to be operated in a manner which more than one speaker in this Debate has suggested is the most economical, the most useful, and the most desirable—that those who should be assisted by it should be assisted by way of advance on loan. I myself entirely share their confidence that if that method is put into force there is not much fear of a very serious expense falling upon the State under that part of the scheme, provided the selection is carefully and satisfactorily made.
The importance, to my mind, of the Imperial Conference is that it emphasised two things that are worthy to be borne in mind. The first was that this problem of Empire settlement is not one that can possibly be treated by ad hoc measures, taken spasmodically, but is one that requires the continuous attention of the Government of this country and of the other parts of the Empire. That is the first thing. The second thing is that the problem will only be solved satisfactorily, by not only co-operation between this country and the Dominions, but by permanent co-operation. Of course it did definitely move a stage further along the path of accepting definite State responsibility for endeavouring to do the best to assist the population of the Empire to find what, I think, the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Platting called a more even distribution. All these were, I think, conclusions of great value. I must rather deprecate the tendency in some quarters to hitch this question of Empire settlement too closely to the problem of unemployment. It is, I feel, most true, as was stated by, I think, the right hon. Gentleman opposite and others—it is certainly most true that it can never be a remedy for unemployment, and its warmest advocates would not suggest it. I think it is nearer the truth to say that the existence of unemployment reminds us of its perpetual importance.
After all, it is worth remembering that the whole of this emigration or practically the whole of it is directed towards land settlement. It is also worth remembering as my hon. Friend the Member for Islington (Sir N. Moore) reminded the Committee that every man who settled on the land at once establishes in himself, and in the organised society that grows up around him, a growing and potential market for industry. Therefore it is both regrettable and unsound to lose sight of the second part of the matter when emphasising the first. I am sure the Committee, certainly I myself, had the greatest possible gratification in the speech' of the hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Clynes). His speech satisfied, I think, the whole of the Committee that if you can get rid of misunderstanding and prejudice and one or two faults of administration—to which I am coming in a moment—there is really no objection in any quarter of the House to these proposals of Empire settlement and Empire migration. As he stated the case it really is unanswerable. Where you have on the one hand vast spaces with no population and on the other limited spaces with a great population, it is not only wisdom but common sense that you should attempt to marry the two—in other words, that you should attempt to give elsewhere that scope for enterprise and initiative to those who lack it here.
I am not, however, going to be drawn—indeed it would be out of order, as we have been reminded—into discussing possible remedies for certain parts of our evils at home. Do not let me be taken as suggesting that because we may favour Empire settlement, we are keen upon it because we think it justifies us in leaving evils at home unredressed. That most certainly is not so. All I would suggest is, even if you can reach your ideal, if we can all reach our ideal in the matter of social improvement of different kinds at home, we may only be able to do it gradually, and even when we have done it we shall probably be troubled with the discrepancy and contrast between our own conditions and the conditions in the great Dominions to which the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Platting directed us. I share the faith, hope, and belief of the hon. Member for Waltham-stow who said he hoped the time was not far distant when we might be able to look to Australia or New Zealand with somewhat the same ease with which a man looks for employment now in the different counties in England. After all, everyone needs constantly to remind themselves in a country that enjoys sea power that the sea is not a barrier, but a means of connection and a line of communication. I do not think in principle any objection has been taken to that in any quarter of the Committee.
Objections have been taken on grounds of practice and actual administration and machinery. I notice that the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Platting (Mr. Clynes) gave the weight of his authority the other day to a statement in the public Press that the movement had suffered in the past from lack of efficient organisation and direction. I would most certainly admit, and I think it is generally recognised, that in many quarters the arrangements on the other side have not been nearly good enough, indeed, it has worked out in conjunction with other things in this country, such as the bonus system and so on, almost in the nature of a traffic in human beings that was unworthy of the cause to which it was devoted. Hon. Members who are interested in that side of the question will be glad to know that the bonus system of payment for recruiting by results to third parties with the consent and cooperation of the Dominions is fast disappearing, if it has not already disappeared. I am very glad to be able to say that the Dominion Governments, in so far as improvement is required, are in co-operation with ourselves in effecting that improvement on their side, and we are endeavouring to make improvements in our selection and our arrangement where they require improvement on this side. It might also interest the Committee to know that in connection with that, in Australia there has been formed a league under the title of the New Settlers' League, which is indeed unofficial, but which works in the closest conjunction with the Government, and is intended to permeate and have representation all over Australia as an organisation with which the new comers can get into touch, and be as it were a settler's friend all over the Australian continent.
There are three things that are necessary if this policy is to bear its full fruit for the strength of the Empire, for the soundness and prosperity of the communities where it operates, and for the contentment of those who take advantage of it. Do not let us forget it is not a compulsory policy on any man, woman or child. It is an optional policy and optional it always will remain. The first thing that is necessary is what I have referred to a moment or two ago, namely, the closest co-operation between governments. The second thing is a good organisation and machinery, including careful selection. With regard to that, when I hear it suggested, as I have heard it not lately but not very long ago, that this policy is one to dump our unemployables on the Dominion that is simple enough to receive them, the facts are entirely the opposite. If you take the total number of passages which have been applied for, it will be found that the Oversea Settlement Committee have accepted only one-third of the number as the result of careful selection and pruning off the people who were not acceptable to the Dominion Government and who were not likely to be successful if accepted.
The third thing required is the cordial co-operation of organised labour. I was greatly interested to hear the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Platting on that point. We cannot control here the action of the Governments in our Dominions over the seas, but we can exercise some small control over our own Government. As the Committee is aware, these matters are regulated by the Oversea Settlement Committee on which all classes are represented. Labour is represented on that Committee, and it also includes representatives of the Dominions who give their time and assistance to working at this end with problems which they are concerned with at the other end. I am sure I am speaking the sentiments of the Financial Secretary to the Admiralty, who is the Chairman of this Committee, when I say that he would welcome the opportunity of strengthening the representation of official labour on that Committee in order that they might see for themselves exactly what goes on, and how it goes on, and they might have that opportunity of supervision for which the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Platting has asked. I am sure the Committee would benefit very much by their counsel and assistance. I think official labour would also benefit by being brought more closely into touch with the actual working of the scheme, and by having more numerous opportunities of actually seeing the people who are going out. I can assure my hon. Friends opposite that those who are responsible for the working of the Oversea Settlement Committee will be only too glad to welcome further representations of official labour in the task on which they are engaged. I think I have now covered most of the points which have been referred to in the course of the discussion.
Will the Under-Secretary tell us something in regard to the success that may have attended the settlement of the 60,000 people he has referred to? I do not ask for details, but can he give us the general impression which the Colonial Office has got on this point?
Does the guarantee given to these emigrants include land in the Colony to which they are sent, or do they go spasmodically, and have to find their own way when they get there?
It is difficult to reply to these questions in a short answer, but if I give a short answer it is that the results are entirely satisfactory. I do not say that there are no failures. There are black sheep in every fold. What I invite the hon. Member to do in order to test the accuracy of my reply is to go to the Oversea Settlement Office, and I would gladly put him in touch with the officials, who would show him samples of the letters these people write home. I have spent one or two mornings reading those letters, taken purely and simply out of the lump, and if any hon. Member would do the same thing I am sure he would agree that his time had not been wasted. With regard to the question as to whether they go out spasmodically, or whether they are guaranteed land, they certainly do not go out spasmodically. They only go when they have been approved and accepted by the Dominion Government, and have been offered some assured employment, or are provided for on their arrival. The full particulars of the terms and conditions of their departure and arrival will be found in one of the leaflets, a copy of which I shall be glad to hand to my hon. Friend. It is a leaflet published by the Oversea Settlement Committee for the information of the settlers. I am not prepared to contend that these arrangements have been in all cases satisfactory, but I am satis- fied that where they are unsatisfactory, both on this side and on the side of the Dominion Governments, all efforts are being made to improve them and put them right.
Will the hon. Gentleman answer the point I put with regard to the guarantee for a term of 10 years?
That question raises a matter of high policy, and I think the Chancellor of the Exchequer would very properly have cause to complain if I attempted to answer it. I am very much obliged to the Committee for the way in which the Debate has been conducted, and for the attention they have paid to what I have had to say on behalf of the Government. We have had a fairly long Debate, and hon. Members are aware that our business will be interrupted shortly, and I shall be very grateful if the Committee will allow us now to have this Vote.
8.0 P.M.
I have listened to the reply which has been given to the speeches upon this question with very deep interest. I have also been struck with the way in which practically every speaker has complimented my right hon. Friend the Member for Platting. I must confess that when I hear these continual compliments, I am inclined to entertain a certain amount of suspicion, and before I can commit myself to what my right hon. Friend has said, I find myself in the position that I shall have to review his speech, and, probably, I should not have done that had it not been for the continual complimentary remarks that have been made by hon. Gentlemen opposite. It has often been said that when you find those who are antagonistic to you on certain points of principle continually complimenting you, it is wise and prudent that you should look round in order to see what is going to happen. I rather take that particular view. I really wonder if those who have thrown compliments on the speech of my right hon. Friend would be prepared to throw them in the same way if my right hon. Friend had developed his arguments and some of the points of view he is so anxious to put forward on the subject of emigration. As far as Australia is concerned, 92 per cent, of the land is communal property, and only 8 per cent, belongs to private individuals. What we say as far as this is concerned is, that if these people are emigrated to Australia, there should be some power of restriction imposed on those who are to take a share in the communal land, that there should be no power given to them whereby they will be able to become the purchasers and, eventually, hand it on to other people, because if they have such a power, then the same difficulties will arise in Australia as we have here in this country.
How is this country going to do that?
It could easily be secured by an understanding between the Imperial Parliament and the Colonial Government.
I have lived in Australia, and I know what the feeling there is on that matter.
I have not been privileged to travel so much of the world.
I have lived there.
The position is that I am anxious, as far as Australia is concerned, that that particular principle should be safeguarded. I want to deal with the subject of emigration from another point of view. I well remember the outcries during the last three years, and I specially remember the cry that went forth during the period of the War, the cry to our young men that their country needed them. What is taking place to-day? The Under-Secretary who spoke so ably just now definitely stated in the course of his remarks that he deprecated this matter being hitched on to the question of unemployment.
Too closely.
I did not catch the word "closely" at the time, but I accept the correction. I would, however, ask, How can we separate the two questions? How is it it has come under the question of unemployment? The Prime Minister himself said that this scheme of emigration was associated with the question of unemployment. I have in my mind a picture of a worthy friend who went to see his son and his wife and family sail from Liverpool for Canada, and as the boat steamed from the landing stage, and he was bidding them a last farewell, tears came into his eyes and he asked, "What is the matter with the Mother Country?" That is what many of us are asking now. One is not privileged on this Vote to enter into the subject of the land question, though if that had been taken in hand more than it has been we should not have been confronted with the difficulties which face us to-day.
Does the hon. Member suggest it is possible to support a population of 100,000,000 on these shores?
I am not asking that 100,000,000 should be catered for; I simply say that if the land question had been properly dealt with we should have had more happiness and comfort in the cottage homes than people have to-day.
It is not in order to pursue that point.
I was drawn into that by an interjection of the hon. Member for Walthamstow which you allowed. Another hon. Member gave us an elquent address on the advantages of Australia. He spoke eloquently with very perfect knowledge, and he said there was need for the development of sparse land. That is my point. We believe that if the sparse land of this country had been developed the Government would have been saved from the necessity of having now to spend this money. While we are not prepared to put any obstacle in the way of the Government endeavouring to assist these men we maintain that if the measures they should have adopted had been taken these men would have been enabled to remain in this country with their own people. They have no desire to leave these shores. There may, of course, be exceptional cases, but they love their country as much as anybody here. They only desire to live respectably and decently in the land of their birth. Some of the points on which I wish to speak have really been replied to by the Under-Secretary. I think the position as far as we are concerned should be thoroughly understood. We have real reasons for treating with suspicion any system of emigration, but we cannot but welcome a system of emigration that is going to be guided by the State. One has read often of instances that have happened to our emigrants who have been deliberately deluded, and when they have landed on foreign shores, hoping to find the heaven of which they were in search, have simply found themselves stranded. Many have died in despondency and despair. Unless the Government was going to initiate some sort of machinery in order to give State guidance and State assistance to emigrants we should be compelled to oppose emigration; but now the Government appear to be prepared to go in for some kind of State assistance. That inevitably brings me to another point.
I welcome this Measure. I regret that the Government, in the interests of the ex-service men, have found it essential to adopt a policy of this kind instead of dealing with the other questions whereby emigration would have been avoided and our men kept on our own shores. I thank the hon. Gentleman who represents the Government for the illuminating speech he has delivered, and I hope that he will go further into the question, and when it is possible at the first opportunity to get into touch with those who are going to look after and protect these people on other shores, and will see that these men and women are not merely provided with passages out, but are guaranteed work or land upon landing. I close with the remark that had the Government in the early days of its life taken upon itself the responsibility of studying care fully many of the propositions put forward from these Benches to deal with the unemployed question, they would not have found themselves bringing forward now these palliative Measures, and the Minister for Labour would not have been in the most difficult position which he has to face. Many of us appreciate the hard fight he is making—
That is not in order now. It may be on the next Vote.
I was only saying that I appreciate the position of the Government in trying to deal with this vital question. If they had only accepted some of the propositions put forward from this side of the House, we should have found ourselves in a far different position to-day. I regret their inaction, but the responsibility rests upon their shoulders. I hope, however, the Government will see to it that these men who are thus driven from our shores shall not find themselves stranded when they land in another country.
Question put, and agreed to.
Class VII
Ministry of Labour
Motion made, and Question proposed,
"That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding£2,192,000, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1922, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Ministry of Labour and Subordinate Departments, including the contributions to the Unemployment Insurance Fund, and to Special Schemes under the Unemployment Insurance Acts, 1920 and 1921, contribution to the Unemployed Workers' Dependants Fund; payments to Associations under Section 17 of the Unemployment Insurance Act, 1920, and Section 106 of the National Insurance Act, 1911; Out-of-Work Donation and Expenditure in connection with the Training of Demobilised Officers and of Noncommissioned Officers and Men, and the Training of Women; and Grants for Resettlement in Civil Life; also the Expenses of the Industrial Court."
I want to ask for some information as to how the estimated amount for next year is arrived at. This is a Supplementary Estimate for £2,192,000, and it is suggested in a note that there will be included in the Estimates for the next financial year a further sum of£670,000. In the actuary's report on the scheme the total cost was put at£2,258,000. If we add together the amount being voted—?£2,192,000 and the future estimate of£670,000—the total does not work out correctly. I know that in the Supplementary Estimate it is stated that the Estimate is for £1,600,000, whereas the actual Estimate was for£1,500,000. That is an addition of£100,000, which is explained by the extension of the Act to Ireland. But even with that explanation. I cannot quite make out how the figures are arrived at. It appears to me that the Estimate is increased by about one-fifteenth.
It being a Quarter past Eight of the Clock, and leave having been given to move the Adjournment of the House under Standing Order No. 10, further Proceeding was postponed, without Question put .
Criminal Investigation Department
Retirement of Sir B. Thomson
I beg to move, "That this House do now adjourn."
In moving this Motion, I wish to assure the House that I do so with a full sense of responsibility in the task I have undertaken, and a full sense of my inefficiency. The terms of the Motion are perfectly clear, and I propose to try so to cover the ground as to show where the public danger exists. During the War it was my privilege and honour to hold at the Admiralty the appointment of Director of Naval Intelligence. As such I was in daily contact with those who were equally responsible with myself for the defeat of enemy machinations other than those of fighting, and for the accumulation of intelligence. It was borne in on me more and more towards the end of the War that it was essential for the public economy and the public interest that, at the termination of the War, intelligence of that nature should be centralised in some central, responsible body, and I venture to say, with all deference, that it was in consequence of a Minute of mine that the original Cabinet Committee was set up, from which emanated the appointment of Director of Special Intelligence. It was not because there had been any failure of cordial co-operation between myself and the officer responsible in the Home Department for the collation of intelligence, but because I saw an overlapping, and saw danger ahead which, unless at once perceived and stopped, would reduce the efficiency of the service.
The Cabinet decided to form a new branch, and the head of it was to be called the Director of Special Intelligence; and he was to be responsible, as I understand, to the Home Secretary. There were a good many candidates for the appointment, as was natural. It was a great appointment, and had large responsibilities, and on the selection depended a very great deal. I, of course, speak with a biased attitude as regards the value of intelligence, but I venture to give, as an illustration to show the value of intelligence, or the want of intelligence, our failure to get intelligence about the movements of rebels in Ireland. Had we had a good Intelligence Service such could not have occurred. The qualities that were required in the head of the Directorate of Special Intelligence were very special qualities. To begin with, he had to have great courage. He had to have a personality; he had to inspire confidence in his subordinates and confidence in his superiors; and he had to have behind him a record of sound, loyal public service. It is fair to say that had I been, after my experience of the War, asked who should have been selected for this onerous and responsible appointment, I should have named Sir Basil Thomson.
That appointment is now vacant. Sir Basil Thomson, in the words of the Home Secretary on the Floor of this House, has resigned; and, also in the words of the Home Secretary, he did not convey to Sir Basil Thomson on Friday that he would resign and be out of his office by Monday. I would ask the Home Secretary, if he did not, who did? Does he allow anybody to interfere with the officers of his Department? Is he responsible to this House for every man whose salary is on the Home Office list? Does he allow anybody to come and say that this man is to go or that man is to remain, whether he approves or not? Is that what the House expects of a high Minister of the Crown? What public services are we to get under those conditions? What men can we get to serve people who allow that to occur? Can we expect that the best man will be got to take his place? Can we get men who will serve so that at 48 hours' notice a vacancy is created without why or where-for? Is that the type of man we require in our public service? [HON. MEMBERS: "No."] This is a very grave matter, and I would ask the House to remember that, if I speak with emotion, it is because I know the services that this man has rendered, and I know the value of his services. I would ask the House to remember that, in dealing with this case, I shall try to put my personal feelings aside, and shall try to deal with it on a broad issue; and I would ask them to do the same. I know that there are Members here who have had experience of the help, the advice, the counsel of the late occupier of the appointment of Director of Special Intelligence. There are few Members here who have not benefited by it. I venture to say that there is no man who has been a better friend of England than Sir Basil Thomson. I go further. This vacancy is created—how? The Home Secretary, on the Floor of this House, stated the reason. May I read to the House the reply which the Home Secretary sent to the question which I put to him by private notice? He said: suppresio veri? The House is entitled, to demand to know why pressure was brought to make this valuable officer resign, and resign when dangers are ahead. Of all men, he knew and foresaw what was coming—a man of loyal conduct, wholeheartedly in the public service. Is he the man who is going to resign at the point of danger? Never! What pressure was brought to bear? The Home Secretary denies that he gave the order. I repeat again, who gave the order? Who called on him to resign? Are we to have the reply from the Home Secretary that he obeyed superior orders? I would ask him to remember the trials at Leipzig. Did the plea of superior orders put forward by the submarine commanders find an echo in the heart of anyone in this House when they sank our hospital ships? Can that plea hold water? No! I think an officer of the Crown responsible for a Department cannot shirk his responsibility by pleading superior orders, and therefore that point I have disposed of.
Let me go one step further. Was he asked to resign in order to get increased efficiency? I have no doubt that will be one of the pleas raised by the Home Secretary. I will give the House a test of how efficient was the organisation of Sir Basil Thomson. The cries of the extremists at its downfall are the best test. The howl of the "Daily Herald," the official organ of the Labour party, is the best test of his efficiency. For that reason ho goes. Will the Home Secretary put forward the plea of economy in the reorganisation of the Department? There are methods of economy which only result in ruin. Is this the time to economise and dispense with the services of the one man our enemies had cause to be afraid of? Is this the time for economy? There are three points. I have no doubt the Home Secretary will find a fourth which will be equally well disposed of. On Monday night, when the Debate on the Irish question was under way, I could not help wondering. I saw the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Widnes (Mr. A. Henderson) standing at that Box. I heard his unctuous tones when he took his daily dose, on behalf of the Labour party, of flap-doodle which, according to Captain Maryatt, is the stuff on which they feed fools. I wondered why the whole-hearted support of the Labour party was being given to the Administration. It reminded me of the famous occasion when Mrs. Micawber vowed she would never desert Mr. Micawber. But the reason of Mrs. Micawber's determination was devotion to the person of Mr. Micawber. Are we to assume that the right hon. Gentleman, on behalf of the Labour party, showed the same devotion to the present Administration? Was his whole-hearted support for the same reason as Mrs. Micawber's or are we to suppose that they acted on the well-known axiom of nothing for nothing, modified to-day by 9d. for 4d.? Are we to draw the inference that their support had reasons for it? On Thursday there was a surprise for us in the announcement of the Debate on Monday. A vacancy was caused in the head of the Special Intelligence Department on Friday. Labour takes no chances. The Home Secretary himself, I have no doubt, will be able to say he had no act or part in it. That does not excuse his responsibility in any way. The cheers of the extremists show who has been pleased by this change of appointment. There is no one else who is pleased. Everyone else realises what the danger to the State is in abolishing this organisation. In one paragraph the Psalmist says:
What about the "die-hards"?
I have often heard of officials being removed and officers court-martialled for refusing to die hard. I have never heard of one being punished for dying hard. I asked the Home Secretary this afternoon whether the appointment of Sir Joseph Byrne had anything to do with the past duties of Sir Basil Thomson. He said, "I do not follow the question." It is very hard to get a reply like that to a question, but I am quite accustomed to it from that office. It seems to be their method of hiding up their crime. I admit that to get Sir Basil Thomson back after what has happened is an impossibility under the present Chief of the Home Department. No self-respecting man would dream of it. By the Home Secretary's own statement, Sir Basil Thomson was asked to resign as from 1st December. May I ask why he was accorded different treatment from that accorded to an officer in a very similar position, Sir Joseph Byrne, on his removal from the Royal Irish Constabulary? May I call attention to the answer of the Chief Secretary of Ireland of that date, the present Minister of Pensions. He was asked whether he was prepared to give any information regarding the dismissal of Sir Joseph Byrne. He replied: neither justice, right, nor anything to back it? This vacancy has been created, as many of us know, because there were two forces opposed to the officer holding the position. There were the open enemies, the Bolsheviks, the Russians, the extremists in this country. They were open in their enmity, and I respect them for it. They never ceased demanding that Sir Basil Thomson should be removed. They were quite open and frank about it, and they deserve respect; but there were secret enemies.
The open enemies found that their energies were held in check owing to the efficiency of the system and the work of Sir Basil Thomson. To whom could he look for support from the secret enemies? To his chief? How has he helped him? In what way has the right hon. Gentleman fulfilled the honourable position that every head of a Department should fulfil, and that is to defend his subordinates from intrigues and secret measures which endeavour to break the efficiency of the individual's work and to break the individual? In what way has the Home Secretary carried out that part of his duties? We cannot right a private wrong. We cannot replace a man of that position and that knowledge at the present time. Such men as Sir Basil Thomson are not made in a hurry. They do not get their experience in a hurry. Tonight, however, the House can do two things: They can prevent the appointment of an inefficient man to take his place, and they can make it impossible for any Minister of the Crown to so debase his office in the future.
I desire to second the Motion, because I am deeply concerned as to the security of this country, and particularly of London, which is prejudiced by the change that has been made so suddenly.
It is a matter of very grave concern that Members of this House cannot get to know beforehand contemplated changes of importance like the one in question. They are not allowed, even by question and answer, to ascertain the real facts. I listened this afternoon with astonishment and disappointment to the obvious prevarication of the Home Secretary, when he was trying to answer the questions put to him. It may be justifiable; it may be part of what is known as the game of Parliament; it may be part of the game to pass over this ques- tion by evasion, and certainly no one is more qualified to do that than the right hon. Gentleman, by reason of his training. I suppose it is that he is obliged to do it? His position is, no doubt, a difficult and delicate one, for when information is hidden, when things are taking place about which the world knows nothing until they have taken place, and to which, if it were consulted, the world would never consent, it is necessary, as far as possible, to cover up the tracks.
I heard this afternoon the statement, made most specifically, that no appointment had been made in the place of Sir Basil Thomson. Is that really the fact, or is the Home Secretary hiding himself behind the altered condition that the new office is not to bear the same name as the old. If that is so, I call it splitting a straw. I hold in my hand the official communiqué that was sent to the Press.
No official communiqué has been issued.
Then I will omit the word "official." I have not the least doubt that there are methods of getting information which may be disclaimed as official, but which is really official.
You are giving the game away.
I do not know what the hon. Member for Dartford (Mr. Mills) means when he talks about "giving the fame away," but I have not the least doubt as to his own part in the game that is going on. The communiqué says: better it will be for the community as a whole. We may have our own opinions, politically, and we may differ fundamentally, as we do in this country and in this House, but we can, at any rate, try to preserve the decencies of public life. We can try to preserve, or insist upon those who represent us preserving, the honourable traditions for straightforward conduct.
I know something of Sir Basil Thomson. He was, for a short time, Governor of Wormwood Scrubs Gaol, when I went there— [Laughter .] If it pleases hon. Members opposite to assume that I was in durance vile, they can be pleased, but do not let them say so outside this House. I occasionally went to Wormwood Scrubs as a visiting justice, and I found Sir Basil Thomson a man of integrity, of honour, of ability, and uprightness. What more do you want in a public servant? He has given 30 years of his life to the service of the State. Is that to be terminated by his being told on a Friday that he is to vacate his office on a Monday, although he was under official notice to go on 1st December? At present I am being asked to put questions down as to the way in which notices are being served upon ex-service men in the Government service. They get three months' notice or two months' notice, but the more distinguished a public servant, and the more he has done for the State, the more speedy is his dismissal. Anything more contemptible I do not know than to carry out against a man of 30 years' experience what is substantially a dismissal by calling it a resignation. There is no use camouflaging it by calling it a resignation, for a resignation which is insisted upon by the threat that if there is not a resignation pension rights will be lost, is a resignation under duress, and is equivalent to a dismissal.
What is the cause? Can there be any doubt as to the unpopularity among certain sections of Sir Basil Thomson? However extreme the views which some hon. Members may hold, they do not of necessity approve of much that is being done by the extreme men outside who classify themselves under the generic term "labour." My hon. Friend opposite has had the courage to stand up against the extreme men again and again, and it redounds to his credit. Therefore, do not let him think that I am making imputations against him or his colleagues, but it is undeniable that there are what may be described as large black patches in West Central, and still more in East London. They are largely foreign. Very often they are people who have fled from crime committed elsewhere. They are an underground seething mass, not merely of sedition, but of crime, and I am sure that very few, if any, hon. Members on those benches have the least conception of what is going on just immediately below the world surface.
Yes, we have.
Then I wonder you do not try to put it down.
We are always doing it. We know more about it than Sir Basil Thomson.
Then if you know about it you should have been able to do much more. There is every reason for having an able chief like Sir Basil Thomson. The safety of London depends, not only upon those people being kept under watch, but in having a man who is able to diagnose the danger in time in order to frustrate it. How often has Sir Basil Thomson frustrated plots before they have come to a head? We were told some months ago that for months past a sum of£34,000 per month was admittedly coming in from Moscow for the purpose of Bolshevik propaganda in this country among the workers. It may have stopped now. I have often wondered why the Government permitted it to come in. It was money paid to create mischief to help to bring about what the givers of the money announced as the world revolution. There is no attempt at secrecy that their object was to destroy the British Empire. There is no getting away from it. How is the dismissal of Sir Basil Thomson taken by this class of person? Of course, the criminal will feel that he has lost his chance of getting those prospective fetter, which his crime ought to cause him to wear. But the enemies of this country abroad, to whom Sir Basil Thomson has been a peculiarly alert opponent, will glory in the fact of his dismissal. I heard derisive cheers when my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for West Derby (Sir R. Hall) was talking about the "Daily Herald." There was a howl of exultation at the dismissal. I may quote one or two passages from to-day's issue of that highly desirable organ.
Quote the "Morning Post."
This is the way in which industrial members of society who are designated "industrial workers" are fed. This is what it says to-day under the heading:
Those of us who have been in the House for some years realise that precisely the same process has gone on in Ireland. No officer of the Crown there can depend upon being supported. That breaks their spirit, breaks their morale, and makes them unfitted to undertake any risks that the situation may require. Surely it is a Very undesirable thing for public servants of the Crown to be reduced to this state? The whole of this business requires threshing out most completely. The public are entitled to have an inquiry of the most impartial kind and to know precisely where is the mischief. Where did it start? Who is the person that authorised it? Who has been fanning the flame? And, finally, who is it that gave the orders that resulted in the summary dismissal of an old public servant? There is an illustration to be found in the Gospels. Hon. Members have jeered at the Psalms. Let them remember the story in the Gospel of the petty tyrant who was content to hand over the head of John the Baptist in order to satisfy the whim of the moment. I venture to say that Sir Basil Thomson is John the Baptist on this occasion, and his head has been served up on a charger to satisfy those persons who are acquainted with his methods and are afraid of his being allowed to continue in office in order to counter their activities. A real danger is presented to the country. I hope the House will insist on the most complete explanation, and insist also upon an impartial inquiry, which would ascertain how these things are done.
I quite agree that it is just as well that this matter should be threshed out on the floor of the House, and I cannot help thinking that it would have been a little fairer if the threshing out had been done before accusations of dishonesty were levelled against the other side. At least before a man is accused of dishonesty, he ought to have an opportunity of explaining his position. However, my opportunity has now come. So far as the charges made against me are concerned, I am not quite clear as to what they are exactly. I gather that it is alleged, first, that Sir Basil Thomson has been dismissed against his own wish, that a valuable public servant has thereby been sacrificed, and sacrificed to the cry of the "Daily Herald" and of those whose sympathies are with that journal. I gather, further, that a charge is made that in his place there has been appointed, definitely appointed, a gentleman who was not fitted for the office. I think the term "prevarication" was used, and it was said that I had announced that the gentleman was not appointed, whereas in truth and in fact he was appointed to the post, but under another name.
9.0 P.M.
Let me deal with the last point first. There is absolutely no ground for that suggestion. There is no question of appointing anyone under any different name whatsoever, and so far from the appointment of General Byrne being definite, just before I came into the House, I received his answer. I told the House to-day what was perfectly true, namely, that I have made General Byrne an offer of the position of Assistant Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police. He has now written me to say that, having heard what took place this afternoon—I am bound to say that I regret this on behalf of the London police—he cannot feel it consistent with his self-respect and the public interest to undertake duties of that kind, unless he is to have public support and confidence. He has, therefore, felt it his duty to refuse what was still only an offer, and not a complete appointment.
How came it about that General Byrne went to Sir Basil Thomson's office at the beginning of this week, and that those who called to see Sir Basil were told that his successor, General Byrne, was in the office and was functioning?
I cannot possibly say. [ Interruption .] If hon. Members are going to jeer at everything I say, it becomes impossible for me to speak. I do know this: It will be quite c6nsistent with all that I have said that General Byrne should go to the office, in order to see exactly what were the duties. The duties were new to him. [ Interruption .] If every explanation I make is jeered at it is useless for me to proceed. I have told the House exactly what is the fact. So far as General Byrne is concerned, there is no question now of his appointment. With regard to Sir Basil Thomson, I understood from the hon. and gallant Member for the West Derby Division (Sir R. Hall), who opened this attack, that he was under the impression that the Special Branch at Scotland Yard was to be dissolved, that the activi- ties of the Special Branch were to cease, and that there would be no one whose duty it would be to attend to the activities of extremists, sedition mongers, and so on. There has never been for one instant any idea of any such course of conduct. Never for one second has anybody even considered the breaking up of the Special Branch, or even considered any reduction of its activities, or considered for one instant that it should pay any less attention in future than in the past to the activities of the extremists, the Communists, and others in this country. Never for one instant has that been considered.
Possibly the best way to explain the position is for, me to tell the story from the beginning. In the year 1919, after the fighting was over, the suggestion was made that there should be a separate Special Branch, the branch up to then having been under the Chief Commissioner, and worked in conjunction with,. and as part of, the Criminal Investigation Department of the Police. The suggestion was that the Special Branch should be made into a separate department. The matter was considered, and it was eventually decided that a trial of the suggestion should be made, limited in time, because it was purely experimental. Even then experience showed that it was absolutely impossible entirely to separate work of that kind from the Chief Commissioner of Police. Therefore, when Sir Basil Thomson was made head of that special branch, he was continued as a policeman. He was continued as Assistant Commissioner of Police, and as such was under the Chief Commissioner, and Tie was in every way part and parcel of the police force, because, as he himself agreed at the time, it was essential there should be a connection. These arrangements went on for some considerable time. There came in a change in the Chief Commissionership. Sir Neville Macready became Commander-in-Chief in Ireland, and General Horwood was appointed his successor. I am sure the "House will appreciate that I am only giving the facts, and making no accusation of any sort or description against such a very distinguished public servant, as I fully recognise Sir Basil Thomson to have been, and as everybody knows he was. He did not, from the very first, work well with General Horwood.
What was General Horwood's record?
General Horwood, at any rate, was a very successful Commissioner. From the very first Sir Basil Thomson did not work well with General Horwood. I did my utmost to make things work smoothly between them, and? am bound to say that General Horwood—[An HON. MEMBER: "Why did not he go?"]—by my special request tolerated much from Sir Basil Thomson—one of his Assistant Commissioners, for whom he was absolutely responsible. For every policeman in Sir Basil Thomson's Department, General Horwood was the person responsible. Do let us recollect what was the Commissioner's position. Every single policeman he was responsible for; the whole of the activities of the police, he was responsible for; if anything went wrong, he was the person who must take the brunt of the blame. In spite of that, at my special request he tolerated from Sir Basil Thomson what very few Commissioners would tolerate from any assistant Commissioner at all. He tolerated an amount of independence in Sir Basil Thomson, which, as I say, very few Commissioners would tolerate.
Things went on for some months in that way, but eventually the Commissioner came to me, and explained that things were being done in such a way that they could not go on, that he could obtain no information, that he had absolutely no control, that whether people who came here, and had to be protected, were properly protected, he, the responsible person, did not know, and, as Sir Basil Thomson would not tell him, could not know. As a result of that, I got Sir Basil Thomson and the Commissioner into my room at the Home Office. We threshed out the whole thing, in order to try to make matters work smoothly. I was anxious to retain Sir Basil, and at the same time I knew we could not possibly get a better Commissioner. I tried to make things work smoothly between them, and a definite course of conduct was laid down, and agreed to by both, part of it being that once a week at least Sir Basil Thomson was to go to the Commissioner, and keep him fully informed, making full reports of what took place. He did so for some months, but eventually it turned out that for months and months on end ho never would go near the Commissioner, or tell the Commissioner certain things.
That was making an impossible position for the Commissioner, and in June of this year, or a little earlier, 1 began to ask myself whether it was really possible for this to continue. More and more was it brought to my notice that there was overlapping, that there was lack of co-ordination, and that more than once we had failed where we should not have failed had the Chief Commissioner had more control of the Special Branch. Therefore, I was bound to go into the question as to whether we ought not to revert to the old system and bring the C.I.D. and the special branch together again. I consulted with the Chief Commissioner about it, and I consulted with Sir Basil Thomson. From the first moment Sir Basil Thomson made no secret of it, but made it perfectly clear to me that, if it were ever decided that the Special Branch should go back under the Commissioner, like the C.I.D., he would resign. From that moment everything was discussed in the full knowledge, and with the assertion by Sir Basil Thomson that if it were found necessary to bring the two bodies together again, he (Sir Basil Thomson) would resign his office.
That was the position, and on that I reconsidered the whole matter. I went into it again most carefully, anxious from the start, if possible, not to lose the services of such a man as Sir Basil Thomson. Let me say at once that, great as his services have been, I think there are men—and I will tell the House where and who they are—who can be got to do his special work. I have been very carefully going into this, and I think there are such men—indeed I hope we have got them. At the same time, I was very anxious to try to keep Sir Basil Thomson, and therefore I reconsidered the question; but finally I was driven to act. Having all the facts before me, having considered and carefully discussed everything, I was forced to tell Sir Basil again that the conclusion we had come to was that this must be done, and again he told me, "Very well; if it is, I will resign, for I will not go on on these terms." I had arranged to discuss the position with my colleagues before the House rose in August. I had come to the conclusion before the House rose that this must be done. Sir Basil Thomson knew it was my decision, although no actual official decision had been come to, and he knew that I knew that if that decision were carried into effect, he would resign. I let it go on until this month, but eventually we came to the conclusion that the change must be made, and made at once, in the interests of efficiency, as well as in the interests of economy. Economy I am not going to deal with. Although that will follow, it is merely incidental. It is efficiency I am concerned with, and I may say I am satisfied, and those who, with me, have gone into the matter are satisfied, that we shall have greater efficiency under a resumption of, not quite the old system, but something nearly approaching to it, with greater control by the Chief Commissioner. We shall have greater efficiency than before.
What was it Sir Basil Thomson was asked to do? I have been told that someone rang him up, and said to him, "If you are going away for the week-end, do not come back, you are not wanted here." No one would telephone any such message. It could not possibly have been done toy anyone authorised, because the arrangement was that he was to take his holiday, after he had had a week, in order to wind up certain things in his office, and he said he preferred not to have the week. It was his own choice to go at once. The suggestion was that he should take leave on full pay for some time, but that, before' going, he should stay a week in order to clear things up, and he said he preferred to go at once. That was the only request made to him, he having, himself, told us all along: "If this decision is taken, I resign." That was what he told us all along.
I leave it to the House whether I was honest or dishonest. I can assure the House that when I said he did resign, I had all these facts in my mind, and in my opinion, I may be wrong, but in my perfectly honest opinion, that amounts to resignation, and not dismissal. Of course, hon. Members may disagree with me in my interpretation, but I do ask the House to say that there was nothing dishonest, and nothing in the nature of a deliberate attempt to mislead the House, as was suggested, by my saying that he had not been dismissed, but had resigned. It was his own choice from beginning to end.
If the House will bear with me, I am very anxious to remove some apprehensions, because I know there are a number of hon. Members who are perfectly sincerely apprehensive that we are going to relax our efforts with regard to the extremists. I know they are not attacking me without believing they have perfectly good grounds for doing so, and therefore I will try to remove these apprehensions.
Sir Basil Thomson's business consisted of two parts. There was that part which was the work of the Assistant Commissioner of Police, in charge of what is known as the Special Branch of the C.I.D., that is, the Criminal Investigation Department. That portion of his work can only possibly be done by a policeman, acting as a policeman, under the Chief Commissioner. I do not want to go into details—it would take too long—but I could give numberless instances to show conclusively that that is the only way that that portion of his work can be done. But there is another portion of his work which has grown up in later years—a very important part of his work—which we describe colloquially in the Department when we are discussing it as his "world work"—his work which consisted of getting information about sedition, seditious movements, dangerous movements all over the world, the attacks upon the British Empire, and so on. All those things, all over the world, are quite different from the work done by the Assistant Commissioner who is in charge of the Special Branch; and had it not been for the relations between Sir Basil Thomson and General Horwood, which made their working together impossible, I should have been only too glad if Sir Basil would have stayed for a few months until we got that matter settled. But what I have been doing ever since I knew that Sir Basil would resign is looking round for a second man to come in, and do that work.
Now we have—and no one knows it better than an hon. and gallant Member of this House (Rear-Admiral Sir R. Hall) who himself did splendid work in the War, and I willingly admit all that and say with great frankness, in spite of the terrible charges which he has made against me, that he did splendid work in the War, and he knows as well as I know, that both in his Service and in the Junior Service, in the Army, there were young people, young men, who did splendid Secret Service work. I have no doubt that from among that body—and already, in conjunction with the Adjutant-General and others, I have been discussing it—we have men in our minds. I have discussed it with one or two who said they could not possibly take it, but still, I hope we shall have a man, thoroughly qualified, with all the natural flair for investigation—the hon. and gallant Member knows very well the sort of thing I mean—the very man who is capable of carrying on that portion of the work.
There has never been a moment's suggestion that that portion of the work is to be dropped, and therefore I hope I shall get someone who will do the work of the Assistant Commissioner. When General Byrne was chosen—let me say at once it was not merely my choice. It was the deliberate choice of those men who knew General Byrne best, and who knew the Metropolitan Police best. And they thought he was the very man. I chose him only on that strong recommendation. That, of course, has been disposed of, but I hope to get someone who will be able to do it well, and then, with the assistance of a man whose sole business will be collecting information about dangerous movements and dangerous people, I have no doubt we shall have a far more efficient service even—I say "even" advisedly—than it is today, because to-day it is efficient
There is another suggestion—and really I ask myself whether it was made seriously—that we have deliberately sacrificed Sir Basil Thomson, in order to try and get the support of the "Daily Herald." Is there anything which would bring the Coalition down with a quicker rush than our taking such action as that? I can hardly believe that that suggestion was made seriously, but, if it was, let me assure hon. Members that one of our great objections has been, that owing to the lack of co-ordination we have not been able to act as swiftly and as strongly as we desire to do. Lack of co-ordination has been one of the great curses of our experiment. It is because we want to get that co-ordination, and thereby to act with far greater speed, far greater certainty, and far greater force, that we want to make the changes which we are making.
May I interrupt the right hon. Gentleman for a moment? He has said that there were two branches under Sir Basil Thomson.
Not branches.
Well, two departments. One was the Criminal Investigation Department, and the other was the "world work." What has the "world work" got to do with the Chief Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police? Will the right hon. Gentleman answer that question? Also, if somebody else is to come in who is to do the "world work" as regards sedition, etc., why should not Sir Basil Thomson have been left to do that, and hand the Criminal Investigation Department over to the Chief Commissioner?
The latter part of the hon. and gallant Gentleman's question I have already answered, because I have said that I deeply regretted that, having regard to the relations between General Horwood and Sir Basil Thomson, it was quite impossible to have going into the office, which is a part of General Horwood's jurisdiction, a retired and pensioned ex-Assistant Commissioner who had quarrelled with General Horwood—going in amongst his own subordinates, and doing work there. I am quite certain that hon. Members will take the view I have taken, namely, that, regrettable as it may be, it is impossible. I did not say there were two Departments. That is where my hon. and gallant Friend was mistaken. What I said was that the particular work which Sir Basil Thomson, as Assistant Commissioner, did, divided itself into two parts. But unless you get the whole of your information actually under the same roof, and at the immediate and momentary disposal of the chief of the police, how can the police act? This particular officer, whose business would be collecting this information, would be an officer serving in the C.I.D. Department; but his whole energies—it is not a question of authority, but of the man's energies and abilities—would be devoted to that particular work, just as you have different kinds of detectives—a smaller thing, but still a fair comparison—doing different kinds of detective work, for which they are specially trained. By that means, I think we should have assured the efficient working of the Department.
I think I have answered all the charges that have been made against me. I have endeavoured to do so. I have endeavoured to acquaint the House as fully as possible with the position of affairs. I have endeavoured to show that I did myself make every effort to try and make things work smoothly between Sir Basil Thomson and General Horwood. The final dénouement was when General Horwood said that things were such that, unless whoever took the place of the Assistant Commissioner really acted as his Assistant Commissioner, he could not go on, and he must resign. I had no doubt, after consultation with others, where my duty lay, and the position being therefore that Sir Basil Thomson said that if he was to work under General Horwood, with General Horwood really his Chief Commissioner and he really Assistant Commissioner, he would resign, we were bound to accept Sir Basil Thomson's resignation. I regret—and I hope the House will believe that I say this sincerely—I deeply regret the loss of Sir Basil Thomson. He and I have worked together now for nearly three years—within a month or two of three years—and I never met a more courteous, pleasant person to work with than Sir Basil Thomson. His abilities I know as well as any Member of this House, but we were bound to consider before, all things the efficiency of this great service, which is so essential at the present time, as everybody in this House admits. I hope that I have now explained to the House why we have carried out what has been a difficult and a very disagreeable business, and that our conduct has not been of that dishonest, callous, and careless description which was ascribed to it by the two hon. Members.
Would the right hon. Gentleman answer one question? Who informed Sir Basil Thomson that his resignation had taken place from 1st December?
I rather think, as far as my information goes, that it came from: the proper official, Sir Warren Fisher, of the Treasury, who is the head of the whole Civil Service. Sir Warren Fisher telephoned to him, and asked him, as he was going to resign, that he should resign from 1st December. That is the best information I can give.
Is one to understand from the right hon. Gentleman that, at the time Sir Warren Fisher telephoned to Sir Basil Thomson, he personally was unaware of what had been decided about the fate of one of his subordinates?
I really do not know to what the hon. and gallant Member is referring to. The fate of one of whose subordinates?
I understand the head of the Special Intelligence Department was an officer of the Home Department, of which the Home Secretary is the head. I understand from him, in reply to my question, that the method of getting the resignation of Sir Basil Thomson was for a Treasury official to telephone to Sir Basil Thomson, and inform him that his resignation should be from the 1st December. The question I ask is this. Was that done to Sir Basil Thomson by Sir Warren Fisher before the Home Secretary was aware of it?
No, of course not. May I explain the facts to the House. Sir Basil Thomson has had a varied service, and the result was that there were very considerable difficulties about his pension. He had been only 8½ years Assistant Commissioner, and if the usual rule were strictly followed, his pension would have been small. I was fighting to get him as generous a pension as possible. Sir Warren Fisher is head of the Civil Service, and the Treasury was brought in to discuss that matter. It was arranged that he was to be on full pay till the 1st December, and his pension was to run from that date. In that way Sir Warren Fisher was brought into it, and gave the information.
I listened to the hon. Member for Ealing (Sir H. Nield), with his exploration into mare's nests, and by the reference that he made to the copy of the "Daily Herald" one would assume that the sole purpose of the removal of Sir Basil Thomson was to give kudos to the "D.H." I suggest to him that, probably, the "D.H." means the Die-hards, of which he counts himself so strong a supporter.
Would the hon. Gentleman allow me to say that those words, "D.H.," belong to my county's famous regiment, which has done far better work than many of his friends.
The hon. Member uses the words to suit his argument and I use them to suit mine. He further stated that the removal of Sir Basil Thomson would create joy in Moscow. After the series of blunders made public as the result of the continuance in office of this gentleman, it would cause far more consternation than joy in Moscow. I have in my hand one series of blunder after blunder that had to be put right either by the Home Secretary or by the Prime Minister after the matters were raised in this House. Men have come here from America who have been fighting Bolshevism in America and who have been refused admission by this super-patriot on the ground that they were a menace to these islands. It was only after speeches from the Front Bench of the Labour party calling attention to this fact, that the blunders of this so-called eagle-eyed patriot were found to be the kind of work any bungler could carry on. Take, again, the hold up of two distinguished French Socialists coming from France, both of whom have been subject to attacks by the Communists since they refused to agree to the thesis of the Third International. When the Prime Minister knew of it he himself apologised to these gentlemen, and Sir Basil Thomson's order was cancelled. The number of blunders made by this gentleman have done more to popularise the Communist movement than anything done by agitators. Anyone would assume that there had never been a Secret Service until this gentleman was born for the special purpose of saving the British Empire. Twenty-six years ago, long before men were paid big salaries, with soft jobs for their friends, men were quietly tracked by men with small salaries and with no pension to follow after a short service. Remember the explosion in Greenwich Park with a Secret Service man fifty yards behind. That was done without Sir Basil Thomson, without a magnificent salary and such a Press service. Look at the latest reply of Lord Curzon based on information from this gentleman. His latest reply to this Bolshevik Government is admittedly based on misleading reports that have come from this so-called impeccable gentleman.
It is not admitted. Will the hon. Member say by whom it is admitted?
I have allowed the Debate reasonable scope, in order that the House might proceed with the whole case, but I think this is rather wandering too far from it if it be followed on both sides.
The terms of the Motion were a Vote of Censure on the Government for getting this office vacated by probably the greatest gentleman that has ever been called upon to fill it. I am advancing reasons why a temporary vacation will not impair it, and I say that the work is carried on by the people who have always done it unseen and badly paid. The blunders are done by those higher up and they could be spared at any moment. I will only trouble the House with one more exposition. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear."] Probably after that expression of welcome I may as well go on with three other items. The next one I will refer to is the close connection of this gentleman in high society with the wives of ex-Grand Dukes who are always ready to supply him with information. I have here the reply given across the floor of the House of Commons by Sir James Craig, the then Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty. It appears that forged copies of a Russian newspaper found their way to the secret offices of this particular gentleman, where the printer's name was cut off by the guillotine, which, because of the enormous work put upon it, had to be repaired at the expense of the British taxpayer. These were sent off in separate bundles, and Sir James Craig, in his reply said:
"Owing to the interrupted communications in the Baltic, the Director of Intelligence at Scotland Yard"—
that was this great patriot—
"requested the Admiralty to give facilities for the transmission of packages, the contents of which were not known. These packages were sent to the Admiralty, and were forwarded by routine service in the Baltic."
This was followed up by an admission from the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs that the package was found to contain some 100 copies of a faked edition of this newspaper, and they were kept at Riga under lock and key. A series of blunders has been made by this gentleman from year to year, with the climax that extra officials had to be appointed at Hull and other places who were experts on gramophone records, in order that they might possibly come across a gramophone record of a Bolshevik leader. This was the culmination of the series of attempts made by this gentleman to deal with a theory, which,' in the long run, after all, will be upheld by the force of its merits, and not by the force of bullets or the misrepresentations of its opponents.
The hon. Gentleman who has just sat down shed a new light on the proceedings. I understood from the Home Secretary that the reason for Sir Basil Thomson's dismissal—for dismissal it was—although he was an extremely pleasant and courteous gentleman, according to the Home Secretary, was his inability to get on with General Horwood, and as to it being the "Daily Herald" or anything of that sort, it was absolutely absurd. The hon. Gentleman has now put a totally different impression on the matter. He has given two instances. He said that Sir Basil Thomson arrested certain people, and it was not until Labour leaders demanded that these people should be discharged from arrest that those people were so discharged. Then the Labour leaders have got something to do with it. It is not only incompatibility of temper with regard to General Horwood, but incompatibility of temper with regard to the Labour party. Further, the hon. Gentleman has said that the Prime Minister himself, on being informed of something that Sir Basil Thomson had done, which displeased the Labour party, then altered the proceeding of Sir Basil Thomson, in deference to the wishes of the Labour party. Who says that the Labour party are unfit to govern? They are governing at the present moment. They governed on Monday last, and it looks to me as if they were governing at the present moment. The "Daily Herald," which was shown to me in the Tea Boom by an hon. Member, is extremely pleased with the resignation of Sir Basil Thomson. It says what the hon. Gentleman opposite has just said, that Sir Basil Thomson arrested people wrongly, and it goes on to remark that those people who have been arrested through the agency of Sir Basil Thomson, and who are now in prison, should be released. Is that going to be done? After their two successes, first, I suppose, with the Home Secretary and then with the Prime Minister, are the Labour leaders to come down again and get these other people discharged from prison?
Leaving out the revelations of the hon. Gentleman, because they, put a totally different appearance upon the whole matter, may I say that if the hon. Gentleman had sat still and said nothing, then, I think, the general impression was that if the Home Secretary had been a little more candid at the beginning and said at the beginning, "It is true we have dismissed Sir Basil Thomson. We have dismissed him because he cannot get on with General Horwood"—if he had said that at the beginning, I do not think there would have been very much said. But the right hon. Gentleman did not say that. He tried to convey the impression that Sir Basil Thomson, having something better to do, or being tired of his office, had resigned, whereas the fact was quite different. Sir Basil Thomson did not want to go, and was prepared to stay on, but he was not going to be subjected to General Horwood. Those are the actual facts. Now we are going to have two men instead of one, as I gather. I must say 1 cannot understand how the Home Secretary could ever have offered a post to Sir Joseph Byrne after the answer given by the present Minister of Pensions such a short time ago as February, 1920, when he said:
Gentleman got up to denounce this gentleman makes me inclined to think there has been some further pressure put upon the Government, and, therefore, I think the explanation given is not altogether satisfactory.
Before this Debate closes, I would like one word in regard to a public servant who, I think, has been very harshly treated in this Debate. I refer to General Byrne. I think it is hardly fair to General Byrne to quote all these answers given last year. I know nothing about General Byrne. I have not seen him, nor do I know him in any way, but it seems to me that here is a man who has done very distinguished service to the State and has held very high office, and last year the Cabinet dismissed him—not the Chief Secretary, but, as I understand it, the Cabinet—in the terms which have been read out. Well, I think that he was a victim of the Cabinet in the same way as Sir Basil Thomson has been a victim. In this case, General Byrne was actually invited by the Home. Secretary to take up the office, and he has been in office for several days, as I understand. It would be a great hardship on that distinguished officer if this Debate were closed without someone rising to protest against his name being dragged in as it has been in this Debate, and I would just like to make my protest in this respect.
In a very few sentences I should like to associate myself with the words which have just fallen from my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Finsbury (Lieut.-Colonel Archer-Shee). To-night I find myself again in the happy position of agreeing with the hon. Baronet the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury)—he and I share the same opinions with regard to vivisection and the dishonourable treatment of public servants. It would appear that this side of the House seem to know something. The hon. Member for Dartford (Mr. Mills) spoke from the Labour benches a moment ago, but he will forgive me if I do not follow him. He apologised because he had not come from Oxford or Cambridge. That seemed to be very unnecessary. There are many good things that come from outside those Universities, but if he had apologised for having said ungenerous things about a man who has been harshly treated I think that would have come very well from him. I feel very strongly about this question. I want to speak in moderate language, but when you feel strongly very often you are rude, and I am quite sure I am not likely to sit down without being rude to someone. Therefore I ask that hon. Member or Members to accept my apology before it happens. To begin with, after listening with very great distaste to the answer which we got from the Front Bench this evening, I am wondering if the apostolic succession of Ananias has gone straight to the Home Office or the Irish Office. Then I realised that honours were divided.
Expressions like that cannot be allowed. If they were passed over, our whole tradition of courtesy would be destroyed. The hon. Member will please withdraw those expressions.
I withdraw at once, but I did not know that my right hon. Friend would mind being associated with somebody out of the Bible.
The hon. Member must not put it like that either.
I withdraw and apologise. In this Debate which we have heard to-night Members have spoken, very few hon. Members, I think, except the distinguished Admiral who opened the Debate, have it appears known Sir Basil Thomson himself. I have that honour. I should like to say this, that I think he is neither what my headlong and progressive Friends on the right think he is, nor is he what other hon. Gentlemen who are reactionary think. Sir Basil Thomson is a gentleman of very considerable talents who has given his whole life to the service of his country. He is a man of extremely broad horizons. I think that if some of my hon. Friends on the right talked with him they would receive a very different impression from what they expect. I believe that you have chosen an unusually bad moment for getting rid of a servant who is an unusually good man. I am sorry to hear these expressions of rejoicing at the fall of one who a great many people on the Labour Benches appear to consider their enemy. [HON. MEMBERS: "No, no!"] My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for New-castle-under-Lyme (Colonel Wedgwood) is not here to-night. The term "honourable and gallant" is well applied to him, for he is both an honourable and a gallant man, and I am sorry to see him joining in the persecution of Sir Basil Thomson, because, after all, he has had in some ways regrettable things in his past. He has been a magistrate himself. I do not know the-province of Ermelo over which he was magistrate, but I know my hon. and gallant Friend well enough to know that there would be perfect order kept in that province. Sir Basil Thomson would not have kept better order himself.
Hon. Members upon the Benches below me have alluded to the fact that Sir Basil Thomson has gained many enemies in the Labour world and upon the Labour Benches. [HON. MEMBEBS: "No, no!"] That is what has been said by hon. Gentlemen opposite. [HON. MEMBERS: "They are capable of saying anything!"] I think it is universally admitted that Sir Basil Thomson was an absolutely first-class head of Scotland Yard. In doing that work he had to make enemies in the Bolshevik world, and perhaps not only in the Bolshevik world, but also enemies in high finance. At any rate, though it is admitted he was a first-class head of Scot-land Yard, I think that it is equally admitted that he was not a first class electioneering asset. What has happened? He has gone at this present moment. He is the only man who has got all the threads in his hand. He is the only man who knows the whole of the circumstances, and we are still in a very difficult position. I do not wish to speak much longer. I really do not want to make an attack upon the Government.
I want to see this Government last out whilst the Irish negotiations are going on, but we are bound to make an honourable protest. Sir Basil Thomson has been treated in exactly the same way as General Maurice. [An HON MEMBER: "And General Dyer!"] My hon. Friend opposite has mentioned General Byrne. Well, General Byrne has been very badly treated by the Government, and it strikes me that if he continues in this office he may be quite sure he will be badly treated by the Government again. I also regret any expression that ties the hands of General Byrne. He is an honest and upright man who has tried to do his best, and he only lost his job because the policy of the Government failed. I am going to vote against the Government, believing, first of all, that it is a disgraceful thing to treat a man who has grown grey in the service of his country as Sir Basil Thomson has been treated. I will add no more to that. Secondly, having done what they have, the least the Government could do would have been to be candid from the start. Lastly, I shall vote against the Government because, not only have they done bad morally, but they have done bad intellectually in having got rid of one of the most efficient men we have at the present time.
I have a very high appreciation of the Home Secretary in many directions, but I regret to say that with all his powers as an advocate he has absolutely mishandled this case. Whenever there is a case of dismissal or resignation of a Minister of the Crown, or someone to be superseded, it appears always to be done over the telephone. We have frequently heard of Cabinet Ministers being superseded by telephone messages. The one thing which the Home Secretary seems to be in doubt about is who actually conveyed the information to Sir Basil Thomson as to the date from which his resignation should take effect? The right hon. Gentleman can only suggest that it might have been by a Treasury official, and he has entirely mishandled the situation. The right hon. Gentleman should have sent for this servant and personally have settled this question of the resignation in no uncertain manner, so that there would be no misunderstanding. For this I think the right hon. Gentleman is deserving of censure.
In the heat of my speech I used a word in reference to the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Widnes (Mr. A. Henderson) which I wish to withdraw. I had no wish to hit where I did not need to hit, and I am sorry I used the expression.
10.0 P.M.
I think the House will agree, after hearing the statement of the Home Secretary, that there was no course open for him to take but the one he has taken. I hope my hon. Friend will force this motion to a division, and if he does I shall be inclined to go into the Lobby with him. I am sure the Home Secretary took the only course which was open to him to take if the dignity of the Government and the Office is to be preserved. It is evident that every principle and every vestige of cooperation and discipline has been outraged in that Office for the last 18 months. We have forced the Home Secretary into making an interesting admission, and it is that the resignation is being faked in order that this gentleman would get a much higher pension than he would have got had his resignation been accepted at the proper time. It is against that I wish to make my protest, and I challenge the right of the Home Secretary to deliberately arrange the resignation of a highly-paid officer in order to get him an enhanced pension which he would not be entitled to if the resignation had been accepted at the proper moment. The other day an ordinary constable had to go to the High Courts to prove his claim to an enhanced pension against the Government, and with that before us we have the frank admission of the Home Secretary here to-night, that the resignation of this man is being deliberately timed in order that he will get a higher pension than he is entitled to. We hear a good deal of talk about economy. I would like to know what the anti-waste representatives have to say about this. To-morrow morning there will be thousands of children going to school without breakfast because we are too poor to feed them. We have here the admission that a resignation has been deliberately faked in order to mulct this country into paying a pension to which the recipient is not entitled. For these reasons I support the Motion.
A number of hon. Members will go into the Lobby against the Government on the ground that they have been ungenerous to Sir Basil Thomson, and another section will vote against the Government because they have been too generous. So that the Division will be unusual in character. I came here with an absolutely open mind and I listened to my hon. and gallant Friend who opened the indictment. One does not expect from my hon. and gallant Friend the advocacy of the legal mind, but he launched his indictment in his very best quarter-deck manner. The hon. and learned Member who followed him (Sir H. Nield) surprised me very much more than my hon. and gallant Friend because I expected from him some attempt to weigh the evidence. There was one fact which struck me about the speeches of the Mover and the Seconder of this Motion. I excuse my hon. and gallant Friend for his lack of logic, but I cannot understand anyone who has occupied such a great position as he has done in the country's service, condoning something which I must regard as indiscipline.
On the other hand, my hon. and learned Friend who seconded this Motion seemed to me to lose all sense of logical sequence in the presentation of his argument, and he told the House of Commons seriously that the Treasury Bench had been influenced by the opinion of the editor of the "Daily Herald." That may do very well for my hon. Friend's constituency, but it will not do for the House of Commons. He afterwards said that the "Daily Herald" was the official organ of the Labour party in this House and then turned to the Labour party and said that in the country they were condemning the very principles for which the "Daily Herald" stood. If I were in trouble I should certainly prefer to put my case in better hands than that of the hon. and learned Gentleman who seconded this Motion. There is only one point to my mind in this whole Debate. I have always heard Sir Basil Thomson spoken of in the most complimentary terms. I have been told he is a distinguished public servant who has rendered great service during the War and deserves the very best of those who are his superiors in the service. One distinguishing feature of Government officials in this country is that the most generous view is always taken regarding both their emoluments and promotion generally, and, knowing the Home Secretary as I do, I believe there is no man in this House who would go to more extreme lengths of conciliation and concession in order to retain a great public servant. Upon what does Sir Basil Thomson's resignation depend? What is the cause of it? My right hon. Friend has told us it was entirely a question of discipline. We all know that both in business life and in the services you must have one man in supreme authority. I understand Sir Basil Thomson did not recognise the head of his Department. I accept that statement without question, and if the time is to come here when we are to decline to accept the word of a Minister of the Crown across the Floor of this House, then I think there will be an end to what my hon. and learned Friend has referred to as all public decencies of debate. I am extremely sorry that this gifted officer has resigned. I hope he will receive the most generous treatment on the part of the Home Office, and I do think that anyone who takes an unprejudiced view and has no other influence at work in his mind against the Government, is bound to accept the word of my right hon. Friend and unhesitatingly go into the Lobby in favour of the Government to-night.
I only rise to make three very short observations, and I do so for two reasons. In the first place, Sir Basil Thomson is a very old friend of my own. Secondly, during practically the whole of the War I was engaged on Military Intelligence, and was in constant touch with Sir Basil's work. One of the difficulties of a Debate like this is that the official whose conduct we are discussing cannot be heard, and I will put in this caveat to hon. Members, that we must wait to hear the observations of Sir Basil himself on the Home Secretary's speech, if he wishes to make any, before we come to a final judgment in the case. The second thing I wish to say is in reference to the impression that the Home Secretary's speech certainly gave me with reference to Sir Basil's conduct. The impression I gathered was that he wished the House to think Sir Basil was a quarrelsome person who could not get on with General Horwood. I am quite sure that any hon. Member who knows Sir Basil personally will most definitely deny the truth of that suggestion. I worked with Sir Basil for a very long time, and I say quite definitely, I have never known an easier man to work with. The Home Secretary said it was a case of choosing between Sir Basil and General Horwood—Sir Basil, on the one hand, who had been an expert police official for 30 years, and on the other General Horwood, who, however great his qualifications, was a soldier brought back from France quite recently with scarcely any police experience. If it was a case of choosing between these two men, I should have chosen the expert police official rather than an inexperienced new man. I have one further observation to make. The Home Secretary described to the House the constitution of Sir Basil's directorate and asked the House to believe that the organisation was an impossible one. I think I am correct in saying that the organisation of the special directorate over which Sir Basil presided was drawn up by the Cabinet itself, and if there was any fault in it, the fault rested with the Cabinet and not with Sir Basil. The Home Secretary said something about a semi-official communication to the Press. I do not like these official or semi-official communications from Government officers.
I denied it.
Denied the fact that there was an official communication?
Or any at all.
Does the right hon. Gentleman deny that it was given out by Scotland Yard?
Certainly, to the best of my knowledge it was not given out by the Home Office or by Scotland Yard.
That certainly satisfies me. The Home Secretary definitely says the information was not given out by anybody from the Home Office and that it did not come from Scotland Yard. I will not press that point further. Let me say how very unfortunate it is that Sir Basil should not be here himself to be able to put before the House his side of the case. If he were, I am quite confident we should all agree—the Labour Members as well as everybody else—that he is a great public servant who has been very hardly treated.
There are one or two points upon which I think it necessary to make a few observations. The House is placed in an extremely difficult position. The Home Secretary has made a speech this evening which is absolutely in direct contradiction with the written statement of Sir Basil Thomson in the newspapers. On each of the main points we find a complete divergence of opinion. I feel it is a tradition of this House that a Minister of the Crown having made his speech we are bound to accept his answer until Sir Basil has had an opportunity of replying. That is my view. The Home Secretary has brought this trouble almost entirely upon himself. If any hon. Member will take the trouble to read his answers to our questions to-day and com- pare them with the speech he has just made, they will see he left the House in absolute doubt as to when the decision was conveyed to Sir Basil Thomson and it is extraordinary that when the right hon. Gentleman was questioned as to whether General Byrne had been appointed he said no appointment had been made, and then, later on, in answer to further questions, said, "I have asked him to accept the appointment."
In spite of the fact that he offered it, this fact ought to be known by everyone who is interested in this controversy. A gentleman went to Scotland Yard and inquired for Sir Basil Thomson, and was told, by officials on the spot, "He has left, but his successor has been appointed, and General Byrne is upstairs. Would you like to see him?" It is very difficult for us to understand quite how these things are worked, and I say that we ought to hear more about that before this mystery is completely cleared up. The Home Secretary again tells us this evening, as I understood his speech, that Sir Basil Thomson is one of the most distinguished and brilliant public servants —I forget the exact adjectives he used —that we have ever had, but there is this unfortunate difference of opinion between him and General Horwood. I would ask whether, after a man has served his country all that time with such honour and distinction, he has been properly treated by the Home Secretary in the manner in which his dismissal was completed? He receives a telephone message or a telegram, or something from an official. The right hon. Gentleman has not asked him to come and see him himself, and speak to him face to face on this question.
There are two more extraordinary incidents in this amazing matter, which, I think, has puzzled the House more than anything else for a long time. I do not want to say a word against General Byrne, who, I am sure, is a very gallant officer and gentleman; but this fact remains, that the Cabinet removed him from his position in Ireland on account of incompetence, and yet the Home Secretary goes straight to him and asks him if he will accept this vital appointment as chief of this Department in London. Is there no liaison between Departments? It seems to me that the Home Secretary, by taking that action, has thrown over the decision of the Cabinet, and I think the House ought to know whether in future one Department is going to appoint an official without consulting the records of the Office in which he was employed before. There is one more question that I should like to ask. Did the Home Secretary take this action? on his own account, or was it a Cabinet decision? I do not know if the Home Secretary can answer that.
Surely the hon and gallant Member knows that that is a question which is never answered?
The right hon. Gentleman said that this afternoon.
The Leader of the House said it the other day.
Is the House not entitled to know whether it was a decision of the Government or a Cabinet decision? Surely, if an officer of the standing of Sir Basil Thomson is removed from a position like this the country is entitled to know whether it was the whim? of an individual or whether it was a Cabinet decision? If not, I would ask why it was that, when General Byrne was dismissed from Ireland, the Cabinet had a long and anxious consideration as regards the question, and then finally came to a decision. It would be most improper to ask for anything which we are told is not ordinary, but 1 venture to submit that no Member of this House would be satisfied if, for instance, the Commander-in-Chief of the Army were removed from his position, unless he was aware of the fact that the matter had been referred to the Cabinet and that it was a Cabinet decision. I suggest, therefore, that the confidence of the country in the right hon. Gentleman would be very much restored if he could make that matter clear to the House.
Before I sit down I should like to say just one word with regard to the other side of this question. All lovers of law and order in this country owe a very great debt of gratitude to Sir Basil Thomson. His name runs through the whole country as a man who loves his country dearly and has served it faithfully year after year. It is true that he has been hunted for months in the Press of the extremists of this country, and it is also true that the "Daily Herald," at a very early date, namely on the 3rd September, had a statement announcing his forthcoming removal. Mr. Ramsay Macdonald, writing again and again in "Forward," has been stirring up an endeavour to get this great official removed from his post. A Committee was set up, including many hon. Members of this House—among them the leader of the Labour party; and it is a fact that that Committee brought pressure to bear upon the Cabinet, and I believe it will not be denied that they took a deputation to the Prime Minister on this very subject. The very fact that you find the extremists were bringing pressure to bring about the retirement of this great public servant is one reason why we should be most reluctant to come to the conclusion that this man is no more than myself fitted to fill that honourable position. The next word is now with Sir Basil Thomson. We heard the Minister give the lie direct to everything Sir Basil said in his letter, and I hope he will break all precedents and give his full case in reply to the Home Secretary.
I should like to ask the hon. and gallant Gentleman for Bournemouth (Lieut.-Colonel Croft) whether during the War, when I understand he was in command of a brigade, if one of his subordinate officers said flatly that he was not going to accept orders from him, that he was going to carry on that little part of the command that was placed in his charge in his own way, without any reference to the brigade commander, would the hon. and gallant Gentleman have tolerated it? Would he not have reported it immediately, and had him arrested and put into the guard room?
This official was perfectly frank, I understand from the Home Secretary, all along. He said he would not tolerate that position.
If the hon. and gallant Gentleman agrees that is the position this public servant has taken up, he can have no cause to complain when those above him say: "We cannot tolerate this. If you are not going to submit to the discipline in this office, frankly and flatly laying it down that you want an independent position, there is only one place for you—outside. You have no grievance against the Home Secretary and no complaint against the Government." References have been made to extremists who welcome the dismissal of this great public officer I never looked upon him as anything that was detrimental to the Labour movement. I regarded him very much as a joke. I considered he discovered more mares' nests than even the Prime Minister has done. He was always looking after revolutionary plots, but he never found them. He was treated as a joke by the Labour party and the working classes, who looked upon the spies he sent down into workshops in various parts of the country, not merely with suspicion, but as the very men responsible for concocting the plots that Sir Basil Thomson claimed to discover. You have the Wheeldon trial for one instance. You have the informers who succeeded in getting the two women sent to prison for inciting them to do certain things, and then, when the plot was supposed to be unmasked and the women were brought into court Sir Basil Thomson's Department refused to put the agent provocateur there to stand his trial with the two women whom he had brought there. That is the Department you have. It is similar to that of the Black Terrorists over in the Czardom of Russia. This Department ought to be completely wiped out of existence. Hon. Members have declaimed against waste. The Department presided over by Sir Basil Thomson was one of the most wasteful Departments. In order to be quit of him you are paying him a higher pension than he is entitled to. Would that have been done for a humbler civil servant? What is the real cause of his dismissal? Insubordination? [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] If there is anything else behind it, it has not been put before the House by those who are the spokesmen for Sir Basil Thomson. Those who are his friends have done him the greatest disservice of his public career in bringing this before the House. They have placed nothing before the House to prove that the Government have dismissed summarily a public servant who was carrying on work of which the public approved. The Government have been the friends of Sir Basil Thomson by giving him an increased pension.
May I ask the Home Secretary if it is not a fact that when the reorganisation of a Department is necessary, an officer who is retired is usually dealt with in a generous way. I under- stood from the right hon. Gentleman that Sir Basil Thomson has been retired on reorganisation.
I do not see that that has much point, but if it has, I would reply to the hon. Member by saying that when a reorganisation takes place in any public office and working men and working women are concerned and have to be dismissed, they are not treated in the generous manner which you are treating Sir Basil Thomson. Their case would not have been brought up by the hon. and gallant Member who brought up to-night the case of this man who has been summarily dismissed. If a man who occupied a humble position in the Civil Service had been treated badly, would the Adjournment of the House have been moved?
I am talking of an old-established rule.
I am not concerned with the hon. Member nor his attitude upon this question. I know his point of view with regard to general questions as they relate to officials and workers. I hope the House will go to a Division. A colleague of mine says he will support those who propose to go to a Division, merely because of the question of the pension. That is a side issue. The question before the House is, are the Government to be supported in dismissing this man who has made a certain Department a comic opera, scorned and laughed at by the workers of this country? Is the Government to be supported for dismissing that official for insubordination, or have they to be turned out because the die-hards, having failed on Monday night, have seized upon something else with which to flog the Government? I have heard a great deal about storms in teacups, but from what we have witnessed to-night, this is a storm in a wine cup, or proceeding from a wine cup, and I hope the Government will not yield to the suggestions that have been made. An hon. and gallant Gentleman suggested that we should suspend our decision until Sir Basil Thomson had had an opportunity of replying to the Home Secretary. Should we then suspend our decision until the Home Secretary replied again to Sir Basil Thomson? Are we to go on interminably wasting the time of the House in this trumpery matter? [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] I am glad that hon. Members agree that it is a trumpery matter, and I hope that if there is a Division they will support the Government, and that if the Department is to be readjusted it will be readjusted on a sincere basis.
The hon. Member for Govan (Mr. N. Maclean) has talked about faked pensions. Is there any faked pension in this case?
Yes. The Home Secretary admits it.
If a member of a trade union engaged on a monthly basis of salary is asked to leave his job, does he not get a month's notice, and would not that take him from the 1st of November to the 1st of December?
Not for insubordination.
He would not get ten minutes' notice.
He would be entitled to a month's notice on a trade union basis.
Not if he refused to do his duty.
It is not the question of a month's salary in lieu of notice that we complain of but, as the Home Secretary himself stated, one of the reasons why he continued the negotiations so long was to arrange to give Sir Basil Thomson a pension on a more generous scale. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] I am within the recollection of the House. It was to give him a pension on a scale more generous than his 8½ years' service would have entitled him to.
rose —
I am willing to, give way, but I wish to point out [HON. MEMBERS: "Order!"]
The hon. Member has completed his statement and, perhaps, he will allow an explanation by the right hon. Gentleman, if the House wishes to give leave to the Home Secretary.
I never said that the protracted negotiation had anything to do with the pension or the amount of the pension.
What did you say?
I do not think that the pension would have been affected even if the negotiations had gone on for another six months; but I did say that we wished to treat a public servant generously.
On a point of Order. May I ask if it is not within the recol lection of the House—
That is not a point of Order.
The only point which the hon. Member for Govan (Mr. Maclean) made, I think, was that this, was a question of discipline. I think again that he is wrong on that point. Is it not the case that when Sir Basil Thomson was appointed he only accepted the appointment provided that he was given very great latitude and discretion? Therefore he was entitled to assume a certain amount of independence. I think that the hon. and gallant Member for the Derby Division (Sir R. Hall), who moved the Motion, has been entirely justified by the reply given by the Home Secretary. The major object of the Motion has been achieved. We have prevented Sir John Byrne being confirmed in an appointment which, we think, should never have been offered.
We are faced, as hon. Members have said, with a conflict of statement between Sir Basil Thomson and the Home Secretary. We are not in a position to-night to press this controversy further. I would ask the Home Secretary what he meant when in his speech he repeatedly said that "we" had come to certain decisions and "we" had taken action. Who are "we"? When the Debate started the House was justified in assuming that as chief of his Department the Home Secretary was responsible for the action taken in that Department and would accept responsibility, but at the Box, when explaining the action taken, the right hon. Gentleman said "we" repeatedly. Who are "we?" Has the Home Secretary taken in this case a view which has been overruled by other Members of the Government? It is with profound regret that the House has heard how a great public servant has been treated. The explanation is not satisfactory. The Home Secretary presses the question of discipline. Every one in this House knows that Sir Basil Thomson took this office under exceptional conditions. He had rendered invaluable service during the War, and when this branch of New Scotland Yard was organised on the conclusion of peace he was put in charge with a very large measure of independence, and it was on those conditions only that he accepted the appointment. The way in which Sir Basil Thomson has been treated is deplorable. No division to-night can right a wrong, but I am sure the House is glad that the strongest protest has been made with only one dissentient voice—[HON. MEMBERS: "You are making a great mistake."]—against the treatment of this official.
With regard to the other object for which the matter has been brought before the House, it has been mentioned that the second argument has disappeared, because General Byrne has decided not to accept this appointment. That, at any rate, without any reflection on the honour or the qualifications of General Byrne as a soldier, causes satisfaction to a considerable number of people because, apart from anything else, this Government had announced that an officer had been required to resign from a police force in circumstances detailed by the then Chief Secretary for Ireland, and that that officer had been hurriedly put into a somewhat similar office at New Scotland Yard by the same Government within a very few months. That would have been scandalous. On the whole, I ask Members of the House to agree that it would not be fair to Sir Basil Thomson or to further investigation of this case to press the matter to a Division. Indignation has been expressed, and I think the matter may be left there.
I cannot claim to have had any intimate relations with Sir Basil Thomson, but I can assure the House, after the small experience I had of intelligence work in the War, that the aspersions cast against Sir Basil Thomson and the attempts at ridicule made by hon. Members opposite are entirely wide of the mark. Very valuable work was done, and it was done in a spirit of tolerance and consideration. The best of us may, at times, be misinformed, but to represent that gallant and able servant of the State as one who was perpetually stirring up mares' nests and nothing else is the sort of travesty we might expect from certain journals which failed to pay their way during the War. Having that knowledge I came into this Debate with a strong prejudice in favour of Sir Basil Thomson and against the line taken by the Government. At the same time, making all allowances for the wider latitude which was to be given to this servant of the State, discipline should be maintained and the case as presented by the Home Secretary rather requires one to support it. I have difficulties in my mind, but I was coming to that conclusion. However, much as I dislike being numbered among the "die-hards"—with all respect to them—I have a still greater objection to being numbered among the "blow hards." Consequently, I am bound to take the course which I think it would be well for the House to take, and not to vote upon the question at all.
I should not have presumed to intervene in this Debate were it not for the unfortunate tendency one has observed in the present Government to attack the chief of a Department, the moment his work in that Department becomes unpopular with a certain section. I cannot forget another Debate which took place in this House, in reference to a great, officer connected with the Indian Service. It is a disgrace, if it can be proved against an Administration, that they take such a course the moment an official is placed in a position where, if he does his duty, he is bound to be attacked by those who suffer from the close performance of that duty. To listen to criticisms from those who suffer from the application of an official's duty to his office is, on the part of the Administration, to weaken the centre of government and order in any country. I therefore wipe away all the extraneous matter relating to the discussion to-night. When you take an officer at the head of a Department such as that Sir Basil Thomson was in command of, the Government requires to have the absolute confidence of the public before they attack him. It will, unfortunately, come to this pass presently, that no officer will perform the duty that is imposed upon him, if he thinks he is likely to become unpopular with the people whom it is his duty to attack or suppress because he will know the Executive will not stand by him. Without entering into the merits of the discussion, I certainly, as a protest against this scrapping of the officers of a Department that have control of some business which happens for the moment to be unpopular, if it is only to protest against that want of protection on the part of the Executive of its chief officers who perform its orders, I will go into the Lobby to-night against the Government
I regret that something in the nature of a public duty—what I conceived as such—has kept me absent from this Debate, though within the precincts of the House the whole time. I did not think it was necessary that on the specific incidents before the House I should intervene, but the speech that my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Stoke-on-Trent (Lieut.-Colonel J. Ward) has just made is one which I cannot pass by in silence. He raises, not a question of the fitness of a particular man, but the question of the relations between the Government and the public servants. If I agreed with his premises, I should agree with his conclusions. There is no obligation that I hold more sacred than the obligation of the Minister to defend the man whom he employs. Next to that, I place the obligation of the servants of the State to serve loyally the Minister whose duty it is to defend them, and to refrain from entrance into political or public controversy. My hon. and gallant Friend suggested that in two cases the Government had sacrificed a public servant to public clamour. If that were true in a single case, we should not be worthy to sit upon this Bench.
General Dyer.
My hon. and gallant Friend mentions the case of General Dyer. If it were true in either case, we would be unworthy to sit upon this Bench, and our presence here would be a danger to our country. Is it true? I cannot go into the particulars; I cannot revive the Dyer Debate; I say only this, that that decision was taken absolutely irrespective of any public clamour, that it was taken after the most careful consideration, and with great reluctance, by His Majesty's Government. And in respect of this case I say that if the House thinks that we are not competent to decide, or not to be trusted to decide, who, under present circumstances, is to be responsible for the administration of law and order, then the House of Commons ought to withdraw its confidence from us, and place somebody else in our position. It is perfectly intolerable. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] I am not talking to hon. Members of the Labour party. I would like to say, with all courtesy to them, that I am not asking for their cheers, and they do not help me when they cheer me.
They help by their votes.
I say that if we are not to be trusted to decide what is the proper organisation in a Department like the Criminal Investigation Department, or who are the proper men to conduct that organisation, then, again, you ought to replace the present Government by other men in whom you have confidence. It is not true that in this matter we yielded to any clamour. We have had for a long time past reason to be dissatisfied with the organisation as it existed. It was not a question merely of getting rid of one public servant; it was a choice of which of two public servants we would retain in our service. The organisation was so unsatisfactory that the Chief Commissioner of Metropolitan Police, who is responsible to us, and through us to the House for order in these matters, could not continue to be responsible under the organisation which existed.
Sir Basil Thomson, with all his merits and with all his services, is not content to accept the organisation which we thought necessary. There was not a word against him in any public journal, nor anything known to the public, when we were taking our first decision, and began to investigate this question. I am not going further into the merits of the case, but I could not listen to my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Stoke, for whose sincerity of purpose and intense public spirit I have the greatest respect, and whose speeches on many recent occasions I have listened to with instruction and sympathy and full concurrence—I could not listen to him suggesting that my colleagues and myself were acting against our convictions, and were trying to save our skins by the sacrifice of a public servant, without telling the House that there is not a shadow of foundation for such a charge, and that if the House think there is, they ought to turn us out, and that we do not want to remain in office if that be their conviction.
If the remark of my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Stoke (Lieut.-Colonel J. Ward) had been purely abstract and theoretical, and had no relation to the present circumstances, I should agree with every word he said. But this is not a case of a great public official being dismissed for over-zeal in the execution of his duty. It is a case of a great public servant resigning because he is unable to accept the decisions of his political head, and though it is important and essential
in any well-ordered State that great public servants should be supported in the execution of their duty, it is no less important, if government is to be maintained, that the principle should be supported by every Member, that when a great public servant is unable to accept the decisions of his political head, he should resign. That is the impression the Debate has left on me, and I think I may be excused for giving one word of advice to my hon. and gallant Friend, and that is, that he should beware of being more royalist than the King.
Question put, "That this House do now adjourn."
The House divided: Ayes, 41; Noes, 144.
Division No. 367.] AYES. [10.56 p.m. Ainsworth, Captain Charles Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) Nield, Sir Herbert Archer-Shee, Lieut. Colonel Martin Erskine, James Malcolm Monteith Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Balfour, George (Hampstead) Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Polson, Sir Thomas A. Barker, Major Robert H. Gretton, Colonel John Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Gritten, W. G. Howard Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Benn, Capt. Sir I. H., Bart.(Gr'nw'h) Gwynne, Rupert S. Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Herbert, Col. Hon. A. (Yeovil) Townshend, sir Charles Vere Ferrers Brown, Major D. C. James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert Ward, Col. J. (Stoke-upon-Trent) Burn, Col. C. R. (Devon, Torquay) Joynson-Hicks, Sir William Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud Cecil, Rt. Hon. Evelyn (Birm., Aston) Maitland, Sir Arthur D. Steel Wilson-Fox, Henry Child, Brigadier-General Sir Hill Marriott, John Arthur Ransome Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward Clay, Lieut-Colonel H. H. Spender Murray, Hon. Gideon (St. Rollox) Croft, Lieut.-Colonel Henry Page Nail, Major Joseph TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead) Nicholson, Brig.-Gen. J. (Westminster) Rear-Admiral Sir R. Hall and Sir F. Banbury. Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield)
NOES. Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Forestier-Walker, L. Lowe, Sir Francis William Armstrong, Henry Bruce Forrest, Walter Lowther, Maj.-Gen. Sir C. (Penrith) Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Fraser, Major Sir Keith Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan) Baird, Sir John Lawrence Galbraith, Samuel Macnamara, Rt. Hon. Dr. T. J. Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Gardiner, James Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Banner, Sir John S. Harmood- George, Rt. Hon. David Lloyd Maddocks, Henry Barnston, Major Harry Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham Martin, A. E. Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Gilbert, James Daniel Mond. Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred Moritz Birchall, Major J. Dearman Gillis, William Montagu, Rt. Hon. E. S. Borwick, Major G. O. Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Goff, Sir R. Park Morris, Richard Bowyer, Captain G. W. E. Greer, Harry Murchison, C. K. Breese, Major Charles E. Gregory, Holman Murray, William (Dumfries) Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive Guest, Capt. Rt. Hon. Frederick E. Myers, Thomas Brittain, Sir Harry Hamilton, Major C. G. C. Neal, Arthur Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Newbould, Alfred Ernest Bruton, Sir James Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Nicholson, Reginald (Doncaster) Burdon, Colonel Rowland Hinds, John O'Neill, Rt. Hon. Hugh Cairns, John Hood, Joseph Parker, James Carr, W. Theodore Hopkins, John W. W. Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Home, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Chichester, Col. Robert Howard, Major S. G. Pollock, Sir Ernest Murray Churchman, Sir Arthur Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Pratt, John William Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R. Hurd, Percy A. Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Coats, Sir Stuart Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B. Rankin, Captain James Stuart Coote, Colin Reith (Isle of Ely) Jephcott, A. R. Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East) Dawson, Sir Philip Jesson, C. Richardson, Alexander (Gravesend) Denniss, Edmund R. B. (Oldham) John, William (Rhondda, West) Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Doyle, N. Grattan Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Lianelly) Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Edge, Captain William Kiley, James Daniel Rose, Frank H. Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) King, Captain Henry Douglas Roundell, Colonel R. F. Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Lewis, T. A. (Glam., Pontypridd) Rutherford, Sir W. W. (Edge Hill) Evans, Ernest Lloyd, George Butler Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert Arthur Fell, Sir Arthur Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n) Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Guttave D. Finney, Samuel Lorden, John William Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton) Flannery, Sir James Fortescue Loseby, Captain C. E. Seddon, J. A. Sexton, James Tryon, Major George Clement Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Shaw, William T. (Forfar) Waddington, R. Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) Wallace, J. Worsfold. T. Cato Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.) Waring, Major Walter Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Smith, Sir Harold (Warrington) Waterson, A. E. Yeo, Sir Alfred William Smith, W. R. (Wellingborough) Watts-Morgan, Lieut.-Col. D. Young, E. H. (Norwich) Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Strauss, Edward Anthony White, Col. G. D. (Southport) Young, W. (Perth & Kinross, Perth) Sugden, W. H. Williams, C. (Tavistock) Sutherland, Sir William Wills, Lt.-Col. Sir Gilbert Alan H. TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Taylor, J. Wilson, Rt. Hon. J. W. (Stourbridge) Colonel Leslie Wilson and Mr McCurdy. Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill) Wise, Frederick Thorpe, Captain John Henry
Supply
Again considered in Committee.
[Mr. JAMES HOPE in the Chair.]
Civil Services Supplementary Estimates, 1921–22
Class VII
Ministry Op Labour
Postponed Proceeding resumed on Question,
"That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £2,192,000, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1922, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Ministry of Labour and Subordinate Departments, including the contributions to the Unemployment Insurance Fund, and to Special Schemes under the Unemployment Insurance Acts, 1920 and 1921, contribution to the Unemployed Workers' Dependants Fund; payments to Associations under Section 17 of the Unemployment Insurance Act, 1920, and Section 106 of the National Insurance Act, 1911; Out-of-Work Donation and Expenditure in connection with the Training of Demobilised Officers and of Non- commissioned Officers and Men, and the Training of Women; and Grants for Resettlement in Civil Life; also the Expenses of the Industrial Court."
Question again proposed.
Motion made, and Question, "That the Chairman do report Progress; and ask leave to sit again," put, and agreed to.—[ Colonel Leslie Wilson. ]
Resolution to be reported To-morrow.
Committee to report Progress; to sit again To-morrow.
The remaining Orders were read, and postponed .
Whereupon Mr. SPEAKER, pursuant to the Order of the House of 18th October, proposed the Question, "That this House do now adjourn."
Question put, and agreed to.
Adjourned accordingly at Four Minutes after Eleven o'clock.