House of Commons
Thursday, February 15, 1923
The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.
Proletarian Sunday Schools
I beg leave to present a petition to this honourable House, signed by 1,459 citizens of the Boroughs of Barnstaple and Bideford, praying that steps be taken forthwith to check the teaching of anarchism and atheism to the children of this country in proletarian Sunday schools.
New Writ
For the Borough of Willesden (East Division), in the room of Sir HARRY MALLABY-DEELEY, Baronet (Manor of Northstead).—[ Colonel Leslie Wilson. ]
Oral Answers to Questions
Government Departments
Ministry of Pensions (Female Temporary Staff)
asked the Minister of Pensions whether all grades of female temporary staffs employed by the Ministry, including the nursing staff, are liable to a deduction of 12s. per week from their salary during sick leave, even if they are ineligible for the receipt of the maximum amount of sickness benefit or for any benefit; and, if so, whether he will consider the possibility of making deductions for sick leave equivalent only to the amount actually received in benefit?
The Noble Lady's statement is generally true so far as temporary women staffs in grades entitled to sick leave privileges are concerned. I am not prepared to modify the deduction in individual cases where for one reason or another the rate of benefit received is less than 12s.; and it is clear that any attempt to make the sick leave regulations conform to the circumstances of individual cases would give rise to serious administrative difficulties.
Is it not true that this only means just a little more trouble on the part of the Ministry to make a vast amount of difference to these sick nurses—very little trouble?
Excess Expenditure
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer the exact amount of expenditure, in excess of the original estimate, His Majesty's Treasury is entitled to sanction on behalf of a Government Department or Minister of the Crown without the previous permission of the House of Commons; and, if there is no stated limit to the extent to which the Treasury can exercise powers of virement, will he have the amount fixed within reasonable limits?
The Treasury has a limited power to make temporary advances in urgent cases from the Civil Contingencies Fund where the necessities of the public service make expenditure in anticipation of a Supplementary Estimate essential, but the exercise of this power is jealously guarded; and it is the recognised principle that in such a case a Department must approach Parliament at the earliest possible opportunity in order to obtain sanction for its increased expenditure. Otherwise the Treasury has no power to sanction expenditure in excess of an Estimate without obtaining further Parliamentary authority. With regard to the practice of virement within a Vote, I would refer the hon. and gallant Member to the Third Report of the Public Accounts Committee, 1922, particularly Appendix 25.
Ex-Service Men
Mental Cases
asked the Minister of Pensions how many ex-service men at present being treated in mental hospitals his Department decided to hand over for maintenance as pauper cases to Poor Law authorities, and in how many cases have boards of guardians accepted chargeability for such cases?
asked the Minister of Pensions the number of mentally-afflicted ex-service men that have been transferred from the care of the Ministry of Pensions to the Poor Law guardians and are now pauper lunatics; and whether any scheme has been devised for the Ministry of Pensions to keep these men under their charge?
The number of ex-service men in asylums for whom the temporary responsibility of my Department under the terms of the Royal Warrants has terminated in accordance with the express provisions of those Warrants is 750. A certain number of these cases are still under consideration by Appeal Tribunals and otherwise, and the figure I have given may still be somewhat reduced. I am not in a position to give information as to any refusal by a board of guardians to accept financial responsibility for these men. That is a matter which rests between the guardians and the asylums authorities. All cases of the class in question have received the most careful and sympathetic consideration, both by the medical officers of my Department and by the Appeal Tribunals, with a view, if possible, to continuing their previous benefits consistently with the provisions of the Warrants; but as I have already stated, I am not prepared to accept the suggestion that my Department should be permanently responsible for these or any other ex-service men whose disabilities are not connected with their war service.
I wish to give the right hon. Gentleman notice that I will raise this question on the Motion for the Adjournment to-night.
Machines (Taxation)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if, when considering his next Budget, he will give the most serious consideration to allow to be tax free any form of machine now taxed used by a disabled soldier?
I am not clear what exactly my hon. and gallant Friend has in mind. If he will send me further particulars of his scheme, I will consider it.
Civil Service (Temporary Clerks)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he will institute an impartial inquiry into the recommendations of the Lytton Committee as affecting the initial salary for temporary clerks appointed to permanent posts in the Civil Service?
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he will appoint an independent committee of inquiry into the recommendations of the Lytton Commitee as affecting the pay and conditions of ex-service post-War entrants into the Civil Service?
As I stated in reply to the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull on 14th December last, this question has already been fully considered, and I am not prepared to agree to a further Committee of inquiry.
Is the right hon. Gentleman prepared to make personal inquiries into the complaints of the civil servants against the authorities? There are a tremendous lot of complaints and something should be done.
Is it not the fact that the Lytton Committee put forward an initial salary bonus of £80 a year, which, added to that salary, made it possible for a man to live? Is it not impossible for a married man in the Civil Service to live on £80 a year—for that is what it amounts to?
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether the Government are going to give effect to the recommendations of the Lytton Committee affecting the initial salary of temporary clerks appointed to permanent posts in the Civil Service?
Effect was given to the recommendations of the Lytton Committee (Third Interim Report of the 14th June, 1921) in regard to initial salary shortly after the submission of the Report.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware of the great dissatisfaction amongst those clerks, and does he not think that an independent Committee would be a desirable thing?
asked the Prime Minister whether it is still the Government's intention to carry out the recommendations of the Lytton Committee as to not dismissing any temporary ex- service civil servants while temporary non-service civil servants, male and female, are still employed?
It remains the policy of His Majesty's Government, in accordance with the recommendations of Lord Lytton's Committee, to accord full preference in the matter of employment in the Civil Service to ex-service men.
Is it not the fact that the Lytton Committee recommended that temporary ex-service men should be retained in preference to non-service temporary staff? Is it not the case that at the Kew Record Office women are being employed doing the work which ex-service men were doing until they were dismissed at a very slight reduction of pay?
There is a short answer to all these questions. It is that in the last three and a half years the number of temporary ex-service men employed has increased from 24,000 to 42,000, while the non-service temporary personnel has fallen from 149,000 to 25,000.
Civil Service (Dismissals)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether 400 of the temporary staff at Kew, all ex-service men, have been dismissed; whether there is any prospect of their being absorbed into other branches of the Civil Service; whether there are 26,000 non-service staff still employed in the Civil Service; and whether he can make any statement as to the present policy of the Government as to substitution?
I am informed that 326 temporary clerks, of whom 58 were women, have recently been discharged on reduction from the Claims and Record Office at Kew. Every effort has been and will continue to be made to find further temporary employment for all efficient ex-service men thus discharged. On 1st January last 25,160 non-service personnel were temporarily employed in the Civil Service, but of these the great majority were women, engaged upon duties unsuitable for men. The present policy of the Government, in the matter of employment in the Civil Service, is to accord full preference to the just claims of ex-service man.
asked the Prime Minister if he is aware that a request purporting to come from 10, Downing Street was recently made to the Press not to give publicity to the protests being made by ex-service men dismissed from the Civil Service; that in this request it was stated that it was unpatriotic to give such publicity; whether this request and statement were authorised by the Government; if not, by whose authority was the same issued; and what steps the Government propose to take in the matter?
There is no foundation for the statement in the first part of the question. The rest of the question does not, therefore, arise.
Questions
Post-War Pensions (Artificial Limbs)
The following question stood on the Notice Paper in the name of Major COHEN:
3. To ask the Minister of Pensions whether he is aware that post-War cases of non-commissioned officers and men requiring artificial limbs are being dealt with by the Commissioners of the Royal Hospital, Chelsea; and whether, seeing that the proper places to deal with these things are the Ministry of Pensions limb-fitting centres, where the best surgical advice and expert limb-fitting is to be obtained, he will see that these men are sent there in future instead of to the Royal Hospital, Chelsea?
On a point of Order. I put this question down to the Prime Minister, because I understood that the Minister of Pensions had nothing to do with post-War pensions, and that it was useless putting it down to him, but it has been altered.
I have been asked to reply to this question. The answer to the first part is in the affirmative. In regard to the last part, I have no reason to suppose that the best expert services are not already available under the present system, but I will consider the hon. and gallant Member's suggestion.
Naval and Military Pensions and Grants
Royal Marine Light Infantry (Lieutenant J. Harrison)
asked the Minister of Pensions whether Mr. George Harrison, No. 16583, lieutenant, Royal Marine Light Infantry, has been refused his pension; if so, on what grounds; and whether he is aware that this officer enlisted in 1914 and was demobilised in 1919?
The hon. Member appears to be under some misapprehension. This officer is in receipt of disability retired pay which has been awarded with effect from the date of his first application to the Ministry.
Seven Years' Limit
5 & 10.
asked the Minister of Pensions (1) in how many cases the dependants of ex-soldiers have been refused pensions owing to the application of the seven years' limit, as laid down in the Royal Warrant of June, 1922;
(2) whether, under the terms of the present regulations, the widow of a deceased ex-service man has no claim to pension in respect of the death of her husband should he die as the result of his invaliding disability at a date later than seven years after his discharge or first removed from duty; and, if so, in view of the hardship that will be caused in numerous cases of this description, he will consider the possibility of amending the Royal Warrant so as to enable a claim to be made for pension at any time?
I am glad to say that I have been able to secure modification of the terms of the present Regulations which will enable me to deal with cases of hardship of the kind referred to. Details of the concessions, which are too lengthy for oral answer, were given in an announcement in the public Press of the 7th January last. The few cases that have arisen are now being dealt with under the revised arrangements.
Treatment Allowances
asked the Minister of Pensions whether his attention has been drawn to the fact that in numerous cases disabled men applying for treatment, when examined by the pensions medical referee and found unfit in consequence of his pensionable disability, are instructed to receive treatment from the panel instead of from the Ministry; whether he is aware that, when this decision is given, the men, though unfit for work, do not receive any treatment allowance, but have to claim upon the National Health Insurance and in many cases, being out of benefit, are forced to appeal to charitable organisations or accept parish relief; and whether, in view of the fact that the Royal Warrant distinctly lays it down that men certified as requiring treatment will get the same at the expense of the Ministry and receive the appropriate allowances, he will see that the regulation is carried out?
The Royal Warrant permits the grant of treatment allowances only when the requirements of a definite course of treatment approved by the Ministry are certified to be such as will prevent the man from providing for the support of himself and his family. If this condition is fulfilled, treatment, allowances may be, and, in fact are, granted to men receiving treatment from their panel doctors. I may, perhaps, remind the hon. Member that my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister has this week appointed a Committee to examine the existing arrangements for the grant of assistance on account of sickness, unemployment and destitution from public funds with a view to securing the fullest co-ordination of administrative and executive action.
Re-Assessment
asked the Minister of Pensions whether, in the case of men assessed at under 20 per cent. not being considered to have become worse unless their disablement has increased to 20 per cent. or over, or in the case of the man who is already assessed at 1 to 5 per cent. who is considered as being no worse, even although the amount of his disablement has increased, in the opinion of the medical officer, to 19 per cent., he will consider the possibility of amending this regulation so as to enable these men to be re-examined for re-assessment of pension?
I am not clear what regulation the hon. Member has in mind. Any man whose disablement has been assessed by my Department at less than 20 per cent. can appeal, within a limit of time, to a medical appeal board, and, if and when the award is made final, to the independent Assessment Appeal Tribunal. If the man's claim is found to be justified an adjustment is made in the compensation payable.
Special Diet
asked the Minister of Pensions whether, until recently, it was possible for men suffering from almost any medical complaint to receive special diet allowance; whether the regulations now only permit of these being granted in cases of tuberculosis and diabetes mellitus; that no allowance is granted where the man is already in receipt of 100 per cent. pensions or treatment allowances, and that the allowance cannot extend for a period of more than 13 weeks; and, if so, will he state on what grounds it was decided to stop special diet allowances?
The allowance for special diet is limited to men suffering from pulmonary tuberculosis and diabetes mellitus where the circumstances justify the concession. The period of 13 weeks referred to is simply the initial period, and may be extended in any case on medical recommendation.
asked the Minister of Pension the average number of disabled men who received special diet or allowance for this purpose during the six months ended 31st December, 1922, the number of such cases during the week ending 31st January, 1923, and the percentage of such cases in which disablement was certified as tuberculosis?
The average number of men who received special diet during the last six months of 1922 was about 165 of whom nearly 95 per cent. were cases of pulmonary tuberculosis. I have not got the figures for the week ending 31st January last. In addition, during the last few months, an average of about 2,600 pensioners suffering from pulmonary tuberculosis have been inpatients in institutions and sanatoria where they receive, at the cost of the Ministry, any special diet that may be medically recommended.
Monmouthshire Regiment (Private T. Davies)
asked the Minister of Pensions whether he is aware that Private T. Davies, No. 267,448, Monmouthshire Regiment, is stated to be suffering from tubercle of the lung, and that his pension is assessed on the grounds of aggravation by service and not attributable to service; whether this decision was arrived at on the grounds that his father had died from consumption and that he himself had suffered from chest trouble previous to enlistment; if he is aware that his father, John Davies, aged 72 years, is still alive and resides at 12, Jones's Terrace, Tram Road, Pontypridd, Glamorgan; and will he, under these changed circumstances, reconsider the case and order a further examination?
The Pensions Appeal Tribunal having confirmed the finding of the Ministry, I am not in a position to reopen the question. The decision of the Ministry was taken in the light of all the circumstances, and if the man wished to correct the statements which he himself made at the time of his discharge, that his father had died of consumption and that he himself had suffered from chest trouble before the War, he had ample opportunity of doing so before the Tribunal. The précis of his case in which these statements appear was in the usual course furnished to him well in advance of the hearing.
Is there any appeal if new medical evidence be produced?
The decision that the appeals tribunal should take the case out of the hands of the Ministry of Pensions was a decision of this House, enforced upon the Ministry by law. The particular point at issue here was the question as to whether the man's father was dead or not. The man had stated that he was dead. That information was laid before the appeals tribunal, and he was sent a copy of the précis in which that statement appeared.
Are there no cases in which the question has been re-opened after fresh medical evidence has been available?
As a result of the ex-service men pressing this matter on the House, the House of Commons, by general consent, took the matter out of the hands of the Ministry of Pensions and placed it in the hands of the appeals tribunal. Their decision is by law final, and the applicant has no further right.
Are there no cases in which the question has been re-opened, owing to the production of fresh medical evidence? Can the right hon. Gentleman answer that simple question?
Perhaps the hon. and gallant Member will put down a separate question.
Appeals
asked the Minister of Pensions what number of appeals have been made for pensions by ex-service men who are suffering from tuberculosis during the years 1921 and 1922; and what has been the result of such appeals, number allowed and disallowed?
asked the Attorney-General the number of appeals which have come before the pensions appeal tribunal of ex-service men suffering from pulmonary tuberculosis, including the appeals of widows of men who have died from the same disease, and the number of such appeals granted and refused?
I regret that I am not in a position to give this information. Neither the records of my Department nor those of the Pensions Appeal Tribunal are kept in such form as to admit of the figures desired being extracted.
Arising out of that very unsatisfactory answer, is the right hon. Gentleman aware of the universal discontent that has been and is being expressed in regard to this question of appeals?
No. I am in constant touch with the representatives of the ex-service men and they are not, as an organised body, asking for the abolition of the tribunals. Moreover, they have put their latest new programme before the country, appealing for support for the ex-service men's organisation. In that programme the abolition of the Appeal Tribunals is purposely left out, because they do not wish to abolish them.
Is it a fact that the Appeals Tribunal is being resorted to so that the Minister may obviate his obligations to these men?
No. If the hon. Member had listened to my reply, he would know that the creation of these tribunals was put forward in consequence of strong appeals from the ex-service men, and in the last Parliament the extension of the principle of these tribunals was acceded to, without a Division and by the unanimous consent of the whole House, in reference to final assessments.
Is the right hon. Gentleman—
This is not the time for debating the question.
Publications
asked the Minister of Pensions whether he will issue to Members of Parliament all circulars, regulations, and instructions issued to pension officers, medical boards, and other committees, whose duties are the administration of the Pensions Acts?
I am not prepared to accept this suggestion. I may add that the first part of a new handbook for War Pensions Committees is now with the printers and I will see that copies are available for any Member who so desires. This publication together with the Royal Warrants and Regulations already available will, I think, serve the hon. Member's purpose.
Is it not the case that a number of instructions were sent, as mentioned in my question, and does the right hon. Gentleman ask this House to believe that Members who have passed this Pensions Act are not entitled to have the instructions sent to them?
I think the hon. Member will realise, when he thinks it over, that certain medical instructions, which take precautions that the right man is getting the pension and to guard against attempts by fraudulent persons to claim what is the proper right of the ex-Service men, are highly confidential instructions given to medical boards, and I do not think the hon. Member himself would like to see them published. Nobody would gain except those who are attempting to defraud the public.
While it may be true that there are some confidential instructions, why should not all the instructions, apart from those of a confidential nature, regarding fraud, be submitted to Members of this House?
I am most anxious that the whole position of the Ministry should be placed before Members, and I sincerely hope we may have a Debate in this House in order that this Ministry should be better understood.
Education
Administration (Cost)
asked the President of the Board of Education whether his attention has been called to the discrepancy between the cost of one county education authority and that of another for the same services; whether he is aware, for instance, that the cost per scholar in Carnarvon is £12 14s., and in Hereford £9 12s. 10d.; that on maintenance Carnarvon spends £174,000, where Hereford spends £102,840; and whether, for the information of hon. Members, the Board of Education will publish an annual return in which these costs will be analysed and compared?
The Board recognise the importance of analysing and comparing the cost of public education in different areas, and have already circulated certain figures to local education authorities for their information. Unless proper allowance is made for necessary differences in the circumstances of different areas, false inferences may easily be drawn from such figures, and they must be used with caution. The Board have the question of publication under consideration.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that Hereford is a notable case of an authority badly underpaying its teachers?
I would rather not express any opinion upon that point.
Training Colleges (Fees)
17 and 18.
asked the President of the Board of Education (1) why a student is asked to pay a fee of £105 a year at the Bingley Training College while the fee at Ripon Training College is only £27 10s. a year; and what steps does he propose to take to remove this disparity in fees?
(2) whether, seeing that the high fees which local education authorities maintaining training colleges are being compelled to charge will have the effect of debarring a number of young people from working-class homes from going to a training college and becoming fully qualified teachers, he will look into this matter?
The high fees which are being charged by local education authorities who maintain training colleges to students coming from outside their area are partly due to the unwillingness of other authorities to contribute to the cost of the colleges by whose facilities they and students from their own areas benefit. Negotiations for an equitable distribution of the cost have, I am sorry to say, broken down, but there is no reason why authorities whose students attend the college of another authority should not defray the whole or part of their fees, as the Board suggested in Circular 1211 in 1921, and the Board would recognise their expenditure for this purpose for the calculation of grant. I am proposing to establish a Departmental Committee to review the training college position.
Will the right hon. Gentleman ask that Departmental Committee to reconsider the whole position with regard to training colleges provided by local education authorities, and remove the unfair incidence of the charge resting on them?
I propose to draw the terms of reference sufficiently wide to cover all these points.
asked the President of the Board of Education whether there has been any reduction of the grants to training colleges, or whether any reduction is contemplated; and, if so, what the nature of the economies are which the Board of Education propose to try and enforce?
The Boards substantive grant to training colleges not provided by local education authorities includes a variable grant, which is determined from year to year in relation to the cost of living. The variable part of the grant was reduced for the academic year 1922–23. It has not yet been decided whether any further reduction should be made for 1923–24.
Pensions (War Service)
asked the President of the Board of Education whether he is aware that school teachers who served in His Majesty's forces during the recent War will have deducted from their pensionable service the time thus served when they reach the retiring age; that there is, as a consequence, serious dissatisfaction amongst teachers; whether he has had any communication from the National Union of Teachers on this subject; and whether he is prepared to take such action as may be necessary to enable teachers to count such service with the forces as pensionable service?
The hon. Member is under a missapprehension. Service by a teacher in the forces of the Crown in the late War is, under Rule 19 (i) of the School Teachers (Superannuation) Rules, 1919, treated as recognised service, if the teacher was a certificated teacher at the date of his war service, or was employed in recognised service immediately before the commencement of such war service.
Is the President of the Board of Education prepared to reconsider the refusal of the Board to recognise the war service of women teachers?
I am afraid that that raises a much wider question, which I cannot answer without notice.
Acting Teachers' Certificate Examination
asked the President of the Board of Education whether the Circular 1296, suspending, without previous notice, the acting teachers' certificate examination of 1923, was issued after the change of Government and on his responsibility; whether he is aware that many of these acting teachers have gone to considerable expense in order to qualify for this examination, understanding that if they succeeded they would secure a higher salary; and whether the Board propose to offer any compensation to such teachers now that the expense has been incurred without any possibility of obtaining the increased remuneration, seeing that the Board will benefit by the improved training for which they have paid?
asked the President of the Board of Education whether it has been decided to suspend the acting teachers' certificate examination; if so, will he state the reason; whether he is aware that notice of this decision was only given 10 months before the date of the examination, when candidates had been preparing for more than a year; and whether, in view of the fact that if this decision is acted upon it will have the result of closing the teaching profession to all but those who have sufficient means to enter a training college, and that the amount of money that will be saved will be very small and out of proportion to the inconvenience which will be caused to intending candidates for the examination, he will have the matter reconsidered?
asked the President of the Board of Education whether his attention has been drawn to the great personal hardship suffered by many teachers in consequence of the issue of Circular 1296, suspending the certificate examination; and, in view of the fact that no previous notice had been given of such suspension, and the publication of the syllabus for 1923, setting out the dates upon which it was proposed to hold the examination, had led teachers to prepare for and incur expenditure upon the necessary training, whether in justice to these teachers he will withdraw the circular in question and permit the examination to take place?
The decision to suspend the acting teachers' certificate examination was taken by me at the earliest possible moment after investigation of the relevant circumstances, which indicated that certificated teachers were finding considerable difficulty in obtaining employment, and that in the near future this difficulty would be experienced in an increasing degree. I regret the inconvenience caused to those teachers who were preparing for the examination, but I am satisfied that the Board's action was advisable in the interests of the teaching profession generally, and I am not prepared to reconsider it. I have no power to grant compensation to the teachers concerned.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that it is more than inconvenient to the uncertificated teachers, who have gone to considerable expense in order to prepare themselves for examination, which was to be for higher salaries; and now, after having incurred that expense, the Board has taken this step?
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the teachers concerned are put to an expense of about £70 or £80, in each case based on a circular issued by the Government in 1922, and does he not think that this constitutes, to a certain extent, a breach of faith?
I quite recognise the hardship involved. It is not correct to say that those who have spent money on their training have wasted their money, because at the same time that we announced this restriction, we also announced that there would be further examination in which the learning that these teachers would have acquired would
SUMMARY OF INFORMATION received, from Authorities of Training Colleges relating to employment of Teachers who left Training College in the summer of 1922. (The Summary may be taken as showing the position at the end of January, 1923.) (1) England and Wales. — University Training Departments. Training Colleges for Domestic Subjects. Other Training Colleges. Totals. Men. Women. Total. Women. Men. Women. Total. Men. Women. Total. Number of Students who left Training Colleges in the summer of 1922. 610 559 1,169 279 1,263 4,072 5,335 1,873 4,910 6,783 Number known to have obtained posts. 430 445 875 143 1,151 3,708 4,859 1,581 4,296 5,877 Number about whom there is no information. 27 25 52 27 17 38 55 44 90 134 Number not seeking posts. 38 17 55 22 11 41 52 49 80 129 Number who have failed to obtain posts. 115 72 187 87 84 285 369 199 444 643 (2) Wales. Number of Students who left Training Colleges in the summer of 1922. 138 92 230 19 183 328 511 321 439 760 Number known to have obtained posts. 71 57 128 6 131 239 370 202 302 504 Number about whom there is no information. 6 7 13 6 4 8 12 10 21 31 Number not seeking posts. 16 3 19 — 2 1 3 18 4 22 Number who have failed to obtain posts. 45 25 70 7 46 80 126 91 112 203
stand them in good stead. The choice I have to make is whether it is fair to encourage people, still ten months away from their examination, to go on spending more money with the chance, after they have spent it, and obtained their certificate, they may be unemployed.
Unemployed Teachers
asked the President of the Board of Education what is the number of trained teachers now unemployed; how many of these hold university degrees; and what is the estimated number of young persons between the ages of 14 and 18 unemployed?
I regret I have no information to show the total number of trained teachers who are at present unemployed, or how many of them hold university degrees. I will circulate in the OFFICIAL REPORT a table giving a summary of information received from authorities of training colleges relating to employment of teachers who left training college in the summer of 1922.
Following is the table promised:
With regard to the third part of the question, I am informed by my right hon. Friend the Minister of Labour that the number of juveniles registered at Employment Exchanges in England and Wales as unemployed on the 29th January, 1923, was 45,819 boys and 38,293 girls, a total of 84,112; but he has asked me to point out that for various reasons, particularly because boys and girls under 16 are not insured against unemployment, these figures fall considerably short of the total number of boys and girls out of employment.
Welsh Language
asked the President of the Board of Education whether he has received communications from educational authorities with reference to instituting an inquiry into the place of the Welsh language in the schools and in the educational system in Wales; whether the same has been considered; and will he state the decision?
asked the Prime Minister if he will institute an inquiry into the place of the Welsh language in the schools and in the educational system of Wales, as was recently done in the case of English in the schools of England?
Several representations of the nature indicated in these questions have reached me, and I recently had the opportunity of discussing the matter with a deputation from the University of Wales and the Central Welsh Board. Pending further consideration of the matter by those bodies, or their representatives, I am not in a position to arrive at a decision.
May I ask whether the Board of Education has received representations in favour of extending the teaching of the Welsh language in elementary schools from the local authorities in Wales?
No; I do not think so. The representations I have in my mind are those referred to in the questions.
Questions
Christ's Hospital (Boy's Death)
asked the President of the Board of Education if he has yet considered the advisability of ordering an open inquiry into the circum- stances leading up to the death of Vivian Merton Tanner, the 14-year-old boy who fatally stabbed himself at Christ's Hospital, Horsham, on 22nd January, 1923?
I have received a report from the governing body of the school, which is at present under my consideration.
Subsidised Air Services
asked the Secretary of State for Air whether the pilots and technical personnel employed in subsidised air services are under any binding obligation to serve the State in any emergency?
No, Sir, but it is hoped that the majority will join the Air Force Reserve.
Will these personnel be told that they must join that Reserve?
The contract, for which I am not responsible, has still some months to run. I will certainly consider this point if the contracts are renewed when they run out.
Would the same conditions apply to subsidies given to airships?
There are no contracts for any airships. I do not think the hon. and gallant Gentleman's question arises.
British Debt (United States)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what the total sum we shall have to pay the United States will amount to at the present rate of exchange, at par of exchange, and at $4.50 to the £?
The settlement which we have expressed our willingness to accept fixes the debt at $4,604,000,000, of which $4,128,085 is to be paid in cash and the balance funded on the terms already announced. This involves a yearly payment at par of about £33,000,000 per annum, rising to £38,000,000 per annum in ten years time and about 8 per cent. more at $4.50 to the £. The above figures are exclusive of a sum of $61,000,000, plus interest, in respect of a war agreement for the purchase of silver, which we shall liquidate by May, 1924.
Can the Chancellor of the Exchequer say whether he is to pay in gold or goods, and what will America accept?
Is there anything in the agreement which provides or makes it possible for us to name a maximum amount in sterling for which we might be liable?
No, Sir.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he proposes to call a meeting of British financiers with a view to adopting a lower rate of interest on war debt and thus follow the lead of the United States in assisting the nation out of its financial difficulties?
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, during his recent visit to the United States of America, he suggested a reduction in the rate of interest on the war debt held in America; and whether he is prepared to adopt a similar reduction in this country?
The object of my visit to the United States of America was to arrange for the funding of our American debt on terms as favourable to this country as possible. It naturally has been, and will continue to be the object of those responsible for any funding or conversion operations in this country to carry them through on the most advantageous terms that can be obtained for the taxpayer. How far this may be possible depends very largely on the arrangements we make for redeeming debt in the meantime.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he discussed with the Government of the United States of America the mehods by which the interest on the debt due by the country is to be paid; whether any agreement was arrived at on the point; and, if not, whether he can give any information as to how he proposes that these payments should be made?
I was not able to reach any agreement on this matter. I would take this opportunity of asking the House not to press me on points arising out of the prospective settlement of our debt to the United States Government, until such matters can be discussed when the Bill now before the United States legislature has become law.
Agriculture
Local Taxation
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer when the Government propose to introduce legislation to deal with the injustice of the incidence of local taxation on agriculture?
I am unable at present to add anything to the reference to this matter in the King's Speech.
Flour and Offals
asked the Minister of Agriculture whether any steps are to be taken to prevent wheat being imported except as whole wheat and not as flour into this country; and whether any steps are to be taken with a view to prevent the export of offals?
The answer to both parts of the question is in the negative.
Sulphate of Ammonia
asked the Minister of Agriculture whether the Government is aware that the price of sulphate of ammonia is now £16 18s. per ton, which is a considerable increase on the price last year; whether this increase is due to increased cost of production or to the control of a profiteering combine; and, if the latter, what steps will be taken to secure justice to the farmers?
I am advised that the present price of neutral sulphate of ammonia (25¾ per cent. ammonia) is, as stated by the hon. Member, £16 18s. per ton. The price for the same grade in February last year was £16 13s. As the increase in price is only 1½ per cent. no special steps would seem to be necessary.
As one possessing some knowledge of the manufacture of sulphate of ammonia, I wish to ask whether the price is not regulated by the power of a combine that exists to control the price of sulphuric acid?
I do not think that arises out of the question.
Let the right hon. Gentleman either answer the question, or say that he cannot.
Who is to judge? Are we not to judge?
Is this increase in the price due to the increased cost of production or to the control of a profiteering company?
I have no information on that subject.
Can the right hon. Gentleman tell us if the price of sulphate of ammonia to farmers in Scotland is not regulated by the quantity of sulphate on the market, which is regulated by a combine? Can we have this information, or will the right hon. Gentleman tell us plainly that he knows nothing about it?
That is not the question put down on the Paper by the hon. Member.
Would it be in order to move that the right hon. Gentleman's salary be stopped for the time being? We want to know whether the price is controlled by a combine?
RETURN showing the number of Proof Gallons of British and Irish Spirits registered as exported from the United Kingdom to the undermentioned countries during each of the five years ended 31st December, 1918–22. Country of Destination. 1918. 1919. 1920. 1921. 1922. Proof Gallons. Proof Gallons. Proof Gallons. Proof Gallons. Proof Gallons. Canada … 148,988 527,949 1,701,734 1,245,988 803,105 China (exclusive of Hong Kong, Macao and leased Territories). … 49,835 44,573 92,207 106,249 91,009 Japan (including Formosa and Japanese leased Territories in China). … 26,376 20,798 53,361 46,516 61,034 Mexico … 2,955 9,266 34,436 43,844 24,682 British West India Islands … 20,654 28,647 107,039 77,430 91,459 Cuba … 3,529 10,614 43,709 28,558 60,655 Hayti … 116 119 1,819 1,808 5,581 Bahamas … 944 15,133 118,599 160,579 385,999 Bermudas … 958 6,450 16,018 22,396 41,124
The Minister says that he has not the information asked for, and any further question must be put down.
Methods Committee (Report)
asked the Prime Minister whether he can give any information as to when the Report of the Committee of economists on methods of agriculture, appointed at the end of last Session, may be expected?
No, Sir; I am not yet in a position to make any announcement.
Questions
British and Irish Spirits (Exports)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer the number of proof gallons of British and Irish spirits exported to Canada, China, Japan, Mexico, British West Indies, Cuba, Hayti, the Bahamas, and the Bermudas during the calendar years 1918 to 1922, inclusive?
As the information asked for is in tabular form, I will circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
Can the Chancellor of the Exchequer say if any of the spirits sent to the countries named were used for industrial purposes? [HON. MEMBERS: "Speak up!"] I spoke up yesterday, and you objected.
The particulars are as follow:
Duke of Yoke (Allowance)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether the allowance of £10,000 per year hitherto paid to the Duke of York becomes increased on his. marriage to £25,000 per year under a previous decision of this House or whether this increase has to obtain the approval of Parliament before any payment on the increased scale is made; and whether Income Tax and Super-tax are or are not payable on these incomes?
The increased provision is already authorised by 10 Edw. VII and I Geo. V, cap. 28, and is chargeable with Income Tax and Super-tax in respect of that portion which is not deducted in accordance with Rule 10 of the Rules applicable to Schedule E of 8 and 9 Geo. V, cap. 40.
Arising out of that very unintelligent answer—[HON. MEMBERS: "Oh. oh!" and "Order!" and "Get on with it!"]—arising out of that —you have to remember this, that those hon. Members who are—[HON. MEMBERS: "Order!"]—Mr. Speaker, if you will keep the crowd in order—
If the hon. Member will always remember to address me, I will see that he has a fair opportunity.
Arising out of the answer that I got, and which, not being a lawyer, I have great difficulty in following—being an ordinary member of the working classes—[HON. MEMBERS: "Speech, speech!" and "Order!"—
Will the hon. Member put his supplementary question?
Yes, Sir, I will put my supplementary question. Arising out of the answer—[HON. MEMBERS: "Go on!"]—I am going on whenever these people will give me the chance. I am going on. I am in no hurry. If they do not give me a chance, I will address you, Mr. Speaker; if you will give me your attention—
I am waiting for the supplementary question.
Arising out of the answer, Sir, which I got, I ask you to get the right hon. Gentleman to reply in a fashion in which the people whom we on these benches represent will understand, and further, do they not think, those who are laughing, those who are well fed—is it not an insult—[HON. MEMBERS: "Order, order!"]—that it is—[HON. MEMBERS: "Sit down!"]. When I am finished I will sit down.
The hon. Member has heard other Members put supplementary questions in the correct form, and perhaps he would do the same. If he reads the answer which will be sent to him in reply to his question, he will see that the matter is simple. What he fails to understand is that the reply contains references to Acts of Parliament, which were given to enable him to go to the right authority in the matter.
Is it not the case, Mr. Speaker, that the Government here— [HON. MEMBERS: "Speech!"] —
Will hon. Members allow the hon. Member to put his question so that I may hear it?
Thank you, Mr. Speaker. Is it not the case that the Government are anxious to economise? Is it not the case that the working classes have had their wages reduced, and is this not a glorious opportunity for starting at the top of the tree? [HON. MEMBERS: "Order, order!"] In view of members of the working classes who are starving—
called Question No. 38.
On a point of Order. As a supplementary question, may I ask whether the Government will introduce a Bill to amend the Act in question?
That is not a supplementary to the main question. That must be put as a separate question.
Aliens (Poll Tax)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he will consider the levying of a tax of £1 per head on each citizen of the United States entering Great Britain and a further tax of 10s. per head on his leaving or, alternatively, will he consider a taxe des jours on all aliens residing in the United Kingdom for a longer period than one week?
All relevant suggestions will receive my careful consideration in connection with the forthcoming Budget, but I could not in any case agree to discriminate against the citizens of the United States as suggested.
Clyde to Forth Canal
asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been drawn to the national and commercial advantages which would ensue from the construction of a canal from the Clyde to the Forth; and whether, in view of those advantages and of the necessity of providing work for the unemployed, he will give early and favourable consideration to the project?
I have been asked to reply to this question. The attention of the Government has been drawn to this project, which was, I understand, claimed by its advocates to be in the interests of naval security. My right hon. Friend the Prime Minister has already stated that, for such a purpose only, the large expenditure involved is not considered to be justified at the present time, and I am advised that commercially the proposed canal would not pay its way. In all the circumstances, I do not think that this scheme would afford an advantageous method of providing work in relief of unemployment.
Does the hon. and gallant Gentleman not think it would be a great advantage to the development of agriculture in Scotland to have running right through the centre a canal for conveying produce, thereby increasing the trade of Scotland?
That is so, but a canal which is going to cost about £ 35,000,000 to make, and which cannot pay its way, is not a commercial proposition at the present moment.
Is the answer given to this question a definite refusal on the part of the Government to consider such a thing?
No, Sir. The promoters of the canal can put forward their scheme and their estimates. The Minis- try of Transport will then examine them most carefully, consider them, and come to a conclusion, but it is for them to bring forward their proposals.
Have not the promoters of the scheme, in addition to the reasons advanced by the hon. and gallant Gentleman, submitted evidence showing that the construction of such a canal would immensely stimulate the industrial development of the district through which the canal is supposed to pass, and also assist the shipping interest?
I am not aware that they have put forward any specific and definite proposals.
Peace Treaties
France and Ruhr District
asked the Prime Minister if the recent occupation of towns in Baden by French troops was carried out with the full authority of the Rhineland Commission; and if the British representative on that Commission was a consenting party to the decision?
The Rhineland High Commission, on the initiative of the French High Commissioner, has agreed to an ordinance bringing the towns referred to within its jurisdiction. The British representative refrained from taking part in this decision.
asked the Prime Minister whether any request has been received from the French Government to cede a small portion of the occupied territory to French occupation in order to facilitate the removal of Ruhr coal to France; and, if so, what answer has been returned to this request?
asked the Prime Minister whether the French Government has requested His Majesty's Government to transfer to the French zone a part of the Rhine territory at present occupied by British troops; and what answer has been made?
No such request has been made by the French Government.
Are the representatives of the French Government, who have come over to this country, proposing to raise this question; and, if so, can we have an answer before the Debate closes?
I believe there are representatives of the French Government over here at the moment, but I am afraid I cannot tell the hon. and gallant Gentleman what their business is. Perhaps he will put the question to the Prime Minister.
I will. Will the right hon. Gentleman say if these representatives are raising this question? What is their business? I think we ought to have an answer to that.
The meeting held to-day has been postponed until tomorrow, and it is therefore impossible to give the information asked for.
asked the Prime Minister whether the opinon of the Law Officers of the Crown has been taken as to whether the acton of the French Government in occupying the Ruhr district is contrary to the Treaty of Versailles; and, if so, whether he is able to make a statement on the subject?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative. The second part does not, therefore, arise.
Can the hon. Gentleman state whether the opinion of the Law Officers will be sought on one special point, namely, whether action under Part 8 of the Treaty, on which the French occupation is based, requires the unanimous consent of the Reparation Commission?
I think my hon. Friend will see that it would be useless to take the course which he recommends, because any opinion given by the Law Officers of the Crown here must necessarily be based on principles of interpretation laid down by British law in British Courts, and those principles of interpretation may not be accepted by other nations.
Is it not a fact that the interpretation of Part 8 rests on the unanimous decision of the Reparation Commission? How did the British representative vote?
On what?
On the point as to whether the advance into the Ruhr is within the terms of Part 8.
That does not arise out of the question on the Paper, but, speaking from recollection, my belief is that the British representative did not vote at all.
If that be so, how can it be the unanimous decision of the Reparation Commission?
I made no statement to the effect that there was a unanimous decision.
Treaty of Versailles
asked the Prime Minister whether, under Article 19 of the Covenant of the League of Nations, he will instruct the British representative at the Assembly to raise the question of the revision of the Treaty of Versailles?
I do not think that any advantage would result from the course which the hon. and gallant Member suggests.
Is it competent for the representative of this country to raise the question under Article 19, in view of what the Foreign Secretary said in the House of Lords the other night?
I think it is.
German Reparation
asked the Prime Minister if he is prepared to take the initiative in seeking the co-operation of the Government of the United States of America to bring pressure to bear upon the Governments of France and Germany to agree to have the question of reparations submitted for solution to the League of Nations?
I can add nothing to the statement which I made on this subject in the course of the Debate on Tuesday last.
Inter-Allied Debts
asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of our having come to a settlement of our debt to the United States, he proposes to negotiate with France, Italy, Belgium, and our other debtors, with the object, not only of stabilising foreign currencies, but also in the hope of relieving the British taxpayer of part of the great burden entailed in meeting our obligations to the United States?
asked the Prime Minister whether he will inform the French and Italian Governments that this country is prepared to consolidate the debts due from them on similar terms to those which may be concluded for the repayment of our indebtedness to the United States?
I laid before the Paris Conference a scheme which had commended itself to His Majesty's Government for a general settlement of the questions of Reparations and of Inter-Allied Debts. As regards the future, I can only say that we retain an entirely free hand to reopen either or both questions when a suitable opportunity presents itself. As Belgium is mentioned in the question, I ought perhaps to point out that, with the exception of a reconstruction credit of £9,000,000, on which interest is being paid in cash, there is no debt remaining due from Belgium to this country.
Has the Government considered the advisability of making some preparation for redeeming the major portion of our National Debt?
Enemy Action Claims
asked the Prime Minister how many claims have been met and the amount expended out of the reparation fund in compensation for those who suffered from submarine and aerial warfare during the War, how many claims of seamen and the dependants of seamen, who suffered from submarine warfare and the sinking of vessels through mines, have been received and how many settled, and the amount actually expended on such claims; and what is the total amount available for the purpose?
On the evening of the 13th February payment had been made of the sums recommended by the Royal Commission on Compensation for Suffering and Damage by Enemy Action in respect of 9,059 claims by sufferers from submarine and aerial warfare. The amount expended is £620,902. The total number of seamen and their dependants who have lodged claims with the Reparation Claims Department is 24,750, and of these, 8,261, involving a sum of £562,052, have so far been paid. £5,000.000 is available for compensation for sufferings or damage arising out of the action of the enemy during the War within Annex I to Part VIII of the Treaty of Versailles, but the claims against this fund include claims in respect of property as well as all claims in respect of death and personal injury.
Will the Noble Lord be good enough to say how much of the sum available will be set aside for the claims of seamen and their dependants?
The procedure followed is that each claim has been investigated by the Royal Commission, and a decision given upon it. These assessments are now being paid out by the Department as fast as possible. I am unable to inform the hon. Member what is the total amount allotted to seamen.
Can the Noble Lord tell us when any payments out of the sum of £5,000,000 in respect of material damage to cargoes is likely to be available?
The Royal Commission is commencing to consider that part of the inquiry, now that it has disposed of the death and personal injury cases.
Ireland
Boundary Question
asked the Prime Minister whether he can make any statement on the Irish boundary question?
I have nothing to add to the answers which I gave to the hon. and gallant Member's question on this subject on the 7th December last.
Is it proposed to set up the Boundary Commission, as provided in the Treaty?
Yes.
When?
Land Purchase (Northern Ireland)
asked the Prime Minister whether it is proposed to introduce a measure this Session for completing land purchase in Northern Ireland, and thereby giving effect to the pledges repeatedly made in the House?
I have been asked to reply. I hope that it may be found possible to introduce legislation dealing with this matter, but I am not at present in a position to make any definite statement.
Malicious Injuries Commission
asked the Prime Minister whether he proposes to publish the Report written by Lord Shaw regarding the claims for compensation arising out of outrages in the South of Ireland; whether Lord Shaw has indicated in his Report that it would take 20 years to deal with all the cases; and whether he can say what the Government intend doing for the sufferers pending the payment of compensation
I assume that hon. Member in the first part of his question is referring to the supplementary Report signed by Lord Shaw alone, which is annexed to the Third Interim Report of the Commission. In view of the fact that the views expressed in that Report are not shared either by His Majesty's Government or by the other members of the Commission. I am of opinion that no useful purpose would be served by its publication. In reply to the second part of the question, Lord Shaw stated that in his opinion the work of the Commission would take many years, but this view is not borne out by the fact that in the last 10 weeks the Commission have dealt with claims at the average rate of 300 a week. In reply to the third part, it has, since May last, frequently been announced that the. Colonial Office is ready to consider applications for advances on the security of decrees or claims for compensation in cases where hardship is caused by the delay in the assessment and payment of compensation; 198 such applications have been received, and advances totalling £46,369 have been made in 129 cases.
Conviction, Belfast Assizes (Thomas Houston)
asked the Prime Minister whether, at the recent assizes in Belfast, Thomas Houston, who was described as a captain in the Free State army, was sentenced to 10 years' penal servitude for taking part in an ambush of police at Wattle Bridge, county Fermanagh; whether this is the same person who was sentenced by a court-martial to 15 and 10 years' penal servitude for shooting at and wounding police officers prior to the truce; whether the offence to which he pleaded guilty at Belfast was committed 10 days after he was released; and whether he can say why the Imperial Government pressed the Government of Northern Ireland to release Houston?
I do not think that the public interest would be served by my making a statement on this case, of which all the facts are within the cognizance of the Government of Northern Ireland.
Questions
Admiralty Orders (Press Publication)
asked the Prime Minister whether certain Admiralty orders issued to the Fleet during the War, published in a book written by the right hon. Winston Churchill, extracts from which are now appearing in the public Press, are the property of His Majesty's Government; and, if so, on whose authority was permission for their publication granted?
I am informed that Mr. Churchill was given copies of some of his own official minutes and of the Admiralty orders or telegrams based on or leading up to those minutes by the authority of the First Lord of the Admiralty. It is of course an obligation upon Ministers and officials not to disclose confidential State or official papers or information without the previous approval of His Majesty's Government for the time being, or in the case of Cabinet information without the consent of His Majesty.
Does that answer apply to all documents of this nature?
Iraq
asked the Prime Minister when he will make a statement as to the position in Iraq; and the action he proposes to take as a result of the conference with Sir Percy Cox?
The whole question is being exhaustively considered by a Committee of the Cabinet, which will, I hope, be in a position to present its report very shortly. I do not propose to make any statement until the Cabinet have received and considered the recommendations of the Committee.
Is there any truth in the statement published recently in the Press of this country that our Air Force dropped 16 tons of bombs on the Arabs because they declined to pay rates and taxes?
Necessitous Industrial Areas
asked the Prime Minister whether the Cabinet Committee to which he remitted the question of ways and means whereby assistance might be granted to necessitous industrial areas has reported to him upon the relief formula submitted by the local authorities concerned; if so, with what result; and, if not, can he expedite a decision in view of the serious hindrance to the revival of trade in these areas caused by the excessive and increasing burden of rates borne by them?
The matter before the Cabinet Committee was the question whether the present policy of meeting the immediate burden on the rates in particular areas by loans should be altered. The relief formula to which the hon. Member refers was considered, among other matters, by the Committee. After consideration of the Committee's report the Government has decided that no change of policy should be made.
Cannot the right hon. Gentleman re-consider the question, in view of the increasing seriousness of this question in the industrial areas?
State Assistance (Departmental Committee)
asked the Prime Minister whether he can now state the membership and terms of reference of the Departmental Committee to inquire into the gaps between the provision made by the Ministries of Pensions, Health, and Labour, and the possibility of preventing hardship to sufferers from such gaps?
I have been asked to reply. This Committee will be presided over by the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Labour, and will include representatives of the Ministry of Labour, Ministry of Health, Scottish Board of Health and Ministry of Pensions. Its terms of reference are:
"To examine the existing arrangements for the grant of assistance on account of sickness, unemployment and destitution, from public funds and from the contributory schemes of Health and Unemployment Insurance, with a view to securing the fullest coordination of administrative and executive action."
Will the Government accept the suggestion that Mr. Geoffrey Drage be put on the Committee?
Estimates Committee
asked the Prime Minister when he proposes to set up a Select Committee on Estimates; and whether, in order to facilitate the scrutiny, he will appoint a separate committee for each class of Estimates?
As stated on the 14th December last, the necessary Motion to set up the Estimates Committee will be moved as soon as arrangements can be made. I see no useful purpose in appointing more than one Committee, but the Committee if it so desires can ask for leave to appoint Sub-Committees.
Unemployment
Insurance by Industries
asked the Prime Minister whether it is the intention of the Government to introduce a Bill during the present Session dealing with insurance by industry?
Inquiries into this matter are proceeding; and in any case I do not think that legislation is practicable this Session.
Juvenile Centres
asked the Prime Minister why the educational scheme for unemployed juvenile centres is being organised by the Ministry of Labour and not by the Board of Education?
I have been asked to reply. These centres are being organised by the Local Education Authorities, in consultation with the Local Employment Committees of the Ministry of Labour. As the object is to mitigate the ill-effects of long-continued unemployment on boys and girls, the central supervision of the scheme has been undertaken by the Ministry of Labour.
In view of the fact that the Prime Minister has announced there is no change of policy in respect of necessitous areas, would it not be possible for the Government to pay the whole expense of these centres, instead of a portion be charged on the local rates?
Is it not the case that if the Government had given a larger grant of money, more local authorities would have taken on these schemes which are a vital necessity to the very life of the young people of this country?
These are matters of argument. I hope, if opportunity offers, to make a statement on the subject in the course of the Debate this afternoon.
Evictions
asked the Prime Minister whether he will undertake to introduce legislation to prevent the evictions of families where the inability to pay rent arises from the unemployment of the breadwinner or low wages?
As the existing Increase of Rent Act gives wide discretionary power to the courts as regards the ejectment of tenants in cases of this kind, I am not prepared to give the undertaking asked for.
Questions
Imperial Conference
asked the Prime Minister what replies have been received from the Dominions and India as to the holding of Imperial and Imperial Economic Conferences in the present year?
I explained on 30th November to my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Maidstone that, while I hoped that it would be found generally convenient to hold a meeting of the Imperial Conference this year, no invitations had yet been issued. The position is the same now. The date of a Conference at which we should have the advantage of the presence of some, and I hope all, of the Dominion Prime Ministers must depend partly on whether it is found feasible to hold an Imperial Economic Conference this year. As to the latter, the replies from the Dominion Governments to the message which I sent at the end of November are not yet complete owing to the elections, but I trust that I may be able to make a more definite statement shortly.
Would it not be wise for the right hon. Gentleman to suggest to the Dominion Governments that it would not be necessary for the Prime Ministers to come over for the Economic Conferences, and that Ministers more particularly concerned could better do the business?
Lord Advocate
asked the Prime Minister if he has made arrangements, according to his promise last Session, to have the Lord Advocate in the House of Commons to answer questions affecting Scottish interests?
I have every hope that arrangements will be made immediately.
Is this new promise like the old promise—one that is to be broken?
May I say that the old promise was not broken? As I said, I hoped arrangements would be made immediately on the meeting of this Session, and I still hope so.
Will the right hon. Gentleman see that the Lord Advocate, when he returns to this House, if he ever does, shall represent Scottish electors?
I think that that is not entirely within the control of the Prime Minister.
British South Africa Company
asked the Prime Minister whether, seeing that the conditions governing the reimbursement of any administrative deficits to the British South Africa Company were clearly defined by the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, then examined in detail and fixed, subject to certain deductions by valuation, by Lord Cave's Commission, that it was part of the arrangement between the Crown and the Chartered Company that the decisions and recommendations of the Cave Commission should be binding on both parties, and that the right hon. Gentleman informed the House of this fact and gave assurances that no financial commitment would be made without consulting Parliament, he will now give an undertaking that the procedure laid down by the present Lord Chancellor for arriving at the net deficits of the Chartered Company will be followed without further delay and no arrangement made which would have the effect of setting aside the recommendations of Lord Cave's Commission?
The recommendations made in paragraph 7 of the Report of Lord Cave's Commission with regard to the determination of the amount to be deducted from the award in respect of lands appropriated and lands and rights alienated would not, I think, exclude a settlement by agreement if such a course were feasible. I cannot, however, at present make any statement as to what arrangements will have to be adopted for fixing the amount of this deduction. The British South Africa Company have not seen their way to accept the recommendations made by Lord Buxton's Committee in this matter, and the question has now to be considered in connection with the issues raised by the Company's Petition of Right.
Will the House of Commons be consulted before any decision is taken or any financial commit- ment made? Can the right hon. Gentleman repeat his assurance on that point?
Yes.
Workmen's Compensation
asked the Prime Minister if he is aware that many persons suffering from accident and in receipt of compensation are, owing to the inadequate provisions of the existing Act of Parliament, being compelled to apply to the Poor Law guardians for relief, thereby imposing an additional burden on the local rates; if he is aware that not more than one-third of the amount received in premiums by the insurance companies in respect of employers' liability is being received by the workpeople suffering from accident, the rest being absorbed by these companies for profit and working expenses; and whether he can state what is the intention of the Government with regard to an amended Compensation Act which will make more adequate provision for disabled workpeople or their dependants?
asked the Home Secretary if it is the Government's intention to introduce during this Session of Parliament a new Workmen's Compensation Bill?
As regards the first part of Question 75, some representations on the subject have been received by the Government, but I have no definite or recent information. As regards the second part, it would appear from the figures given in the Home Office Statistics of Compensation for 1921, which are based on the latest returns made by the companies to the Board of Trade, that for 1921 the amount expended by the companies in payments of compensation represented something less than 36 per cent. of their total income. The question of legislation to amend the Workmen's Compensation Act is now receiving the consideration of the Government.
Is it not the fact that the 36 per cent. alluded to includes also legal and medicinal expenses in connection with the settlement, so that that does not go to any of the men?
I rather think it does, but I was not quite sure from the question whether the hon. Member meant that to be included or not. At any rate, I am not quarrelling with the figures.
Business of the House
Can the Prime Minister give us the business for next week, and at the same time tell us when we shall have the various Housing and Rent Bills in the Vote Office?
I cannot give a definite answer to the last question, but it will be as soon as possible.
The business for Monday and Tuesday will be the Debate on the Address, which it is hoped will be concluded on Tuesday.
Wednesday: Supplementary Estimates for Royal Parks and Pleasure Gardens, Public Buildings, and, if time permit, Friendly Societies' Registry.
Thursday: Rent Restriction (Notice of Increase) Bill, Second Reading.
Friday: Private Member's Bill.
With regard to Wednesday, would it be convenient for the right hon. Gentleman to say whether there is any intention to suspend the Eleven o'Clock Rule for these Supplementary Estimates.
The opportunity will hardly arise, as it is a private Members' night.
The suspension of the Rule is always done by the Government.
We shall not do it.
Friday Sittings
Resolved,
"That during the present Session the House do meet on Fridays at Eleven o'clock, and that Four o'clock and half-past Four o'clock be substituted for Five o'clock and half-past Five o'clock, respectively, as the hours for the interruption of Business and Adjournment of the House on that day."—[ The Prime Minister. ]
Government Bills
Rent Restrictions (Notice of Increase) Bill,
"to amend the Increase of Rent and Mortgage Interest (Restrictions) Act, 1920, with respect to the notices to increase rent given thereunder; and for the purposes consequential thereon," presented by Sir DOUGLAS HOGG; supported by Mr. Neville Chamberlain and Sir Thomas Inskip; to be read a Second time upon Monday next, and to be printed. [Bill 4.]
Dangerous Drugs and Poisons (Amendment) Bill,
"to amend the Dangerous Drugs Act, 1920, and Section seventeen of the Pharmacy Act, 1868, and to prescribe the method of calculating percentages in liquid preparations for the purpose of the Poisons and Pharmacy Act, 1908, and the Dangerous Drugs Act, 1920," presented by Mr. BRIDGEMAN; supported by Sir Thomas Inskip; to be read a Second time upon Tuesday next, and to be printed. [Bill 5.]
Orders of the Day
King's Speech
Debate on the Addeess
[THIRD DAY.]
Order read for resuming Adjourned Debate on Question [
"That an humble Address be presented to His Majesty, as followeth:—
MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN,
We, Your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, in Parliament assembled, beg leave to offer our humble thanks to Your Majesty for the Gracious Speech which Your Majesty has addressed to both Houses of Parliament."—[ Mr. Samuel Roberts. ]
Question again proposed.
Foreign Policy and Unemployment
I beg to move, at the end of the Question, to add the words The Amendment submitted to the House on this occasion is clothed in terms severely criticising foreign policy. The need for that has increased as year has followed year. Foreign policy, we are convinced, has been largely the cause of the industrial dislocation and economic breakdown from which we are suffering and until there is a great modification in our foreign policy, or in many respects a complete reversal of it, no permanent cure for these troubles can be found. The Prime Minister on Tuesday spoke of the French and German position with a frankness to which we have not been commonly accustomed. He revealed again, however, the increasing incompetence of the Government on this problem of unemployment and he asks us to wait for trade revival. What hope of trade revival can there be in a Europe continually cursed by ceaseless conflicts between countries?
The Foreign Secretary at, I think, the last of the numerous gatherings at Lausanne, in a sentence reproving the Turkish representatives for their obstinacy, declared that any fool could make war and that it was the business of statesmen to make peace. My reflection upon reading that was that in the last two centuries there must have been a goodly number of fools in the Chancelleries and in the Cabinets of Europe or we should not have been afflicted as frequently as we have been by these lamentable conflicts. I reflected, further, that, following the close of the War, we treated the Turks alternately with indifference or contempt and let the position drift and drift until eventually the military successes of Turkey brought Britain very near to the verge of humiliation. Had we shown enlightened and earlier consideration for Near Eastern rights and sentiments we should have been saved from much which lately we have had to suffer. It may be that the House will be called upon to go more deeply into this aspect of the question when, in a week or so, it is furnished with the documents which have been promised, so meantime I will only say our view is that, whatever the final result at Angora may be, we must resist any diplomacy tending to exchange British blood for foreign oil. Our treatment of Russia too, I think, has been a central fact in this Eastern muddle. The cost to this country of our indefensible attitude towards Russia is revealed in every Near Eastern complication or conflict which arises. Hostility to Russia has involved delays in trade restoration, it has strengthened the Government of Russia rather than weakened it and it has, indeed, tended to weaken our position. Three years ago we declared in this House that full recognition of the Russian Government was essential in order to precede and establish trade development. Diplomatic equality and harmony are essential, not necessarily in the Russian interest so much as in our own.
4.0 P.M.
Hon. Members will gather from the terms of our Amendment that our opinion is that, sad and frequent as are these Eastern troubles, the centre of disturbance of greatest magnitude is that between France and Germany, and we are wondering whether the French trouble, like unemployment, is to become a permanent and established fact in the life of Europe. Our sacrifices for French freedom—sacrifices in material, in men and in money—entitle us now to speak freely on matters of French policy, for we are so far involved in that policy that we cannot stand aside or remain dumb as though it did not concern us. France, of course, wants security. "We desire her to have it. France is still dominated by fear. We are satisfied that that fear will continue as long as the chief French instrument is force. Security is to be found more in the establishment of goodwill, and goodwill is not a thing that can be invoked by force. You cannot compel it either in the case of a nation or of an individual. It must be cultivated, it must be bred; it cannot be produced by any action of compulsion. Indeed, Frenchmen themselves would say that France feels less secure now than she did before the War. Victory does not give security. If, after victory, the terms of peace are such as only to remove the area of conflict from the battlefield to other areas, no object higher than the prosecution of war has been attained. French fear and French insecurity will continue until a state of amity is established between France and Germany herself. I therefore say that security cannot be found by provoking hatred and hostility from your neighbour, and hatred and hostility are being provoked by the policy which France is now pur- suing. In short, we are faced with the spectacle of an after-war peace policy which in itself is sure to guarantee another war, and a peace period nearly as bad as the period before the War begun.
I have said that the Prime Minister was more frank than has been common in this House in touching, upon these questions on Tuesday, but I think he retreated too soon, and failed to state any definite policy on the part of His Majesty's Government. We would like him to say whether, in the judgment of His Majesty's Government, the claim of France for reparations has been changed into an excuse for the permanent occupation and repression of her neighbour Germany. One thing which I recall as being said more commonly than any other when the Great War began is that this country should enter into it and that our millions of men should join up to take part in it because we were opposed to German invasion, German trespass, and German aggression. If that step on the part of Germany were wrong, it is equally wrong when taken by France. If it were wrong when taken by Germany against either Belgium or France, it cannot be justified now on any ground of the debt which Germany may owe to France.
The central idea in this French policy, so far as we can find it, is that to ensure French security Germany must be kept down. I hope that the Government will clearly say that they cannot approve resistance to the natural development of any nation, whether Germany or another. I thought that long ago the main body of the supporters of the previous Government had agreed, after the utterances of the late Prime Minister, that a prosperous and contented Germany was essential to the peace and prosperity of the world. If others have deserted that policy, we adhere to it. I therefore say that we should definitely separate ourselves from a course which is manufacturing in France a popular demand which may lead to a ruinous policy, because the opinion so created by leaders is a thing which those leaders have now come to fear. Any approval of the policy now being followed by France is in effect making this country pay for past wrong done either by Germany or any other nation. We reject, therefore, the monstrous doctrine that Germany must be prevented from becoming strong enough to pay her way. The world consists of more countries than France and Germany, but there can be no peace in these other different countries in Europe or in Europe generally until those two countries are reconciled, and there can be no reconciliation until Britain particularly, though other countries as well I agree, show clearly to France that the world's prosperity must depend upon those two countries reconciling their differences and living, not in a state of ceaseless threats and armed peace, but in actual amity as expressed in terms of disarmament and acting through some such organisation as the League of Nations.
I therefore ask: Is the Government's mind that of having no policy and of endeavouring to make the best of both worlds? We certainly could not conclude from anything said by the Prime Minister that the Cabinet had made up its mind on the situation so far created. As we cannot support France—that, at any rate, is clear—I ask: Can we save ourselves from the effects of French action? That is the minimum for which we ought to try. Therefore, the question arises as to whether this is the right moment for taking any steps in that direction. Should we avoid appeals to both these countries until they tell us that they are ready to hear them, or should we produce a state of readiness by the appeals which we ourselves can repeatedly make? I am convinced that the latter course would help to bring together more speedily the two countries whose friendship we desire to see.
So far, in treating with certain aspects of this question, hon. Gentlemen have turned from these subjects of foreign policy to remedies under the head of Empire Development and Emigration. I do not wish to be misunderstood, as I fear that I was, judged by the quotation used by my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Reading (Major Cadogan) a day or two ago in a maiden speech, which I am sure that this House will long remember. I reject as folly the facing of economic questions from merely a racial standpoint. The world economically has become more and more a great unit. I do not belittle any opportunity which may offer itself or which we can create of developing trade with our Dominions, but the urgent need is rather for revival or restoration of lost markets than the development or the establishment of new markets. Let us have both, but, in view of our urgent and pressing necessities, the order in which I would take them would be first the establishment of such relations between ourselves and the rest of the countries of Europe as would help to a speedy revival of trade with them, and then any development of trade which might fall to us in regard to any one of our Dominions. I would say also that pride of Empire or pride of country is not singular to Britain, nor is it a party monopoly, as it would sometimes appear to be, judged by the manner in which hon. Gentlemen, perhaps more outside this House than in it, complain that our criticisms are all directed out of consideration for Germany, out of love for an enemy, and from lack of admiration of, or lack of faith in, ourselves. I can assure hon. Gentlemen that they are wrong. There is a great difference between developing trade with the remote parts of our Empire and trying to revive and stimulate trade with those parts of Europe which are inhabited by enormous numbers of people and which are so very much nearer to these shores.
Nor can I see in any system of emigration the slightest cure to be found for our state of unemployment. Emigration has always tended to attract from this country the best and most adventurous spirits, men of skill, and therefore men with confidence of securing employment in the land to which they go if they cannot get it in the land which they are leaving. Australia and Canada do not want our inefficients, our incompetents, our unskilled workers; they have undoubtedly quite enough of their own. The large centres of population in those Dominions have their own unemployment problem as well as we have. I grant, however, that there are cases where with proper organisation and under proper terms of agreement a distribution of population might be good for individuals as well as for the two particular countries concerned, but that is a matter in no way determined by any such plans which have yet been put forward in this House or by any outside organisation. A few days ago I read a very gloomy forecast of our industrial future—I think it was for the next few years—uttered by the hon. Member for South Croydon (Sir A. Smith), whose position as a representative of the employers' organisations in this country adds very great weight and authority to anything which he may say on this problem. I think that what he said confirms us in the view that the immediate recovery of trade depends less upon Empire development than upon speedily restored trade with the various countries in Europe.
A week or two ago the Prime Minister graphically explained what it is costing the country to support its unemployed. I have no doubt that he will take great credit for the enormous sums which this country is spending in support of the unemployed. I do not share that view. The more a Government gives away without any return of any kind the more that Government is at fault, and a party claiming to be a party of economy determined to avoid waste should be ashamed of squandering without any return whatever £2,000,000 a week, as we are now doing, in support of men who are compelled to be idle owing to lack of Government vision, lack of Government policy, and lack of organisation. The Prime Minister said that we were now spending in support of the unemployed half as much per week as it cost us to run the country before the War. That is true. The pre-War Budget was somewhere in the neighbourhood of £200,000,000. We are, therefore, paying roughly—I do not mean through the purse of the State, but through local authorities, through State grants, and through all the numerous forms by which men get their support—about £2,000,000 per week. That only strengthens our protest. Our demand from the beginning, as it will be to the end, is for work or maintenance. You dare not let men approach the borderland of famine, or die. I suppose that the large amount that is being paid, if not all of it, under existing conditions, is tolerated by those who have to find the money, rather as a premium for safety or insurance and as a safeguard against acts of violence or riots. Whatever be the motive, our view is that to continue to spend in that manner without any endeavour whatever to turn that money in large part, as it should be turned, from dole money into wage money is no proof whatever of capacity to govern, or of statesmanship on the part of those who for the moment hold office.
Can we only enlist, direct and organise men for the purposes of destruction? We did it skilfully, effectively and triumphantly during the War. An act of war involves, whatever be our views of war, an act of destruction. Will the Minister of Labour or the Prime Minister say that we cannot direct, control or enlist men in this State as State officers unless it be for some act of destruction? Do they say that we cannot enlist them for civil employment? We have had numerous Cabinet Committees. I think we have now four Cabinet Committees. Some allusion was made to the work of Cabinet Committees earlier. This, perhaps, above all other times, is the time when the latest Cabinet Committee should be employed. If it is working, what is it doing, and what has it done? I should like to see the effects of its work reflected in a far greater reduction of the figures of unemployment than in the repeated sessional promises, assurances and expressions of hope of a brighter day, with which we have been made familiar in recent Sessions. Let us have results actually seen in a substantial diminution in the figures of the unemployed.
I should like to know how far the Trade Facilities Act has been further used, either under the instigation of the Cabinet Committee or of a Government Department. I would recall in this respect a figure used last Session, to the effect that 800 schemes for finding work had been submitted by various bodies, mainly, I suppose, men interested in private trade development. The great majority of those schemes had to be rejected. I have some knowledge of schemes which, had they been encouraged and supported through the medium of the guarantee of capital and interest which that Act was passed in order to provide, would in the end have cost this country nothing, but would have saved the country money. My point is that we are paying more out week by week to men kept in a state of enforced idleness, than the Government would have had to find if these ventures had been encouraged and assisted and men had been put into proper employment.
In the Debate on Tuesday, it was asserted, from the other side of the House, and, I think, generally agreed, that there could not be full employment in this country except during the rare periods of a state of trade boom. We are sometimes censured for criticising the existing system. Could there be any greater condemnation of it than the statement that it is only at rare periods or intervals of six or seven years that the masses of the wage-earning population can hope to enjoy anything which in their case may be described as a prosperous time? We want to repair the defects and weaknesses of the existing social order, if I may so call it. I think the more correct description would be social disorder, for order certainly it is not. We say that in a period of unusual depression such as still continues, unusual measures are required to meet it. I ask my right hon. Friend to apply himself to this question—must men remain idle at our expense unless they can find an employer ready to engage them at a profit? I do not think that is an unreasonable question. If the answer be that employers cannot help it, then there is a State obligation which has not been met, a State obligation of a dual kind.
There is an obligation on the part of the citizen to do his duty and to meet such calls as the State may make upon him. In the days when that duty stood highest and the obligation was of the severest, the individual met that obligation. For instance, 5,000,000 men turned themselves from workmen into soldiers before there was a compulsory Act put into force. The obligation cannot be one-sided. If it is right for the country to call upon its citizens to offer their lives for the safety of the country, then the men are entitled in turn to ask that the State should do its duty by them and not leave them to the mercies of a relentless economic system which throws them into a state of complete idleness and deprives them of the opportunity of earning their daily bread. Men must not be kept in a state of enforced idleness because an employer cannot be found to engage them at a profit to himself.
We have been given no ray of hope from any statement of the Prime Minister as to going deeply into this problem. The surface has just been skimmed. So far as we can hope for any legislation at all, it appears that we shall have to be content with some changes in the system of insurance. I reached that conclusion because of the language used by the Prime Minister in a speech delivered at Glasgow on 13th November, before the General Election. In that speech he said:
I suggest to the right hon. Gentleman that insurance never was intended to be applied to the extraordinary and unprecedented conditions of employment in which we find ourselves. It was rather intended to meet the case where bodies of men suffer during short intervals of idleness between two long periods of unemployment. As a cover or measure of relief for that condition insurance is well enough, and it has had our support from the beginning, but insurance does not touch the problem such as we have had in this country during the last few years, and such as we shall have to face for a considerable time to come. Under a system of insurance which takes out of trade or industry the sum necessary for keeping men alive when they are out of work it is clear that a considerable number of favoured people in this country will escape what ought to be an obligation which the State should compel them to meet in a corresponding degree with the rest of the people of the country. There are large numbers of people who enjoy considerable salaries and large incomes, who, under no scheme of insurance hinted at by the spokesmen of the Government, would be called upon to pay their fair share. Indeed, they would not be called upon to pay anything, because they are not employers of labour in a large sense of the term.
My right hon. Friend dissented when I said that nothing had been attempted by the Government in regard to absorbing a large number of the unemployed. I would therefore bring to the notice of the House what was in my mind at that time. It is true that something is being done through the local authorities, and it is true that to some small degree the State has assisted in respect of certain roads and public undertakings; but what I assert is, that that would be done if the State had not lifted its finger. Local pressure is such that the initiative is always left to the local authorities, and public-spirited men are to be found in many parts of the country who would have acted, as indeed they have acted, without any government instigation. I assert on the authority of statements made by many of these local leaders that frequently the regulations and methods of State administration have impeded and delayed the development and financing of these great undertakings.
Complaints are numerous as to what local authorities could have done had it not been for these restraints imposed upon them by State regulation, so that hundreds of thousands of those who are now unemployed could have been long ago started on appropriate jobs and such works as further road making, reconstruction and repairs of canals, municipal buildings, the making and widening of bridges, the construction of public institutions for which there has long been a great demand, the laying out and construction of recreation grounds, the building of rural institutes to make life in the country what long ago it should have been made, the laying out of more playing fields and the construction of swimming baths, the making of light railways which might be a great aid to the development of agriculture in many parts of the country, the development of those rural industries which were promised in election programmes of 1918 of which we have heard nothing whatever since, afforestation work, work which has been alluded to in numerous Blue Books, but has been left there, some clearances which might have made some little contribution towards making this country fit for heroes to live in, and housing schemes that would have kept hundreds of thousands of men at work for years ahead. I know that hon. Gentlemen will ask where is the money to come from. My answer is that in connection with the whole of this work you would have to add little to what you are now paying for nothing. What you want is organisation.
Do hon. Members prefer to give away without an atom of service £2,000,000 a week rather than pay, say, £3,000,000 a week as wages, and employ hundreds of thousands of men who could be employed upon work on the 20 different lines which I have already named. I understand that many hon. Gentlemen in this. House, among their other claims to the electors, claim that they are men of business. Can anyone imagine a greater waste than this? Is there a business man in this House who would defend the paying out of this enormous sum of money each week without any attempt to construct, build, create, organise, produce, and give to us any one of these numerous forms of wealth which the country requiries? I ask any business man to address himself to this problem. I take a particular instance of how dole money might be changed into wage money. I do not claim to commit myself absolutely for want of knowledge to this particular scheme. I refer to the scheme put forward by the Manchester Corporation and supported by a very large number of other large Corporations in that area. I find that those authorities have recently held two conferences. The last took place on Monday. It ended for the moment with a declaration of regret that so far it has not been possible to come to an arrangement with the Ministry of Health on the question of new housing subsidies, and in view of the need for more houses it was agreed to seek another interview with the Minister of Health.
What is meant there by subsidies. The Manchester Corporation says that if the Government would guarantee the payment of £6 per year as a subsidy for the construction of every house, many thousands of houses could be constructed by the Corporation to meet the local needs. Subsidies, generally speaking, are not desirable as a policy. But we are dealing with exceptions, and so exceptional was the exception some two years ago that subsidies were agreed to and defended by this House in more than one particular. The point is whether it would be better to go on paying, in the case of the men in the building trades, £250,000 a month—and that is what is being paid according to an answer given in this House by my right hon. Friend last November; and that amount cannot have been altered very much up to now—for these men to remain idle, or to meet this plan of the Manchester Corporation, and offer some subsidy which would absorb an enormous number of these men and turn them from being, what they are, dole receivers, into what they ought to be, wage receivers. The main remedy, however, is not to be found in these temporary devices, which we think might well be followed on grounds of economy and true saving and added wealth making. This part of my argument has been directed to show that until we can further develop, and in a normal, natural way absorb the unemployed in this country, we ought to make fuller and better use of the available labour within these shores for the purpose of the enormous tasks of necessary constructive work in which these men can engage.
Our view is that the main remedy is to be found, as indeed this Amendment says, in a fearless revision of the Peace Treaty. That revision cannot take place without conference, and conference there must be. But a world conference would fail unless beforehand the failure of our present policy is generally recognised by all the Governments which have been a party to it. Since the Treaty of Versailles, I think that there have been thirteen conferences, all more or less designed to make that Treaty work, but those conferences largely ended in failure, or at most only in slight modifications of the figure of reparation which Germany must pay, because, before they were held, Governments found that their views were unchanged, and while there was much debate and there were fine speeches, there was a separation as a rule without any material change in the situation. So I am not urging a conference unless, beforehand, there is the admission of the pitiful blunder expressed in so many parts of that Treaty of Versailles. The Amendment refers to the League of Nations as a medium for conducting conferences. There are those who say—indeed, some of them associated with Labour—that the League of Nations is a sham. I do not share that view. My notion of a sham is not that covered by the League of Nations, defective and incomplete as it is. That the League is a wounded and disabled force I admit. The question is, can we not cure and strengthen it. I believe that we can, and it is better in this regard, I believe, to perfect and repair the defects of that League than to take a plunge that might mean an effort to start a rival or new one and fail completely in the attempt.
In the view of the Government the League of Nations might hold a higher place than it has. It has a leading place in that Treaty of Versailles, and we might have more respect for some parts of that Treaty if the most hopeful part of it had been differently treated by successive Governments since the Treaty was signed. Finally, I claim that we have good grounds for suggesting these new if untried methods in existing conditions. Standing at that Box the other evening one of the representatives of the Government claimed that, at any rate, the Government had the confidence of the country, and, measured by numbers of votes, that argument may be sustained. But let hon. Gentlemen opposite remember that for every five votes received by those who support the Government, four votes were received by those who now put forward this Amendment. That, at least, shows that there is in the country a formidable body of opinion ready to support the views which I have endeavoured to put before the House this afternoon, and accordingly, though at the moment we cannot hope that the change will take place, we are not without hope that during the course of the Session, when this subject must be debated time after time, there shall be extracted from the Government some plan that will avoid the waste which I have tried to describe; some method that will be more than a method of keeping one man who is idle alive by the payment of another man who is in work; some method which will answer to a plan of organisation and directorship like that which the Government took in hands for the prosecution of the War.
I find myself in a somewhat difficult position in regard to the speech of the right hon. Gentleman who has just sat down. It is difficult for so young a Member as myself to refer to it. We always look to the right hon. Gentleman for a statement such as he has given us, in a tone and temper worthily representing what should be the policy of the country. If I may say so, that tone and temper are in somewhat pleasing contrast with much that we have heard from the opposite benches during the last few days. But on the other hand, while I should wish to reply mainly and specifically to the right hon. Gentleman's arguments to-day, yet for the subject of his Amendment, I am referred really to the remarks of those who sit behind him, for he himself has said very little about what is the subject of this Amendment. This is an Amendment indicting the foreign policy of the Government, and with the exception of a few general remarks the right hon. Member has confined himself to indicting the negligence of the Government in dealing with palliatives necessary to tide us over the present condition of domestic unemployment. He has dealt with what, according to this Amendment, are only effects. He has refrained from dealing with what, according to this Amendment, are the causes of that state of unemployment. Therefore, I must crave the indulgence of the House if I make one or two references to speeches on this subject of foreign policy which have been made from the opposite benches during the last two days.
We have had several very forceful speeches on the text that the French invasion of the Ruhr must be looked at from the point of view of humanity. I agree. There is nothing so necessary in discussing these problems now as a certain tone and temper of compassion towards all the suffering peoples of Europe. But mere appeals to humanity do not fulfil that requirement if they are followed up by and coupled with the most violent attacks on certain peoples in Europe. It appears to be the truth—why I do not know—that to certain hon. Gentlemen and even to some right hon. Gentlemen it is impossible to prove your love for humanity except by hating your neighbour. There have been moments when I have wondered how the Labour party ever came to be regarded by anybody in this country as a party of peace. When I have heard the unmeasured attacks made on certain foreign nations I have been irresistibly reminded of that vision of John Bunyan of the man who looked ever downward with a muck rake in his hand.
Having said that, let me mention, incidentally, one point. The right hon. Member for Platting (Mr. Clynes) said very forcibly to-day that if the breakdown of the Lausanne Conference had had anything to do with certain property rights his party were not in favour of exchanging British blood for foreign oil. I agree. But I wish he would impress that doctrine on certain hon. Gentlemen behind him. To mention two who have expressed this opinion, there are the hon. Member for Accrington (Mr. C. Buxton) and the hon. Member for Dundee (Mr. Morel), who spoke last Session, and who gave as one of the reasons why we should oppose any French attempt on the Ruhr that it would disturb the economic balance of power in Europe by giving the French too great a share in Europe's coal and steel resources. There are many arguments against the French action in the Ruhr, but I do not think that we propose to exchange British blood or even British effort for German coal. I am surprised to hear hon. Gentlemen opposite, who have often expended themselves in perorations against the old obscurantist doctrine of the balance of power, coming and laying before this House, as a reason for a particular policy in Europe, that the balance of economic power in Europe would be upset. [HON. MEMBERS: "Economic power!"] Yes, but if the political balance of power be evil in Europe, how much more evil would be an economic balance of power. If you once begin to try to partition the world so that every nation shall have exactly the same amount, or a comparable amount, of economic power, what is going to happen to the peace of the world? There is no sort of economic distribution at present. Is Italy to demand as great coal resources as France or Great Britain. I need not pursue that argument.
Let me come to the main line of this Amendment. I listened with great interest to the speech of the right hon. Member, because I hoped that a great mystery was to be cleared up. I remember venturing to say a year ago that the right hon. Gentleman and his party were always speaking about the revision of the Peace Treaty, but that I had never heard any mention of the particular respects in which the Peace Treaties were to be re- vised, except in the matter of reparations. I remember that the hon. and gallant Member for Newcastle - under - Lyme (Colonel Wedgwood) leaped to his feet on that occasion, and said that for the moment we were discussing reparations, and that on a future occasion, when discussing revision of the Peace Treaty, the Labour party would be very ready to say in what respect the Treaty should be revised. Here is the Amendment on which that should have been said. What are these respects? We are told "the economic Clauses." There are certain economic Clauses, especially in the Austrian Treaty, which I think should be revised. But no one believes that those are major questions; no one believes that the extent to which the Austrian Treaty does limit the power of the Danubian States to form a Zollverein—which will not be very difficult to change—has any very great effect on unemployment in England. It may have a very considerable effect on the economic life of the Danube Basin, but by the side of this problem it is an entirely unimportant matter.
The truth of the matter is, and it has been given away once or twice from the benches opposite and on one occasion last Session by the hon. Member for Dundee, that what is in the mind of the Labour party is a revision, not of the economic Clauses of the Treaty, in which there are only certain minor things to be revised, but in the territorial terms of the Treaty. What they mean by revision is the restoration of a united Danubian Federation, one unified State. What they mean are territorial adjustments in Transylvania and elsewhere. I am not going to defend the territorial arrangements of any peace treaty, although it lies queerly in the mouth of the Labour party, who in their manifesto in 1918 in every line encouraged the nationalist aspirations of the Danubian States and all other States in Europe, now to arise and ask for the revision of those Clauses of the Treaty.
I have noted the warm assent of the hon. Member for Moscow. I do not wish to be offensive. The hon. Member perhaps forgets that the originator of the doctrine of self-determination was not President Wilson, but Lenin, who strongly advised the Socialist parties, at a meeting in Switzerland before the Russian revolu- tion, that they should encourage the principle of self-determination with a view to smashing Europe. That disguise has now been dropped by the hon. Member opposite. In the last Session he told us that self-determination was all nonsense. He has dropped the mask now. But he took in the Labour party of this country at the time, and they did vote and shout on every platform for self-determination. Now they see the result. Some of us were not quite so keen on that question before. Unless I am contradicted, this is what appears to be in the mind of the Labour party. This is the foreign policy of the Labour party—a new territorial arrangement in Europe and the re-arrangement of a Treaty which has not only been signed by the Government of this country, but has been ratified by the Parliament of this country. We have heard a great deal about democratic diplomacy in the past, and of the right of Parliament to pronounce a judgment. What is the good of talking about the right of Parliament if in actual fact, when Parliamentary ratification has been given to a Treaty, it acquires no validity in the eyes of hon. Members opposite? Let me pass for a moment from the question of revision of the Peace Treaty, as to which I confess I am walking in the dark, because I can never find out what hon. Members opposite mean by it. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] I hope for enlightenment to-day.
That is impossible. Mental defects.
I have no doubt my mental defects are very great, but I hope I have not that particular kind of mental defect which is represented by too many of the speeches to which we listen—
We have good hearts anyway.
5.0 P.M.
speeches concerned with attributing every evil motive possible to hon. Gentlemen on this side and to foreign nations—the kind of mental defect described by a great English novelist when he said: "There is no surer sign of a weak head or a bad heart than a tendency to disbelieve." Let me pass to the other point in this Amendment, which is that the League of Nations should be given the settlement of the whole of this Reparations question. The policy of the Government has been described frequently in these Debates as very weak. The hon. Member for Accrington said it was weak and vacillating because we were doing nothing. I should like to say with all the force of the conviction which I have and with all the force of such experience as I have had of foreign politics, that almost all the worst mistakes in foreign policy are committed by attempts to advise when you know your advice will not be accepted. The right hon. Member for Platting said we should not wait until people were ready to accept our mediation but that we should appeal to them and thus produce the required atmosphere. I agree, but such appeals should not be made publicly. They should be made in the manner of sounding the ground, of attempting to determine and influence the mind of statesmen in these matters. This inevitably is a matter for more or less private negotiation. I ask hon. Members to recollect that during the last few years we have had many attempts to settle matters by issuing public appeals and wireless telegrams. We had the Prinkipo proposal and we had many other diplomatic documents, especially the gratuitous telegrams of advice to the Soviet Government, which verged very closely on Press "stunts." That is not the way to influence the feeling of foreign nations and hon. Members in pressing for some overt and spectacular action from His Majesty's Government at this moment, are pressing them to take a course which may look very strong but is not really so. It is very nice to be able to strike an attitude before Europe and to say "These are our opinions," but do not mistake such an attitude for strength. Silence and caution are very often the signs of strength in a Government in foreign policy rather than such attitudinising as is appealed for to-day. The right hon. Member for Platting has himself given the final argument in favour of this view for, as he said, good will cannot be brought about by compulsion. If you make spectacular public appeals you are trying to bring the complusion of public opinion on a particular Government to do that which they do not wish to do and which they are not convinced is in the interests of their country. Though such a policy may not be as evil in its effect as the policy of force it is evil, and it does not secure lasting good will. It merely means that a particular Government has to submit with a bad grace to a certain course.
My last word is this. Hon. Members opposite—and this is at the core of the Amendment—have never been able to make up their minds as to what the League of Nations is, and what they wish it to be; whether they wish it to be a machine for conciliation, requiring unanimity or quasi-unanimity among the nations, or whether they wish it to be a super-Government imposing its decisions. What does the Amendment propose to do with the reparations problem? Is it to be submitted to the League of Nations for discussion by the Council, or for discussion by the Assembly or for arbitration? Arbitration is mentioned here. Can one conceive any question less adapted for the Permanent Court of International Justice than the reparations problem? What you have to do in fixing reparations is not to decide what Germany ought to pay, not even to decide what Germany can pay, but, as the Bankers' Committee reported last year, you have to decide what the investing public opinion of the world is satisfied that Germany can probably pay—a very different thing. What good is a judicial tribunal in determining a matter of that kind? I submit the Labour party have still to state their actual policy, and still to explain the meaning of this Amendment. For myself, perhaps I have not been distinguished during the time I have had the honour of being a Member of this House for invariable support of the Government on questions of foreign policy. But on this occasion I think their policy the only possible one to pursue. They should not be asked to desert their attitude—one of watchful waiting, if you like—at the present moment; they should be allowed to have patience in the hope, as the Prime Minister said, that they will be able at an early date to intervene usefully when the occasion makes it possible.
The tremendous gulf existing between the attitude of Members on Government Benches and the attitude of Members on these benches must impress any one coming into this House for the first time. Every question dis- cussed in this House since I came into it has shown me more and more the great division which exists as to the manner in which different problems should be approached. That is perhaps more apparent in regard to the question of unemployment than in regard to anything else. Whilst I admit that the terms of the Amendment are wide, and are directed generally towards the question of our relations with other countries, I want to know what is going to be the position of the people of this country pending the establishment of better foreign relations. These cannot be achieved to-morrow. As has been said both by the Mover of the Amendment and by the Noble Lord who has just sat down, conciliation cannot be forced. It can only be cultivated, and we have got to show, by our attitude in approaching other countries, that we are to be trusted, so as to establish confidence between the nations of the world. All that will not be done even during the next 12 months. It will take a long time to re-establish even the relations which existed previous to 1914. Generations may have to elapse before many of the old sores can be healed. When we on these benches take up the question of unemployment we are very often told that we have no practical suggestions to put forward. Again, sometimes we are told that we are too materialistic in our outlook. To again quote the Noble Lord who has just spoken, we are said to be always in the position of the man with the muck rake and with his eyes on the ground. On the other hand, we are sometimes told that our heads are in the clouds, and that we are too idealistic.
We plead guilty to both charges. We are both materialistic and idealistic, but who has made us materialistic? We have got to deal with real material conditions, and we only demand better material conditions so that the idealism of the people may be let loose. We know there are enormous resources of moral and spiritual power in the British people. The four tragic years between 1914 and 1918 proved the existence of those enormous resources which, if liberated, would lead the world to greater achievements than have ever been recorded in the past. There is a clash between systems here, just as there is outside in the country; a fight between ideas. But while these dialectical battles are going on here, the people all the time are suffering. What is to be done for the people who are suffering so heavily at the present moment? I put it to members of the Government that, even though they may be convinced that a Labour Government has absolutely no chance of succeeding, they should set about trying to lay foundations on which the present commercial system may be more firmly established. There are certain resources which might be developed pending the formation of better relations with foreign countries. Everyone admits that when trade does improve, that country which has the best facilities for landing its products into the markets of the world will gain the leadership. A big development is coming for motor transport, with its ability to carry quickly to the seaboard the products of our people. We are fortunately placed in this country. Even the innermost parts of the country can be easily got at and their products quickly transferred to the seaboard. What is to hinder those who defend and maintain the present commercial system as the best of all possible systems, from laying the foundation for its more secure development by instituting a great series of national roadways with a view to the development of motor transport so as to put our products into the world markets more quickly? Railway systems may be developed, new canal systems established, and in these ways nearly every man who is idle at the moment, could be set to do useful work in developing a real asset for the future prosperity of the country. More than that, it will give them wages for their work, and thus they will be able to spend more on the things that men live on. They will be able to buy more food and clothing and boots than they can now on the starvation dole that they are receiving, and being able to do so they will create a greater demand for food, clothing, and boots, and in this way effect the liberation of the wheels of those industries which are producing these things.
The Mid-Scotland Ship Canal was mentioned at Question time. We have many people in Scotland who believe that this question of the Mid-Scotland Ship Canal is a very important matter and ought to be proceeded with at once. It is estimated by experts that 80,000 men could be set to work towards the making of that canal. It would certainly take a lot of money to make the canal and put it in a condition to carry the produce of the country, but, more than that, if you are going to develop and re-establish more securely the present commercial system, you must inevitably have in the future wars with other nations, and, if you are going to have wars, it is estimated that this particular canal will be of infinite value to this country in such a case. You will be able more quickly to transfer your forces from one side of the country to another, and it may be that the quicker concentration of your naval and military forces will make all the difference between success and failure if you may be attacked suddenly. We suggest that these things could be developed, even if it be admitted that the present commercial system is going to be established. Many of us do not believe that it will. As a matter of fact, we feel, looking at matters in the widest possible sense, that we are living in transition times at the moment and that what we are witnessing is the breakdown of the old system, and we am trying in every possible way to be able to substitute changes that will be of more advantage to the people of this country.
We know we cannot have the ideals which we have in view established here to-morrow. We know that even the return of a Labour Government at the next Parliamentary Election would not bring it about. Many of us, even if we could bring it about to-morrow, or next week, or next year, would not bring it about in that way, because you have got to prepare for changes of that description. That is our work here, to try to prepare the way for the change which we feel is absolutely inevitable. We know that movements wait for opportunities, and opportunities produce men, and many great movements have been ruined, even by good men, by using wrong methods, and we want to be absolutely sure that the methods we are using, or attempting to use, are the correct methods to adopt. We have seen nothing—at least, personally, I have seen nothing—and heard nothing since coming to this House to convince us that the methods we are suggesting are wrong methods. We do not want to be wrong, but if it can be shown that the methods which we are trying to see established to bring about the change are wrong, we will be only too pleased to be put right. We have such a condition of things in this country to-day that one grows tired of listening to the same old story of suffering, and degradation, and despair that is gradually eating into the hearts of our people, eating out their very souls. Not only are men's bodies being destroyed, but their souls are in danger of being lost. You are demoralising them by the conditions which are established in this country to-day. We want to see better conditions. We want to co-operate with any party that is prepared to establish better conditions, to feed our people and to give them decent conditions of living.
I stood watching, very interestedly, the opening of Parliament by Their Majesties the King and Queen. It was a new sight, a wonderful sight, to me. I never had seen, nor expected to see, so much beauty, so much colour, so much wealth, gathered together in such a small space. One felt, as one looked upon it, that surely one had wandered into some Aladdin's cave, with all this wealth of colour and beauty ranged on either side of the House of Lords. [An HON. MEMBER: "Hidden by paint!"] It might be hidden by paint, but there is nothing more beautiful ever came from the hand of God than a well-formed woman or man, and there is beauty in all classes, and one felt, in looking at it, that one had really wandered into some Aladdin's cave, as if some magic wand had been waved to bring about a new world for one to look at; or, again, it seemed as if one had peeped into the brain of Shakespeare as he sat composing his wonderful "Midsummer Night's Dream," and then, again, my mind, at any rate, went back to the first impression I had of life, and if hon. Members will excuse this digression, I want to give it as a contrast, because it is only by comparisons that we can hope to impress earnest men who may be against us. I saw a miner's row—about four or five hundred houses, all of them single apartments. There were two holes in the wall for beds. It was certainly a happy home, as happy as it could be made under the circumstances, but in one of the beds lay an injured parent, brought home from the mine, writhing and groaning in agony, and in the other bed lay a dead child, and at night time, during the period of waiting between death and burial, the dead child had to be lifted out to allow the living ones to get in. It was not because they were thriftless or drunken people, but because economic circumstances were such that they created conditions of that kind, that made it absolutely impossible for human lives to be lived.
And these things are going on to-day; there are still cases of that kind to-day. We hear of them, we see them, we experience them, every day, and can hon. Members wonder, can the Noble Lord the Member for Hastings (Lord E. Percy), who has just gone from his place, wonder, that men who have seen and experienced these things do get intolerant of present day conditions, do become hasty, do have tempers and lose those tempers in their desire for better things? Because there is a desire for better things, and you created it, my friends. You gave us an Education Act 46 or 47 years ago, and, such as it was, it gave us knowledge, and knowledge is power, and whenever you increase the power of any section of the community you create new desires, new aspirations, and newer and wider mental horizons. We are not altogether fools. We have wandered through the gates of a new world, and the first thing we have discovered is this, that it is not true, what we have always been told, that God ordained that we should be content in the class where we were born. It has also convinced us of this, that the world is teeming with wealth, that we have long solved the problem of the production of wealth, that there is more than we can consume already, and that the only problem we have got to solve is the problem of a more equitable distribution of that wealth. I put it to hon. Members opposite to consider that point, because we are terribly in earnest in this, and whether it may take us a lifetime or the lifetime of those coming behind us, we are bound to see realised the dreams that are animating the people who are sending us here.
We know that you cannot build a high and happy and noble life under conditions such as I have just described in regard to housing, and remember there is more real music in the laughter of happy children than there is in all the great masterpieces of the great musicians that ever have lived; there is more real beauty in the smile of contented, happy womanhood than there is in all the lyrics that were ever penned by the poets, and there is more real strength in the security which honest men possess than there is in all the philosophies that ever were handed down, and whilst we do admit that we have had our eyes upon the ground, with a muck rake in our hand, we also can look upward and see God's blue sky smiling, and the wide tapestry of cloudland and the grand carpeting of earth. After all, it is the spirit of a people that determines the song of its soul, and there can be no continuity of aim, no holy brotherhood of power and striving. Such a thing as patriotism may spring from events or may answer the appeal of the politicians, but the spirit of Homer, of whom we know not whether it was one man or a whole nation that sang, the spirit of Burns, the pride of our northern countrymen, the spirit of Shelley, of Milton, and Bunyan, and glorious Shakespeare himself, comes only from the love and brotherhood that makes the people's voice the song of its soul; and unless that song is a song of freedom, a song of happiness, a song of beauty, a song of security, unless that song springs from the higher urges of life, there can be no security for the race anywhere.
I submit that the first thing that should concern any Government is the condition of the people inside the confines of its own country. All legislation is tested, and every action of a Government should be tested, by the standard of how much it has added to the happiness or prosperity of the country. Tested by that standard, not only this Government, but other Governments who have preceded them, fall far short of the ideal of a real Government for the people. We know that it is not a case of all the faults on one side and all the virtues on the other, and we are prepared to give credit where credit is due. We admit that you have given us many things in the past. You have given us the Education Act which I have instanced, and you gave us something then that you cannot take away now. You have given us the ideals of higher life and dreams, and you are bound to give us conditions which will see those dreams realised. I would appeal to the Government, if for no other interest than self-interest, if they are convinced that the capitalist system must continue, that they ought to set about trying to develop the resources of the country, so that they can be in the very forefront of the revival of trade, because by the development of roadways, canals and railways, and the building of houses you will give to the people the conditions of life that all the people ought to have in any Christian, civilised country.
I have listened with a considerable amount of sympathy to the speech of the hon. Member who has just sat down, and I am sure that many of the propositions in the Amendment meet also with a very large amount of sympathy in this House. I find myself very largely in agreement with every proposition that is advanced, and I, for one, deplore most sincerely the present outbreak of ill-will between France and Germany in the Ruhr. I have no sympathies and no antipathies. I am not pro-German, and I am not pro-French. My sympathies are centred in the unemployed of this country. My only interest is to see this fratricidal dispute between the French and Germans cleared out of the way in the interest of the working-classes of this country. My own constituents are suffering grievous damage by the economic chaos that is prevailing in Europe at the present day Their factories are idle, their exports are hampered and the home market is being flooded with French goods, which are bounty-fed by the depreciation of the franc, and they see all hope of getting out of this slough of despond ruined by the blood feud which is now existing on the Rhine.
Of course, we have to look upon the French attitude with understanding. France has a right to compensation. France has a right to security, and I am quite certain that this country is perfectly ready to make considerable sacrifices in order to secure for France adequate reparation and the security which is its due. I for one in order to achieve that object would be quite willing to hand over our share of reparations. This would not be quixotic action, but, to my mind, a good business proposition. I am sure we could not cast our bread upon the waters with a greater security for an adequate return, because the policy upon which the late Prime Minister embarked when he went to Versailles has brought us nothing but unemployment and economic loss. But with the best will in the world, I cannot see that we in this country can do anything but deplore the action of France, which destroys all hope of her own reparations and ours as well. Not only that, it destroys all hope of France's security. It violates all international right and the sanctity of treaties and plunges Europe back again into much the same state as existed in Italy in the 14th and 15th centuries, when the victorious State did not consider its conquest complete unless it had ruined the conquered State and reduced its inhabitants to beggary.
I cannot see that anybody can possibly be a true friend to France who encourages France in its present action, and I do feel most strongly that the time has now come when the Government should consider whether their attitude of benevolent neutrality is not beginning to degenerate into a feeble acquiescence in a policy which is suicidal to France and ruinous to the interests of Europe. I do feel it is the duty of the Government to consider whether it would not be more consistent with true friendship to put firm, but friendly, pressure upon France in order to open her eyes to the fallacy that the welfare of France can be obtained to the prejudice of all her neighbours. I must say I was deeply disappointed when the late meeting of the Council of the League of Nations was allowed to pass by without any offer of intervention. We are, to my mind, drifting fast into a war, and if we live for a hundred years, we shall never see a better opportunity for exercising the friendly right to bring this matter before the League of Nations. What I want to know is, what are we to believe of the League of Nations? Are we to understand that it is to be kept locked up in a cupboard as medicine and only brought out when the smaller boys are feeling some ill-health; or is it their duty always to look away when a nation strong in arms takes upon itself to trample upon international rights and treaties, and raid another country in times of perfect peace?
I only wish, in conclusion, to register my conviction that the problem of recovery from depression of trade is, more than we are willing to admit, a spiritual and a moral problem. Our discontents are the result of a Treaty which is founded on greed and hatred. It is also due to the fact that in the supposed interest of a suppositious Entente we are compelled to stand by and see our ideals betrayed and our interests neglected. We are always having dinned into our ears that the co-operation of France and the Entente is necessary for the recovery of Europe, but we do not solve any problem by mere repetition of a formula, particularly when that formula has lost all its meaning, and has degenerated into a fiction. I do firmly believe that we shall see the first step towards the economic recovery of this country when this country recovers its freedom to base its policy upon its own ideals. We fought a great War for a high principle. We lost nearly 1,000,000 men and spent many millions of money in order to establish the great principle that the international affairs of this world could not be governed on the principle of coercion, but on the principles of conciliation and co-operation. If France considers she has a right to deny those principles; if France considers she has a right to mobilise all the forces of coercion on her side, we have a much stronger right to mobilise the forces of peace on our side. We have ah obligation, undoubtedly, to France, but we have a much deeper and greater obligation to the brave men who fought to establish a great principle. I must tell the Government frankly that my support to them will be entirely conditioned by the sincerity, honesty and courage with which they uphold the principles of the League of Nations in our foreign affairs.
In the first place, I would like to direct the attention of the House to the particular issue out of which the present crisis has arisen. It has arisen out of the whole subject of reparations. I imagine we have now reached a time when, so far as this country is concerned, there will be not much more internal dispute about reparations. But I think we ought not to pass away from this whole controversy without an opportunity of bringing the various facts together, and of seeing the position in which we have now been placed. The House, I am sure, will allow me to remind them of facts with which they are already familiar. I remember last Session a controversy between my hon. Friend on my right and the late Prime Minister as to the late Prime Minister's speeches with regard to reparations during the election of 1918, in which the late Prime Minister said that he had made no promise of getting great sums in return from Germany, and that if the public thought he had done so, they had misinterpreted what he had intended to convey. It is not a question of the Prime Minister's speeches; it is a question of the Treaty of Versailles, and in the Treaty of Versailles conditions were imposed by the late Prime Minister and the Allies for reparations which the Reparations Commission has officially estimated amounted to a sum of nearly £7,000,000,000. Let us go on a year or two. The German Delegation which came to London with Dr. Simon put forward the alternative German offer of a capital sum of £2,500,000,000, beginning with an annual payment of £80,000,000. That offer was attacked by every daily paper in London, except the "Daily Herald." The German Delegation was lectured by the Prime Minister. It was also lectured by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith). French armies on behalf of the Allies marched into Dusseldorf, and another offer had to be made.
Now look at the position. Only two years afterwards the British Government goes to Paris, and this crisis arises because our Prime Minister says that the final sum which Germany has to pay shall be £2,500,000,000, which she offered herself two years ago, and proposes that in the next four years in cash she shall pay nothing at all. I am very glad that the Prime Minister has now made that speech, but I think some of us on these benches are entitled to point out how many of these futile conferences, how much suffering and death in Europe, how much loss of trade would have been prevented, and how much unemployment and privation in this country need never have occurred, if hon. Gentlemen opposite had not waited until now to make the speeches which numbers of Members on these benches were making four years ago. There has, I believe, never been any body of politicians who have been more singularly vindicated by the course of events than those who stood out against these fantastic demands for reparations in 1918.
May I come to the policy which the Government is now following? The attitude of the Government is broadly this: That their only difference from France is a difference of method; it is merely a question as to the best way to get reparations. In my opinion the whole of that attitude is mischievous and misguided, and it appears to me to be a very cynical condonation of an Act whose whole legal basis is undetermined. Take the Treaty of Versailles, which permits a single Power, without the assent of its Allies, to march into Germany at any time it thinks fit, and to any extent it thinks fit. Our difference from France is not, I say, a difference merely on the question of method; our difference from France is on a question of principle. There are, of course, mingled motives, but we believe that the dominant motive which inspires France at the present moment is a desire to tear away from Germany the whole of her territory on the left bank of the Rhine—not to annex it outright—but to transform it into a weak defenceless State dominated by French bayonets, a European protectorate of France. Hon. Members opposite do not at all take that view. I notice, for example, the Noble Lord the Member for Hitchin (Lord R. Cecil) was speaking before the assembling of the House. In his speech, which I have here, he said that for his part when he hoard the French Government affirming that they had no object in view beyond mere reparations—and they have affirmed that—he, for his part, was quite satisfied to accept their assurance.
I should like to know how many people in this country follow the Noble Lord in that opinion. May I point this out: The French have marched into the Ruhr in order to obtain reparation, but there is no genuine reparation problem in France at all so far as the devastated districts are concerned. If it were so essential to obtain reparation, France has had the opportunity of examining and discussing the continuous offers which have come from Germany to repair the devastated districts by direct German labour and raw material. These offers were made by Germany at Spa, and also at Paris. The French and the German trade unions came to an agreement together for a comprehensive scheme, which was adopted by the German Government as a basis to offer to France. The French Federation-General of Labour has accepted it, so there is no difficulty about labour in France. I venture to say that it is the fact that France has marched into the Ruhr, has spent, and is spending, tens of thousands of pounds, has created a European crisis, and has led this country into all these difficulties without exploring, without even examining, the offers to attain her object direct as a consequence of proposals made by Germany. To my mind there is something beyond reparation which the Government have in their minds.
May I, while I have the opportunity of the Chancellor of the Exchequer before me deal with one contention which has been urged from the opposite benches, and which I heard very frequently in the last Session. The Chancellor will seen recognise why I refer to this matter of his presence. During recent debates hon. Members opposite, and particularly the Prime Minister, continually argued that whatever mistake may have been made in Europe, the unemployment and the privation in this country were not primarily due to that. They have told us that it is the markets of the Empire which really concern us, and that any losses in the European markets can be made up by the extension of our Imperial trade. For instance, the Prime Minister, I notice, made a certain statement in one of his speeches on reparation, that the Dominions with a population of 17,000,000 did one-third of the trade with this country, which the whole of Europe, with a population of 436,000,000, did. Those figures are right. That statement is quite correct. But what the Prime Minister has not taken into account is this: that if you take the figures between 1913 and the figures to-day you will find that our exports to the Dominions have fallen off in a much larger proportion than our exports to the world.
Does that include the War years?
It is from 1913 up to the present day, but the fact that it includes the war years makes no difference whatever to my argument. What is the explanation of that? It is that the Dominions, who were dependent for their normal prosperity upon the export of their products to Europe find that the strangulation of European trade has diminished their purchasing power to buy goods from this country. Take the case of India. Our trade with India has fallen off to the most alarming extent. India used to send goods into this country, and she received goods in return of a far higher value. She therefore had to send the surplus she had to this country. At the same time India did a large direct trade with Germany. The surplus from Germany is now in the opposite direction. She balanced her accounts with us on account of her surplus with Germany. But the strangulation of European trade is one of the factors which is causing loss of trade and unemployment to those dependent upon the exports to the Indian markets. The whole argument upon which hon. Members opposite rely, in telling us we can make up for the loss of European trade by the extension of Dominions' trade, is based upon false reasoning and economics. The fact is that the losses on Dominion trade are due to the indirect results on account of European trade which are greater than the indirect losses of the rest of the world.
I do not know whether I need explain to the Chancellor of the Exchequer why. I was going to quote a passage which is, I am sure, quite well known to hon. Members; one of the most famous passages in any of the speeches the Chancellor has, or will deliver. It is the passage in which he explained to the American representatives when he met them how, if they were to diminish British prosperity, it was bound in the long run to act upon American prosperity. He pointed out that there could be no such thing as insular prosperity in this world. He pointed out that if there was one centre of poverty and trade distress that the effect of that would spread to all countries until each was equally affected. I say to hon. Members opposite that the best answer to their arguments is contained in the observations of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. He has made it perfectly clear that you cannot build up a prosperous Dominion trade upon the basis which rests upon destroyed European trade.
Let me say one or two words about the Amendment which is before us dealing with the question of the attitude we shall adopt towards the present crisis. There is one Amendment down of a very striking character in the name of certain hon. Members on the benches below who have not, of late, been in the habit of cooperating. There is much more in the effect of that than in the actual wording of the Amendment. Both Amendments offer to France and all countries an alternative method of security. We say that it is useless for either France or any other nation to think that they can obtain securities from Germany by merely attempting to create for themselves a preponderance of individual armaments. Security can only be obtained when safety is attained by all. This will be accompanied by a general reduction of armaments. Both Amendments state that fact. There is, however, a very sharp distinction in our Amendment, and that which is going to be moved, which is this. We hold that it is useless to imagine that we can obtain a reduction of armaments or an effective League of Nations unless you, first of all, have made up your mind that the Treaty of Versailles and all the Treaties that accompany it have got to be re-written from the beginning to end.
Oh, oh!
I did mention earlier that I was awaiting the return of the Noble Lord to the House.
I am sorry I was out.
6.0 P.M.
We say that it is impossible to imagine that you will actually get disarmament in Europe, and that goodwill on which disarmament depends. Nor can you invite the League of Nations to function on just lines, when half Europe is filled with nations who are suffering from injustices which they are determined at the first opportunity to wipe out. The Noble Lord the Member for Hastings gave us what I may, I think, describe as a lecture. He gave us a lecture on our particular type of patriotism. He gave us a lecture on the proper method of deportment, but which, as a matter of fact, I really think was really cheap charges that we were the enemies of the Allies of this country. We kept our hatred for the Allies of this country, but, beyond that, he only made one definite criticism of the action we have adopted. He said that in all our demands for the revision of the peace of Versailles we could point to nothing except the question of reparation, and he further said that we could point to nothing in the way of territorial adjustments.
I said that I had never heard any statement from the benches opposite as to what Clauses in the Treaty they wanted to re-adjust.
If the Noble Lord says that he has never heard any statement on this point in this House I will give him a short statement of some of the territorial injustices of the Peace of Versailles. I consider the inclusion of the Saar Valley a territorial injustice to Germany. I think it is scandalous to take a whole race and a territory inhabited by a population, who have been purely German for generations in language and sympathy and in descent, and to cut them off from the territory to which they properly belong and hand them over to an administration which they abhor. Coming to the east of Germany, I consider that a grave injustice has been done in that part. There you find great tracts of territory inhabitated by a purely German population which have been handed over to the Poles, and the Poles are learning now that those who hold races down will in the end find themselves subject to military slavery. I consider that the whole arrangement by which Germany has been cut clean into half is an injustice.
Let me take Hungary as an instance. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Hitchin (Lord R. Cecil) was present in Paris during the negotiations on this point, and I remember that the Hungarian delegation made a statement, not only in regard to the economic injustices, but also in regard to the territorial injustices, and it was from that, as a matter of fact, that the Allied statesmen said to Hungary that they did not deny that there were territorial injustices, but they said that the matter could not be reopened at that stage, and they recommended them to refer the whole question to the League of Nations. That, in itself, is an admission on the part of Allied statesmen that there are territorial Clauses in that Treaty which need readjustment.
Hear, hear!
I am bound to say that I think the Noble Lord's arguments are of such a subtle type that if what I have said is not an answer to his question then he has not made his meaning clear either to myself or to any of my hon. Friends on these benches. I remember the late Prime Minister saying in the middle of the War that at the end of it there were to be no more Alsace-Lorraines. The Noble Lord now says that no territorial re-adjust- ments ought to be made, but our submission is that Europe is now full of Alsace-Lorraines, which constitute potential evil for future wars.
In the Motion you ask for a reconsideration of the Peace Treaties at the earliest possible moment, especially the economic ones.
As I have answered the question of the Noble Lord, perhaps he will now allow me to pass to another part of the subject. I come back to my statement that I believe no final good can he done unless the Treaty of Versailles is firmly taken in hand and rewritten from top to bottom. I quite understand that it is conceivable that these particular difficulties may be adjusted. I most earnestly hope that the Government will play a part in the alleviation of this particular problem, not merely passive, but I hope they will take an active part in bringing about mediation either through the League of Nations or the United States. I think that is the most effective thing that can be done at this moment. We must, however, take a wider view. I am convinced that although these difficulties may be re-adjusted they will continue to recur, and, in fact, all these adjustments will be as demoralising as the fourteen Conferences held since the Peace has been signed until we get a Government in this country firmly determined to retrace the steps taken in 1918.
I stand for a comprehensive revision of the whole series of Treaties since that date. We have to take a much larger and wider view. I held at one time that the Government which was in power when I was a Member of this House before, and which consisted of Members now sitting on opposite sides of the House, would have found some solution, and I may say that my judgment has been confirmed by the Amendment which I see on the Order Paper for next Monday, upon which occasion my late colleagues are going to go into the Lobby under the joint leadership of the late Prime Minister, who is himself primarily responsible for the difficulties which now confront us. That is not by any means the only reason why I have determined to throw in my lot with my hon. Friends who are sitting around me at this moment.
As one of the new and younger Members I should like to crave that indulgence which, I understand, the House is wont to extend to a maiden speech. I am very glad that the Labour party have seen their way to table the Amendment now before the House, because it is a recognition of the fact on their part, I think, that this problem of unemployment, contrary as I had supposed from certain remarks made by hon. Members on the opposite side of the House during last Session, is of a somewhat wider significance and has other aspects than those which we view when we consider the economic structure of this country. No words of mine are necessary to reinforce what has been already so cogently stated by Members on all sides of the House in regard to the unemployment problem. Something of the import of this problem, its bearing upon our national life, and even our national existence, has already been borne in, I think, upon the consciousness of the least imaginative of men and women. Here is a problem so vast in its dimensions and so complex, that should it remain unsolved or unmitigated within a limited period, it might well be that this overburdened country would be sucked down by the strange economic underswell of the War's aftermath.
The question of the adequacy of the Unemployment Insurance Acts and of the proposals of the Government for warding off some of the evils of these times, have been very fully debated in this House, and as these aspects of the question are indeed vital ones it is only proper that they should be extensively discussed in this place. But in discussing them we should be careful, I think, lest we be lured into the error of mistaking a symptom of the disease, however bad a symptom it may be, for the disease itself. If, however, we have at present no full diagnosis of the disease, we have at any rate had several partial ones, and indeed the magnitude of the problem has not deterred some hon. Members, having diagnosed the disease to their own satisfaction, from proceeding to prescribe some very drastic remedies. I do not wish to question the merits or demerits of any of the remedies which have been proposed but I would like to submit to the House, with all deference, that the desire of the majority of our fellow-countrymen, at any rate at the present time, is not for any drastic or extraordinary method of dealing with this problem. I think that the Government were entrusted at the last Election with a very definite mandate to seek for a solution of this problem along commercially sound and orthodox lines, and at all costs to avoid experiment. When, however, we view the condition of Europe to-day it appears possible that the basic condition of Peace, which is after all a prime requisite for the success of such a policy as the Government has advocated, may not be there for them to build upon, and without that foundation I see small hopes of either stability or tranquillity.
I understood, Sir, from certain words which the Prime Minister himself uttered in this House last Session, that it was the considered view of the Government that, should no improvement take place in the unemployment situation within a reasonable time, the position of this country would become precarious in the extreme. Ought we not therefore, in view of the trend of these present events in Europe, to prepare to face the possibility of an indefinitely postponed peace? But should we even then be looking far enough ahead, or taking a wide enough survey, for this problem is not a problem of to-day which will be gone to-morrow? For a country constituted on the economic basis of this country, for a country sustaining by means of a sea-borne trade a population three times as great as her own internal food resources would bear, this must be the supreme problem. It is necessary for us in order to live to hold our own in the competitive markets of the world and to be able to sell as good a manufactured article at as good a price as any of our competitors; and we cannot afford to be beaten in this perpetual economic struggle. It is obvious, I think, that any substantial reduction in the standard of living of the industrial populations of our continental competitors is bound to have an unfavourable reaction upon the standard of living of our own people here at home. It may possibly be argued that in a country almost entirely self-supporting it would be possible, providing, of course, that the necessary protective tariff wall was erected, to maintain a population at an artificial standard of living in comparison with the populations of neighbouring countries; but in this country, owing to our abnormal reliance upon external food resources and our consequent sensitiveness to the ebb and flow of the world-markets, I do not quite see how such a thing would be possible.
It is certainly to be hoped that the consummation of a real peace in Europe will not be unduly delayed; but even when this vital atmosphere of peace has been created it appears to me that this dependence of ours upon external markets and the necessity which that fact imposes upon us of approximating our costs of production to the costs of production of our continental competitors, will still present us with an almost insuperable problem. May I remind this House that a century ago this country was able to weather a period of economic depression, which, taking into account the relative resources of the country at that time, was quite as severe as the one which we are facing to-day. Anyone who has given any study to the opening decades of the 19th century must sometimes have entertained doubts, I think, as to whether this country could have- survived that period had it not been for the discovery of the steam engine, which led to a phenomenal and extremely rapid expansion in our national trade and national income. We maintained the lead in manufacturing supremacy which we acquired at that time—and it was a lead of two or three decades—for the greater part of the 19th century, and the unparalleled increase in our population to which that supremacy gave rise is undoubtedly the cause of the top-heaviness, the lopsidedness, and the insecurity of our economic structure. By the beginning of the 20th century, however, it appeared that we might be unable to hold that lead indefinitely, and in fact, I think, there, were signs that certain foreign nations were coming up to us hand over fist. It is a very widely held view that we owe our proud position as a great manufacturing nation to our business acumen, to our commercial integrity, and to our organising ability. These qualities probably have played a very great part. But I would venture to submit to the House that our wonderful geographical position and our control of certain raw materials have played as large a part. During the 19th century the Atlantic Ocean was the focal point of world trade, but to-day, I think, there are signs that during the 20th century it will shift to the Pacific. If this is so we shall no longer have the advantage of our continental competitors geographically, and, what is more, these competitors will have industries as highly organised as our own and sustained by industrial populations who, if put to it, will always endure a lower standard of living than our own.
I suspect that some of our great captains of industry who, I am told, sometimes study these things, do not altogether like the direction into which the trade winds seem to be veering at the present time. There is, for instance, the great tariff wall our friends the Americans have reared against us, deeming it necessary for their protection. There are the new industries which have sprung into being in countries which used formerly to depend upon us for their manufactured commodities. The Indian cotton industry is an example. Our coal trade is not of the same relative importance that it was a few years ago. Apart from these considerations, which must, I think, be deemed somewhat disquieting, is not there another possibility which we may have to face in, say, ten or twenty years' time? A Germany with no external debt, with no internal debt, with no army or navy to keep up, with industrial undertakings freed from their bondholders, facing us as a competitor in all the markets of the world. And if our French friends succeed, contrary to our expectations, in collecting their just debts by means of the exploitation of German industry, I do not believe that our position will be rendered one whit less grave.
I do not believe that the temper of the country is, at the present time, for any untried and experimental course of action on the part of the Government in regard to this problem, and I certainly do not think that the right hon. Gentlemen now occupying the Treasury Bench are likely to be stampeded into any ill-considered action. But I should like to ask them one question. Supposing, at the end of two or three years, having exhausted all the possibilities of their present policy and having exploited to the full economic and administrative efficiency, they find that there is not the hoped for improvement; that the threatening clouds, though diminished in size, are still there on the horizon, ominous and black, and that the country having proceeded part way up the slope to prosperity, owing to the operation of some of the causes I have ventured to suggest, appears unable to make further progress and even shows a tendency to slip back into a dangerous position again: what are they going to do then? What line of defence have they in mind to fall back upon? If all the ordinary methods, all the well-proven methods accepted as sound by all parties, fail to ease the position to the necessary extent within a reasonable period, will not the time have come to employ extraordinary methods of unprecedented scope to deal with this problem?
Already the air outside these walls is clamorous with catch words of various political and economic bodies; and this exceptional activity on the part of the professor and the economist has been caused, I think, by a deep-rooted fear amongst all thoughtful men that the methods of dealing with this problem at present to our hands are not sufficient to prevent a steady decline and ultimate collapse comparable only to that of the Roman Empire. The solution of this problem may or may not lie in the adoption of some such economic thesis as Protection, productive lines on a vast scale, Colonial development to a far greater extent than we have yet contemplated, or some of the various tenets of the hon. Members of the opposite side of the House; but surely this is the time to investigate such doctrines, to sift them out, to reduce them from hazy and nebulous theories into concrete and well-defined aims. It is now regarded as quite an ordinary method of procedure for the Government of the day to mobilise specialised talent to examine and explore some problem of exceptional obtuseness or difficulty. Why could not this method of procedure be adopted in this case? Why could not some body be appointed, Committee or Commission, composed of economic experts, representatives of industry and representatives of the political parties, empowered with the authorisation to call evidence, to examine exhaustively as their terms of reference, what exceptional methods or policies can be employed to meet and counter contingencies arising, as I have ventured to suggest, from the loss of markets and increasing foreign competition.
If the Government find at the end of two or three years that the country is reacting in a satisfactory manner to their present policy, well and good. But if, on the other hand, their expectations are not fulfilled, then by adopting this course they will have, at the very least, detailed in- formation at their disposal bearing on every alternate solution which has yet been put forward or suggested as dealing with this problem. Sir, it is difficult to believe that any body of men, whatever their capabilities or however wide their powers of vision, so weighed upon by the immediate problems of the hour as the Government of the day, can give to this great problem that unflagging attention, that all-embracing perception which, it seems, is necessary for its full comprehension. That is why I venture to suggest that they should delegate the task to others.
The hon. Gentleman who has just sat down, in the course of a very interesting maiden speech, has expressed lively alarm at the early disappearance of that hope of tranquillity on which the present Government drifted to its present position. His apprehension of the difficulty was so grave that he actually suggested they should do something and should do it rapidly. That is not the policy which, as a whole, has emanated from the benches opposite. My Noble Friend the Member for Hastings (Lord E. Percy) was convinced that under no circumstances at present should the Government do anything at all. He suggested that when in a desperate position it would be a sign of a weak head or a bad heart for men drifting over a waterfall in a small boat to try to row themselves to safety; rather they should sit still until they were dashed to pieces. Surely, when we review the European situation as it has been reviewed in speeches to which we have listened from the Opposition benches, it becomes evident that affairs are drifting rapidly beyond the point where the Government of this country can adopt a purely passive position, that the moment for action is coming ever nearer, and that the Government of this country, if this nation and if the world is to survive, must be prepared to take a firm and decided stand.
The Noble Lord the Member for Hastings and others have said that nothing can be done, that we have no resources in our hands that we may employ. We have more resources than any nation has ever held in its possession in a moment of international crisis. We have the enormous weapon of the debts which are owing to us, but we have not attempted to use it. We have put forward a vague, nebulous scheme, impaired by many qualifications and reservations. We advanced that scheme, and it was rejected, but we have not adopted the policy which, surely, was the inevitable corollary of that scheme; we have not turned round to those whom, admittedly, we wish to check in what we believe to be a mad enterprise, and said to France, "You are, in our opinion, ruining the last prospect of our getting any reparations, breaking up the great European markets on which we depend. We are in a poor financial position; we must, if this sort of thing goes on, call upon you to pay the debt that you owe us." I venture to submit that that is the inevitable corollary of the Paris policy of the right hon. Gentleman.
But, with the indulgence of the House, I would rather turn briefly from the problem of the Ruhr, which has been so adequately discussed from the Opposition Benches, to another section of this very comprehensive Amendment—the danger, and, as I see it, the even more pressing danger, of war in the Near East. The Amendment refers to the likelihood of war and to the consequences in the form of unemployment and taxation in this country resulting from the policy of the Government in the Near East. Affairs in the Near East, as we have already heard in these Debates, may at any moment drift towards disaster, for, as far as we have been told, purely commercial reasons. If there is to be a war in the Near East, it will be a commercial war. One hoped we might claim that we, as a nation, had got beyond the point when we were prepared to fight for the interests of a handful of traders. [HON. MEMBERS: "We fought for that in 1914."] I think there is a great case that can be sustained that this country in 1914 fought for higher aspirations, nobler ideals, and a greater conception of the interests of humanity than the interests of a handful of traders. In this case, however, if we go to war in the Near East, it must be admitted that it is a commercial war and nothing else. There can be no dispute about it. It will be a war on the question of capitulations, which means adequate safeguards for the collection of debts; and it will be a war about certain financial concessions which have been granted, mostly to Frenchmen or Italians. If we go to war on that account, the world will again be plunged back into an immense catastrophe, for commercial, money-collecting reasons.
There is, however, another question in the Near East, for referring to which I make no apology. I believe we shall be afforded an opportunity, on an early day next week, of discussing it for an hour or two and voting upon it, but the consideration of this Amendment is certainly extremely relevant to the discussion of that problem. I refer to our position in Mosul and in Iraq generally. We have temporarily—I might say rather at the expense, perhaps, of the League of Nations—purchased a postponement of this crisis, but it is a crisis which is almost certain to recur, and we have now a very short interval in which this country may consider its position. For the moment, if we withdraw from that country, it cannot be said that we are doing so at the dictation of the Porte. There were arguments during the Conference that we could not possibly retire from Iraq because, if we did so, it would appear that we were yielding to the dictation of the Turks; but that consideration is set aside for the moment. If, however, we allow the matter to drift on, then, inevitably, we shall find ourselves in a position which of late has become rather the position of Governments of this country, faced with the alternative of fighting a disastrous war, entailing immense expenditure both in lives and in money, which will not be supported by the people of ths country, or, on the other hand, of withdrawing with grave loss of prestige in face of a threat of violence from the Turks. That will be the alternative with which we shall be confronted if we allow this matter to drift, and unless we boldly decide our policy now. I trust that the decision will be to evacuate that country altogether.
For the moment the matter has been flung, as all difficult and insoluble problems are flung, at the League of Nations. It is curious that the League of Nations is never invoked to stop the favourite wars of statesmen; it is only invoked to stop those wars of which they are getting rather tired. They flung this problem, which had baffled them at Lausanne, at the head of the League of Nations; but a few months before they had been claiming that the League of Nations had no right to intervene in the war between Greece and Turkey. The same argument applies in precisely the same way to the present position at Mosul, but we have grown accustomed to this utilisation of the League of Nations, as in the Silesian question and all thorny and difficult problems from which no prestige can be derived, and from which many kicks may be expected for statesmanship. Then, and then only, is the League of Nations introduced for the solution of the affairs of mankind. It is claimed that we cannot withdraw from Iraq without violating some of our obligations under the League of Nations, and the whole odium of our occupation of that country, with the consequent burden upon the taxpayers of our nation and the widespread suffering and impoverishment which indirectly it places on this country, is thrown upon the League of Nations.
It is so easily forgotten that the League of Nations did not give us the Mandate for Iraq, but that it was given to us by the Supreme Council at San Remo. Actually, as I hold, and ventured to argue at the time, the terms of that Mandate were drafted by the Supreme Council in violation of the Covenant of the League of Nations. I held at the time that it should have been drafted and approved by the Council of the League of Nations, instead of by the Supreme Council. In any case, the burden was not imposed by the League of Nations, but by the Supreme Council at San Remo, and it is no violation of any obligation under the Covenant of the League of Nations for us to withdraw from Iraq, and to inform the Council that we cannot continue to carry the burden. There is no provision of any sort in the Covenant which says that, once a country has undertaken a Mandate, it is to continue in perpetuity and cannot be handed back. We can at any moment, without violation of any of our pledges under the League of Nations, withdraw from that country and hand back the Mandate, saying that we can no longer support it. Further, the Treaty which has just been prepared is a violation of the Covenant of the League of Nations. The Covenant does not envisage a condition of transition between the mandatory state and the state of complete independence, and our Government, by entering into this Treaty, has, as I see it, stepped outside anything contemplated in the Covenant of the League of Nations. It is said that the Treaty will have a binding effect upon us, but it has not yet been ratified by Parliament, it has not been submitted to Parliament, nor has it been submitted to anyone representative of the people of this country. It renders us liable to immense obligations and commitments. It imposes upon us all the disadvantages of the mandatory system, with none of the compensating advantages. We have to find the men and the money, we have to accept the responsibility, without the power or authority to govern. In plain words, we pay while Feisul governs—Feisul, the ruler who was imposed by British money and British bayonets against the will of the population.
We talk of our pledges to the population. We have only two pledges in Iraq—to give the Arabs freedom and self-government. We have broken both. We imposed an Indian administration, against which they rebelled; we imposed an alien ruler not of their race. But even if we had given a pledge to the Arabs, what was it? The pledge was to free them from the Turkish rule. It was never implied that, once they had that freedom, we must stay there for ever, protecting them from any possible return of the Turk, if they were in conflict with him themselves. Further, as Ismet Pasha said explicitly the other day, Turkey never would, in any circumstances, seek once again to impose its authority over the Arab population of Iraq. Even, however, if any further pledges were given, surely, those pledges were abrogated by the fact that the Arabs actively rebelled against our Mandate and put us to enormous expense, both in lives and in money, to maintain our Mandate, in their efforts to turn us out; and further, this Treaty, which has just been drafted, is actually the result of an intense propaganda in Iraq against our Mandate and against our staying there at all. If they want to be rid of us, why in Heaven's name do we impose ourselves upon them at such immense cost and pains to the taxpayers of this country? We talk so much and so glibly of our pledges at Lausanne, but what about our pledges to the Armenians? Our pledges to the Armenians were far more explicit than any pledges we gave to the Arabs. "It would be impossible to restore to their former sovereignty the territories to which I have referred," said the late Prime Minister, in the same breath with which he gave his pledge to the Arabs. Our pledges to the Armenians were every bit as explicit as, if not more so than, those we gave to the Arabs. Is it not pertinent to ask the Government why at Lausanne they threatened war in defence of Iraq, but talked only in very mild terms of their pledges to the Armenians? To the Armenians our chief Delegate said: I think most prominent members of the Government do not believe that any oil exists in Iraq. They have said so on innumerable occasions. I have quotations from the Minister of Education, the Under-Secretary for the Colonies and many others, in their days of greater freedom and less responsibility, stating that they do not believe in the existence of oil in Iraq. At the same time we must face the fact that throughout the world we are subject to the suspicion that we are staying in Iraq, exercising our mandate, or rather setting our mandate aside and introducing by backstairs means a Treaty which was not contemplated under the Covenant for the purpose of developing these oil concessions in which we are very directly interested, and that is not a position for a great nation to occupy.
But on broader grounds surely it may be urged that at this stage of our affairs the moment really has arrived when we must cut down our commitments throughout the world, when with the burden of taxation which is pressing on industry, with the ever-menacing problem of unemployment, with the whole world as it were rocking about us, with this country remaining as the one great pillar which to-day supports the whole fabric of civilisation, it is something worse than folly, it amounts to a crime, to risk the total collapse of that pillar and that whole great fabric of civilisation in Europe by piling upon it these burdens and commitments throughout the world to whch the adventurous policy of this Government and their predecessors has committed us. We are accused of being the politicians of the parish pump. They say this is the narrow view. After all there are very many people to-day who are dependent upon the parish pump for the very waters of existence. They are too occupied with the problem of living in England to be greatly occupied with the problem of ruling in the Middle East, and really I believe we are coming to a condition of affairs when we are pouring out money for the education of Arabs while we have not money for the education of our own children. We are coming to a condition where we are in danger of exciting the very greatest animosity in the breasts of those who are going in distress, in starvation, and in despair to see that the Government of this nation can still pour out money and still find funds for these adventures and commitments in territories which form no part of our Empire. I therefore beg of the Government if possible before the Debate next week, when the decision on this matter will be taken, to reconsider our position in that country in relation to the danger of all our commitments throughout Europe and throughout the world, and not to risk what I believe to be the greatest of all human catastrophes at this stage of the world's affairs, the collapse of the finances of this country, when the greatest mission in Europe and the world awaits us.
I ask the indulgence of the House in addressing it for the first time. I have been rather unfortunate in being sandwiched between eloquent and well-known Members. The Noble Lord the Member for Hastings (Lord E. Percy)—and surely I am entitled to speak to him as a neighbour—lectured us on deportment and said we were afraid to deal with the question of the Treaty. Is he aware that some of the Socialist societies have decided that they will have no reparations, and is he further aware that the mining community got such a lesson from reparations that they would tomorrow say, with one voice, "Away with your reparations!"? What astonishes me is that yesterday we had sentimental pictures drawn to us depicting crosses, as though we had no crosses to bear, and we were asked to remember these so that we could carry the spirit of revenge back. Will the Noble Lord, or such speakers as spoke yesterday on that point, tell us that it will lessen one of those crosses, of which we know too many, and bring back these treasures to us to go further into the Ruhr? I have no pretensions either to be an orator or to be intelligent, but I claim to be intelligible, and I hope hon. Members will collect what scattered thoughts I have and put them together. I want the Noble Lord and others to remember that we had an example in the minefields and, more than that, in shipping. I come from a town which is like a huge graveyard to-day for want of orders. Sunderland lives absolutely on shipping. I remember how one of the Members who used to be on the Labour benches was thrown out of the House because he refused to advocate a particular policy. We were asked whether we would make Germany supply ship for ship. They hustled him off the platform. To-day they have not a shipyard working in the whole area. That was because of the cheap bargains which were made by the patriots and the people who were telling us yesterday to go in for further sentiment and bloodshed. On the other hand the people who say, "We have no right to interfere" are not convinced.
I was very proud of the Prime Minister's speech, although it did not go so far as I should like. I always accept the speech of an honest earnest man, as I believe the Prime Minister is in that direction. Why should I not pay a compliment to an honest man? I would rather meet an honest man than a clever man any day. I have a very large family. [An HON. MEMBER: "Shame."] It is not a shame. It is a shame that I have not sufficient to feed them with. But if I have a boy or a girl that I know is going to do an injury to itself is it not my duty as a father to correct it? But I am not the enemy of the child at the same time. That is the position which I am taking up with France, and which I believe hon. Members on this side of the House are taking up. May I say a word on the general effect that your policy has had upon employment? We have been taunted by the Noble Lord that we have no policy to put forward. I think we have put policies forward. We have great highways which we could make great arterial roads, and we have suggested other great improvements which have been refused us. We have 8,000 men idle in the county of Durham, and they are asking our men to work longer hours. I know nothing about mathematics, and less about the higher elements of economics. My wife knows a great deal more than I do about it. She has been coached in the hard school of experience. We have in Durham 8,000 men idle and the owners want eight hours. It is a wonderful method of meeting unemployment. If I can produce seven tons in seven hours, how many tons should I produce in eight? I expect I should get an extra one. We are told the reason they want to increase the hours is to improve the production. We have 56,000 men idle in the whole Federation. In a particular part of my division there is a village without a road. There is a road into it but not a road out of it. You can go in free but you have 6d. to pay to come out. Do not think I am exaggerating. If you happen to be a corpse they charge a shilling because you have a pair of horses. In the village of Ludworth, eight miles from Durham, you cannot get out without paying a farmer 6d. for a trap. Your friends pay a shilling if you are dead. You pay a shilling for your groceries, because you have to have double horses, while if you have a motor car you have to pay 2s. The authority there has men idle. That particular colliery has not been working for two years because of your reparation policy, and the men are idle. Yet there is a great heap of slag and particular metal there which would make the road to which I have referred. The authority on the other side has had the money and the determination to make this great highway, but because the colliery owners and the landowners in the area refuse to give facilities, and because the Government here will not give them an opportunity to go forward, they cannot get their highway put through. People come along and say that we are not fit to govern; that we are not even fit to suggest. I suggest to the Government that here, surely, is an opportunity of employing men who are out of work instead of asking the men in the mining districts to work for eight hours.
I should like to mention the question of agriculture, because much has been said about it. It is very strange that when some of us mention the question of agriculture, many hon. Gentlemen opposite seem to laugh and sneer at the thought of any hon. Member on this side having any idea what agriculture is. We are not landowners, but some of us have had to live by the land. I was on the land; I was brought up on it. I am anxious that something should be done for the benefit of agriculture, because I believe that, after all, the natural and only solution of our difficulties is to deal with the land question. The trouble is, however, that when anyone from this side suggests anything with regard to the land question he is laughed to scorn. He is told "You are simply a miner now and have never known what the land is." I remember a very prominent butcher once twitting me and saying that I knew nothing about cattle or land. He suggested that I only knew something about pit ponies. As I passed his stall on a Saturday night I replied by suggesting that I thought he knew something about horseflesh, too. We have been told that we could employ more men on the land, if we could relieve agriculture by the lowering of local rates. The difficulty I see in connection with that is, that in a great county like Durham, you are going to throw two interests at each other. Under the present working of the new wage agreement, the whole of the produce of that county and the whole of the rates in that particular county are taken first into ascertainment, then a division is made into the proper proportion, and then the miner gets his wages. You are going to take away the responsibility by transferring one rate from the farmer back to the miners, whom you consider are not in a good position to bear it.
I believe there is a method of relieving agriculture. Hon. Members opposite may not agree with me. They may say, "You are going to advocate the nationalisation of land." No, I would not; I would advocate the redemption of the land. If I go to a mine, ask for work, and the manager says, "What can you do?" I say, "I am a coal hewer." The manager replies, "Very well, come in here." He does not, however, say to me, "Yes, you can have a place in this colliery on condition that you pay 5s. a day for the privilege of working in it." If I go as a driver on a big locomotive, however expensive it may be, the company does not say, "You cannot have this job unless you pay so much for it." When, however, you go and ask for work on the land, the farmer is asked to pay £600, £700 or £1,000 a year for the privilege of being on the land. My belief is that the landlords will have to give way in order to relieve the pressure that exists on the farmers at the present. I can give the farmers a guarantee that we shall be prepared to help agriculture as far as we can, but the miners will not have any of the rates of the farming industry transferred to them as an additional burden. I was delighted by the very able speech of the hon. Member for Harrow (Mr. Mosley). The coal owners have admitted that one of the greatest difficulties against which the coal trade—which you all admit is the very life blood and sinew of your trade—has to contend is oil. Yet we are spending £100,000,000 searching for oil in other parts of the world.
I wish that the Noble Lord the Member for Hastings had remained to hear the speech of the hon. Member for Coatbridge (Mr. Welsh). If he had done so I think he would have withdrawn his reference to the muck-rake which the Labour party are said to be using in the way of party hatred. I feel that there have been many complaints about passion on this side of the House and about the lack of deportment shown. I have no use for—and I am apologising to no extremists on this side of the House for saying that I do not believe in—mob law, nor would I encourage any such thing in this country. I know that there can be no mob law, even in a household, which can be beneficial; and what applies to the fireside applies to the nation and also internationally. I do wish, however, that when the Noble Lord had been raking us down to-day, he had had a word with one of his distinguished kinsmen who generally can apply the rake as well as anyone I know of.
That is a bull's eye.
I do not know whether it is a bull's eye or not. I am not very particular, but I would like the Noble Lord to remind his distinguished kinsman that we in the North of England would not be without him for worlds. He is the best asset the Labour party has had in this country for years. On the other hand, let me say that if tempers are lost on this side and if feelings sometimes get the better of us, it is excusable. If hon. Members opposite, instead of throwing taunts, would accompany some of us occasionally and see the horrors of this system which they uphold, they would not only sympathise with us, but would at least examine our proposals with greater patience. I would like the Minister of Labour to remember that if the bitter feeling which may one day come with a rush in this country is to be staved off, neither this side nor the other side of the House must ignore the danger. Heed the warning given and examine the proposals put before you. Making money is the last thing to be considered; the securing of the happiness of the people is the great thing, and you will find you are fully repaid in that direction. The Labour party are charged with being irreligious. That is a charge that I abhor more than any other. I would rather that the morals of my children were pure than have all the wealth of the State. I am proud if I can do anything for the benefit of struggling humanity, but I am bound to say that I abhor lectures such as we had yesterday on the question of our being irreligious.
My last word is this. I come from a great mining area, where in the past we had all the platitudes with regard to patriotism. That meant waving the flag, and the people would follow. Secret diplomacy kept the people in the dark in the days that are gone. The curtains have been pulled down by the Great War, however, and hon. Members on this side of the House are determined to keep them as wide apart as possible, so that the whole stage may be looked upon. We are anxious that the spirit of Christianity which you preach may be that of practical Christianity. I will give hon. Members a guarantee that we will co-operate and pull together on this question. There must, however, not be luxury on one side and poverty on the other. I could take hon. Members to places where the people put their cradles out in the street because they are too proud to take them to the pawnshop. The little chair is put out, and these most pitiable things bring tears to my eyes as I pass down the street. These people will not go to the pawnshop. They put their little things out in the street and offer to sell them for 2d. or 3d. each. Do hon. Members expect patriotism to grow under conditions such as that? I thank the House for listening to me, as I have had to scramble through for the first time. Honestly, whatever may have been my lack of grammar, or anything else, I want hon. Members to believe that I am uttering a warning to the Government when I say to them: "Throw in your whole weight; forget your material interests; and strive, first of all, to meet the needs and the spiritual aspirations of the people who suffered in the Great War."
We can all join in congratulating the last speaker on the honest sincerity of purpose disclosed in his effective maiden speech., I should like, if I may, to say the same thing about another maiden speech, made from behind this Bench, to-day. I feel a little difficulty in getting up to reply to the Debate, so far as it has gone this afternoon. This is a Debate on what I understood was going to be the Unemployment Amendment of the Opposition.
We have had an exceedingly interesting discussion. The word "employment" is mentioned in the Amendment, but it has not figured very much, except indirectly, in the speeches. We have heard a great deal about foreign policy, the Ruhr, Angora and those broader issues, but the definite burden of unemployment and the definite crisis which we have to face in this country have not been very clearly pressed. I am afraid that I must decline the handsome offer which seemed to be made to me by the Mover of the Amendment to take on in addition to the onerous duties of Minister of Labour, which are quite enough for any man of even greater capacity than I possess, the duties of the War Office, the Foreign Office, and I am not sure that he would not also throw in the League of Nations.
There are some points in my right hon. Friend's speech to which I will refer, which definitely connect themselves with the problem of unemployment. I was glad to receive his assurance with regard to emigration, because it was a corrective to some of the statements made yesterday on that subject. I was glad to receive his assurance that with a proper, well-thought-out scheme, arranged on both sides, good progress could be made. That is the view of the Government, and I am glad that here we are on common ground with the Mover of the Amendment, because words were used yesterday, and ideas were put forward, which seemed to suggest that the members of the Labour party who were then speaking would offer strenuous opposition to emigration under any circumstances.
It was restricted to the emigration of boys and girls.
If the criticism was restricted in that way I misunderstood it. A great deal has been said about work, not doles. That is a cry which we can echo with all our heart, but like so many general formulae it is the application that is the difficulty and not the formula. It is a little difficult in these matters to know exactly on which leg of the dilemma hon. Gentlemen opposite wish to stand. Before long, as Minister of Labour, I shall be introducing a Bill for dealing with un- employment insurance, and I am sure that there will be pressure from the other side of the House with a view to increasing the amount to be payable in respect of benefit under that Bill. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] That is received with cheers from the other side. On the other hand, when we are dealing with the present aspect of the question, my hon. Friends say: "The Government is scandalously squandering money. They ought not to be doing anything of the kind. They ought, somehow, to link up any payment that is made with work." It is a little difficult for them at one moment to say: "Spend nothing, do not squander," and the next moment to say: "You are not spending half enough."
With regard to the general tone of the speeches, they have revolved around the old issue as between individualism and socialism. We do not make any progress in dealing with our part of the problem of unemployment, which is the problem of to-day, by discussing proposals for the millenium, which, admittedly, will not arrive until a long to-morrow. Therefore, I ask my hon. Friends to give us their assistance towards the solution of the problem that immediately faces us. It is my duty, and I should be challenged from the other side if I did not discharge it, to recall to the mind of the House a little more closely what is the exact position to-day with regard to the problems that face us as to unemployment. I had the opportunity last November of explaining the policy of the Government to the House, and shortly it will be my duty "to ask leave to report progress." Doubtless Members opposite will see to it that we have "leave to sit again" on the same subject during the coming Session.
Now first I want to put some rather more general considerations before the House than we have usually discussed in our unemployment Debates. In so doing, I do not want to be misunderstood. It is our duty, and particularly the duty of the Government, first of all, obviously, to concentrate our endeavours on alleviating and, if possible, terminating the anxiety and suffering which these difficult times are imposing on so large a portion of our population. But it is hardly less our duty—and I am glad that this point was referred to in the course of the Debate—to keep our faith in the future of this great country—I was glad to note what the Mover of the Amendment said in regard to pride in our Empire—and also to cherish our confidence in its ultimate restoration to the normal conditions of steady work and reasonable prosperity such as we enjoyed before the War. I wish to give facts and figures showing that we are most earnestly alive to the first duty which I have indicated, namely, that of pressing to the utmost extent measures for alleviation. It is useless to try to paint a grey or a half-grey picture, or a picture too black. I will give some wider considerations which show that though the foreground of our picture is a little black there are lights in the distance. [HON. MEMBERS: "A long distance!"]
How far off?
If my hon. Friends will give me their assistance we shall get to the lights a little sooner than we otherwise should. I have heard, even to-day, the suggestion that, putting on one side the one-and-one-third millions of people who are unemployed, there is throughout the country and throughout the whole of the industrial community—I think it was the hon. Member for Coatbridge (Mr. Welsh) who suggested this—a very real deterioration going on. That would be a tragedy if it were really true. Is it true? [HON. MEMBERS: "We all know it."]
It shows what you know about working-class life when you ask if it is true.
I will give a few facts which came as a surprise to me. I do not press them too far, and I will put them no higher than this, that they are not discouraging. I suppose that my hon. Friends opposite will admit that the savings of the community are a very real test.
No. What about the death rate?
I am glad that my hon. Friend has taken that point. I will accept the challenge at once, because I have figures which will surprise him.
I know them well. Figures do not surprise me.
They are significant figures all the same. I will give figures of savings. I will take the figures for three years before the War and the last three years and compare them. The balance of deposits in the Trustees Savings Banks in the three years prior to the War averaged £69,000,000 at the end of each year, with an annual increase of £2,000,000 or thereabouts. In the three years down to the end of 1922 the savings averaged £123,000,000, with a steady annual increase. Last year's increase of £7,000,000 was the greatest increase of the three years. Take the Post Office Savings Bank figures. They tell very much the same tale. On the 31st December, 1912, there were £182,000,000 standing to the credit of depositors, and that sum was distributed over 9,000,000 accounts. On the same date in 1921 the comparative figure was £264,000,000, and in 1922 £268,000,000. By 1922 the number of accounts had risen by 33⅓ per cent. The average amount to the credit of each account remained fairly constant from 1912 to 1922, at slightly over £20, showing that the accounts represented broadly small savings. The same lesson is shown by the War Savings Certificates. I know that my hon. Friend will make a comment to me on this point, and I am prepared to answer it. The War Savings Certificates increased from £279,000,000 in 1920 to £348,000,000 in 1922. [HON. MEMBERS: "Not all from working men!"] In 1922 the price of issue was raised from 15s. 6d. to 16s., but the fact remains that the immense increase to £348,000,000 took place. That money was forthcoming, and it largely represents the savings of small investors, because of 89,000,000 certificates purchased last year, 40 per cent. represented investments of £25 or under.
Take the case of house investment. I do not want to press that too far. It may be said to me: "Yes, but people have had to buy their houses because they could not get leases in the ordinary way." I know that. My hon. Friends know what a tremendous movement in the direction of house purchase—and a very wise movement it is—there has been amongst the industrial classes of this country. Hon Members may say: "The real test is this, if people have taken up mortgages can they stand by the mortgages?" May I read a passage from last year's report of one of the largest building societies, which has a big industrial connection in the Midlands. I will give the name of the society to any hon. Member who desires it. The report says:
What I did say was, that there was a deterioration of the people who were unemployed and their families.
Of course, I accept that at once, though I did not so understand it, but, apart from the hon. Member, the charge is often made from other sources, and I thought that he was reinforcing that charge and I was attempting to deal with it.
If the right hon. Gentleman will consult the approved societies, he will find what is happening in this connection.
I was just about to give the figures in reference to health. Much of the steady improvement in the health statistics is due to the untiring efforts of the Ministry of Health and local authorities, coupled with a great awakening in public consciousness in this matter, but my point is, that during the last three years, years of bad trade and lack of employment, the process of the improvement in national health has been going steadily onwards. It is difficult to give completely comparative statistics, and I do not wish to press too far what I am saying, but take such a big industrial area as Birmingham. The medical officer of health, reporting for the fourth quarter of 1922, says:
"The statistics indicate that the health of the city was distinctly good during the year. The general death-rate was one of the lowest ever recorded and infant mortality has continued to be a relatively low one."
This is encouraging to many of us who have been engaged in waging this battle to reduce the rate of infant mortality during the first 12 months after birth. I have watched with joy the steady decline in the figures, but it is worth while remarking that, while the average annual infant mortality figure for Birmingham for the three years before the War was 142 per thousand, for the three years to 1922 it was only 76, and in 1922 it was 73, or just about half the annual figure for the three years before the War. The same is true in Sheffield, though it has suffered much from distress. There again the Medical Officer of Health reported that last year's death-rate, 12·5 per thousand, is the lowest yet recorded, the average from 1911 to 1920 being 15·8. The infant mortality figure last year, 99 per thousand, is the lowest but one on record.
Is not that due to the fact that the mothers are not in the factories now?
I do not want to press that too far, but as far as they go the figures are remarkable, and clearly indicate, in my view, that the prospect is not entirely discouraging.
They are dishonest figures.
The figures have been taken out for me for 13 of the largest industrial centres in England, including London, Manchester and Liverpool, and they are on precisely the same lines. For the three years before the War the average death-rate was 16 per 1,000, while for the last three years it is only just over 13. The infant mortality for the same period, pre-War, was 126 and for the last three years just over 90 per 1,000. I submit that these figures as to savings, investments, health and infant mortality do tend to show, so far as they go, and I do not wish to press them too far, that our people are bearing the strain of these bad times, not only without deterioration, but with less decline of resources or stamina than could have been anticipated. Take now the definite figures of unemployment. Here, again, they are terribly, monotonously high, but even from those figures I think a ray of hope can be extracted. The peak of the unemployment figure was reached on the 24th June, 1921, when it stood at over 2,000,000. By the 5th of this month it had fallen to 1,360,000, and it has been falling steadily each week since the 1st January.
June, 1921, was during the miners' strike.
I am aware of that. The total fall in the first five weeks since the 1st January this year is just short of 100,000. Our present figure is rather worse than the lowest figure yet reached, which is about 1,300,000 during October last year. Taking the general trend of the figures, experience shows that there is a seasonal increase of work just before and up to Christmas. It usually happens that a considerable number go off work at Christmas, yet with the turn of the year the figures of those in employment mount steadily again. The figures of those who went off work in this way at Christmas both this year and last were well over 100,000, but it is remarkable that, while in the first five weeks of 1922 only slightly over 38,000 resumed work, this year practically 100,000 have already disappeared from the employment register. During the second five weeks of 1922 another 100,000 were absorbed into employment, and similarly in the coming weeks of this year, apart, of course, from untoward events in Europe or elsewhere, I do venture to hope that we may see a similarly accelerated rate, and that these nightmare figures may soon fall below the lowest we have reached.
Speaking in November last I outlined the policy of the Government on three main lines—relief schemes, stimulation of trade, and the Unemployment Insurance Act—and I conceive it to be the desire of the House that shortly without going into detail I should describe the progress that has been made with the development of these schemes since the House adjourned. Under relief schemes I mentioned last November road development and road maintenance. I indicated two main items under this head. First the sum of £5,500,000 which had been available from the beginning of the winter, for the winter programme, which was being gradually allotted through the local authorities for road development on the basis of 50 per cent. Then I mentioned the sum of £10,000,000 which was being devoted during the current year from the Road Fund for ordinary highway maintenance and improvement which would in the natural course absorb a large amount of unskilled labour. This latter expenditure is going steadily forward under the normal arrangements of that programme, but with regard to the first £5,500,000 for road development I wish to report to the House that since the 30th of November 154 schemes have now been actually sanctioned in detail, involving a total amount of about £2,000,000 of additional work under that programme.
I have examined the list of these works which differ widely in character and will assist the development of industry in many parts of the country. There are road widenings and reconstruction of bridges, two things which have been suggested from the other side; also large works of reconstruction and of new roads such as the new main road from Newcastle to Tynemouth which is to cost £170,000. The new arterial road from Manchester to Liverpool has not progressed as I had hoped. It has been approved by many smaller local authorities and also by the Lancashire County Council, but unfortunately some of the bigger councils have not seen their way to support it. The House will be glad to be informed that of these 154 schemes more than half have already been put into operation.
There are also two important and much needed developments in the London arterial road programme—the Purfleet and Tilbury road and the Sidcup by-pass at a collective cost of £500,000. These works will be carried out in conjunction with the London County Council in the ordinary way, and for them tenders have now been invited. Furthermore, the Government have now decided to embark on a very much more extended programme of road development. They have sanctioned additional expenditure of no less than £5,600,000 for this purpose, one half to come from the road fund and the other half from the local authorities. This extended programme will make provision for the Kingston by-pass and the Sutton by-pass roads in Surrey, on which London unemployed will be engaged, and also for the very important new Birmingham to Wolverhampton arterial road, which will materially assist industrial traffic in the Midlands, and tenders are being invited or surveys completed for each of these three big schemes. There are other important and useful proposals which will be included, such as the Glasgow-Duntocher-Bowling road and the Glasgow-Lanark-Renfrew joint schemes. There are plans also for road widening and reconstruction in many other parts of the country. I hope that my Scottish friends will appreciate the fact that I have mentioned two schemes, which will be of special interest to them.
Now as to the Unemployment Grants Committee. This Committee was empowered to assist local authorities by a loan programme up to a total, during the last two winters, of £18,000,000 with a further £12,000,000 approved by the late Government, or a total of £30,000,000 in all. Up to November last schemes to the extent of about £23,000,000 had been sanctioned or were on the point of being sanctioned, and plans for the utilisation of the remaining £7,000,000 were being pressed on. I am glad to say that works involving £3,000,000 have now been arranged since my statement to the House in November, and further schemes of £2,500,000 are under immediate consideration. I indicated to the House last November that the Government proposed to authorise the Committee to revert to the system of making grants on the basis of 60 per cent. of the wages bill. For this purpose they would allocate £600,000, which would result in about £2,000,000 worth of additional work. We were informed that this would be of particular assistance to small local authorities and to agricultural areas. As we anticipated, this line of effort has proved very acceptable to rural authorities with small schemes in hand, especially schemes for road repair or maintenance. Of the £2,000,000 I suggested as representing the finance likely to be involved, £1,000,000 has been already approved and most of the work put in hand, and schemes for another £500,000 are under immediate consideration. The schemes already sanctioned number 365, and are spread over the country from Dornoch to Devon and from the Wash to the Irish Channel. I mentioned in November also the question of agricultural areas and land drainage. I do not wish to weary the House with details, but I can report generally that the schemes as there outlined are going forward satisfactorily, and that the money allocated by the Government is being absorbed in an appropriate way.
Now let me say something on the question of the stimulation and development of trade. I mentioned in November the question of the acceleration of contracts, the reconditioning of premises, and so on, which would be undertaken by Government Departments. The Office of Works proposed to allocate £400,000 for arrears of maintenance and repair work, and the Post Office by bringing forward rapidly schemes for the laying of cables, etc., were willing to put in hand work up to about £1,000,000. I mentioned in my speech on the Supplementary Estimates that the Admiralty were assisting on the same lines with about £360,000 for acceleration of naval contracts, and painting and repair of naval dockyards and machinery. Shortly, and summarising the results under each of the three heads, the Office of Works, Post Office and Admiralty, I may say that the greater number of the schemes have already been put in hand and the work started. With regard to the two most important pillars of our policy of trade development, namely, the Trade Facilities Act and the Export Credits scheme, I do not know whether I need explain what the policy of those two schemes is. Under the Export Credits scheme, the Government guarantees the exporter for the purpose of assisting him to trade abroad, and there is a limit under the Act of £26,000,000; while under the Trade Facilities Act the State can guarantee principal and interest of public issues for large capital undertakings such as tube railways when contemplating developments which are likely to give employment to large numbers.
Under the Export Credits scheme I find that to date credits up to £24,250,000 have been sanctioned, and £2,250,000 of this has been sanctioned since November last. As I stated in November, as risks are cleared off, other risks can be undertaken, so that within the limit of £26,000,000 the credits allowed can circulate. As to the Trade Facilities Act, which is universally admitted to be one of the most useful lines of effort adopted, I may say that the period since the House rose has been one of development of schemes under the existing guarantees rather than of new commitments. But large schemes have been submitted recently to the Committee, and some of them, I hope, will be in operation very shortly. For example, there is the proposal in connection with the shipbuilding industry which alone will in- volve £2,500,000 of expenditure. There is also before the Committee—and this will be good news for London—a projected £8,000,000 loan for further extensions of the Underground system. Before this can be proceeded with it will be necessary for the company in the ordinary way to obtain statutory powers, which they are now seeking.
Is that a guarantee or a loan?
The word I have on my notes is "loan," but I rather think it is a guarantee. If the hon. Member will put a question on the subject later I will see that the point is cleared up. Negotiations are also in progress with the Port of London Authority in connection with projected schemes of improvement.
Will the right hon. Gentleman lay papers with regard to the credits granted under the Export Credits scheme?
I do not know whether that will be necessary. I shall be reporting from time to time and I have no doubt that my hon. Friends opposite will all give me opportunities for supplying the information. I was challenged last November with regard to the numbers likely to be employed as the result of our various efforts. I have endeavoured in a spirit I hope of honest endeavour to get the best estimate I could of the numbers which really are engaged in work as the result of the policy of the Government. I may say at once that it is not very easy to get figures, and though I have made the best effort I could I cannot give any estimate down to decimal points and so on; I must give figures somewhat broadly. For a large number of the schemes, and in particular for the local relief works, the numbers employed are reported to me at regular intervals. This figure stood in November last at just over 100,000. It is now about 141,000, and is, I am happy to say, showing an increase week by week, and is the highest figure which has been so reported during the whole of the three years of depression.
I ought to explain that this figure takes no account of men whose employment results indirectly—that is the difficulty—from the various activities I have de- scribed. For instance, the Trade Facilities Committee estimate that the numbers now directly employed under their schemes at 23,000, and those who have secured employment on sub-contracts, or otherwise indirectly, at 27,000 more, or a total of 50,000. By allowing for these indirect engagements, for the employment resulting from the Export Credits scheme and from the provision of materials, transport, etc., for relief work of all kinds, I think it is clear that the figure of those who are deriving substantial assistance under these various efforts cannot be far, if at all, short of 200,000. The figure for direct employment reported on works is 14,000. If my hon. Friends say that that is but a sadly small proportion of the one and a third millions of unemployed, I agree with them, but let me add that it represents an effort to grapple with the evil without parallel in the history of this or any other country.
I will deal with another point. It will be remembered that in November last I announced that, on the invitation of the Government, the great railway companies had informed us that they were willing to put in hand at once considerable schemes of railway improvement amounting to at least £5,000,000, and I added that additional works, involving a further sum of between £1,000,000 and £2,000,000, were in contemplation. I am assured that these are now being undertaken. Hon. Members will have seen from the Press accounts of the very considerable works now being pressed on by the railway companies, as, for instance, the deepening of Holyhead inner harbour, and the construction of big stations at Bristol and Newport. There are other topics in my notes with which I could deal, and, if I were pressed, I should be glad to refer to them. There is, for instance, the question of emigration. Further opportunities will arise, however, and I shall then be happy to deal with the question. I do not wish any hon. Member to think that I am deliberately avoiding reference to them now. I refrain only because our time is limited and many others still want to speak.
Can we have a statement as to the policy with regard to gaps in insurance?
Yes; but first, there is the question of juvenile employment centres, as to which I promised to make a statement this afternoon. I intend also to say something about gaps in unemployment insurance. As to juvenile employment centres, I am sorry that the Noble Member for Sutton (Viscountess Astor) is not in her place at the moment, for this is a subject which she has very much at heart. At the time of the Debate last Session the Government had been considering possible methods of dealing with the serious deterioration of juveniles due to unemployment, by establishing centres on the lines of those that were set up shortly after the War. During that Debate I was pressed, notably by the noble lady and others, to re-establish these centres. The Government authorised my right hon. Friend the President of the Board of Education and myself to work out such a scheme, and on 22nd December the local education authorities were asked for their co-operation in establishing such centres in areas where unemployment amongst juveniles was serious, the Government to bear 75 per cent. of the cost and the local authorities the remaining 25 per cent.
I am glad to say that in a large number of important industrial areas the local education authorities have come forward to take up the proposal. There are 36 centres which have been approved, the anticipated attendance at which will be over 13,000 juveniles. Such areas as London, Edinburgh, Manchester, Barrow, Cardiff, Birkenhead, Liverpool, Preston and Wolverhampton, all great industrial centres which are feeling this difficulty, figure in the list. I have proposals for 22 further centres, and it is known that other authorities have given decisions in favour of the scheme, though they have not up to the present submitted details to me.
8.0 P.M.
Lastly, I must say a few words about Unemployment Insurance. I referred earlier to the difficulty of not knowing in which way to take the arguments put forward. That is particularly difficult with regard to the Unemployment Insurance Act. We are told by some critics that we are not doing enough, and, on the other hand, we are told by many critics, some of whom are behind me, that we are doing too much. There is only one thing in which these rival critics do agree, and, like the critics in Sheridan's play, "When they do agree their unanimity is wonderful." They agree that the Government policy is wrong. I would mention as some solace to these two classes of critics one fact. There is a very considerable body of expert opinion of social workers, health visitors, and others in this country who are really in touch with industrial conditions, and who are prepared to give satisfactory answers to both sets of critics. Their evidence goes to show this: First of all, that the Government's policy, and especially the administration of the Unemployment Insurance Act, is producing definite results; and, secondly—allowing, of course, for certain irregularities and even for misuse of the funds, such irregularities and misuse being almost inevitable in time of great strain—that these results, on the whole, are of a definitely satisfactory character. Take the recent report of Toynbee Hall, and the preface to that report written by the present head of that famous settlement—very well known he is in Trade Board circles—Mr. Mallon, and he says: behind me—to a statement of a very different character, made by Mr. Justice Greer in his charge to the Grand Jury at the recent Assizes at Liverpool, in which he said it was most gratifying to find, even in times of distress like these, how few the charges of crime were, and he specifically put that down to the fact that there was this national means of assisting cases of destitution due to unemployment. I do not propose to repeat what I said last November about the general condition of the fund, but I am bound to repeat the appeal I made then, that all who speak on this subject should realise that the Unemployment Insurance Fund, our great sheet anchor, is not a State fund, but a contributory fund. In spite of the appeals which have been made that that should be realised, and the response from hon. Members opposite, it still seems impossible to drive into the people's consciousness the fact that the fund is not a State fund, but a contributory one. Only yesterday, in this Debate, the hon. and learned Member for the Hartlepools (Mr. Jowitt), whose acumen and skill in debate we all welcome to this House, referred to the provision made as being a State provision. And one of the great organs of information of the Daily Press this morning, in an article, speaks of the burden on the taxpayer involved in these payments. I appeal again to all who have it in their power to endeavour to diffuse the truth on this subject. It is my view that we have in this contributory insurance scheme one of the greatest machines for social improvement ever devised. When we started the development of the scheme in November, 1920, there was a balance of £22,000,000. It is true the fund has had to borrow £16,500,000, but the original balance of £22,000,000 was the result of contributions of the employers, the workers and the State, and as regards the £16,500,000, we are all of us under a pledge that it shall be repaid in the same proportion. Allowing for these two factors, let me come to the exact figures of the contribution. The total expenditure, allowing for administration, in the last two and a half years has been the gigantic sum of £120,000,000. Of that the employers must be credited with £49,000,000, the workers £42,000,000, and the State only £29,000,000. In all these circumstances, it is almost exasperating to continually see the statement that this fund is provided by the taxpayers of the country.
When the Minister uses the word "we," does he mean the present Government or the last Government?
I am not quite sure where I used the word "we." If I used it inadvisedly, I must apologise. Of course, as everyone knows, the Insurance Acts owed their birth and early success very largely to the late Government and to my right hon. Friend the Member for Camberwell (Dr Macnamara). If I ued the word "we" in any sense in which I should not have used it, I beg the pardon of the House. If the House will excuse a personal reference, I have made a short tour recently through some of the industrial centres of this great country, and questions have been asked me as to what is the position with regard to the gaps under the present Insurance Act, that is, as to what is going to happen with regard to the cessation of uncovenanted benefit in a certain number of cases? I think it right I should now state what the Government policy is to be on that matter. The fourth special period of the Unemployment Insurance Acts, from November last up to July is now running. The maximum benefit, covenanted and uncovenanted, payable in the period is 22 weeks. The relatively small number of persons who were not entitled to any covenanted benefit are limited to uncovenanted benefit up to a maximum of 12 weeks, which began to be exhausted on 24th January. The number of such exhaustions was, in fact, comparatively small. Up to the end of January, not more than 11,500 persons had gone off benefit owing to the exhaustion of the maximum. All these persons either had no contribution or very few contributions to their credit. Exhaustions will increase in numbers week by week, though only slowly at present, and it is not until the 4th April that the maximum of 22 weeks' benefit in the period can be exhausted, even by those who have beeen continuously unemployed during that time. As I announced on Tuesday, I shall shortly introduce a Bill to deal with Unemployment Insurance. I cannot go into the details of the Bill or I should get into difficulties with Mr. Speaker, but, without transgressing the rules of the House, I can indicate shortly the policy which the Government have decided to adopt. The fourth special period which, as I have said, terminates under the present legislation in the first week of July will be extended to the middle of October. Additional uncovenanted benefit will be made available during the fourth special period so extended. I do not wish at this stage to go into details as to the number of weeks and other particulars, but the Government venture to hope that by this considerable extension those who are genuinely seeking work, but are unable to obtain it, and who are now, or will shortly be, running out of benefit, will be given adequate assistance during the summer months. Further provision will also be made in the Bill for the next 12 months from October, 1923, to October, 1924. I hope to introduce this Bill at an early date and to lay the proposals of the Government in full detail before the House.
Before the right hon. Gentleman sits down will he say something on the question of necessitous areas?
The Minister of Labour has raised one or two very important points which take us in some respects off the beaten track in connection with the unemployment problem. He states that whilst there may be in the foreground a rather black outlook, yet that behind it there is a glimmer of light. I suggest that glimmer is a signal of further distress rather than a light of hope, and that view is supported by the succeeding remarks of the right hon. Gentleman. The point as to the savings in connection with war service certificates, the Post Office and various other institutions, is answered for in this manner: that these savings do not represent the investments of the purely industrial class but the investments of the middle class, who have now sunk down one strata and are forced to become small savers, whereas previously they were in the position of investors of a respectable type. While the bulk of the savings may represent a larger aggregate figure, yet that is because of the new class who have become small savers, while as regards the industrial class, the power of putting anything at all by has passed out of their reach. The Minister of Labour says that 41 per cent. of the war savings certificates represent investors of £25 or less per annum. I suggest no figure of £25 can be looked upon as an investment from the weekly savings of any portion of the industrial classes. So far as the stamina of the people generally is concerned, and the statement of the Minister regarding the general health standard reflected in the medical officers' reports, I think if the right hon. Gentleman goes a little deeper into the matter he will find this is a misrepresentation of what is actually going on. A healthy position may be shown as regards the number of deaths, but the strange fact remains that to-day as men become gradually re-absorbed into industry, we have to make plaints to the employers such as never have had to be made before within the memory of any living trade union negotiator.
Recently some furnaces were re-lit, and we actually had to go to the employers and say, "Your furnaces have been closed now for over 18 months, and these men have gradually lost in physical efficiency." They have not shown in health statistics at all, they have merely existed, but their physique has been wasting away, and the employers have agreed and said that they cannot expect, that it would be cruel to expect, anything like the same measure of output from these men who are now being re-absorbed into heavy industries as they might have done had the period of idleness been much shorter or the provision for maintaining that physical standard been much greater. Those are facts that cannot be denied, so that I say that the health statistics, as represented in definite mortality, in no sense represent the great weakening of the physique and undermining of the mentality of those who have been called upon to suffer for so long. The Labour Minister mentioned the fact, and made much of it, that in June, 1921, there were 2,000,000 then registering and that that figure had fallen in February to 1,360,000, and he said further that there had actually been a reduction of 100,000 during the past five weeks. Now the figure for June is one that represented the residue of the miners' lockout, but even if you take that figure, I am going to say to the Labour Minister, what I believe to be a fact well under- stood and known by his Department, that the figure of 1,360,000 signing what is called the live register to-day does not represent the actual facts as to the numbers unemployed. What then does it represent, and what would more nearly represent the actual state of affairs? This artificial reduction of what is termed signing on the register was largely brought about during the third special period. It must be remembered that only 15 weeks of benefit were originally provided for a period of 30 weeks—five on and five off. After the first five weeks had been drawn, then the five off came, and that culminated in the agitation, not from inside the House, not from the industrialists outside solely, but from the local authorities, whose machinery had been smashed by the load that had been thrown on to it. It was that influence that compelled the Government to vary its system of gaps during the third special period, and that influence alone, because there are other, more sinister, influences that would try to prevent the Government doing the proper thing by the problem of unemployment insurance.
The regulations issued from the Labour Minister's Department are never available to Members of this House. The regulations issued to those committees that review the cases, and before they review them to the exchange officers, have, I believe, been of such a character that you have gradually wiped out of benefit many, many thousands of persons, particularly single men and single women. When you were compelled to add another five weeks of benefit in the third special period, then you saw a great reduction in what you term the signing of your live register. Why? Because if a parent had a small income, and a single man of 18 or 20 or more had exhausted his benefit rights according to his stamps, he was told that he must depend upon the earnings of the parent, which were considered sufficient to maintain him without him having any unemployment benefit under the terms of the uncovenanted period. I know of an instance where actually the pension of a blind person in the house was used as an argument to disqualify the single sister in the home from having uncovenanted benefit. After you had wiped out these single persons from benefit, what was the use of them signing your register? They never went near, to wait in queues, more often in wet and inclement weather than in dry and bright weather, with no hope of ever receiving any of your benefit, as they had been disqualified, and they simply ceased to register. You could neither find them employment nor give them any unemployment benefit, and why, therefore, should they stand in queues, waiting to register, and further degrading themselves by a parade of their poverty? They ceased to register, and when your fourth period came in November of 1922 you began to boast of a reduction in your live register, an artificial reduction, a reduction that, while on the face of it it led the general public to believe that trade was picking up, was in itself inflicting greater hardship and distress in the homes of many thousands of people in the country.
I will say more, and that is that even of these 1,360,000, no more than 1,000,000 are getting any benefit, and that as they cease to become entitled to benefit they will cease to sign. That is an answer in part to your reduction of 100,000 during the past five weeks, because your first 12 weeks of uncovenanted benefit in the fourth special period expired about the 24th January, and from that time those who were disqualified ceased to register. You say they number but 11,000. Then you must have sent out a very nice regulation. You must have felt that it was time not to press too far. You must have been a little more generous in your inquiries, I feel sure, knowing the long period that men and women have been on benefit, knowing that the full extent of the 22 weeks that they could have drawn by having one week for every six stamps on their card must have been long since exhausted, and that at least a half of them must have been drawing uncovenanted benefit. You must have hastened your machinery, or else not put it in operation at all, and said, "Let them carry on. It will never do to take off hundreds of thousands as they exhaust their benefit, throw them back on to the boards of guardians, and have another row like we did towards the end of last Session." You did not want that, and I should certainly ask that you should scrap sending out any further regulations and do away with any possibility of gaps at all, because what will happen otherwise? The right hon. Gentleman will remember that when the deputation was before the Prime Minister, urging the calling of this House together at a much earlier date because, amongst other things, the first twelve weeks of uncovenanted benefit would have expired before the House was due to meet, I said in my statement to the Prime Minister that fully one half was uncovenanted benefit. The Labour Minister then said he did not think so. I said I would be very pleased to know if the statement was wrong.
How can the Labour Minister make these two things fit in? Speaking at Birmingham during his tour round the Midlands, he said that this unemployment donation was the great sheet-anchor that was going to tide us over a troublous period, until—to borrow a phrase of the ex-Minister—we were in the peaceful bay of contentment and plenty. He said that during the past two years £116,000,000 had been spent in unemployment pay, about half of which had been spent in uncovenanted benefit. So that the statement I made to the Prime Minister at 10, Downing Street, that was then doubted by the Labour Minister, is confirmed by the Labour Minister as reported—I must make that clear— namely, that £116,000,000 had been spent within the past two years, half of which was in uncovenanted benefit. I ask anybody to be practical, and to put two and two together. If half the payment goes in uncovenanted benefit, it is fair to assume that half of those drawing unemployment benefit are going through their uncovenanted period. The most successful may have 22 weeks out of the 34 weeks, which means that they are 12 weeks without any provision at all, and if half of the million odd people are on uncovenanted benefit, then it is fair to make a further deduction, and say that by the end of June there will be half a million at least in receipt of no unemployment benefit at all. Those are the terms to which we have got to apply our minds in relation to the statement made by the Minister this evening. He has pointed out that, taking all the schemes that have been sanctioned, they have absorbed 141,000.
Directly.
I have a little more to say on that. Your schemes include the acceleration of certain expenditures in naval and other Departments. Those accelerations simply keep men from being discharged and do not take men on who are unemployed. These accelerations, in the main, are only used now to prevent the Government Departments augmenting the unemployment outside.
And to get votes for Tory candidates.
But admitting that 141,000 have been directly engaged as a result of these various schemes—I do not know how the figures are arrived at—it must be remembered that the 141,000 are not absorbed on full-time employment. On many of these schemes men work one week and are idle one week, in order that a larger number may be employed. Even giving full credit for all these figures, if you employ the 141,000 direct, you will be denying between now and the end of June a further half million the right of any provision at all, unless you make some hurried provision. What is there to brag about? You take away from half a million and then boast that you have some subsidised schemes for 141,000. That is not acting fairly. As a matter of fact, it is not playing the game squarely, in face of the Government's own figures, that out of this expenditure for the past two and a half years £49,000,000 is found by the employers from industry, and if that is followed through, it will be found to come from the workers. It is the old story—the poor to keep the poor. The workers' direct contribution is £42,000,000, and the State—the third partner—pays only £29,000,000, as against £91,000,000 of the other two parties. I say it should be at least one-third. In fact, we say the State should be more than one-third responsible in a great national scheme. But, at least, if the State were one-third it could have made some better provision without throwing men and women with their families back on the boards of guardians.
The Boards of Guradians will have a shock soon. The Ministry have spent £16,500,000 out of the borrowing powers of £30,000,000. Parliament permitted the Ministry to draw up to £30,000,000 from the Treasury as a loan to be paid back. It is just like the poor fellow who has got nothing at all, and a pal lends him a 1s. and says he has got to pay it back. You are lending it to men who are down and out, but you say, "You shall pay it back with interest, and you can- not work two hours without a first instalment of the debt being deducted from your wages." So that the State is not doing anything comparable with its responsibility, or what it leads the country to believe it is doing. I have estimated—I do not claim to be a great authority, but I have sufficient knowledge to enable me to arrive at right conclusions on this matter—that in the process of wage reduction, there are 4,000,000 industrialists in this country working on wages of 50s. a week and under. I say that anybody with family responsibilities earning, or receiving, 50s. a week is living just on the subsistence level. The sadder side of the picture is that there cannot be fewer than one million whose wages have been brought down to the level of 37s. 6d. or less per week. One million at 37s. 6d., or less, per week.
You tell me by reading the reports of medical officers that they show a reasonable percentage of death in these localities; one that is not out of the way. But that against that the fact of families having to be reared on this 37s. 6d. in these days, and you are asking me to believe something that practice tells me is wrong. There must be a lessening of vitality, and so we shall reach a point where there will be a general collapse, and a big jump up in your death statistics. There were £7,500,000 of trade union funds given to the relief of the unemployed belonging to the unions, and that fact is something which deserves greater thought, compensation, and help for the State. If one were to go into the question of community sacrifice or class sacrifices, without in any way attempting to pit one section of the community against another, only measured in terms of sacrifice, your most useful citizens have made the sacrifice of all sacrifices out of proportion to those responsibilities which should have fallen upon their shoulders.
I want to say a word or two about the King's Speech to which we listened a day or two ago, and that to which we listened in February, 1922. The reference to the unemployed in each case is very significant. The wording is almost identical except in one aspect. In 1922 the Government, through the King's Speech, said: In the present Speech the paragraph referring to unemployment says:
I had hoped that I would have spoken before the Minister of Labour, so that he might have told us what immediate remedy he had in connection with the uncovenanted benefit. About 11,000 have been struck off. Matters have not got easier. Each regulation has been severer than the one before. All inquiries are more deep. The figure will grow. It has been growing. It is no use for the Minister, whom I hope I have not misjudged, saying that he hopes in the near future to introduce a Bill to extend the uncovenanted benefit further until October—the end of October, I presume—and that that will make some provision for uncovenanted benefit. What will happen between July and October? Is there anything to be done for the immediate relief of those who need it; for the 11,000 who have been struck off as from 27th January? You have still that £14,000,000 in reserve to draw upon. The Minister has paid great compliments to the savers of the past, because it was the £22,000,000 in 1920 that made it possible for the Act to be put into immediate benefit those who otherwise would not have qualified. It is for the Government, in introducing this measure, to go somewhat further and say, "We will take a third responsibility; we will wipe out that part of the loan. We will put the scheme on a real sound basis, and what is necessary in the circumstances shall be found from the State." This would be some compensation for the great sacrifices that these people have been making the whole time. I do therefore urge that the Minister of Labour should see to it that something, even though it be an emergency measure, that might go through by agreement, should be put forward and so stop or prevent the possibility of the "gap," so again inflaming the boards of guardians and the local authorities and the people. Thus you help to solve a problem which is brought home to them. You cannot trifle with people in such a position. It does appear to me this is a very serious matter.
What I would also like in all these schemes is provisions for women, who are great sufferers, the greatest. The single women have all been struck off, except in the case where the single woman is in lodgings by herself. You do not know what possibilities you are opening by this policy. In all your schemes the residue of the grants made cannot possibly employ more than 5,000 of these unemployed women for a period longer than three months. If 5,000 unemployed women were being taught under these homecraft schemes with the present money allotted, only 5,000 could be trained and the whole grant would be used up in less than three months, and this in face of the fact that in the month of December there were 11,000 more women signing the register than in the previous month. I made that statement on the 15th January and it referred to the month of December and November last year. The full total that can be absorbed by the Government scheme is only 5,000.
In the Bill about to be introduced I hope the Labour Minister will see what further provision can be made to give these women a greater degree of self-reliance and security, and I hope they will, be treated on fair lines. So far as the regulations are concerned, there was a question on this point on the Order Paper to-day. I feel that every hon. Member ought to be kept up to date on this question, and these regulations very often have greater effect than the Act itself. I want to know whether it is possible that the issuing of these regulations can be mentioned on the Pink Paper which is sent out from the Vote Office. If a general regulation is being issued under the Act I think it ought to be notified to every hon. Member in order that we may be kept up to date as to the progression of the Act and the regulations made under it.
Representing as I do the workers of a constituency in Scotland which is primarily engaged in heavy industries producing in normal times coal, iron and steel and the manufactures, I am necessarily interested very deeply in the question of the Ruhr. During the Recess I took the opportunity of visiting the town of Essen and the locality about that town just prior to the occupation by the French, and subsequently thereto, whilst the Frency army of occupation was there. I want to say certain things about it because they do immediately react upon the position of the men employed and unemployed in the town which I represent in Parliament.
It has been said by the people who, curiously enough, support the policy of French Imperialism, that it is to the interests of the British unemployed that the German works should, for the time being, be rendered practically non-competitive. For the time being perhaps it is, but for a more extended period it is but tending to produce a condition of affairs still more desperate than that which has been prevailing for the past two years or more. Just before I left Scotland I went through the iron and steel area, observing the blast furnaces and steel works which are not employed, and it was impossible at night to mark your way by the glare of the blast furnaces. I went the following week into the Ruhr and there I saw vast blast furnaces and steel works, engineering shops and the rest, working three shifts and working day and night.
I saw one particular series of blast furnaces which were the property of the very same firm that had kept our men unemployed in Motherwell for two years. The position is that at the present time international finances are employed. The works of the Rhineland, the Ruhr and the Saar are employing all these workers in competition with the workers in Scotland, Middlesbrough, Sheffield, Dowlais, and other parts of the country. For the time being it may be that the French will sufficiently disorganise the industries of the Ruhr, that the pig iron and steel bridges, the girders and the wagons, and other materials produced there ordinarily, may not compete with those that we make, and we shall again have the pleasure of seeing these products going out of our own factories seawards. This will continue only until such time as by a process such as this the value and the price of those steel works has been sufficiently depreciated on the market to enable the steel companies of Motherwell, of Barrow and South Wales to go into the market and to buy up, share by share, blocks of stock for an old song, the great magnificient properties in the Ruhr and these other German towns. That is the game which is going on. I am sorry, and I say it sincerely, but I understand in large measure what the difficulties of the French people are at the present time. It is being said on the Continent to-day—and it was said to me only last week by a brilliant diplomat—that it is the general opinion on the Continent that the Government of this country, through the Prime Minister of this country, purposely put forward at the Paris Conference a scheme of reparations that was satisfactory neither to France nor to Germany. I do not say that that is the case, but it certainly is a view which is gaining ground in Germany, in Belgium, in France, in Poland and in other countries.
9.0 P.M.
There were two parties in France, both of which were pursuing a different policy towards the Ruhr. There was the policy of the French militarists—the policy sup- ported by the bourgeoise, the shareholders, stockholders, and rentiers. They, with their short-sightedness, said, "Let us go in and seize the properties and make them work, and thus get reparations. If we lay our hands upon them they will turn into gold." That is the policy advocated in the "Daily Mail" and the "Paris Daily Mail." There was another school of thought, far more intelligent, far more capable, who desired to come to a business arrangement with Stinnes, Krupp, and the rest. They desired to bring together the coal of the Ruhr—the finest coking coal in Europe, and the richest coalfield in Europe, a coalfield which is employing half a million miners to-day, a coalfield of incalculable richness—they desired to bring together that coalfield and the canals and waterways, river facilities, electric power and all means of production. Their plan was the plan of the great electric king, who is at the back of the great electric trusts in France. They were going to bring together in one great economic scheme the whole of the German waterways and the Rhine electric power with the iron ore of France. If one watches the course during the last 150 years of British policy with regard to France, one can see the game of this Tory Government, which is deliberately reverting to the historic and traditional policy of the Foreign Office. If we go back to 1815 we discover that, after the Conference of Vienna, steps were taken by the British Government whereby, already realising the importance of the coalfields of the Sarre, a part was given to Prussia and a part was allocated to France. One-half was put into one economic area and one-half into another economic area: one-half into one political area and one-half into another political area. It was the old policy of the balance of power devised in the interest of British capital. One is not complaining; no one expects a tiger to be a vegetarian. We go on to 1830 and we find an inspired revolt against Holland. Vast enthusiastic meetings in Liberal Manchester, great enthusiasm for Radical France and for Radical Belgium. Great hostility to Tory Holland, because it was sympathetic to Tory Britain. Then the Liberals of Brussels united themselves into one army with the Liberal bourgeoisie of France, and then immediately the tone of the sentimentalists of Manchester altered. Belgium it was declared must be free and independent. There was coal and iron underlying the area of the frontier, and from 1830 onwards there was coal and iron on one side in Belgium and coal and iron on one side in France. You may deny it, as you will deny anything when it serves your purposes on those benches, but it is notorious in the Chancelleries of Europe that you are already intriguing to break up Belgium. You are encouraging the quarrel between the Flemish-speaking people and those who speak French. Poor little Belgium! Yes, poor little Belgium if she gets into any other raven's clutches than your own. Coal and iron underneath one side, coal and iron underneath the other side. Then we come along to the Conference of Versailles attended by the idealist who now sits below the Gangway, having been temporarily ejected from the Government Benches—an eviction which I hope may be permanent, because I sincerely hope to see the hon. Member for Aberavon (Mr. Ramsay MacDonald) occupy his seat with the Labour party in office. I say that, not because we have faith in the Labour party, but because we want to see them have a shot at it. If they do well we will do everything we can to support them. We shall join them if they accept our programme, if they do not accept it we shall be their heirs. I do not expect my remarks to be—
indicated dissent.
I do not expect my remarks to be altogether pleasant to the opportunist Member for Govan (Mr. Maclean), but I was referring, in fact, to the time when he was a very keen supporter of Connolly. He is now going well to the right.
I was going to the right just now when I was stopped getting at you.
I think the hon. Member for Motherwell (Mr. Newbold) seems rather remote from the Ruhr now.
If the hon. Member for Govan feels unduly injured at my remarks I will apologise, but I think his dignity has been rather easily rumpled. I understand, however, the purpose of his interruption. He wants to put me off my argument. I shall proceed with them in my own good time. I know that I represent one party, but that party will grow. If the Labour party fights, we shall grow slowly; if the Labour party continues to help the lame dog over the Lausanne stile, if it helps in the way that it has recently been helping, we shall grow more rapidly.
I now wish to say a few more things about the Ruhr, and then I shall refer to the situation in the Near East. The situation in the Ruhr will be this: that you are drifting towards, not merely war between France and Germany, but war between France and Britain; and, much as I detest the bourgeois culture of France, I have no desire to quarrel with the proletarian countrymen of my colleague Marcel Cachin, and I shall have no hesitation, if affairs come to the pass between this country and France that they are coming to between France and Germany, in doing precisely the same thing as Marcel Cachin, and taking the consequences of my action. It is the duty of British soldiers and sailors, born, as they are, from the working classes, in no circumstances to fire on German soldiers, French soldiers, or other soldiers who have sprung from the ranks of the working class, and I hope that those around me will support me when the time comes. The position is that you are deliberately using France's stupidity to push her into bankruptcy. You will neither support her nor oppose her. She can drift from chaos to chaos, and you will benefit thereby in some other corner of the world.
The whole policy that you have pursued since 1918 towards Belgium, France and America has been the old game of beggar-my-neighbour. You will depreciate the German currency, or France will, because this rise in the mark is nothing but a temporary movement. You know how it has been caused. The slump will occur, probably, again next week. The mark may go the way of the crown; the franc may follow it; and then you, who are possessed of the gold pound sterling, or those who control you, the gold dollar, will come in and buy them both up. Good business! We expect nothing else but good business from you. That is why you are there—in the interests of honour, in the interests of civilisation, in the interest of culture, in the interest of everything but that which you will avow. But if you are still able to fool some of the people of this country you cannot fool them all. And you are not able to fool Ismet Pasha, and you are not able to fool the people of Armenia. You are not able any longer to get the Greeks to slit throats because you will not. You are gradually getting found out. I want to congratulate the Government from the depths of my heart upon their action in publishing the White Paper on the Lausanne Conference. I notice that some people here are claiming the credit, or some of the credit, for the pressure upon you, but the gratitude is due to Trotsky at the Brest-Litovsk Conference. You know that if you do not publish the White Papers I shall. [ Interruption. ] I am speaking of what I am in a position to do.
I must point out to the hon. Member that it is necessary that he should address the Chair, and not hon. Members opposite or the Government.
I am very sorry, Mr. Deputy-Speaker, but I fell into the faults of hon. Members on both sides of the House; it is the corrupting influence of Parliament. I say that if you do not publish the facts of the Lausanne Conference the Communist International will, and that is why you are making a virtue of necessity. You have yielded everything to Turkey. You remind us of the story of the two Jews. One Jew hands to another a cigar, and Moses says, "What is the matter with it, Isaac?" Ismet Pasha looks at it and says, "I know what is the matter with it. Anything Curzon will do to get me out of the hands of Tchitcherin." You gentlemen this time are very polite—
I must ask the hon. Member to address me.
I include you amongst the category of gentlemen. [ Interruption. ] I mean that in no disrespectful sense, though I would like to distinguish you from some of them. I have never found your name in a cosmopolitan share-list, as I have found some of theirs. I know my Friends over there—not their faces, but their pockets. That is why they like me so much. I touch them on their sore spot, [An HON. MEMBER: "The pocket is empty!"] The pocket is empty to-day, and that is why they are so generous with the Turks and so remote from generosity for the unemployed. In the course of the Recess I went on from there to another place, and I remember that the train was just taking me across the frontier from Poland into Russia at the same moment that the steamship was bringing the right hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer back from Wall Street. He was coming back with the orders of his masters, J. P. Morgan & Co., Wall Street. He was coming back with a scheme for the funding of the debt, and I like the way in which that debt has been funded—£33,000,000 for 10 years, £38,000,000 for the millennium of the Labour party. That £38,000,000 is not to be paid in paper, but in gold; and when the Labour Members are ensconced on the Front Bench, and I have adjourned my quarters to the Back Bench, with my colleague, I shall have much pleasure in watching the Chancellor of the Exchequer pay £38,000,000 every year which he cannot tax, which he cannot reduce, and which he cannot abolish—£38,000,000 in depreciated currency—to America.
I have pointed out to the hon. Member that the terms of this Amendment have no reference whatever to the American debt.
No, but there is certainly a reference to the conditions producing unemployment, and this is one of them. That is why I refer to it. It is assumed by certain people that that £33,000,000 a year will have to be paid in commodities, and that the commodities will take the form of coal from South Wales, cotton goods from Lancashire, and woollen goods from Yorkshire.
The hon. Member is perfectly in order in referring to the Ruhr and the Near East, but he is not in order in referring to the American Debt.
Of course, the ways of this House are strange to me, and if I have offended on this occasion I will reserve my remarks for a future occasion, but I will try again to oblige you; you have been very fair to me. If that is off the tapis, I should like to come back to the question of Poland and Russia.
On a point of Order. The Amendment does apply to the cancellation of war debts. If you want me to read it, I will read it.
I shall be glad to hear what the hon. Member has to say. I have not so read it myself.
I will read it for you if you care—"which contemplates an all-round cancellation of international war debts as an essential part of a workable general settlement."
That is as regards the whole international situation. It would not be in order to go into the particular merits of the American War Debt or the method by which it is to be paid off.
I must say I do not think you are acting fairly to the hon. Member.
If the hon. Member thinks that, he has his remedy, that is to put down a Motion censuring my conduct in the Chair. Until then he must accept my ruling.
I am not, of course, in favour of paying off the debt. I am not in favour of taking the American Debt apart from any of the other debts. I am in favour of writing off the lot, and I was merely dealing with the American Debt as part of the general debt. I was leading up to an argument concerning the cancellation of all the debts. I was pointing out that what is taking place in this matter of the debt is that, once it is funded, against this funded debt the Governments will issue paper which will be bought and sold on all the bourses of the world and that the scrip for this gold debt will be purchased not only in America but by the capitalists of all countries, including the capitalists opposite, and that then when the Labour Government comes into office and is face to face, as it will be, with an attemped boycott of international capitalism they will discover that whilst they can deal perhaps with their own capitalists they will not be able to deal with the American capitalist and the American capitalist Government, and that their funding of the debt, which appears immediately to redound to the interest of the unemployed, is a scheme intended ultimately for the enslavement of the Labour party. The Labour party will be face to face with the problem of repudiating debt held by British capitalists in American securities, face to face with the problem of repudiating, taxing or reducing the interest—and it amounts to much the same thing so far as hon. Members opposite are concerned—will be face to face with the problem of repudiating the principal and the interest of American money held in British War Loan—French money, German money, Italian money, Japanese money, Cosmopolitan money—and it will all be made to centre round the debt held by a country which has got a Navy, and it is a wonderful Navy that the British have to-day since the Americans taught them pacificism. They will not like not being able to sing "Rule Britannia" with two keels to one, but the time has come when their creditors say "no more two keels to one—stump up." Mastery of the seas has gone where the mastery of the dollar is. It is not to be wondered at. After all, the basis of all things, we are told, is force, and mastery in force is economic power. The Americans need not use their Navy. I do not think they will. They will remember all the pacific utterances of the leaders of the Labour party and they will say, "it will not be fair to treat the Labour party in this way." They believed in our good faith. They believed in our pacific utterances. We must not wake them up. We do not need to wake them up. We will just stop cotton—80 per cent. of the cotton used in Lancashire. We will just stop petroleum. We will stop corn"—and what a row there will be from the hon. Member for Burton when they do, for there will be no beer profits. And they will stop off the supply of meat—in every direction an economic boycott—and what can your poor Labour party do? I know what it will do. It will take the Albert Hall, it will get all its chief functionaries and it will pass resolutions like it did on the Ruhr.
It will borrow money from Moscow.
If hon. Members will allow me to elaborate my case, they will hear what we will do. Among other things that we have done—I will not say it at this moment. I would be too personal. [ Interruption. ] I understand the purpose of these interruptions. The Labour party begins to feel uncomfortable. It is thinking in terms of what it did to stop the occupation of Ruhr. It is beginning to think in terms of helping the lame dog over the stile at Lausanne and proposing schemes which, on the con- fession of one of its own members, were less, shall we say extreme, than those of Lord Curzon himself. It is feeling uncomfortable also because now that its leaders are getting towards the benches opposite they are already adopting a policy of continuity. They are drawing nearer to office, and as they ascend the steps of the Throne they feel a new atmosphere. The Labour party in those days will come forward with its resolutions, and it will ask America not to be naughty. It will ask America not to be unkind. It will ask America to remember its promises. It will ask America to remember its platitudes.
They will ask Moscow to forget theirs.
If the Amsterdam International, the Vienna International and the London International face the situation of the Russian debt and the British and all the other debts as they have faced the question of the Ruhr debt, they need not expect that the Communist International will do the same. From this time, anyway, we shall do all in our power to stir up the workers of the whole of Europe—Italy, France, Germany, Belgium and Britain—to resist the International of the bondholders and to fight by all means at their disposal for the economic and political liberties of Europe. We are prepared to fight to the last for that. I speak as one who can do this, because he happens himself to be one of the central executive of that body. I know many people who regret that I am not back there. I prefer to be here. Unfortunately, a considerable number of my constituents came at my call under the banner of the Communist International and, availing myself of your democratic institutions—not that I believe in them, but I shall avail myself of them as long as you will let me—I came here to voice the demands of the International in your midst. So long as we are as weak as we are to-day you will permit us to do it.
I am perfectly well aware of the fact that you are not afraid of us at the present time. [HON. MEMBERS: "You said we were just now."] Not just at the present time, but as the statesmen of Europe pursue their present course of anarchy you will need to become afraid of us. The workers will rally to our side, because of the bankruptcy of your statecraft, because of the bankruptcy of Scheidemann, of Noske, and all the lot. You can only make us win by pursuing your present courses; you will pursue your present courses, and we shall win. We shall win not by argument alone. That is not the way revolutions are made. Revolutions are made by conditions. Revolutions are carried through by people who have never sold themselves to Peers in enrolling battalions; who have never sold themselves to capitalists; who have never been tempted by Privy Councillorships; who have not been tempted to the Treasury Bench by the lure of office. They are carried through by people who are prepared to fight. These are the people who will carry revolutions through. Men will fail, individuals will fail, the movement will go on. The International will win, and before many years you will see throughout Europe the Federal Soviet Republic of Europe.
It is very difficult to reply to the hon. Member for Motherwell (Mr. Newbold), but in one way I do congratulate him, for he is consistent. Also, the hon. Member has travelled through the Ruhr, and I believe to Berlin, Munich and Poland.
And Moscow.
I was hoping the hon. Member was going to give us some news as to Russia. Probably, however, that is left to the next time.
It is not payday, yet.
I hope if it is a case of pay, that he is going to get his payment in gold. I should like to endeavour to put the hon. Member right on one point, namely, with regard to poor little Belgium, in 1830. Perhaps the hon. Member does not realise that the Lorraine ore was of no value until about 1873—
Hear, hear!
and that it was a Britisher who discovered the value of the Lorraine ore and that made Germany rich, and also Belgium. There is another point the hon. Member discussed, and that was the Tory Government. He rather complimented the Tory Government, and I think he realises that under a Tory Government we get good trade. Last night, we had a strong speech from the hon. Member for Chester-le-Street (Mr. Lawson). He stated—I have not got his exact words—that millions of people throughout Europe and the world require numerous commodities and goods. He asked, "With this demand, what stops it?" The main thing that stops it is credit, and you can couple with credit, confidence. These are the two things that are lacking in Europe and in the world to-day. These two points are affecting our unemployed. Our unemployed are affected by the position of credit, not only in Europe, but throughout the world, and the Amendment put down in the name of the right hon. Member for Platting (Mr. Clynes) deals with the ruin of Europe, and the all-round cancellation of international war debts. I listened to his speech very carefully, but I did not hear him really discuss those two points at all. With regard to the cancellation of war debts, you must include with war debts the Reparation problem. The Reparation problem is really Germany.
I do not know whether we realise the position of the inflation in that country. It is affecting our unemployment here, owing to Germany being able to export goods to the various parts of the world in competition with ourselves. One or two—in fact most—of the hon. Members opposite referred to unemployment, but I do not think any of them really had read their history of 100 years ago. The history of that date shows that our unemployment was very much greater in that period than it is to-day. One hundred years ago we had Allied debts to deal with. Roughly, in that period, after the Napoleonic Wars, we were owed by countries in Europe £58,000,000. It was a large sum of money, and our biggest debtor was Austria, who owed us about £19,000,000. It does not sound very much to-day, but it was a large sum 100 years ago. How was that paid? It was not until 10 years after Waterloo that we came to a settlement with Austria. Austria eventually settled our debt for £2,500,000, which we gladly accepted. Austria drew bills on London, and the British Government received the cash. It will take some time for the settlement of the present debts, because it is made more difficult by the advance of the French into the Ruhr.
I was talking about the enormous inflation in Germany and the absolute necessity, if you are ever going to get anything out of Germany, to abide by the terms which were proposed by the Prime Minister. You must have a moratorium. If a man is out and there is work in him, give him time. We all know that the German will work. I contend if you give him time he will be able to pay us something for reparations. The inflation is so great in that country that I should like to mention a few figures. Prices are at least one thousand times up compared with 1914. Food prices have increased almost 1,000 per cent. in the last six weeks. If you take the ordinary index figure of wholesale prices in Germany as 100, you will find that on the 1st January, 1920, it was equal to 1,900, and that on the 1st January, 1923, it was equal to 555,000. That shows the enormous increase in the price of food. One thing must be considered in regard to Germany, and that is that in pre-War days she was able to feed herself for 6½ days in the week. The harvest of Germany was bad last year, and, undoubtedly, this year she will have to buy probably 2,000,000 tons of grain. What does that mean, with the terrific currency such as she has at the present time? Her currency in 1914 was two milliards of marks. At the Armistice it was 27 milliards of marks, and in October, 1922, it was 754 milliards of marks, while to-day it is 2,254 milliards of marks. How is she going to buy the grain that will keep her alive, with that immense amount of currency?
We have to realise, also, that the German exchange, apart from her currency, as probably every right hon. and hon. Member does realise, is 100,000 marks, compared with 20 marks to the pound sterling in pre-War days. It has decreased from 250,000 to 100,000. We must not forget this comparison between the present time and the pre-War period. How has Germany reduced her exchange, which is the barometer of her credit, from 250,000 to 100,000 in the last week? I believe, although I have no official information, that the Reichbank has been putting gold out on the Bourse exchange in Berlin. That is probably the only way that this reduction could have been brought about. Perhaps I agree with the hon. Member for Motherwell that the mark has only gone slightly higher for a temporary period. With this inflation, and with the necessity for purchasing foodstuffs this year, it is absolutely certain that unless she puts gold on the market the mark will rise again in the very near future. I see the Chancellor of the Exchequer in his seat, and I would impress on him the great necessity of keeping a tight hold on the gold of Germany. Germany, when I was sent there by the Peace Conference, had £100,000,000 of gold. Some £50,000,000 of that were taken away for foodstuffs. She has £50,000,000 left. If we let that gold loose she will be able to pay off all this currency, and have four-fifths of her gold left. It is very important that we keep a tight hold of the gold that is held by Germany at the present time.
A great deal is said about taxation in Germany. Taxes are high there. You cannot compare the taxes in Germany to the British taxes, because there are two exchanges, the internal and the external exchange. A large amount of the German taxation is not collected. That is what makes their Budget weaker than it would be in the ordinary course. In the last six months Germany collected in taxes 172 milliards of marks, of which she paid to the Reparations Commission 109 milliards of marks. There is not much left to run the country. How is she running her country? She runs her country by selling her currency to people in Britain, in China, in Japan and elsewhere, who have been gambling in her currency. It is only in that way that she is alive to-day, and that she has been in a position to pay reparations to the amount which she has already paid. She can only pay the Allies in three ways, by gold, service or goods. We can eliminate the gold for the reasons I have given. The services, of course, will not touch us, while with regard to goods it means that her exports must be more than her imports. The position is that in 1922 her imports were 45,000,000 tons and her exports 21,000,000 tons. That shows the impossibility at the moment of getting reparations.
One thing we do want to be certain about, whenever a settlement is come to, and it must be come to some day, and that is, that Germany has a strong rope round her neck. We do not want to find Germany having no internal debt to compete with our big internal and external debt of £7,500,000,000. We want to be certain that we can compete with Germany in a right and fair way, and I trust that when the settlement does come we will find the rope strong enough to hold her. We must realise that there is something harder than war, and that is peace.
The Debate has been rather discursive; and I do not propose to pursue it in several directions, or even to follow the hon. Member for Harrow (Mr. Mosley) in his very interesting speech on the East. I wish to recall the House to the real question of the Amendment. The Amendment challenges the absence of policy of the Government, or its policy of neutrality in the existing situation in Europe. A great many of us feel, quite apart from any desire to make debating points, or to gain any party advantage, that the situation to-day is extraordinarily dangerous, not only at home, but abroad. In spite of the optimism of the figures which the Minister of Labour gave to us to-day, we cannot see, from the knowledge we have of our constituencies and of the people we represent, any real improvement in the disastrous condition of unemployment. We see scores of thousands of our constituents out of work, faced with great destitution, and with the promise that trade is going to improve, but with no certainty of such improvement, and with just as many others quite rightly saying that what is happening in Europe now is likely to stop any small improvement there may appear to be for a few weeks in the figures of unemployment.
At home things are serious, and they are serious too when we look at Europe and seee the chaos there and the danger, which there obviously is, of wars breaking out in one place or other in which we, though we cannot yet see the exact way in which we may be involved, can hardly, with our position in Europe, be otherwise than in danger of becoming involved as time goes on. Because of the danger, both here at home and abroad, I feel more inclined, in the very few words which I say to-day, to try to make suggestions as to the direction in which we should go, as far as possible keeping the discussion, in my case, entirely removed from party gibes. In the discussions which we have had so far in the House I see a great similarity of feeling in all parts of the House, at any rate in one direction. That is that the step taken by the French Government is pretty hopeless and likely to be disastrous. The Prime Minister spoke with perfect frankness, but with great pessimism. He was frank in his recital of the way in which all proposals made by the present Government had been categorically rejected by the French. He was absolutely pessimistic as to any solution. His speech was strewn with such expressions as that he could see no bright prospects, and that he could see no issue out of this. With the situation as it stands we must be pessimists about it, if the only thing we have got to offer is benevolent neutrality in action or critical neutrality in speeches. We must prepare something better than neutrality. We must begin to prepare some new policy, to prepare to do something if there is going to be any improvement in the condition of Europe, which is so important to us.
I want to urge first, with regard to the situation in the Ruhr, that the entry of the French into the Ruhr is not an isolated phenomenon. It is not an unexpected recrudescence of unreasonableness on the part of the French Government at this moment. It is the natural, intentional, and deliberate sequel to the policy which has been pursued for three years by the French with our approval. It looks as if the entry of the French into the Ruhr is a breach of the Treaty of Versailles. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] It will be very interesting to know the opinion of the Law Officers of the Crown on that point. But whether it breaks the letter of the Treaty or not, it does not break the spirit of the Treaty. This act of the French Government is an act of war, only that it is an act of war against a non-resisting people, and therefore it has not become actual war. As M. Clemenceau said, "The Treaties are a way of going on with the war." Therefore I do not like the way in which a great many people who object to the action of France lately criticise France is if it were all her fault. Who made the Treaty of Versailles? It was not France alone, and I put forward the view, whether it is acceptable or not, that France was not the Power that was really most responsible for the making of the Versailles Treaty.
At the time of the making of the peace there were two kinds of settlement possible. There was the settlement which was expressed, but was not insisted on, by President Wilson—self-determination, no territorial acquisitions, no spirit of punishment. The other policy was expressed and was insisted on by M. Clemenceau. It was a policy, as we know, of territorial acquisitions and revenge. The power that held the balance was Great Britain. Therefore Great Britain is most responsible—[ Laughter ]—I should have thought that, whether we thought that policy right or wrong, we were all agreed about that. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon (Mr. Lloyd George) held the balancing position. Therefore, when France pursues, as she is doing now, her mirage of security by military measures and by the economic enslavement and political dismemberment of Germany, she is simply carrying out, in an extreme degree perhaps, the natural evolution of the policy which we agreed to commence with her. Because if we approve of the Saar Mines, a purely German district, being put under French occupation and control, there is no principle on which we can object to the occupation of the Ruhr. If we approve of the left bank of the Rhine being occupied by Allied troops, there is no principle on which we can object to the occupation of the other side of the Rhine. And if we approve of the occupation of the Rhine for 15 years, there is no reason why we should not agree with the policy outlined pretty clearly now by the rulers of France that they hope to go on occupying it eternally, because every act as it goes on now makes the supposed justification for occupation more imperative. By the present action which we are condoning and assisting we are making the Germans—
Pay.
The one thing which we are not doing is making them pay. But unfortunately at this moment many of the German workers, of whom the capitalists have not been very fond, are for national reasons, because there has been a military occupation by the French, being united with the capitalists, and we are making it only too likely that at the end of 15 years the excuse for the occupation of Germany, that France otherwise cannot get security, will be even more justified in the eyes of the French than at the beginning. I am not asking for agreement among all hon. Members opposite, but I know that there are very many of them who are anxious about the situation, and who agree with nearly everyone on this side of the House that if the Versailles Treaty had to be made again they would not make it—who now regret the Treaty, perhaps not having regretted it in the first instance because not having seen where it would end. There is very little evidence of much approval being left in the world in general of the Versailles Treaty. What many of us feel is that there would be a great response throughout the world, as well as in our own country, if there were a declaration by Great Britain that the time had come for a revision of the Treaty by the nations of the world. There would be a response not only from Great Britain, from those who feel that many of the Clauses of the Treaty are not working and cannot work and are giving no security. You would have ready to assist in such revision all the neutral nations.
It is true that America has kept apart from the Versailles Treaty. But suppose she saw that Great Britain were inviting the world to revise an instrument which had failed, surely American opinion would be ready to turn again and once more help Europe in its difficulty. I am trying to see how far there may be a common opinion grow up amongst us in the time to come. We all know how serious the thing is. There are many who feel that America has not said her last word. America came into the War in a spirit of chivalry. America kept out of the peace because she said: "This peace is not what we fought for. This peace is going to leave Europe in a condition of chaos, and will only create war in the next generation, and we shall have nothing to do with it." But suppose America sees that there is a chance of a new peace, of a restoration of the kind of ideal in Europe for which America thought she was fighting. If our nation were to declare that the time had come for a revision of the Treaty, we would get a most unexpected and tremendous response from the greater part of the world. So general might that response be that the French might begin to feel that they could not hold out indefinitely against world opinion.
10.0 P.M.
I think any proposal to revise the Versailles Treaty must necessarily be accompanied by some sort of offer of security to the French people. The worst of the Versailles Treaty is that it offers to the French people the wrong kind of security, that is to say, offers to them the repression of Germany, which was possible only by France becoming the supreme military power, so supreme that she has now hundreds of thousands more soldiers than Germany had before the War. France cannot have wanted that. But that was the only security which we offered to her. It might be said that if a policy, conciliatory to France and firm with regard to the alteration of the main policy of the Versailles Treaty, were offered, there is no hope of change from the French Government or from the present Chamber in France. I dare say there is not. But, after all, Governments change and rulers are not eternal.
I refuse to consider France as synonymous with M. Poincaré. Although France looks as if it was united behind the present Government, there are in France at least four different and well-marked sections of opinion. There are the people who believe and have got it into their souls that the only way to preserve the security of their country is to crush out the economic and political existence of Germany. With these people it is almost impossible to deal. But there are the French Socialists. Yesterday, in too thin a House, a most interesting speech was made by my hon. Friend the Member for Preston (Mr. T. Shaw), in which he pointed out that the representative working classes of France, the Socialists, had actually come to terms with the German working classes on the question of Reparation. The Governments have only to ask representatives of the workers of the two countries to carry out their plan and there was a security of reparation ready-made which both sides had accepted. That is to say that amongst the organised working class of France there is no great love of the Poincaré policy. Then there are the peasants. They are afraid of bankruptcy and want the rebuilding of their homes. That demand could be met by the reparations which were offered, even by the German workers themselves. Then there are the great masses of Frenchmen who are thinking of security beyond anything else.
I suggest to the House that what we have to consider is that we should be able to offer to the French something which is better than what we gave her three years ago. Three years ago we gave her the policy which is leading her down to bankruptcy, which has sent her across the Ruhr into this hopeless adventure, driving her late enemies and ours into a nationalist fury which can only build up the conditions for another war. It may be that the time of the turning of the tide may be far longer than it was in the case of Napoleon. It may be that it will be much longer than 1813 was after the battle of Jena before the Germans rise again. Unless some sort of open security can be offered to the great centre of Europe, its whole prosperity and organisation will perish under the present policy. The effort of all of us should be to find a policy—not to-morrow, for you will not be able to change French policy in a day—which will give them some hope of a different kind of security, guaranteed by all the nations of the world, instead of what has practically now become the sole guarantee of their own armies.
Most hon. Members of the House are in full agreement with the two first lines of the Amendment referring to the grave and dangerous condition of affairs in Europe and the Near East. Most of the speakers to-night dealt with the case of the Ruhr, but I should like to say a few words about the Near East. All hon. Members will fully agree as to the necessity of coming to some form of agreement with Turkey. I do not think it is fully realised what an immense effect this would have on the whole Mahommedan population in Asia. There would be rejoicing from Cabul to Constantinople if the menace of a possible war were removed and it would ease our commitments in Iraq and elsewhere. Turkey wants peace and we want peace. The Turks are anxious to obtain money to recondition their country, which has been so much destroyed by warfare. They were very anxious for peace, as we were, and at the Lausanne Conference we almost got it. What was the reason for the failure of that Conference? It might be said that the reason was that we did not sufficiently study the psychology of the Turk. The Turks are a proud race and a fighting race. Through all their history, from the days when they came from the highlands of Central Asia and conquered their way through Asia Minor to the days when they battled before Constantinople and fought right up to the walls of Vienna, they have been a proud and fighting nation. Abdul Hamid kept them in Europe by his diplomatic methods, It was quite on the cards, had he not been able to sow dissension among the different Balkan States, that they would have been driven out of Europe sooner than they were. At the beginning of the War, unfortunately, our policy drove the Turks into the hands of the Germans. I am sure if our Government could have realised that that policy would mean the loss of countless thousands of lives through the prolonging of the War they would not have adopted it. The ancient policy we had of traditional friendship with the Turks would have had very different results.
After the War, our policy seemed to be to antagonise the whole Mahommedan world. We had driven the Turks back into Asia Minor. Not content with that, we encouraged the Greeks, and the Turks were set with their backs to the wall. The spirit of nationalism which increased so much after the War was revived among the Turks. They drove out the Greeks and they came to the Lausanne Conference as the conquerors of a Balkan State. A distinguished officer who came back from Constantinople told me that had we been able to hold the Conference immediately after the agreement at Mudania, we should without doubt have come to an agreement, but unfortunately behind the Turk there is now the malignant spirit of Russia which has been given time to influence Turkish councils. There are two policies in Turkey at the present time. There is the true Turkish policy and there is what we may call the Turco-Soviet or Turco-Russian policy. The true Turkish policy and the true Turkish aims are not consistent with the policy to which the Turks have been driven by fear of Russia. I do not think it is fully realised how much pressure has been put on Turkey from Russia, and how the menace of Russia causes fear in Turkey and causes her in many ways to accept the Russian view. Had we been able to hold the Conference early it would have been better, but unfortunately, owing to the elections at the time, the Conference had to be put off, thereby enabling Russian influence to interfere with Turkish wishes. Had we approached them with the understanding that they were a proud nation; had we approached them with more conciliatory words—I do not mean by giving away concessions, for concessions can often be obtained by a kind word and a smile father than by a demand—we should have obtained concessions from the Turks which cannot be wrung from them by any demand. The genuine Turkish policy is not to take over Iraq again or to go back to Syria. It realises that these are not true Turkish provinces in which their interests are very important. It is the Russian policy which is driving them to demand Iraq and Mosul. They wish to drive a wedge into the sphere of influence that we now hold in the Near East.
What I hope to see, if we can only agree to some form of peace with Turkey, is Turkey making an agreement with Iraq which will save many of our commitments in the Near East. I have read in some papers the desire expressed that we should leave Iraq and retire to Basra. When we have been given a mandate for a whole country and the mandate is for the benefit of the country, how can we simply regard a corner of it for our own purpose? How can we only regard Anglo-Persian oil? That is impossible. We have been given a mandate for the entire country, and we have to administer it for the benefit of the entire country. Many exaggerated notions exist as to the amount of money expended on our troops in Iraq. Is it realised that they form part of our Eastern garrison and that money would not be saved by withdrawing them? They would be withdrawn to India, Egypt and other places, and the money would simply appear under different headings. When hon. Members opposite demand immediate withdrawal from Iraq, thereby expecting to save a large sum of money, I wonder, do they realise this fact? The most important thing we can do to-day is to try and make peace with Turkey. Let us settle all these Near Eastern problems, and once we have done so we can then turn to the problems which face us nearer home. Can we only get peace in the Near East, it will be an inestimable advantage to ourselves and to our trade, and all those markets in the Near East will be open once more to us. Turkey is not an industrial country, but needs many of our industries. It produces raw materials which are of use to us, and we can send our manufactured goods to those markets where we had a very great trade in pre-War days, and I would appeal to the Government to do their utmost to make peace with Turkey. The very idea that we were about to fulfil our pledges caused all that unrest amongst the Mahommedans in India to die down. They had fought for us during the War, they had fought against the head of their religion through loyalty to us, and after the War we told them we were going to make peace with Turkey, and they believed us, but when they saw that peace was not coming, that we were still urging on the Greeks to attack the Turks, they became restless. That is one of the great reasons of unrest throughout the East—the belief that we were no longer keeping to our promises—and it will be well if we can only make a firm and just peace, though not by giving away concessions, as the French have done, and thereby losing prestige. We gained prestige at Lausanne through our very firmness. The Turks admired us for it, and all that prestige that we had lost after the War we regained at Lausanne, I firmly believe now that the Turk is friendly to us and willing to make peace with us. Let it be the first aim of the Government to settle the whole Near Eastern question by a just and lasting peace with Turkey, a peace that will benefit us throughout the Near East, throughout Persia, throughout Iraq, and throughout India, a peace which we all hope it may be possible for the Government to carry through before many days are out.
I listened to the very interesting remarks of the Minister of Labour, and at the outset he promised he was going to give us something to show that the position was not so very bad as we on this side of the House had painted it. Certainly the expenditure to which he made reference sounded a great deal, but how many people out of the 1,400,000 who are out of work will be found work by the schemes which he has outlined? He made reference to banks and War Savings Certificates and other means whereby working-class savings can be ascertained, but I would suggest that that money has not been saved by the people whose claims we have been advocating here these last few days. In regard to the point pertaining to the assistance given to local authorities, I know, having been a member of a town council for a number of years, that applications have been made to the right hon. Gentleman's Department for assistance to schemes which, I think, would be admitted, without exception, to be important schemes, which would have given useful work, and which would be of substantial benefit to the towns making application for assistance, but those schemes have not even been inquired into, and have been turned down.
I think the right hon. Gentleman's speech had been prepared, as I believe he admitted in his opening remarks, for something totally different; he had prepared it purely for a debate on unemployment, whereas the Amendment which we are discussing to-day is not exclusively confined to unemployment, but is mixed up with other matters of national and international importance. Unemployment is not a departmental question. It is a comprehensive question embracing many departments of the Government. The reason, in the first place, I got up to speak was more particularly to deal with one point which has been touched upon by the hon. Member who dealt with the question of restoring confidence in trade and commerce, although I heard nothing in his speech which was likely to restore confidence. He approached the discussion purely from the angle of vision of what the Germans are doing, what France can do and what we ought to do. I think a question of this kind, if we are to have a tranquil Europe, must be approached, not from the point of view of France or Germany, but from the point of view of how it is going to benefit Europe and the whole of the world.
France at present is in a strong position, very largely due to the efforts—the sacrifices I might say—of this country and America. To attain the position which France holds to-day it has cost this country hundreds of thousands of lives and thousands of millions of money. What for? Not for reparations. I believe there was not one person who went to War for a policy of reparations. They went to establish peace. They went to establish world security. The present action of France is calculated to have a very contrary effect. The Prime Minister made reference to the fact that the present action of France is inflaming a nationalism in Germany such as no other factor could possibly do. The right hon. Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith) said that France was carving out for herself another Alsace-Lorraine, which had disturbed the peace of Europe for 50 years. Can we stand aside passively when these policies are being pursued? The policy we know is diametrically opposed to the principles for which thousands of men gave their lives. We did not stand aside in 1914 when the work had to be done. Why should we stand aside in 1923 when policies are being pursued which mean so much to this country? I believe peace can be obtained if we pursue peace with the same assiduity with which we have pursued reparations. I believe that when we pursue peace the question of reparation will more or less settle itself, for with peace we should have a reduction in the cost of armaments, and we should have future generations of wealth producers saved from the consuming fire of war.
I do not approach, hon. Members will observe, this question from an anti this or a pro that attitude. I try to look at the question purely as a European one, as to how it will benefit the future peace of the world, not how will it affect Germany, not how will it affect France, but how it will affect the whole of Europe for the purpose of establishing something permanent, something we have not had for the last four or five years. We have had reparation, which has cursed this country. Reparation has cursed Germany. Reparation has cursed France. I feel that until we can get this question right out of the way that it is likely to continue to disturb and destroy that confidence which the hon. Member for Ilford (Mr. Wise) said was essential to the restoration of the trade of Europe.
It is, I think, necessary, too, that we should, if possible, go back to where the error was made. It was made in the Peace Treaty in 1919. I think the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) has made it quite clear that he did not say that Germany must pay the full cost of the War. I think we can say that he made the statement that Germany must pay to the extant of her capacity. I think that is an absolutely wrong conception. We went to war for the purpose of establishing peace. The first tenet should be peace. That being what we set out for. Reparation would then come next. [An HON. MEMBER: "What about the damage done!"] I am not discussing the point of view of damage. I believe if we approach this question purely and primarily to establish world peace there is no question but that reparation could be settled, and settled satisfactorily in the future.
I have listened very attentively, expecting that I might get a glimmer of light and some hope for the future on behalf of the working people of this country. I have listened in vain. All the speeches that have been made, either on foreign affairs or unemployment, have not touched the fringe of the serious situation in which we are involved. We have got to go further back than the Treaty of Versailles, or the Great War, for an explanation of the condition in which the workpeople of this country find themselves to-day. Take a glance at the map of the world. There we will discover how it is utterly impossible for this country of ours as at present situated ever to expect peace. Our rulers, when they speak about peace, do so with their tongue in their cheek. How can it be said that there is peace in the world when we find that those who claim to be Britons claim the most valuable spots in the world. During the Russian-Japanese War, when the Russian fleet was going out into the Pacific Ocean, that fleet was then in the Baltic Sea and it was followed by our then sea-dog, Lord Beresford, who was anxious to sink the Russian fleet, and that fleet was unable to pursue its course and why? Because we are the only Power that can take a fleet round the world. We are the only Power with great coaling stations all over the world, and that is the reason why it is impossible for civilised people ever to realise that there can be peace in the world.
When we leave Britain in the British Channel we come against the Channel Islands, which are essentially French. You cross the Bay of Biscay and pass Portugal and you come to the Mediterranean, and again we block the path at Gibraltar, which is the key to the Mediterranean. This is just the way that the rulers of Britain have handled the rulers of the other sections of the world, just as hon. Members opposite are trying to handle the working people of this country. You ape superior airs, you fancy you are superior persons, and you act accordingly, but as I said in my maiden speech your doom is written: "Dust thou art and shalt to dust return." Remember that was not spoken of the soul. There is a soul in our people that will rise above all your beastly materialism. When you get past Gibraltar and into the Mediterranean again we are up against the British Empire. Why should you be there? Then we come to Malta, which is the greatest coaling station in the world. I wish the right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Birmingham (Mr. Chamberlain) had been here, because I am dealing with the misdeeds of the ruling classes of our country. With regard to Malta, the father of the Member for West Birmingham (Mr. Joseph Chamberlain) in his day tried to deprive the Maltese of their native language, just as you would like to deprive me of mine. But the Maltese, to their everlasting credit, said to Chamberlain, "You may steal our land, you may enslave us, but we will never sacrifice our language; we will fight for it, and we will, if necessary, die for it." Leaving Gibraltar and Malta behind, and sailing right up to the end of the Mediterranean, we come to Cyprus—Cyprus which we got from the Turks under a scheme scientifically worked by the ruling powers of the country, because we could not keep soldiers in Egypt to guard Disraeli's transactions in reference to the Nile and the Suez Canal.
What had Disraeli to do with the Nile?
I will tell the hon. Gentleman presently. Cyprus we got in return for our defence of the Turks from Russia. Such sophistry has always been part and parcel of the policy of our ruling classes. What was our desire at the time our grandfathers fought in the Crimea to defend the Turk? Really it was part and parcel of our policy to keep a great Power from realising its natural demand for expansion. The British Government said to Russia, which was appealing to get out of the Black Sea, "No, you will not get out." Russia was not to be allowed a port on the high seas. She was shut up in the Black Sea, where she had two great ports and the greatest granaries in the world at that time—Sebastopol and Odessa. We kept Russia there, notwith- standing her anxiety to secure an outlet for her great population. Britain barred the way, and the result of her action was that Russia had to go right away across Asia into Manchuria and to build there two wonderful cities—Dalny and Port Arthur—and Britain had to bribe the Japanese to go to war in order to prevent them getting to the coast. Right hon. Gentlemen and hon. and gallant Gentlemen may smile, but I am giving the candid opinion of the men on the Clyde—the men who have made this great Empire possible. We know perfectly well how that has been done. The ingenuity of my race has been exploited by you exploiters. [ Interruption. ] I hope you do not come here to irritate me, now. I can stand men. I can stand Englishmen and Scotsmen—
The House is evidently greatly interested in the hon. Member's speech, but he is a little too innocent in allowing himself to be drawn off the track.
On a point of Order. I never said a word.
I made no reference to the hon. Member for the Sutton Division.
I beg pardon.
What I was going to say was that I can take advice, and we on these benches are prepared to listen quite calmly and quietly to Scotsmen, Englishmen, or Welshmen reasoning with us regarding emigration, but, as I said here last night, I am not going to take it from a German Jew. In the same way, it irritates me when a woman comes in—
The hon. Member must recollect that the other Members here have been returned from constituencies just as he has, and are entitled to equal respect.
As it appears to the working men whom I represent, the ruling class of our country are responsible for all the trouble that is abroad to-day. They had a glorious opportunity, when we inaugurated this great engineering age in which we live, move, and have our being. They had the opportunity then of making this a pleasant world to live in, with some guarantee of food, clothing, and shelter for every member of the working class; and when I speak of the working class I mean that section of the community, no matter who or what they be, who render useful social service to society. Looking at the map of the world, you leave the Mediterranean and you sail down the Suez Canal. Who belongs to the Suez Canal? Does it belong to the Egyptians? Does it belong to the French, who cut it? De Lesseps cut the Suez Canal. He was a Frenchman. Why does it not belong to the Egyptians? Think of the idea. If the Thames was owned by anyone else but ourselves, would it not be always rankling in our minds? I speak as a Scotchman. I would never while I live sit under the idea of any foreign Power owning and controlling one inch of Scotland, and I give the same credit to every intelligent, healthy minded individual, no matter what his nationality may be. That is why I am trying to show to the best of my ability how we look at the case and all the trouble that is abroad to-day. The Nile is claimed by us now as well as the Suez Canal. We claim Egypt. We are busy there at the moment desecrating the tombs of the ancient Pharaohs. [ Laughter. ] You are all laughing. How would they laugh if they went into Westminster Abbey and desecrated the tomb of Edward I, the Hammer of Scotland? How would they like it? They would not like it at all. Why should we allow anything of that kind taking place there? Arabi Pasha in his time was as much a national hero as William Wallace was the national hero of Scotland. What was the part played by our countrymen, our rulers, at that time? What did they do with Arabi Pasha? Did they not deport him to the Island of Ceylon? What did Kitchener and his army do? Did not they desecrate again? Did they not throw in the Nile the remnants of Arabi Pasha? Did they not desecrate his tomb? [HON. MEMBERS: "The Mahdi."] My point is the same. You may smile, but you are villains all the while.
Leave Egypt. Get through the Suez Canal to the Red Sea through the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb and on your left you come to the Rock of Aden. Who belongs to the Rock of Aden? We belong to the Rock of Aden. We who cannot get a plot to grow our vegetables, we, who in Scotland, see our women and children being evicted on to the streets, and who, through unemployment, are unable to pay our rent. When I ask the Prime Minister—the right hon. Gentleman the Member for the Central Division of our city, if he will do something in order to save these women and children from being evicted on to the streets, he says "No." Then, I say, "What is the use of the Prime Minister, what is the use of a great Empire, if that Empire cannot guarantee their homes to the mothers and children of our towns?" What is the use of holding what is, in my opinion, the most honourable position in the world at the moment—the Premiership of Great Britain—what is the use of holding that high and honourable position if you are not prepared to exercise the powers of that great office in order to defend those who are unable to defend themselves?
You leave the Rock of Aden; you sail the Indian Ocean, and you come to queenly Bombay, behind which the rulers of our Empire rule more people—about 200,000,000 more—than any Cæsar ruled when the Cæsars ruled the known world. Leave India behind, and you come to Ceylon and the East. Ceylon to the Bhuddist is the Garden of Eden. We sail through the Straits Settlements and come to Singapore, the great coaling station for the Easternmost seas. We leave behind Africa, where Cecil Rhodes, according to Chamberlain, thought in Continents. He dreamed of the idea of a great continental railway, running from Cape Town to Cairo, which is now within the bounds of possibility.
It is no use for me, though I could quite easily, to take you right round the world and show you that every vulnerable spot is marked red. My time is running out. You will find, however, that right on into the China Seas and the Pacific, there are innumerable islands on all the main ways that the great ships have to take, and that all the most valuable of those islands are owned and controlled by the British Government. Right across, and you come to Canada, which could be made the granary of the world. I impeach those same gentlemen who sit, who fill those benches opposite, before my God. These gentlemen went out and said what, before the War? "Free land in Canada, for Scotsmen, Englishmen and Welshmen," but no free land for Scotsmen, Englishmen and Welshmen at home. Cross Canada, travel over thousands of miles of land, and we claim it all. Go to the Atlantic seaboard and sail the Atlantic Ocean, and we come to Jamaica, which we claim as ours. We cross the seas, and reach Honduras and Trinidad, which are ours; then on to South America, and there we reach the Falkland Islands, where the last remnants of the German navy were destroyed, and those islands are ours.
We come to our home, the home of which I am proud, because I claim that it is the land of the brave and the free. What do we find? Our people, who have made that great Empire possible, are in want. Before the War, Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, occupying the position now held by the Prime Minister, stated that there were between 12 and 13 millions of our workpeople in Britain on the verge of starvation. Are hon. and right hon. Gentlemen opposite not ashamed of themselves? In this great Empire of ours, with all its possibilities, there is no scarcity. There never was in London, in Scotland, in England or Wales more food than there is to-night. There never was more clothing in our country than there is to-night, and there never were more necessaries of life than we find to-day. There is only one thing that we lack, and that is housing. Houses are not brought from Germany. We have everything in our native land. The only thing that stands betwixt our people and plenty is the Government Bench. When I say "the Government Bench" I mean the ruling classes in this country. Our country, our Empire, are capable of giving to everyone a comfortable living. What is the use of an Empire if it does not guarantee that? It can; but you cannot have great wealth, you cannot have individuals drawing £25,000 a year. You cannot have people getting £15,000 a year of an increase, and at the same time have the working people in our big industrial centres trying to eke out on 15s. a week. I want to warn hon. and right hon. Members that we are not going to allow them to go on tranquilly. There is going to be no peace. Those who lead us have to fight the Government in order to get into the position they now occupy. Labour has never had a chance. Labour, once it gets the opportunity, will prove its worth conclusively, just as we have done in the workshops, where we have been able to take our place against the best the world has ever seen. If Labour gets into the position of the Government it will save Britain, and my honest opinion is that in saving Britain we shall save the world.
Motion made, and Question, "That the Debate be now adjourned," put, and agreed to.—[ Mr. Morgan Jones. ]
Debate to be resumed To-morrow.
The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.
Housing, Glasgow
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House do now adjourn."—[ Colonel Leslie Wilson. ]
I wish to draw attention to the dilapidated condition of a large number of working-class dwelling houses in Glasgow. During the last two years we have had several cases in which houses occupied by the poorest section of the people have collapsed about the inhabitants. The particular case to which I wish to direct the attention of the Board of Health, of which I gave private notice, occurred in Ayr Street, Bridgeton, in the East end of the city in a tenement composed of fourteen dwellings. The entire staircase completely collapsed, and though the remainder of the building was in an extremely dangerous condition the people were compelled to occupy it, and the only access to the upper portions of this three-storey house, whose occupants included many women and children, was obtained by the use of ladders. At the end of a week the City Council had to interfere to avoid the risk of death to the people and to eject them from their homes. There was no means of getting their furniture out except by utilising the services of the city fire brigade, and there was no place in which to put the people except the city poorhouse at Barahill, and to-day we have to house these decent respectable people in the poor-house in Barnhill, or what in England you would call the workhouse. I am directing attention to this especially, because during the last few years there have been several similar cases. I want the Board of Health—because the matter is one for the local authorities—to use its power and influence to have inspectors appointed and proper investigations made into the condition of houses which are obviously bordering on a dangerous state. This may save the risk of actual loss of life. It is only by something bordering on the miraculous that we have not had serious loss of life before now, and, either directly through the Board of Health or through the local authority, provision should be made so that when with the conditions such as those which are prevalent in all our industrial centres you have working-class houses crumbling to decay, you may have alternative accommodation for the people who have to be removed from these properties.
The hon. Member for Shettlestone (Mr. Wheatley) has raised the question of dealing with houses which may fall through old age. There is another equal danger in Glasgow at the present time. A fire occurred in a cabinet maker's place, and extended to tenement dwellings. One of the features of tenement life in Glasgow, with which I think the Board of Health might do something to heal, is providing some place to which families can be transferred in the event of fire breaking out. In that case the only place that was open was the local police office, where families had to reside for a night or two until further accommodation could be found. It is a scandal that in Glasgow, where the danger of fire is always present, and where there is a community living in tenements, there should be no place to which to transfer the tenement dwellers when fire breaks out. I think the Board of Health should face the problem and take it up with the local authorities with a view of alternative accommodation being provided in case of fire.
I wish to reinforce the arguments of the hon. Member for Shettleston (Mr. Wheatley). While the hon. Member for Dumbarton Burghs (Mr. Kirkwood) was describing the great British Empire, I noticed that hon. Members opposite seemed to find some humour in the idea that we should be the proud possessors of an Empire. When I thought of the houses that the hon. Member for Shettleston described, right in the middle of my own constituency—houses which I visited during the Recess, when I saw the horrible state in which citizens of the Empire had been existing, and paying rent for the privilege of existing—it seemed to me that it was more a matter for tears than for laughter. It certainly seemed to be a matter for earnest consideration by Members on the other side of the House, who have the power if they will to remedy the horrible housing conditions in Scotland. This remark does not apply only to the Bridgeton Division of the city, but with equal force to certain parts of the Central Division, which the right hon. Gentleman the Prime Minister represents in this House. [HON. MEMBERS: "Misrepresents."] The Central Division is composed of two distinct quarters—the business quarter, where the money is made, and the residential quarter, where the people who produce the wealth have to live—and the right hon. Gentleman fitly represents the business section. I could take him, as I offered to take the Duke of York on a recent visit to Glasgow, right into the Central Division, and show him homes into which no hon. Member opposite who is interested in livestock would put his animals. Surely it is a problem that is within the grasp of hon. Members opposite. There are no complications of international currency involved, nor questions of our relations with other nations. I am sure that our standing with Ismet Pasha will not be destroyed if the working classes of the Central Division can have comfortable homes in which to live. I do not think it will affect the Ruhr situation in any degree if these slums are wiped out and comfortable and healthy homes put in their places. I ask that the Scottish Office shall make a careful investigation in all our big industrial towns into the actual condition of affairs. Do not take it from us. Send your own responsible officers into these areas and see for yourselves how the sons of this great Empire are housed, and, having seen it, grapple with the problem in a serious way. In my opinion, there is nothing for it but wholesale clearances and wholesale reconstruction. Send your quarrymen into the quarries and your foresters into the forests. We have the stone, the timber, and the slate ready in Scotland. We have the men capable of transforming these houses into decent homes. Why should our people live in these foul places, which are dangerous to life from the point of view of disease at any time and are also dangerous to life from such collapses as that which occurred in the incident under discussion. With a Prime Minister who represents a Glasgow constituency in which this problem is as serious as in any other, and which an Under-Secretary who has some knowledge of public health and the evil conditions that bad housing develops in the physique of the people, I hope that something may be done to remove this horrible blot on the national life.
I wish to emphasise what has been said, and to point out that it does not apply only to Glasgow, but to other industrial centres, and even to small villages throughout Britain. For that reason it seems to me doubly incumbent on the proper authority to make an inquiry such as that for which the hon. Member for Shettleston has asked. I represent part of the Clyde area, which has some important towns, and in one of these, Port Glasgow, within the last six weeks, an incident similar to that already referred to, has taken place. In a comparatively slight storm the gable of one of the tenements was blown out, and the whole side of the tenement exposed. The people living in it were mostly young married couples with small families. There were no houses to which these people could be transferred, with the result that the town council had to find some kind of makeshift accommodation, infinitely worse than the poor-house. I saw these people housed in conditions in which no hon. Member of this House would dream of putting a horse or any other animal. Yet human beings had to put up with this accommodation, because these buildings were so hopelessly infirm and old that they could not withstand a slight storm. Every local authority can tell the Board of Health about houses of this kind, and we want an effort made to have the matter attended to in time. In one of these houses, I saw a great mass of masonry which had fallen down within a few inches of a mother and an infant of a few weeks. Not only do we desire an inquiry, but we ask that power be given to decree that such houses shall be taken out of the hands of the people who now run them. They should not be allowed to make profit out of such houses, any more than vendors are allowed to make it out of rotten fruit or other foodstuffs. They should be taken over to be managed and controlled by the local authorities, until swept away. Immediate steps should be taken to secure human life against the risks and dangers which follow on the habitation of such houses.
I want the Under-Secretary to do something to justify his position. In the place in which I live in Lanarkshire we have 800 houses occupied by more than one family. The housing conditions in Scotland are a discredit to this Empire, and we are naturally anxious that that blot should be removed. I would emphasise the need for something being done, and I would appeal to the Under-Secretary to get into touch with public authorities who can give him the information that we are giving here, and I am convinced that it will show the need for something being done without delay.
The points raised in the Debate fall into two categories, first, the general housing conditions of Scotland, which I think the House will pardon me from embarking upon at this late hour, and, secondly, the particular point raised by the hon. Member for Shettleston (Mr. Wheatley) on the question of the powers of local authorities to deal with dangerous houses and the powers the Board possess to make sure that the local authorities are actually making use of their powers. The suggestion which is made is that an inquiry should be held, as far as I understand, by the Central Authority, by the Board, which should proceed to appoint inspectors and to obtain a return of the houses which the local authorities have not seen to.
My idea was that the inspection should be made direct by you, or that the local authorities should be requested to appoint inspectors for the purpose and to report.
That seems to me to be a re-duplication of the machinery which already exists. The local authorities have at present very extensive powers indeed of dealing with these nuisances, which date back as far as the Police Act, 1866, and even further back than that. The Public Health Act, 1897, contains extraordinarily full powers for dealing with public nuisances. I have the Act here, and the powers given under it are to the effect that any premises or part thereof of such a construction or in such a state as to be a nuisance or injurious or dangerous to health are defined as a nuisance, and it is provided that it shall be the duty of every local authority to cause to be made, from time to time, inspection of their districts with a view to ascertain what nuisances exist and to enforce the provisions of the Act.
In particular, the local authority at Glasgow, under the Police Act, 1866, has extremely far-reaching powers in this respect. It can order houses to be taken down and it can proceed against the owners of those houses, and in general it can proceed to almost complete reconstruction of the premises. Section 380 of that Act states that when any building or part of a building is so ruinous or in such a state as to cause reasonable apprehension of immediate danger to the inhabitants, it shall be lawful for the procurator-fiscal or the chief constable to cause the occupiers to remove and he may, at any time, appoint a competent person to inspect and report on the state of the property, and warn, to take down, secure, or repair such building if necessary. Any proprietor who fails to carry into effect such an order to take down or repair any building shall be guilty of an offence and liable to penalties set forth. Again, in the Housing and Town Planning (Scotland) Act, 1919, there are very extensive powers.
There are no more complete building regulations in the world than in Glasgow. The point we are trying to drive home is that the Act can be evaded, and we want to know what Parliament is going to do so as to deal with these houses which are used on the plea that there is no money to build houses.
I thought that in half-an-hour's Debate it was impossible to enter upon a general discussion of the housing situation. There are, however, many opportunities throughout the Session for a general discussion of the housing situation. I did not understand that the hon. Member for Shettlestone was anxious to discuss the housing situation generally in Scotland. In the note which he has given me he suggests that the Board of Health should call the attention of the local authority to the dangerous condition of many houses occupied by the working class at the present time. He went further and suggested that in addition to the sanitary authority calling attention it should carry out inspection, and it was with these two particular points I was anxious to deal with to-night. I was quoting the fact again that in the Housing and Town Planning (Scotland) Act there was power given to deal with these houses, and I would point out that although the responsibility eventually falls on the Board, still the local authorities themselves have the most extensive powers to deal with this. Although there are cases in which it is not possible to put those powers into actual operation, the actual powers themselves are in some ways more extensive, I think, than is realised by the local authorities. Under Section 25 of the Housing and Town Planning (Scotland) Act, 1919, if the owner of any houses suitable for occupation by persons of the working classes fails to keep such houses in all respects reasonably fit for human habitation, the local authority may serve notice on him requiring him within reasonable time—not less than 21 days—to execute such work as is necessary to make the houses in all respects reasonably fit for human habitation. Then follows the procedure which may be carried out after that. I draw attention, finally, to the legal procedure under the Public Health (Scotland) Act of 1897. Section 146 says that if any nuisance shall exist, it shall be competent for any 10 ratepayers to draw the attention of the local authority to the matter, and if the local authority do not attend to it within 14 days and remove such nuisance, it shall be competent for the parties aforesaid to apply to the sheriff, and the sheriff may then make a decree.
We know the case has been before the Sheriff, but our grievance is against the Government for not taking action.
The point is one of machinery. The hon. Member for Shettleston suggested that an inquiry should be set up to provide machinery. I put it to the House that that was the suggestion he made. What I desire to point out in reply to that is that, so far as machinery goes, we have really the most admirable machinery for dealing with these conditions. May I further point to the fact that if, for some reason or other, the machinery cannot be put into operation, it is not a matter for further machinery. The hon. Member for Shettleston suggested that a return should be made as to the number and condition of these houses. I do not think that that is a solution of the difficulty, for I think the local authorities are well acquainted with the condition of the houses within their areas, and, if they are not, under these Acts it is possible for a small number of ratepayers to call their attention to the matter.
But the local authorities are intensely jealous of being bombarded by circulars from the central authority or by inspectors from the central authority. I am not anxious to send out circulars or to suggest to the local authorities what to do, when they know a great deal more than we can possibly do about the condition of affairs. It has been suggested that we should receive a deputation in Edinburgh. Only last week I have been in conference with the local authorities on the question of slum clearances, and we have made a beginning with the apportionment of the small amount which is at present available in order to commence the clearances. I do not think that the hon. Member's suggestion is a practicable one at the present time. I am not anxious to hold an inquiry or to appoint officials to go from the Board and to deal officially in the manner suggested with the housing of the working-class in Scotland. I am more anxious that we should get on with the destruction of these slums, and rebuild the houses which are necessary, since otherwise all the machinery in the world would be of no avail. Therefore I am compelled to say here and now that I do not think that an inquiry ad hoc such as suggested by the hon. Member for Shettleston is a practical means of dealing with this matter.
Question put, and agreed to.
Adjourned accordingly at Twenty-nine Minutes after Eleven o'clock.