House of Commons
Tuesday, February 20, 1923
The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.
Motor Car Import Duties
I beg to present a petition from 546 persons in occupations in the motor industry, employed or seeking employment by the firm of John I. Thorny croft and Company, Limited, at Basingstoke, praying that, as many men formerly employed by this firm have been discharged or put on short time, owing to the decline in the British commercial vehicle industry, caused by the free importation of commercial vehicles from abroad, the same import duty may be charged on foreign commercial vehicles as is imposed under the Finance Act, of 1915, on touring cars from abroad, so that the British manufacture of these vehicles may be restored.
Proletarian Sunday Schools
I beg to present a petition from the inhabitants of North Ayr, praying that the Government will introduce legislation dealing with Proletarian Sunday Schools.
Oral Answers to Questions
India
Political Offences
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether he will state the number of persons now in prisons in India on account of political offences?
The total number of persons in gaol for offences connected with political movements is 1,112.
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India, whether the order recently passed by Sir William Marris, Governor of the United Provinces, for the release of the political prisoners, with one exception, confined in the gaols of those provinces, received the approval of higher authority or was issued by him on the responsibility of his Government only?
I may refer my hon. Friend to the answer I gave on Thursday last to an identical question put by the hon. and gallant Member for Melton.
Crimes of Violence (Punjab)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether, considering the great increase of crimes of violence in the Punjab during the past year due, as reported in the Indian Press, to political agitation and the preaching of contempt for law and order, he can state what action is being taken against these agitators and preachers?
I would refer my hon. and gallant Friend to my answers given on the 4th and 13th December last, and may add that the latest reports indicate an improvement of the situation in the Punjab.
Will the Noble Lord answer the last part of the question as to what action is being taken against these agitators?
I answered all those points fully in the replies which I gave to the hon. and gallant Member last Session.
Imperial Police
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether his attention has been called to the report of the Inspector-General of Police in Bombay stating that, unless drastic measures are taken in the immediate future to improve the prospects of officers in the Imperial Police, the service, as at present constituted, will cease to exist, as officers are retiring at an alarming rate and fresh candidates are not coming forward; and what steps are to be taken in the matter?
Yes, Sir. The Royal Commission on the Indian Services will, of course, have to give special attention to the position in the police. Thirty recruits are required from England this year, and no difficulty in obtaining them is anticipated.
Civil Service (Inchcape Report)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether Part I of the Inchcape Report has been handed to the Government of India; and whether he will lay a copy upon the Table of this House as soon as possible?
It is not proposed to publish separately the instalment of the Report to which my hon. and gallant Friend refers, and which will be embodied in its entirety in the Committee's Final Report. The Government of India propose to publish without delay the Final Report, which will probably be presented about the end of the month, and I propose that copies should be made available in this country at the earliest practicable date after receipt from India.
Imperial Trade (Preference)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether Imperial trade is given any advantage over foreign trade in India whether through tariffs or through Government contracts?
A rebate on hides and skins imported into this country has been in force, but the value of this trade is inconsiderable, otherwise there is no specific advantage to Imperial trade in India. As regards the imports into India of stores purchased on behalf of Government, as I have already explained in previous answers, it is found that as a result of free competition by far the greater part is of British manufacture.
Is the Noble Lord aware that the Indian Stores Department have been placing very large contracts on the Continent, and can he take steps to see that English trades are given a preference?
My information is not that which has just been conveyed by my hon. and gallant Friend. The latest figures show that by far the largest part of Indian Government requirements are purchased in this country. As has been fully explained on previous occasions, the Indian Government, in making their contracts through the High Commissioner and the Trade Commissioner in this country, are bound by a resolution of the Assembly in India not to give a preference, but in effect by far the larger part of the purchases are made in this country.
In view of the fact that the taxpayers of this country pay for the entire naval defence of India, will the Noble Lord make representations that they should do more for the taxpayers of this country?
Civil Service Family Pension Fund
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India the amount of the accumulated funds of the Indian Civil Service Family Pension Fund on the 31st March, 1922; the amount of annual income; and the annual expenditure for the financial year ending on that date?
Accounts of the transactions under the Indian Civil Service Family Pension Regulations during 1921–22 have not yet been received from India. The figures for the year ending 31st March, 1921, are as follow:
When was the last actuarial valuation of this fund made?
I must ask my hon. Friend to give notice of that question. I think it has been made quite recently.
Provincial Governments (Police and Military Costs)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India what is the extra cost that has been entailed on the Government of India and the provincial Governments since the Government of India Act came into force owing to the losses caused to the revenue and the expenditure involved by demands for extra police and military owing to the action of non-co-operation revolutionaries?
It is not possible to give any estimate of this expenditure and loss of revenue. In February last year the Government of India stated in the Legislative Assembly that such an account could only be compiled with very great labour which they were not prepared to undertake.
Special Class Prisoners
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether, in view of the release of the 107 special class prisoners in the United Provinces, he will inquire how many of these special class prisoners still remain in gaol in each of the other eight provinces?
I am not sure whether the hon. and gallant Member understands that "special class" prisoners are not identical with persons imprisoned for offences in connection with political movements. The total number of the latter now in gaol throughout India is 1,112, as I have just learned from the Government of India. But I cannot say how many of those are treated in the "special class" as not having been guilty of incitements to violence, and I have not yet got the separate figures for the provinces.
Will the Noble Lord make inquiries as to the number of special class prisoners?
I think the hon. and gallant Gentleman is under a misapprehension.
I am not.
A special class prisoner does not necessarily mean a man who is put into prison for political reasons. I do not understand if the hon. and gallant Gentleman wants me to make inquiries as to the number of special class prisoners?
Yes.
I will do that. As regards the latter part of the question, what has happened in the United Provinces is merely the continuation of a policy which has already been put into operation.
Does it include the prisoners who are imprisoned at the present time?
Yes.
Army Units (Indian Officers)
( by Private Notice ) asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether he can give any information as to how the Indianisation of the eight units mentioned by Lord Rawlinson in his speech to the Legislative Assembly last week is to be carried out?
In each of the eight units it is proposed each year to replace one British officer by one King's commissioned Indian officer, the British officer being, if necessary, transferred elsewhere. Thus in 1923 there will be 11 British and one Indian officer in each unit, in 1924 ten and two and so on up to 1927. In this manner in 1926 all the squadron or company officers in these eight units will be Indians. In 1927 it will have to be considered whether the senior Indian officer in each unit has yet shown the capacity and obtained the experience necessary to qualify him for squadron or company commander. It will only be after this stage has been passed that the fitness of any of these officers to become eventually second in command and commanding officer of their units can be considered. The evolution of this scheme will, I think, be watched with sympathetic interest in this country.
Has this step—which some Members think extremely foolish—been carried out with the sanction of the Government?
Yes, and I deprecate very strongly any criticism of the scheme which may have the effect of discouraging at the outset of their career several young Indian officers.
Will any British officer be "axed" at the expense of these appointments?
That is by no means a corollary of the scheme. The scheme is one of a gradual transfer of British officers from the eight units chosen to other Indian Army units and of Indian officers to those units.
Will the junior officers be removed first so that there will always be a senior British officer until they are all gone or will British officers be under an Indian officer?
No. It is the case that the scheme will commence at the bottom and the subalterns will be transferred first, and so on, upwards.
What units have been selected?
I cannot give the names yet, but I hope to do so in a short time.
British Army
Indian Volunteer Force (Medal)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War why members of the Indian Volunteer Force who served in a military capacity outside India in 1914 or 1915 in areas which do not qualify for the 1914–15 star, or who, being in England in August, 1914, were mobilised with English Territorials on 5th August, 1914, and subsequently performed military service outside Great Britain, are denied a medal for voluntary service overseas; and whether he is prepared either to make them eligible for the Territorial war medals, or to institute a special decoration for them?
I am not aware that any members of the force in question have been denied any medal for which other soldiers who rendered the same service are eligible. So far as I know, no recommendation for the grant of the Territorial Force War Medal, or of any similar decoration, has been made on behalf of the Indian volunteer force.
If such a case is brought before the hon. and gallant Gentleman, will he give it consideration?
Yes.
Royal Garrison Artillery (Officers)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War when it is intended to cancel the provisions of Army Order No. 291 of 1920, introduced as a temporary measure, and thereby allow certain officers to serve until they are qualified for a pension instead of retiring them on half-pay for five years with a gratuity; whether, considering the recent compulsory retirements of officers under the reduction scheme recommended by the Geddes Committee, there are still any Royal Garrison Artillery subalterns surplus to the establishment; if so, how many; and if he will say why it is considered necessary to dispense with the services of these war-experienced officrs at the age of 35, the great majority of whom have risen from the ranks, and still admit so many cadets each year from the Royal Military Academy?
The question of the cancellation of Army Order 291 of 1920 will be reviewed shortly. The establishment of the Royal Garrison Artillery is not yet fixed, and until it is fixed the number of surplus subalterns cannot be definitely stated. As regards the third part of the question, it was considered inadvisable to adopt the method suggested for reducing the surplus, since it would seriously prejudice the future efficiency of the Corps if the intake of cadets from the Royal Military Academy were stopped.
Cavalry Barracks (Dunbar)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether he has decided to withdraw the cavalry from Dunbar barracks; and, if so, what use he intends to make of the premises?
Yes, Sir; the five cavalry depots of which Dunbar was one are being replaced by a Central Cavalry Depot at Canterbury, and the cavalry at Dunbar are being moved to Canterbury accordingly. The question of the future of Dunbar barracks is under consideration.
Small-Arms Ammunition (Destruction)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether any small-arms ammunition has been broken up since the War; if so, to what amount; and whether he has considered the need of a constant supply of free or cheap small-arms ammunition for the maintenance of rifle shooting as an important factor in any policy of national defence?
About 992 million rounds have been thrown up for destruction since the Armistice, either because they were unserviceable or because (in the case of a small proportion of the whole) the cost of transport was regarded as prohibitive. The answer to the last part of the question is in the affirmative.
Intelligence Directorate
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War the number of general officers in the Department of the Director of Military Intelligence in 1918–19 on service outside the United Kingdom, and the grades of those offices; and the number of general officers serving outside the United Kingdom, and of what grades, on the strength of the present joint operations and intelligence directorate?
There were in 1918–19, and there are now, no general officers on the strength of the Intelligence Directorate on service outside the United Kingdom. If, however, the hon. and gallant Member is referring to military attacheships and special Missions, the figures are, in 1918–19, 19: now 4, of which one will lapse by 31st March next, and two others will cease to be held by General officers when the present holders vacate their appointments. The present holders are paid the normal rate for a military attache, which is a colonel's rate.
Vaccination
asked the Financial Secretary to the War Office whether any orders have been issued requiring officers or men to have their wives vaccinated if they are to remain in Army quarters, or whether any pressure, directly or indirectly, has been exercised to secure the vaccination of the wife of any officer or man under such or any other circumstances?
So far as I am aware the answer to both parts of the question is in the negative, but if the hon. Member will give me particulars of any case which he may have in mind, I will make further inquiries.
In view of the danger of the inhabitants of the barracks, cannot the authorities support some such measure as this?
Medical officers do all that is possible to persuade those in barracks to be vaccinated, but we see no justification for bringing pressure to bear to the extent of turning people out of barracks.
Why not?
This raises a very large question. No compulsion is applied in the Army in regard to vaccination after once men have joined and been revaccinated.
Aldershot Command (Fair Wages Clause)
asked the Financial Secretary to the War Office whether he is aware that a group of four building firms have formed an Aldershot and Farnham Master Builders' Association; that these firms do all the contract work of the Aldershot Command; that they pay their employøs 39s. per week, whilst the Alder-shot council, the largest employers of labour in the district, and other employers there pay a minimum wage of 48s. per week; and whether, seeing that these facts have already been reported to the Department, he will take the necessary steps to secure compliance with the Fair Wages Clause?
I am aware of the existence of the association but not of its membership, and I cannot identify the four firms referred to. During the past 12 months 12 different contractors have been employed in the Command. I am afraid that I cannot undertake to accept as a standard rates paid by municipal authorities. I am informed that the rates at present recognised as standard rates for the purpose of the Fair Wages Clause are, for labourers, 10½d. per hour in Aldershot town, and ll¼d. per hour elsewhere in the district. These rates are equivalent to 38s. 6d. and 41s. 3d. respectively for a 44-hour week. I am not aware of any representations that the Fair Wages Clause is not being observed by contractors at Aldershot, but if the hon. Member will furnish me with particulars of any alleged breach of this Clause, I will have full inquiry made.
Will the hon. and gallant Gentleman undertake to inquire whether as soon as a contract is let to either of these contractors at the then running rate, there is immediately a reduction in the rates of wages, which does not find a true reflection in the contract price? Is that a proper method of arriving at a figure which comes within the purview of the Fair Wages Clause?
I will inquire into that.
Ex-Service Men
Land Settlement (Scotland)
asked the Parliamentary Under-Secretary for Health, Scotland, whether he is aware that the ex-service men who received holdings in Caithness and Sutherland from the Board of Agriculture in 1919 and 1920 are now at a loss to meet their obligations for rent and interest charges, and that these, in many cases, amount to nearly double the rent which is being paid by their neighbours for holdings of a similar size and character; whether the representations which have been made to the Secretary for Scotland on this matter have been favourably considered; and what action it is proposed to take?
A number of the men in question have not met their obligations. I am informed that the rents are moderate, but that difficulty has arisen in connection with the unavoidably high charges for repayment of loans for buildings erected under War and post-War conditions. The Treasury have agreed in principle to the revision of the payments in certain classes of cases and the precise form of reference to the Land Court is under consideration.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that similar circumstances prevail in other counties in Scotland? Will these cases be taken into consideration at the same time as the Caithness and Sutherland cases?
Yes, they are being taken into consideration. There is a question later on the Paper which deals with the general cases under consideration.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that demands are now being made on these men for rent, and will he see that they are not pressed until the decision of the Treasury is announced?
The whole question is under consideration, and obviously nothing prejudicial to the interests of the men will be pressed while the subject is under the consideration of my Noble Friend the Secretary for Scotland.
Will the hon. and gallant Gentleman facilitate as much as possible the inquiry, seeing that, in common with English smallholders, these men are being ruined during the period they are waiting?
The question is actually under consideration at the present moment, and a decision will be arrived at very shortly.
Repatriation (British Dominions)
asked the Prime Minister if he is aware that there are a considerable number of ex-service men in this country now unemployed who came from the Dominions and elsewhere in the War, and who failed to take advantage of repatriation under the War Office scheme within the period allowed; and whether he will consider the question of extending the period for repatriation with a view of enabling these men to return to whatever part of the world they came from?
I have been asked to answer this question. The repatriation scheme was kept open until 31st January, 1921, and the widest possible publicity was given to it in the Press. I regret that it cannot now be reopened. To take this course would involve much expenditure and many complications, for which neither funds nor staff are now available.
Will my hon. and gallant Friend look into this matter, and is he aware that there are a large number of men who want to get back where they came from and have no means of so doing and are suffering great hardship?
A great many men in the last two years have gone back at their own expense and, if the question were now reopened, we should have to consider their applications for a refund. This class of case involves a great deal of correspondence, and I am informed it would mean the creation of a special branch at the War Office.
Civil Service
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is aware of the large number of cases of great hardship among the Lytton entrants in the Civil Service; and whether he is now prepared to recommend steps being taken to remove these hardships?
I would refer the hon. Member to the reply which my right hon. Friend gave on the 15th February to the hon. Member for Barnstaple and the hon. Member for Barnsley.
Scotland
Fishing Gear
asked the Parliamentary Under-Secretary for Health, Scotland, whether he is aware that the revival of the fishing industry on the northern coasts of Scotland is being hindered by the inability of the fishermen to replace their worn out and damaged gear, and that this capital depreciation is increasing, unemployment amongst fishermen; and whether the representations already made to the Secretary for Scotland in favour of loans through some Government institution, such as the Unemployed Grants Committee, to fishermen for the purpose of replacing their damaged gear, have been favourably considered?
My Noble Friend is informed that in some cases fishermen are unfortunately experiencing difficulty in replacing their gear, and are in consequence handicapped in the prosecution of their calling. The representations referred to in the question have been considered, but it is impracticable to give effect to them, as the scope of the Unemployed Grants Committee's functions does not include the making of loans for the purpose of replacing gear.
Will some other means be considered?
Obviously that is a separate question. I should prefer to have notice of it.
Eyemouth and Cockenzie Harbours
asked the Parliamentary Under-Secretary for Health, Scotland, whether he is aware that grants from the Unemployment Relief Fund have been refused for the purpose of improving the harbours of Eyemouth and Cockenzie; and whether, in view of the employment such work would give, its utility, and the benefit to be derived by the fishing community, he will cause the decision to be reconsidered?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. My Noble Friend is informed that the reason for the inability of the Unemployment Grants Committee to entertain the Eyemouth application was that the contemplated works would occupy a period of at least four years and the preliminary work some 18 to 21 months, whereas the funds at the disposal of the Committee are intended primarily for the relief of unemployment during the present winter. In the case of the Cockenzie application the Ministry of Labour were unable to regard the volume of unemployment in the district covered by the application submitted as sufficient to justify the issue of the necessary certificate and the Unemployment Grants Committee were accordingly unable to assist. As the necessary conditions are not satisfied the Unemployment Grants Committee are unable to modify their decisions.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that these works would give employment in this district? Why cannot they be undertaken?
The regulations laid down by the Government regarding the application of this money are not fulfilled by the conditions which have been submitted.
Can the regulations referred to be placed before the House?
The regulations governing this question of certification and so on are of course public property and hon. Members can have access to them.
Glasgow and Edinburgh Road
asked the Parliamentary Under-Secretary for Health, Scotland, if he will state the progress of the negotiations between the various local authorities interested in the construction of the proposed new road from Glasgow to Edinburgh; whether the Government propose to render financial assistance and to what extent; and if, in view of the provision of work for the unemployed arising from the same and the industrial development of the districts through which the proposed road will pass, it is intended to press on the local authorities the desirability of immediately proceeding with the scheme?
I have been asked to answer this question. Local conferences have been convened, surveys of the route are approaching completion, and a full explanatory report is being issued to all the local authorities concerned in order to ascertain what financial support they are prepared to give. When the various reports are received, I shall be in a position to consider what assistance can be given from the Road Fund, due regard being given to the other commitments of the Fund.
Can the Department give any indication as to when the report which the local authorities have been asked to supply will be furnished to us?
I am afraid I cannot press the local authorities further. The actual date at which the information can be supplied must rest with the local authorities themselves.
Is the hon. and gallant Gentleman aware that the Prime Minister, when he received a deputation of the unemployed at Glasgow recently, promised to expedite matters, and therefore an obligation rests on the Government to do something immediately?
I am fully aware of the Prime Minister's statement, but we are doing all we can. We cannot move the local authorities to quicker action.
Is it not the fact that the Government will not give assistance to the local authorities, and that employment is consequently being kept back?
I think the hon. Gentleman is misinformed—
I am not.
The Government are actually assisting the unemployed.
Fisheries (Gun Practice)
asked the Parliamentary Under-Secretary for Health, Scotland, whether his attention has been directed to complaints made by fishermen as to the injurious effect of gun-firing upon the fisheries in the Firth of Forth and in other waters along the Scottish coasts; and whether he is prepared to make representations to the Admiralty as to gun practice being carried out wherever practicable at such times and places as may be least injurious to the fishing industry?
The matter referred to by the hon. and learned Member has been engaging the careful attention of the Fishery Board. The Board are in close touch with the Naval authorities in regard to gun practices, and those authorities have made every endeavour to co-operate with the Board in meeting local objections so far as the exigencies of the Naval service permit.
Special instructions have been issued by the Naval authorities with regard to the Firth of Forth, and during the winter herring fishing there the practices are reduced to the minimum, no full calibre practices being permitted within the Firth.
Illegal Trawling
asked the Parliamentary Under-Secretary for Health, Scotland, whether his attention has been directed to complaints received from fishermen as to the practice of illegal trawling in the Firth of Forth and other waters along the coasts of Scotland, and to the inadequate sentences which have been imposed upon offenders; and whether he is prepared to introduce legislation providing for the imposition of severer penalties, especially in the case of a second and third offence?
My Noble Friend's attention has been called to complaints of the kind referred to in the question. He is not satisfied that the existing statutory powers as to penalties are inadequate, and on the information before him it does not appear that they are fully exercised.
Will the hon. Gentleman take an opportunity of pressing home on those concerned in passing these sentences the inadequacy of the sentence in many cases?
Obviously it would be very inappropriate for me to promise that the Scottish Office will interfere with the Courts of Justice in Scotland. That, I think, would be a very unjustifiable undertaking.
Is it not the fact that the Scottish Office has made representations with regard to sentences passed by the Courts in Scotland?
The Secretary for Scotland has only power to reduce sentences. He has no power to increase any sentence whatever.
Criminal Sentence
asked the Parliamentary Under-Secretary for Health, Scotland, if the sentence of five years' penal servitude passed on the youth Arnott, and which has been altered to Borstal detention, will mean five years in that institution; and will the question of the placing of the lad on probation owing to his previous good character be considered?
Arnott has been transferred to Polmont Borstal Institution. Instead of serving five years' penal servitude, he will be detained in a Borstal Institution for a period not exceeding three years—exactly as if the original sentence had been one of three years' detention in a Borstal Institution. My Noble Friend has no power to substitute a period of probation for a sentence imposed by a Court.
Crofts
asked the Parliamentary Under-Secretary for Health, Scotland, whether the Secretary for Scotland is aware of the growing unrest among crofters in the crofting counties owing to the risk of having their crofts sold over their heads and thus losing their homes; and whether he can state what steps, if any, the Government intend to take to remedy the present condition of affairs?
My Noble Friend has received representations on this difficult subject, and he is considering carefully whether any steps for dealing with it are practicable in the present Session.
Is it intended to include crofters in any assistance given to agriculture?
I must have notice of that question.
Will the Government consider introducing legislation to get round this difficulty?
That is the point that the Secretary for Scotland is considering. He is considering whether any steps for dealing with it are practicable in the present Session.
Is the hon. and gallant Gentleman aware that the Government have been considering this question for a year? When shall we have a decision on the subject?
It was not a Government of which I or the Secretary for Scotland formed part.
Questions
Unemployment (Local Loans, Scotland)
asked the Parliamentary Under-Secretary for Health, Scotland, if he will state the total sum which local authorities in Scotland have borrowed and will borrow for the relief of unemployment during the last and present financial year?
The estimated amounts of the loans raised, or to be raised, by Local Authorities in Scotland for the purpose of carrying out relief works approved by the Unemployment Grants Committee are:
Housing
Slum Clearance, Scotland
asked the Parliamentary Under-Secretary for Health, Scotland, if any complaints have been received from local authorities in Scotland regarding the grant of £30,000 being inadequate to meet the problem of slum clearance in Scotland; and what action it is proposed to take to increase the amount?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. As regards the second part, I would point out that the amount referred to is an annual grant in aid of loan charges, and will be available each year during the period of repayment of the loan, which will usually be sixty years in the case of new houses, and probably thirty years in the case of reconstructed houses. It accordingly represents a considerable capital expenditure. The applications of the various local authorities for a share in the grant are at present under consideration, and it is not proposed to take action with a view to the amount of the grant being increased.
Has not the hon. and gallant Gentleman seen the statement of the Minister of Health during his bye-election that the Government intend to take more active steps to deal with slum areas?
Yes, but this is a question of a specific grant, announced some time ago, to the local authorities in Scotland, regarding the allocation of which we had a conference with them.
Is the hon. and gallant Gentleman aware that this annual grant of £30,000 is not sufficient to tackle the problem of Glasgow slums, not to speak of Scottish slum areas in general; and will he take into account the representations made by responsible local authorities with a view to increasing that amount?
Will he also consider getting some method whereby the present owners of insanitary property in the city may be prevented from having the power to take twice the price of new property before the nuisance can be got rid of?
That does not arise now.
Decontrol
asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware of the apprehensions and dissatisfaction of many tenants who are now protected under the Rent Restriction Act at the suggestion contained in the Majority Report of the Departmental Committee of withdrawing such protection; and whether he can make any statement on the matter?
I am aware that the proposals of the majority of the Departmental Committee on the Rent Restriction Act for the decontrol of houses by stages have aroused considerable controversy. The Reports of the Committee are still under the consideration of the Government. I may say, however, that it is not proposed to decontrol houses protected under the 1920 Act in June, 1923.
Inasmuch as the right hon. Gentleman has only indicated the intentions of the Government concerning those tenants who will be evicted in June next, can he make any statement as to whether it is the present intention of the Government to introduce decontrol by stages in any form?
I am not prepared to make a statement at present.
Is the right hon. Gentleman's policy the same as that of the Minister of Health as announced at the by-election?
Yes, as I understand it.
Questions
China (Boxer Indemnity)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether His Majesty's Government has sanctioned the remission of the British share of the Boxer indemnity; and, if so, can he state the conditions, if any, which accompanied such remission?
His Majesty's Government has decided, in principle, to devote the proceeds of the British share of the Boxer indemnity to purposes mutually beneficial to China and Great Britain. The question as to what steps should be taken to give effect to this decision is under consideration.
Iraq
Railways
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether any, and, if so, what decision has been come to regarding the future disposition of the railways in Iraq; and whether the British taxpayer is to be relieved of the burden of maintaining them?
No decision has yet been reached as to the disposal of the Iraq railways, but the matter is receiving the consideration of His Majesty's Government. It is their intention to relieve the British taxpayer of the burden of maintaining these railways at the earliest possible moment, and it is anticipated that, should any further charge in this respect be incurred after the close of the current financial year, it will be on military grounds alone and not on account of the ordinary working of the railways.
Does that mean that we are going to cut our loss right away?
The personnel on these railways has been drastically cut down, and they are now paying their ordinary working expenses.
British and Native Forces
40.
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies (1) what was the strength of the British forces, divided into British and Indian, and the Royal Air Force, respectively, in Iraq on 1st January, 1923; and what is the respective cost a month, including that of followers, of forces of those strengths;
(2) what was the strength of the Iraq army and the Arab levies in Iraq on 1st January, 1923; and how many British officers were serving with these forces, respectively, on that date?
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies what are the numbers of men and officers, respectively, comprising the Iraq army, as apart from the local levies; whether any and, if so, how many British officers or men are employed with this Army; and what Reports, if any, he has received from the representatives of the British Government in Iraq as to the morale and efficiency of the army and local levies, respectively?
I have been asked to reply. It would not be in the public interest to give this information at present.
Treaty (Ratification)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether the Treaty signed on 10th October, 1922, with the Government of Iraq will be submitted to Parliament before ratification; and, if so, when?
The hon. and gallant Baronet may rest assured that the Treaty will not be ratified without prior reference to Parliament. I am not in a position to say anything more.
Will the Government refrain from committing acts of war in defence of this Treaty until it has been ratified?
Questions
British South Africa Company
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether the British South Africa Company has made proposals for withdrawing from its obligation to accept as binding the recommendations of Lord Cave's Commission; and if he will lay upon the Table of the House any proposals made by the company for this purpose?
The hon. and gallant Member's question refers to issues involved in the company's Petition of Right, and, in the circumstances, I am not in a position to make any statement, or to lay Papers.
The question asked is whether they have made any proposals to the Colonial Office for a settlement, in lieu of having their claim estimated as laid down by Lord Cave's Commission?
No, Sir, they have not made such a proposal.
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether, seeing that Lord Cave's Com- mission fixed the administrative deficits of the British South Africa Company at £4,400,000, subject to two deductions to be made by valuation, that one of these deductions was for land alienated by the company to itself for commercial purposes, that the land so alienated exceeds 15,000,000 acres of the best lands of Rhodesia, that the Chartered Company values such alienations at £330,000, and that the company's published records establish an average value of 7s. 6d. per acre for Rhodesian land, he will, in view of the fact that upon this basis the total value of land alienated by the company to itself exceeds £5,000,000, appoint without further delay a Valuation Commission as recommended by the Lord Chancellor?
I would refer the hon. Member to the reply given by the Prime Minister to the hon. Member for Derby on the 15th instant. I would point out, however, that the area of land appropriated by the company for commercial purposes is not fifteen million acres, but approximately three-and-a-half million acres, and that though His Majesty's Government have not accepted the valuation placed upon these lands by the company, it is not probable that the result of an independent valuation would exceed the company's figure by a sum which would be large in proportion to the total amount of the award of Lord Cave's Commission.
Ireland
Free State (Financial Relations)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies how much money is now due from the Irish Free State to the British Government; whether the Free State have yet paid the British Government for the guns, arms, ammunition, aeroplanes, motor vehicles, and other munitions of war handed over by the British Government to the Irish Free State; what is the approximate value of the articles so handed over; whether the British Government have supplied the Irish Free State and Provisional Government with any money since the Truce and to what amount; and whether any of such moneys have been repaid?
The amount now due from the Free State under the various agreements concluded from time to time cannot yet be precisely stated. Payments on account, amounting to approximately £1,100,000, have been made during the current financial year and, apart from the adjustment of attributable revenue which will fall to be made at the end of the year, the estimated balance is inconsiderable. The settlement in respect of munitions of war transferred to the Free State Government will form part of the ultimate financial settlement. It is not possible, and I do not think that it would be desirable, at the present moment to state the estimated amount under this head. The answer to the third part of the question is in the negative, and the last part does not, therefore, arise.
Would my hon. Friend consult with the Chancellor of the Exchequer as to publishing some sort of balance sheet which would show the amount due from us to the Provisional Government and due from them to us respectively, with a view to informing the public how far the Provisional Government are indebted to this country?
I will mention that suggestion to my right hon. Friend.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether any moneys are paid by the Imperial Parliament to the Government of the Irish Free State; and, if so, whether he will circulate a White Paper setting out the financial relations of the two countries since the Free State Government was established?
No payments have been made out of moneys provided by the Imperial Parliament to the Government of the Irish Free State, but certain expenditure has been incurred by the British Government on account of Irish services, the cost of which is being recovered from the Free State Government.
Surrendered Arms
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether the Government have yet made arrangements with the Free State Government for the return to the loyalist residents in Southern Ireland of the arms and ammunition which were compulsorily surrendered by these men by the British Government in 1918 and the following years; in whose custody these arms and ammunition now are; whether the arms have been carefully looked after and preserved; and whether, if the British Government is unable to give back these articles to their rightful owners, they will pay them their value?
In reply to the first part of the question, it is a matter within the discretion of the Free State Government whether they shall permit persons resident within their jurisdiction to possess arms, but arrangements are now being made for the return of surrendered arms to all persons, wherever resident, who produce due authority for the possession of arms, and, as I stated yesterday in reply to a question addressed to me by the hon. Member for South Kensington (Sir W. Davison), I hope to be able to make a statement on this subject at an early date. In reply to the second and third parts of the question, some of the arms are in military custody in this country and some are in the custody of the Free State Government. They have been looked after and preserved as carefully as circumstances have permitted. In reply to the fourth part, compensation will be paid in cases in which it is found impossible to return a surrendered weapon to an owner who produces due authority to possess it, and information on this subject will be included in the statement referred to above.
In those cases where arms have been forcibly taken from loyalists and have been lost, will not compensation be paid whether they are given authority to get them back or not?
If my hon. and learned Friend will read the last part of the answer, I think he will see that it is pretty clear.
Will the hon. Gentleman see that arms in the custody of the British authorities are returned to their owners as soon as possible, as they have not been for many months, if not years?
As I said yesterday, I am communicating with the War Office on that subject.
Will compensation be paid by the Free State when they have lost the arms, or by this country?
As the case may be. If the arms were taken by the British authorities and lost by the British Authorities, I presume they will pay; if the arms were taken by the Free State and lost by them, they will pay.
Government EmployéS
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is aware that men who were employed in the War Department barracks and buildings in Ireland are practically the only class of Government employøs whose position has not yet been dealt with arising out of the establishment of the Irish Free State; and whether, in view of the fact that these men are now out of employment after serving the country during very perilous times, some compensation for length of service and loss of employment will be awarded them?
Such unestablished War Department employés in Southern Ireland as have qualified for gratuities and have been discharged on reduction have been submitted to the Treasury for the usual awards as prescribed by Statute.
Compensation Awards
75 and 89.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer (1) if he will state what sums of money have been advanced to date by the British Government to the Government of the Irish Free State for payment of decrees or awards for compensation for pre-truce damage or injury;
(2) whether any arrangement has been come to, and, if so, what, in connection with the payment by the British Government to the Free State Government of money due on account of pre-truce damage in Ireland by agents of the British Government?
I have been asked to reply. As I think the House is aware, it was agreed in the early part of last year between the two Governments that all awards made by the Compensation (Ireland) Commission should in the first place be paid by the Free State Government, and that the British Government should refund to the Free State Government so much of the total amount so paid as was in the opinion of the Commission attributable to damage done by the Forces of the Crown or their supporters. It has now further been agreed that the Commission shall report at the end of each quarter in respect of the awards made by them during that quarter in what shares the aggregate amount of these awards is apportionable between the two Governments, and on the basis of that report the British Government will refund quarterly to the Free State Government their due share of the payments made by the Free State Government during the preceding quarter. The first report by the Commission will be made as soon as possible after 31st March next in respect of all awards issued up to that date. No payment, therefore, has as yet been made by the British Government nor will any payment fall due to be made during the current financial year.
Excisable Goods
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether excisable goods from the Irish Free State are admitted into Great Britain; and whether the tax is collected here or in the Free State?
Excisable goods from the Irish Free State are admitted into Great Britain, the duties being in some cases paid in the Free State and in others in Great Britain.
Peace Treaties
France and Ruhr District
asked the Prime Minister what was the earliest date that France intimated her intention to occupy the Ruhr Valley, even if the unanimity mentioned in the Treaty was not secured; and what was the date she put this intention in force?
At the Conference in London in August last the French Delegation submitted a scheme which included the control of the Ruhr. Although His Majesty's Government were unable accept this proposal, the French Government continued to insist that it was essential both at that Conference and at the Conferences in London in December last and in Paris last month. The first official intimation that the French Government were about to take action against Germany in the Ruhr was conveyed to His Majesty's Government by the French Ambassador on the evening of 9th January: this notification was confirmed in writing to His Majesty's Ambassador at Paris the following day. The actual French advance into the Ruhr began on 11th January.
If instead of a policy of friendly neutrality the right hon. Gentleman had strongly opposed the action of the French, would they have pursued the policy they have done?
asked the Prime Minister, seeing that the action of France in occupying the Ruhr without the co-operation of all the Allies is hardly in accordance with their legitimate, powers under the Versailles Treaty, and in view of the expressed opinions of Senator Borah, whether His Majesty's Government will discover the views on this subject of the United States Government with a view to the adoption of a common policy?
Seeing that the United States are not parties to the Treaty of Versailles, it would not be proper for His Majesty's Government to initiate a discussion with them as to whether French action in the Ruhr is or is not in accordance with that Treaty.
Seeing that they were partly responsible for the Treaty of Versailles, is it not all the more important that we should get into touch with them with a view to a modification of the Treaty?
German Reparation
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether the German Government has carried out the terms imposed on it by the Reparation Commission on 21st March, 1922, and, in particular, whether he will state how much of the £36,000,000 in cash, which was to be paid during the year 1922, has been paid by Germany, and how much of the £72,500,000 deliveries in kind to be made during 1922 have been made; and what effective steps have been taken by the German Government to carry out the guarantees they then gave as to levying additional taxation, preventing the flight of capital abroad, and other matters?
As the answer is a long one, I will, with my hon. and learned Friend's permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
Following is the answer:
The obligation of the German Government to effect cash payments in 1922 to a total of £36,000,000 was modified by the decision taken by the Reparation Commission in August last, under which the last five monthly cash instalments were payable in the form of six-monthly Treasury Bills. This obligation, has, I understand, been punctually fulfilled up to the present date.
The obligation with respect to deliveries in kind was not to make deliveries of the definite value of £72,500,000, but to make deliveries within that limit of value (£47,500,000 being the limit for deliveries to France and £25,000,000 being the limit for the other Allies), in so far as France or the other Allied Powers or their respective nationals might call for such deliveries.
Precise figures of the value of deliveries in kind called for by the different Powers are not available, but in the case of France the total demanded is estimated by the British Delegate to the Separation Commission not to have exceeded £13,750,000. The deliveries actually effected amounted:
In the case of France, to £10,453,204.
In the case of other Powers, to £24,455,519.
With regard to the prevention of the flight of capital, I am informed that the German Government substantially fulfilled its obligations as defined by the Agreement of 18th July with the Committee of Guarantees. Very considerable increases in taxation have also been imposed.
Questions
Empire Settlement
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he can state the number of emigrants who have been placed in the Dominions and Colonies under the Empire Settlement Act?
The total number of persons who have been approved for the grant of assisted passages under the provisions of the Empire Settlement Act is as follows:
In view of the ever-increasing number of British emigrants, will my hon. Friend make every effort to speed up the machinery and so enable the many thousands who also want to go out?
We are doing that as far as we can. Our machinery at this end is complete. A delegation is going to Australia at the end of next month.
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether, as the emigration of whole families has often proved more satisfactory than individuals as settlers in the Dominions or Colonies, he will give instructions that preference wherever possible be given to families who desire to take advantage of the Empire Settlement Act, particularly in view of the housing shortage prevailing in this country?
There is general agreement that the ideal form of migration is the migration of whole families. His Majesty's Government are considering, in conjunction with the Dominion Governments, how this form of migration may best be facilitated, and every effort will be made to assist such form of migration. I should, however, be misleading my hon. Friend if I did not make it clear that the migration of families presents great difficulties, owing to the high cost of maintaining them during the necessary training for land work overseas.
Will my hon. Friend communicate through the Canadian Government with the Imperial Reunion Bureau of Canada with a view to ascertaining whether they are continuing their good pre-War work?
I will take that into consideration.
Is the Rhondda Valley in particular being taken into consideration because of the housing shortage?
Does the hon. Gentleman consider that emigration is now to be considered as a means of solving the housing problem, as indicated in this question?
No, certainly not.
asked the Prime Minister whether His Majesty's Government will consider means for speeding up the machinery for the emigration of individuals or families who are desirous of settling in the Dominions or Colonies?
The extent to which migration from this country can be encouraged and accelerated is necessarily dependent upon the openings available overseas, and the arrangements made for receiving new settlers, training them and placing them upon the land. Negotiations are in progress with oversea Governments, with a view to extended cooperation in agreed schemes which will increase and facilitate such settlement overseas.
Will my hon. Friend consider the advisability of calling a meeting of all the High Commissioners and discussing the matter with a view to simplifying the machinery now in existence?
We are in close touch with all the High Commissioners and Agents-General on the matter. Really this is a matter which depends very largely on the policy of the Dominion Governments and State Governments at the other end.
Will the hon. Gentleman inquire at the Scottish Office for a list of those who are willing to work on the land on this side of the seas, and is he aware that there has been land scheduled for over 50 years as suitable for agriculture in Scotland?
That does not affect the Secretary of State for the Colonies.
Is it not the case that very few of those who go out to the British Dominions ever wish to return?
asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware that the complicated machinery at present existing retards the furthering of schemes under the Empire Settlement Act, particularly in cases where the Overseas Settlement Committee, the Overseas Trade Department, the President of the Board of Trade, and the Treasury have each individually to be consulted; and whether he will consider the advisability of appointing a Minister, with or without remuneration, but having Cabinet authority, to deal with such matters?
I am not aware that the existing machinery in connection with the Overseas Settlement is unduly complicated. The Overseas Settlement Committee, of which the Undersecretary of State for the Colonies is Chairman, and the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Labour is Deputy-Chairman, has on it a representative of the President of the Board of Trade, and also a representative of the Treasury. All activities of the Committee are now co-ordinated at the Overseas Settlement Office, 4, Clements Inn, Strand
Will the right hon. Gentleman consider whether he could make one Department exclusively responsible for all these questions?
I do not think that would be satisfactory.
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether it is his intention to recommend the adoption of the Report or the Overseas Settlement Committee (White Paper Cmd. 1804) that juvenile emigration, which is the most suitable for most of the Dominions, should be assisted by schemes based on grants, and not loans, from this Government?
His Majesty's Government are in agreement with the view that assistance towards the cost of the passages of juvenile migrants should be given as far as possible in the form of grants rather than loans, and they are making representations in this sense to the Dominion Governments.
asked the Undersecretary of State for the Colonies the procedure which persons desiring to emigrate under the Empire Settlement Act should adopt with a view to taking advantage of the provisions of that Act?
Persons who desire to take advantage of the provisions of the Empire Settlement Act, 1922, should make application in the first instance at the nearest local Employment Exchange.
Kenya
Indians (Franchise)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether any understanding was arrived at between the Secretary of State for the Colonies and the Indian community in Kenya that a. common franchise would be extended to the Indian community before another general election took place in the Colony; if so, on what grounds it has been decided to extend the duration of the present Legislative Council; and if this House will be given an opportunity of discussing a matter of such vital importance to the whole Empire?
There was no express understanding, but it had been hoped that the new Constitution would be settled in time for it to take effect with the General Election now due. At the time when the notices for the new Election were issued locally, correspondence had been resumed by the Secretary of State with the Governor in the hope that an early settlement of the Constitution might be effected, and the Secretary of State considered it undesirable to hold an election at this stage. The intention is to dissolve the Council as soon as a settlement has been reached and to hold a general election on the new basis, whatever that basis may be. I see no reason for a discussion in the House on a matter which is merely incidental to the consideration of the various questions outstanding in Kenya.
Does the hon. Gentleman consider that this House should not have a right of discussing a matter of such vital importance as giving or withholding the franchise to a number of British subjects?
That is not the question on the Paper, which merely deals with the postponement of the election. The whole question of the revision of the franchise is now under the consideration of the Cabinet.
Medical Department
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether Nursing-Sister H. M. Whitburn's engagement with the medical department at Kenya was terminated on the 6th November, 1922; and, if so, when it is proposed to finally settle her pension or compensation allowance?
Miss Whitburn's leave expired on the 6th of October, but in consideration of her retrenchment it was extended for one month. The Governor was requested in a despatch of the 29th of September to furnish the particulars required for the computation of her compensation allowance. These particulars should be received at a very early date, but, pending the computation of the compensation allowance, I understand that Miss Whitburn does not desire that any alimentary allowance should be issued to her.
How does the hon. Gentleman expect this lady to live while she is receiving no salary or payment?
I understand that it is her special request that she shall not receive any allowance.
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies the nature of the retrenchment in the medical department of Kenya; what number of nurses have been discharged; and what is the period of services of those so discharged?
The retrenchments in the medical department of Kenya, involving the abolition of one post of senior medical officer, eight of medical officers, one of dental surgeon, and a number of other appointments, have been framed so as to affect as little as possible the principal centres of populations, and they concern mainly the minor stations and those out-stations where other facilities exist or may be made available for medical attention. They have been closely examined by the late and the present Governor, and, although the reductions have been effected with great reluctance, the principal medical officer is satisfied that efficiency can be maintained. Four nurses are affected, their appointments dating in two oases from 1920 and in the others from 1912 and 1919.
Questions
Air Services (Control)
asked the Prime Minister whether it is proposed to confer on the Admiralty, in return for a subsidy, any control over civilian airships; and whether it is the policy of the Government that unity of control of air services under the Air Ministry should be maintained?
In reply to the first part of the question, the matter is still under consideration. As regards the second part of the question, I would refer the hon. and gallant Member to the answer which I gave yesterday in reply to a question by my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Maidstone.
Has the Admiralty been in negotiation in reference to a subsidy for airships, and, if so, by what authority?
Estimates Committee
asked the Prime Minister if it is his intention to re-appoint the Select Committee on Estimates this Session; and, if so, will be so arrange that the Committee shall have an opportunity of examining the Estimates before they are finally passed by the House?
I would refer the hon. Member to the answer given on the subject to the hon. and gallant Member for the Hulme Division of Manchester on Thursday last. As regards the second part of the question the hon. Member will be aware that the practice is to lay the main Estimates well in advance of the Votes being taken upon them.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer when he proposes to move the Resolution setting up the Estimates Committee; whether he has taken into consideration the disabilities attaching to large Committees; and whether the Government will consider the American system of separate small Committees dealing with the different Estimates?
I would refer my hon. and gallant Friend to the answer given by my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer on the 15th February to the hon. and gallant Member for Hulme.
Crown Colonies (Development)
asked the Prime Minister whether the Cabinet have yet considered the suggestion to give Grants-in-Aid to the Crown Colonies for the development of their natural resources and the encouragement of British trade with such Colonies?
asked the Prime Minister if it is the intention of His Majesty's Government to speed up the development of the Crown Colonies where the natural resources justify development; and whether he will consider the advisability of providing Grants-in-Aid for this purpose, in view of the benefit which would result to British trade and the encouragement of overseas settlement?
Certain suggestions for assisting the Colonies and Protectorates to develop their natural resources more quickly are being considered, but no decision has yet been taken.
Economy (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill
asked the Prime Minister whether it is the intention of the Government to re-introduce the Economy (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill during the present Session?
It is proposed to introduce legislation on the lines of the Economy (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill. It is intended, however, that the legislation should be in the form of separate Bills, of which one will be a Bill covering those parts of the old Bill which provided for the increase of certain existing fees and for the imposition of certain new fees, and a second, an Educational (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill.
Government Departments
Treasury Staff
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he is aware that the staff of the Treasury has been increased during the last seven years by about 50 per cent.; and will he consider the reduction of the Treasury staff?
I may refer my hon. and gallant Friend to the Report, dated 21st February, 1922, of the Committee on National Expenditure (Command 1589), chapter IV, page 59, which deals with the subject raised in his question and, as he will see, negatives any suggestion that the Treasury is overstaffed for its work. The establishment is under constant review and no opportunity for reducing numbers is overlooked.
Treasury Investigating Officer
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer when the post of investigating officer of the Treasury was filled, which post carries with it responsibility for the direction and organisation of the typing grades of the Civil Service; how many women were considered for the appointment; and why a man was considered more suitable?
The officer to whom I think the hon. Member refers was appointed in 1920 to advise on matters relating to office machinery generally; he was selected on the ground of his special qualifications for the many and varied duties of the post, and is engaged for a small part of his time only on questions relating to the organisation of routine typing and copying work. I may perhaps add that the Controller of Establishments is responsible for dealing with staff questions generally, and that the Establishments Department of the Treasury includes a Director of Women Establishments, a lady who was specially appointed in 1920 to advise on all matters relating to the employment of women.
Austrian Loan (Gobelin Tapestries)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if the Gobelin tapestries are still held as security against the amount loaned to Austria?
The advance of £2,250,000 made by His Majesty's Government to the Austrian Government in February last is secured on the Gobelin tapestries.
Is it not a fact that the Hungarians are now claiming half of them?
Questions
Tax Revenue
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer the amounts on 31st January of the arrears of Excess Profits Duty, Income Tax, and Super-tax for the years to 31st March, 1922?
The approximate amount of Excess Profits Duty (including Munitions Levy) in assessment but unpaid at the 31st January, 1923, was £228,000,000. Large sums included in this amount are subject to adjustment on appeal or otherwise, and it is anticipated that the duty to be ultimately received by the Exchequer will fall far short of the amount stated. The approximate amount of Super-tax assessed for years up to 1921–22, inclusive, estimated to be receivable by the Exchequer but not paid by the 31st January last, was £8,250,000.
As regards Income Tax, my right hon. Friend regrets that he is unable, without a disproportionate expenditure of time and labour, to give similar information for any date during the main collection of the current year's tax between the 1st December and 31st March following, but he would assure my hon. Friend that the collection of outstanding arrears proceeds during this period in the normal manner.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer the amount of unpaid arrears of the following taxes on 31st December, 1922, and 31st December, 1921, respectively: Income Tax, Super-tax, Corporation Profits Tax, and Excess Profits Duty; and what were the total estimated refunds of Excess Profits Duty still due on 31st December, 1922?
As the answer is a long one, I will, with my hon. Friend's permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
The following is the answer:
The approximate amounts of Excess Profits Duty (including Munitions Levy) and of Corporation Profits Tax in assessment but unpaid at the dates mentioned were as follows:
Great Britain and Northern Ireland. 31 December, 1921. 31 December, 1922. £ £ Excess Profits Duty 301,000,000 233,000,000 Corporation Profits Tax 14,500,000 13,350,000
The approximate amounts of Super-tax estimated to be receivable by the Exchequer but not paid by 31st December, 1921, and 31st December, 1922, were £5,250,000 and £9,500,000 respectively.
As regards Income Tax, I regret that I am unable, without a disproportionate expenditure of time and labour, to give similar information for any date during the main collection of the current year's tax between the 1st December and 31st March following, but I can assure my hon. Friend that the collection of outstanding arrears proceeds during this period in the normal manner.
With reference to the last part of the question, the amount of Excess Profits Duty repaid during January was about £2,500,000, but I regret that I am unable to forecast the total amount that will be repaid in the future.
Entertainments Duty
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he will consider the remission of the Entertainments Duty on agriculture shows, in view of the fact that these shows are of an educational character rather than entertainments and have undoubtedly a beneficial influence on agriculture.
Section 7 of the Finance Act, 1921, authorises the Com- missioners of Customs and Excise to grant exemption from Entertainments Duty in respect of agricultural shows which are shown to their satisfaction to be provided by a society established solely for the purpose of promoting the interests of agriculture and not conducted for profit, and to consist solely of an exhibition of the products of agriculture.
Will the Government consider the question of removing the Entertainments Duty altogether?
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that in cases where there are side shows provided, the Government are losing as much on the swings as they gain on the roundabouts?
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is aware that each year a great voluntary effort for charity is held in Bootle called the May Day Demonstration; that the Entertainments Duty levied on this since 1919 has amounted to the sum of £1,107 12s. 9d.; that this sum would otherwise have assisted local charities, principally the Bootle Borough Hospital, which is in dire need; that it is impossible, owing to the scarcity of land in Bootle, to keep the expenses below 30 per cent. of the takings, as laid down in Section 13 of the Finance Act, 1922; and is he prepared to grant relief from Entertainments Duty to this great voluntary effort of the people?
My right hon. Friend is aware that Entertainments Duty of the amount stated has been paid in respect of the Bootle May Day Demonstration since 1919. As the statutory conditions for relief are not satisfied, inasmuch as the expenses exceed 30 per cent. of the receipts, he has no power to authorise the remission of duty sought.
Will the hon. Member consult with the distinguished Gentleman who sits on the Treasury Bench, with a view to exempting this charity from this duty?
I understand that it would require fresh legislation.
Income Tax (Assessment)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, accepting the view of the Commissioners appointed to inquire into Income Tax, including Super-tax, that separate assessments are required for Super-tax, he regards it as necessary or desirable that there should be a separate and/or additional Government Department for the purposes of such assessment?
I would refer the hon. Member to the reply given to him on this subject on the 7th December last. In my right hon. Friend's opinion, it would, at the present time, be both uneconomical and undesirable to discontinue the present system of centralised administration of the Super-tax. It should, perhaps, be explained that the system does not involve the maintenance of an additional Department. The work is carried out by the Special Commissioners of Income Tax. The additional staff employed under them for the purpose is not greater than the additional staff which would be required under a decentralised system.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if in cases of appeal against Income Tax assessment it is incumbent upon the appellant who considers himself not capable of presenting his case personally to employ a solicitor; and if his failure to do so, for financial or other reasons, prevents him being represented by a person not belonging to the legal fraternity?
A person aggrieved by an Income Tax assessment has the right of personal appeal, and the appellate Commissioners may by law permit a barrister, solicitor, or accountant, to appear on his behalf. Moreover, in practice, the Commissioners do not normally refuse to hear any accredited agent of the appellant.
Is a person who is not financially able to employ a solicitor at liberty to take a layman with him to put his case?
I think that is dealt with in the answer I have given.
Decimal Coinage
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he has ever considered the expediency of introducing into this country a system of decimal coinage, retaining the sovereign as the basis of the currency; and whether, seeing that such a system would be a great advantage and encouragement to our foreign trade and would make the English market once more the monetary centre of the world, he would be prepared to consider the introduction of such a monetary system?
This question was considered as recently as 1919 by a Royal Commission. In view of the conclusions reached by the Commissioners, my right hon. Friend does not propose to re-open it.
Slough Trading Company
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, in view of the statement of accounts of the Slough Trading Company, as published in the Press, the Government have any further liability with regard to this firm?
The company has not yet completed the payments under their agreements for the purchase from the Government of the Slough Depot and surplus mechanical transport. Negotiations are in progress with the company regarding these payments.
Can the hon. Gentleman state the amount of money still outstanding?
I am afraid that will be a subject for another question, as I have no information on the point.
County Court Officials
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he is aware that county court officials are excluded from the status of civil servants, and that, though they may for the greater part of their lives be acting as servants of the Crown, they are denied the privilege of pensions similar to that of the Civil Service; and will he favourably consider the question of extending the principle of Civil Service to the said Crown officials and take into consideration the life-long services of those who, on account of age, would not be eligible for Civil Service pension conditions?
The general question of the establishment as civil servants of county court clerks and bailiffs employed whole-time, has for some time been under the consideration of the Treasury, and the Lord Chancellor's Department, and it is hoped that the question, which presents special difficulties in the case of those of advanced age, may shortly be settled.
Will the hon. Gentleman take into consideration the Swift Report when dealing with the question?
Will legislation be required for dealing with this matter and, if so, will it be introduced here or in another place?
I must ask my hon. Friend to put down that Question. I have no information on the point.
Beer Duty
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what was the revenue from the beer duty during the 10 months ended 31st January, 1923; and what was the corresponding revenue for the same period of the previous year, excluding the amount then paid in respect of Southern Ireland?
The net receipts from Excise Duty on beer in the 10 months ended 31st January, 1922, and 1923, respectively, excluding the net amount collected in Southern Ireland, were as follow:
Government War Stores (Surplus)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer the estimated value of war surpluses including lands, buildings, and factories, in the hands of the Disposal Board and still unsold?
The estimated value of war surpluses, including lands, buildings and factories, in the hands of the Disposal Board, and still unsold, is approximately £12,000,000.
Will my hon. Friend recommend that the balance available for sale should be put up for public auction?
Ceylon (Constitutional Reforms)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he can make any statement as to the present position of the constitutional reforms intended for the Colony of Ceylon?
The Secretary of State has recently addressed a despatch on the subject to the Governor of Ceylon, who will in due course lay it before the Legislative Council. The correspondence will subsequently be presented to Parliament.
League of Nations
asked the Undersecretary of State for the Colonies who has succeeded him as British member of the Permanent Mandates Commission of the League of Nations?
The Council of the League of Nations has decided to appoint as my successor on the Permanent Mandates Commission the Right Hon. Sir Frederick Lugard, C.C.M.G., C.B., D.S.O., who has accepted the appointment.
Notices of Motion
Mothers' Pensions
On this day fortnight, to call attention to Mothers' Pensions, and to move a Resolution.—[ Mr. Rhys Davies. ]
Agriculture
On this day fortnight, to call attention to the serious plight of Agriculture, and to move a Resolution.—[ Captain R. Terrell ]
DAVID ADAMS, Esquire, for the Borough of Newcastle-upon-Tyne (West Division). Member took the Oath and subscribed the Roll.
Orders of the Day
King's Speech
Debate on the Address
[SIXTH DAY.]
Order read for resuming Adjourned Debate on Question [
"That an humble Address be presented to His Majesty, as followeth:—
MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN,
We, Your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, in Parliament assembled, beg leave to offer our humble thanks to Your Majesty for the Gracious Speech which Your Majesty has addressed to both Houses of Parliament."—[ Mr. Samuel Roberts. ]
Question again proposed.
Mesopotamia
In moving, at the end of the Question, to add the words of these warlike operations; they were mingled with other expenditure. But on 9th March, 1922, Mr. Churchill did give us some information as to the cost of Mesopotamia since the Armistice. In 1919–20 it cost £75,000,000; in 1920–21, £40,000,000; and in 1921–22 the War Office alone expended £32,500,000. That is a total of £147,500,000 in three years since the Armistice. It will probably be right to say that the expenditure was not less than £150,000,000.
4.0 P.M.
Now we have a Supplementary Estimate presented to us. It gives us some idea of the cost this year. I find that the new Estimate contains proposals that there shall be expended £11,176,000 on Mesopotamia. I do not know whether some Palestine expenditure is included in that total. If it is, we will talk later about the folly of establishing a national home for the Jews in Palestine, and today I will deal only with Mesopotamia. What was the first action after the Armistice? Mesopotamia was to be Indianised. A new Delhi was to be created, streets and avenues were to be laid out, hordes of officials were appointed, and extravagant and crazy schemes was initiated. The Arabs in 1920 revolted against the policy; they were less patient than ourselves. Then came a turn. The Secretary of State for the Colonies started to find a King for Mesopotamia. He chose King Feisal. I remember reading Mr. Lansing's book describing the Big Four of the Treaty of Versailles. Apparently he had a higher opinion of Prince Feisal, as he then was, than he had of the Big Four. He says of Prince Feisal:
What is a constitutional democratic Government in Mesopotamia, I wonder? Then this declaration was confirmed on a referendum by a majority of 96 per cent. of the voters. aggression by any other Power. I believe that, even if the Government are so foolish as to ask us to ratify this Treaty, the House of Commons will reject it. It has just been stated by the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs that the Treaty will not be ratified without the consent of Parliament. But we are to-day taking action in Mesopotamia which seems to show that a very long occupation is to ensue. New residences are being put up, and a great Air Force camp is being established with hangars, barracks, hospitals, water-tanks, pumping stations, and all the paraphernalia of a great armed camp five miles from Bagdad. It is hard to believe that such extravagance will be permitted. This fort will be something like 400 miles from the sea. We have tragic memories of what took place at Kut in 1915. Here is a description of this camp from the representatives sent out by a British newspaper, the "Daily Mail":
In no single case has there been anything in the nature of bombing for tax-collecting purposes, nor will there be.
I am very glad to hear it. The public Press evidently is very much misinformed. [HON. MEMBERS: "Daily Mail!"]. We will not say the "Daily Mail." Shall we say the "Daily Express." I understand that the proprietor of the "Daily Express" is a friend of the Prime Minister, and therefore not likely to misrepresent any policy of the Government. This is what I read in the "Daily Express" of the 12th of this month:
"Another disclosure of mad muddle in Mesopotamia:"
A political officer escaped from a place called Suleimanieh.
"This is what actually happened the other day, and not for the first time, at Suleimanieh. As the officer rose from the ground (in an aeroplane), his Kurdish body-servant, who had served him for years, was seized by the crowd. We can only surmise the servant's fate."
I suppose hon. Gentlemen do not laugh at that. To me it is a very pathetic thing that a British officer has to go away and leave his servant behind to the tender mercies of those he was bombing. This is not a laughing matter. If it be in the House of Commons, it will not be in the country. [HON. MEMBERS: "We do not believe it!"] I can only give you my authority. You may disbelieve your own Press, but I cannot help that. Let me come to another journal. I will take the recent advance to Mosul, and here I come to the correspondent of the "Times." I do not know whether he is worthy of credence. The correspondent of "The Times," writing from Bagdad on the 12th February—it was published in "The Times" of 14th February—described the advent of the British troops in Mosul:
"The advent of British troops has had a most reassuring effect, and a feeling of security is now general throughout the vilayet."
Tranquility reigns there, at any rate! Oil has been poured on the troubled waters of Mosul. Troops were taken from Bagdad and Basra. The majority of the Royal Air Force, to reinforce the garrison, was conveyed from Bagdad to Mosul by air 250 miles. The other troops were conveyed by special trains to Shergat, which is the railhead. They then had to march from 75 to 100 miles, and this correspondent says:
"Progress was impeded by the wet weather which involved some hardships on the march,"—
I have no doubt of it—
"but everything possible was done to ensure the men's comfort on arrival at their destination. The weather is very cold, and the hilltops are covered with snow."
Hon. Members laugh, but I candidly confess that I take a very serious view of it. Here are British troops 700 miles from the sea. What is going to happen if they are attacked? You will have to send, or endeavour to send, a force to relieve them. Does this House realise the responsibilities that are attached to the sending of a force to a place like Mosul, 700 miles from the sea and from 75 to 100 miles from the railhead? They may be attacked. They may be massacred. I do not say that the Government are responsible. They are, at any rate, responsible for this advance. They have inherited a policy from their predecessors which they were certainly not elected to carry on. I understood that the Government were elected to reverse the policy of their predecessors in this matter. More than that, as was pointed out by Lord Grey in another place, you cannot to-day wage war without the consent of the people. I do not believe that the people would consent, and I think hon. Gentlemen opposite would have a little difficulty in persuading their constituents to embark on a war for Mosul. I say that it is a great complication. We ought not to have our soldiers there in so exposed a position, so far from the sea, where they cannot be relieved. The railways are the property of the Government. I believe that the hon. Gentleman said just now that they were going to be drastically cut down or something. They are nationalised at the present time, and, as a necessary corollary of nationalisation, they do not pay. We shall be asked in a few days to vote a capital expediture of £223,000, which is £153,000 more than was estimated. Then £310,000 more than was estimated is required for the maintenance of the railways. We shall have something to say about these things, but I should like to ask here whether the cost of the conveyance of the troops is charged to the revenue of the railway or whether the troops are conveyed free? The construction of the railway from Basra to Baghdad was a purely military measure.
Then why blame them for not paying?
I am simply stating the fact. If my hon. Friend wants to argue nationalisation with me later on, I shall be delighted to take it up. The construction of these railways was a war measure. They were built hastily through swamps and marshes, and I am credibly informed, not by the correspondents of newspapers, to whom my hon. Friends take such objection, but by a gentleman writing to me, that, from Basra to Hilla, a distance of 300 miles, they are totally unreliable, and they require an enormous expenditure to put them right. The Arabs in their revolt broke up the permanent way, dragged away the rails, and left the whole railway track in a delapidated condition. It will require the continued expenditure upon it of enormous sums of money, which certainly cannot be found from the revenues of Iraq. The railway runs alongside the river. Water transport is 50 per cent. cheaper, and water transport has proved to be all that was necessary in Mesopotamia for generations. We were told last year that it was intended to develop the riches of this wonderful country. The country may be rich, but the population is not inclined to work, and they do not care about paying taxes. There will be no prosperity in a country of that kind.
The right hon. Gentleman says that the railway runs alongside the river. May I point out that it runs alongside the Euphrates and not the Tigris. The Tigris is navigable, but the Euphrates is not.
Then I cannot understand why the railway has not paid. It would be a very cheap jibe for me to say that we could spend the money which we are spending on Mesopotamia in the development of our own country. I want to save the taxpayers' pocket. I want to get some tranquillity from the tax collector. I would prefer that the money spent in Mesopotamia should be used in the reduction of taxation, and as Mr. Gladstone once said, allowed to fructify in the pockets of the people. We are entering here upon a very dangerous Imperial policy from the point of view of strategy. The defence of India to-day is not in those mountains bordering Afghanistan but at Mosul, seven hundred miles from the sea. I shall quote the opinion of a very distinguished soldier upon the strategic aspect of the matter. Here are his words:
"It is true to say that our outpost line of defence is no longer on the Indian frontier, covered by a series of formidable natural obstacles, but is North of Mosul and 800 miles from the sea."
He goes on to speak of the hostilities which might take place if Russia and Turkey were to combine, and he says the most likely cause of trouble will arise in connection with the tribes in this enormous stretch of country. Then he concludes:
"Most people condemn the Mesopotamian commitments on the ground of expense, but it is equally to be condemned on the ground of Imperial security."
That is the opinion of one of the most gifted and capable soldiers in Britain, General Sir William Robertson, who rose from the rank of private to that of Field-Marshal, and who was Chief of the General Staff. His opinion is entitled to some credence, and I commend it to the Government. Despite the jeers of hon. Gentlemen opposite, I affirm without hesitation that the very word "Mesopotamia" stinks in the nostrils of the British public, and that "Iraq" is no less offensive to our olfactory organs. For the sake of security abroad, and relief of the taxpayer at home, I ask the Government to adopt the Amendment which I now propose and to immediately and drastically curtail our commitments in Mesopotamia.
I ask the indulgence which I believe the House is always courteous enough to afford to any Member addressing it for the first time. Speaking from this side of the House I find myself in circumstances most peculiarly cruel because in this matter I am in entire sympathy with the views which I believe are held by hon. Gentlemen on the benches opposite. There are three standpoints from which one may conveniently review this position. The first is the point of honour as regards King Feisal; the second is the point of propriety as regards our holding our present Mandate, and the third relates to the material advantages or disadvantages which attach to our maintaining a hold in Mesopotamia. With the permission of the House I will reverse that order, and take the last point first. We are told by admirers of the forward policy in Mesopotamia, that the land is flowing with milk and honey—and oil. I believe we can get a fine quality of wool on Mesopotamian pastures, and corn may be grown with advantage on the uplands, but doing that means draining the wet and irrigating the dry lands. I cannot believe, in the present state of our finances, we should be justified in spending the money of the taxpayer in that way.
Turning to oil, I do not know whether oil is present in payable quantities, and still less do I know whether or not the Government are taking the question of oil into consideration when deliberating what their policy shall be. But I do think that in matters of private enterprise it is better that private enterprise should be left to make its own arrangements. I can give the House some instances of what has been possible in disturbed conditions. In Mexico, President Diaz has been dead about 12 years or more, but Messrs. Pearson and the Standard Oil Company have been able to carry on their operations all that time without any difficulty, although the country is in a state of anarchy. Similarly, in Persia, which is rather nearer to the country which we are discussing, the Anglo-Persian Oil Company, by judicious arrangements with the predatory and nomad tribes, by interesting them financially in their arrangements, have been able to conduct and keep their industry in a prosperous condition. Coming a little nearer home—to Ireland—I think nobody will say that Ireland is in anything but a disturbed condition. Yet Messrs. Guinness brew their stout and Messrs. Jameson distil their whisky, and the people of that island are not making any attempt to quarrel with their bread and butter. [ Laughter. ] Perhaps bread and butter is an unfortunate term to apply to whisky and beer, but I am half an Irishman myself, and the House will pardon me. Coming to my second point, that of the Mandate, I believe the Mandate arises under the Treaty of Sévres, which I think is no longer operative. As an old Tory I hate these new words, "Mandate" and "self-determination." These cant phrases were, I think, coined in that mint of political insincerities, the Peace Conference at Versailles. Let me quote what I believe was the first statement made on the subject by the Anglo-French Mission. Their declaration was—and I quote almost the exact words: over there have tried to appeal to what might be called the House of Peers of Iraq, namely the Notables. They called in the sheiks and where the sheiks gave an adverse decision, promptly deported the most prominent of them to Salonika, and by that means gained their approval. So far from the people showing any desire to come under the conditions which are being imposed on them, I understand that in September last Sir Percy Cox took over the administration of the country and imposed martial law and in October the present Treaty was promulgated. I cannot think the circumstances justify continuance of this Mandate. I now come to what is the most difficult point, and that is the point of honour. I believe we owe the Arabs a great deal for what they did in the War—not so much as people say but still a great deal. We have tried to discharge that obligation. We put King Hussein on to a throne and King Feisal into Syria. Our Allies the French turned him out. We then put him into Mesopotamia. I cannot think that he will be able to rule Mesopotamia. If we merely gave him a little assistance I believe it would be useless and I do not think this country would ever stand for our giving him a great deal, and I am quite certain we shall never give him continuous assistance. He is to get 20 years' assistance and I do not believe the changing Governments of this country would ever keep to an arrangement of that kind. I now come to the question which interests everybody, the personal one. How am I going to cast my vote? I think my position is very clear. There are three possibilities. The Government may say they propose to get out of Mesopotamia. In that case clearly that is my own view, and I will certainly not as a supporter of the Government embarrass them by voting for what is practically a Vote of Censure. The Government may say they wish time to deliberate. Who am I to say that is not a reasonable proposal? In that case also, I cannot vote for the present Amendment. If, in the third eventuality, the Government say they mean to stay in Iraq, I deeply regret that it will be my duty to vote against them.
The hon. Gentleman who has just spoken is to be congratulated on his speech, and the House is to be congratulated on the accession to its ranks of a man who has taken a large part in public affairs in the East and a particularly large part in the financial administration of India, and who now brings those talents and that experience to the service of the House. He will always find that the House is very willing to listen to men who are talking about what they know. I preface my remarks in this way because I have not had the advantage of being in Mesopotamia or knowing the subject at first hand as have so many other hon. Members. On the other hand I sat on the Mesopotamian Commission which considered what I regard as having been our first regrettable march to Baghdad, and I am more or less familiar with the problems which face us in that country. Let us first get rid of some of the issues which have been raised, but which do not bear directly upon the question—the matter of railways for instance. We cannot judge from the Mesopotamia railways as to whether nationalisation of railways in this country is likely to pay or not. It has no relation whatever to the normal working of any railway system.
The unfortunate part of it is that during war you have to build railways which are generally of no use in time of peace, but I think one word of warning should be given from this side, and that is that when the Government have spent, as we believe they have spent, £15,000,000 on building railways in Mesopotamia, the party for which I speak would view with great dissatisfaction the handing over of those railways to private capitalists for nothing. If that change is to take place, the British taxpayer has got to be considered, as well as the capitalists, and as well as the people of Baghdad and Mesopotamia. We are, however, going to discuss this railway question next week. There is a Supplementary Estimate down, involving us in an expenditure of £400,000 extra this year on account of those railways. It will be time then to discuss the desirability of scrapping the lot now, or of scrapping the railway from Basra to Hilla or of scrapping the Indian administration of those railways, which we believe to be so fatal to their becoming a paying proposition. When you see a staff of 12,000 people, I think, for lines of railway only 600 miles long, and in that staff a very large proportion of Europeans and Anglo-Indians, I think you may judge not only that that line is not being run for profit, but that it is being run for the purposes of the people who run the railway.
The railway is, however, really a side issue, and the question we have to consider to-day is far more important. It is as to what our treatment should be of the Mesopotamian problem to-day. It is not really a question of bombing, but before I go to the question of the Mandate I want to say a word about bombing. I understood the Secretary of State for Air to say that the Air Force had never been used for the collection of taxation. Was I right in understanding that?
indicated assent.
Are we to understand from that that the Air Force has never been used to punish tribes or villages which have refused to pay their taxes? Does the right hon. Gentleman include that in his denial, or not?
I am almost certain that that is so. If the hon. and gallant Member will put a question down, I will be able to give him the definite information, but I am almost certain that that is so.
The right hon. Gentleman is generally so perfectly ingenuous in these matters that I should not suspect him of trying to conceal facts, and I will put down a question on that point, as this question of bombing has become so much a question of the newspaper Press versus the Administration that it might be advisable to have some sort of Committee set up to consider the propriety of using the Air Force at all in connection with the promiscuous punishment of people with whom we have a quarrel. It is being used, certainly in India, and I think probably also in Mesopotamia, much too largely as a method of general reprisals; that is to say, you have a quarrel with some particular chief, who may have raided his neighbours or committed a murder, the aeroplanes go out, they bomb a village, they hit some old woman, the chief is a long way off, the people who ought to be punished are not punished, and the prestige and good name of England are dragged into the mud by that sort of promiscuous and, I think, callous punishment.
Now let us come to the Mandate question. It will be obvious to anybody who reads this Amendment that the Amendment itself is very widely drawn. The right hon. Member for South Molton (Mr. Lambert), who opened the Debate, did not lay special stress upon the Amendment, but upon clearing out of Mesopotamia altogether, because the Amendment asks, as I think we should all ask, on both sides of the House, that there should be an immediate and drastic curtailment of British responsibilities. The question is: How are you going to curtail them? The fact of the matter is that the policy of the Liberal party, I believe, up till now has been that the troops should be withdrawn to Basra, and that the small portion of Mesopotamia below the junction of the rivers to the head of the Persian Gulf should be held as a sort of tête de pont, a sort of jumping-off ground, in order that policing expeditions may be sent out, if necessary, to protect the Anglo-Persian oil wells, or, indeed, to protect British interests elsewhere. Expert opinion on the spot has been, I believe, almost universally against that, but I do not attach in this connection very much importance to expert opinion on the spot. Anybody who knows anything of Basra knows that nobody in his senses would want to live there if he could live anywhere else. Basra, as a matter of fact, is for many months in the year below the level of the waters, and is only preserved from extinction now by big bunds built up along the riverside and causeways, for roads through the swamps. Of all the pestiferous, poisonous places on earth, I should think Basra would come well out at the head. It may have improved under British administration, but the evidence of the condition of Basra during the first two years of the War made one believe that there was no such place as that to be found anywhere else on the map. It may, as I say, be better now, but in any case it is not the sort of place where you want to have a British garrison, where you want to have a British administration, or where you want to set up the germ of civilisation in the Near East.
The question really is not, Shall we hold on to Basra, or Shall we hold on to the rest of Mesopotamia, but Ought we to be there at all. Undoubtedly, if we hold on to Basra, and if the Turks come down, which they are almost bound to do, and occupy not only Mosul, but Bagdad, we shall have an extremely difficult position. We shall be there preventing Turkish access to the waters, blocking their road to the sea, to the South, and I am inclined to think that we shall find just the same problems facing us when we are down at Basra as we find now when the Turks threaten us on the northern borders of Mosul, so that this problem is not to be considered merely as a question of an immediate and drastic curtailment. We have got to consider the whole question of the advantage to British policy and to the native people of our remaining where we are as the mandatory Power over Iraq. That mandate was conferred upon us by the Allied and Associated Powers and it was conferred upon us on certain terms. Those terms have already been to a very large extent, I will not say broken, but we have gone outside them ourselves. We have set up in Iraq an independent Government with which we have attempted to make a Treaty, and upon which we have conferred powers which I am not quite certain that the people of the country approve. There was to be an election, and there was some sort of an election, but it is certain to-day that if we withdrew our assistance from King Feisal he would have great difficulty in maintaining himself in the position which he now holds. Unfortunately, the Moslems in that country are very deeply divided into two parties. Feisal has the support of the Sunnis, who are strong in the Basra end, but the Shiahs, who have all their shrines round Bagdad, look upon Feisal more or less as a heretic. Therefore, you have not only political but religious difficulties, and at the present moment the Turkish propaganda and the Turkish influence is spreading among the Shiahs and making things difficult, not only for Feisal, but for ourselves.
That being so, we made a Treaty with King Feisal, and we are told now, or I suppose we shall be told, that we are by that Treaty pledged to King Feisal, to maintain and support him and to resist any aggression upon his territory. That has been the argument put forward throughout this controversy, that we are pledged in honour to remain there on account of our Treaty with the Arabs, with King Feisal, and that that is the last word. I do not think it is the last word. I think we have got to consider now whether we ought not to go back to the parties which gave us the mandate and point out that the situation has radically changed since the mandate was given. Not only have we made this Treaty with an independent Power, but the whole Treaty of Sèvres has been torn up. Lord Curzon, the Foreign Secretary, has already agreed to refer to the League of Nations, some time during the next year, the question of the Mosul boundary. All these new issues having come up, is it not worth considering whether we should not put the matter again before the Allied and Associated Powers and ask to have a revision of that mandate, after due consideration, and particularly after considering, as can best be considered, the views of the population on the spot? All we want is that, when this consideration takes place, there shall be no shadow of question of oil interests coming in. We cannot bear being dragged into another war at the heel of some capitalistic venture of that sort.
The problem facing us to-day in Iraq is a very serious one. We are the easiest victims of an Imperialist Turkish Government. If the Turks wish to go to war, what so easy as to march down for the spoils of Mesopotamia, as they have marched down through history countless times, sweeping down upon the unprotected plains for plunder and loot? We have no Treaty which is binding in the least with the Turkish Government at the present time, and I say that under those circumstances the danger of real war is great. We have been reinforcing Mosul lately. We have been sending up aeroplanes and troops, and I have no doubt the position for the moment is strong. It is quite possible that with your new Air Force you may be able to prevent any real Turkish invasion, but the danger is there all the time, not, I think, of direct Turkish invasion so much as of Turkish infiltration. Already we have had one great rising in Mesopotamia which nearly wrecked British authority and cost us at least £25,000,000. That may quite easily be repeated. All through that Kurdish country on the borders of Persia you have the possibilities of a rising at any time. Whoever strikes a match, the Kurds may be at our throat. There has been a rising, indeed, lately very much under these circumstances. That is the problem which faces us. If we have a rising, if we have a British disaster, if we then have the patriotic drum beaten that we must avenge the disaster, the Majuba Hill agitation over again, we may very well be driven into a very expensive war, a war which might repeat the experience of the last Mesopotamian expedition and involve us in anything up to £250,000,000 of money. We cannot afford that.
The Government will say, very possibly, that they cannot afford to be kicked out of Mesopotamia at the end of the Turkish boot, and, indeed, nobody likes that. But is it not possible that we could now reopen the whole question of the mandate, taking no decision without considering all the elements concerned, and thereby avoiding very serious risks for the future as well as, possibly, saving an annual expenditure of £10,000,000, which we can ill afford to meet at the present time. These are the questions which, I think, the Government have got to consider now. That, I suppose, is the suggestion more or less of the Amendment, and, unless we get from the Government some definite offer to reconsider the whole question on the lines I have mentioned, going back to the people who gave us the mandate, in order that that mandate may be reconsidered, I do hope that the hon. Member opposite who has spoken on this subject will think it his duty, and that other Members will think it their duty, to vote with us in the Lobby, in order to make it clear that the present position cannot go on, that it is too risky, and that Great Britain cannot now afford the risks of another war.
I think it is an unhappy coincidence that this Debate should take place on this particular day of all days of the year, because I understand from the papers that this very day has been fixed for the beginning of the discussion at Angora of the Treaty of Lausanne. We all know that, after a long fight, conducted with admirable skill and patience by Lord Curzon, he succeeded in inducing the Turks to abandon the claim to Mosul. It may be no blame to my right right Friend, but I cannot imagine anything more perilous than that the spectacle should be presented of this House discussing the proposals of the Treaty of Lausanne, repudiating the settlement of Lord Curzon, and expressing its willingness to give back Mosul to the Turks. It puts in an unfair, awkward, and almost preposterous position our representative at Lausanne, and our Allies who stood with us on this question quite firmly and loyally. That is my objection today to the Amendment. As to the terms of the Amendment itself, I do not suppose anybody in the House would object. As my hon. Friend said, the terms are very broad and very general—that "there should be an immediate and drastic curtailment of British responsibilities in Mesopotamia." I think if the word "expenditure" had been used, it would have got more general assent. "Responsibilities," I think, is a very treacherous word in this connection. I must take the Amendment in connection with the speech, and I can only interpret the speech as meaning a proposal that we should here and now retire altogether from Mesopotamia. I must say that that is a policy to which, I hope, the majority of the House will not assent.
I listened to the admirable speech of the hon. Member, but I did not understand him as being ready to assent to the proposition that we should here and now, so to speak, retire from our obligations. If we did, what would be the result? We encourage the extremist party in Angora to break up the agreement made by their representative at Lausanne leaving us in Mosul, and almost invite an invasion of Mesopotamia by Turkish forces in order to get by arms what they were unable to get at Lausanne, and what only the weakness of anybody in this Chamber would bestow upon them. I quite agree with my hon. and gallant Friend whom I have just succeeded that we should keep oil out of this discussion altogether. In the first place, I believe that gentleman better acquainted with these matters than I am say that whether or not there is oil in Mosul is doubtful. Whether that be so or not, I certainly oppose, as I think every Member of this House ought to oppose, any transactions with any Powers which have no better justification than the privileges of concessionaires to get hold of oil wherever they may find it. I do not think my hon. Friend is quite mindful of the fact, as I understand it, that if oil be found in Mosul, we are pledged to leave the acquisition of the oil rights open to the whole of the world. The Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies will correct me if I am wrong in that statement. Therefore, if anybody either eulogises or con- demns our position in Mosul, he must dismiss the question of oil in Mosul as being claimed by us as a monopoly for ourselves, and if there be oil that is open to all the world, nobody can charge us fairly with taking hold of Mosul in the interests of our own concessionaires.
I am rather sorry my hon. Friend and others who have spoken have referred so casually to obligations of honour in this respect. I do not know that this country ever bound itself more strongly or strictly be defending the rights of the Arabs to the control of their own country than we have done, and we did not do it without cause. We got very considerable assistance during the War from the Arabs of Mesopotamia, and if we made these pledges when they were useful to us, would it not be shameful for us to nullify those pledges when, apparently, they cease to be useful to us? I cannot imagine a great nation like ours in a more humiliating or disastrous position. As to the pledges, they were made over and over again. They were made by Sir Henry McMahon and by General Allenby, and they were made in a Proclamation issued to the people of Bagdad. I remember the Proclamation very well. I must say I thought it somewhat high-flown and Oriental in tone, but I understand that that is the way to address the people of that district, and, if secret history does not lie, I believe that the Proclamation really owed its composition to one of the most brilliant men we ever had in this House—the late Sir Mark Sykes. There was a pledge. I take the statement of the late Prime Minister. Talking in January, 1918, of the War aims of the British Government, he said that Mesopotamia was entitled to a recognition of its separate nationality. That statement was made by a Gentleman who had a right to speak in the name of England. But we are not the only people who are pledged. I do not know whether hon. Gentlemen are acquainted with the Anglo-French Declaration which appeared in the Press in November, 1918: remember in one of the discussions on the Near East he said he would never be a party to throwing back to the Turks any Christian population after having been emancipated.
The Arabs are not Christians.
Well, they are human beings. I am sometimes regarded as a bigoted Christian because of the attitude I take up with regard to the Christians in the Near East, but I am just as anxious for the liberties of all peoples.
I was referring to the Armenians.
I thought my right hon. Friend was dealing with the wider question. What I stand for is the oppressed, and, still more, I try to prevent the massacre of people, whether they be Christian, Mohammedan or Turkish. Where do we stand with regard to our pledges? I would like to ask my hon. Friend opposite.
I thought I made my position quite clear. I quite agree as to the sanctity of pledges, but I believe this pledge is not possible of fulfilment, and could only land us in difficulty.
5.0 P.M.
I am afraid I must regard that as a weak defence. Does this Amendment mean, or does it not mean, that we should clear out of Mesopotamia at once? My interest in this question is not confined to the Arabs, but we have no right to foist upon the Arabs the rule of the Turks. England was once the hope of the liberation of the subject-peoples of the world. England helped the Hungarians in their fight. England helped Italy to obtain her unity. She helped Poland. I am sorry that England is not now in the position she used to be to render that help she once rendered.
There is another population there as well as the Arabs, there are the Chaldeans. The greatest aggregation of Chaldeans in any part of the world is precisely in that district of Mosul, the abandonment of which is recommended by some of my right hon. Friends. I will not go into the history of the Chaldeans; everyone here learnt it at his mother's knee. So far, however, as modern history is concerned, nobody need deny that the Chaldeans are a cultivated and civilised race and, so far as opportunities will permit, a great commercial race. Our soldiers who have been in Bagdad know that nearly all business in Bagdad was done, and done well, by the Chaldeans. They fought for us in two big campaigns during the War. They helped us to hold up the Turkish forces at a most difficult moment, and they even risked their lives as Turkish subjects in fighting in the field on the understanding that when the time came and victory enabled us to do so, we should see that their lives and their property were safeguarded. That is a pledge which hon. Members, I am sure, would not like us to abrogate.
What is their position at Mosul? Not far from Mosul there are the native Chaldeans who have lived in this district most of their lives, together with a large number of deported and exiled Chaldeans from other parts of the world. If they are only helped, I think the Chaldeans have a very good chance of founding there their Chaldean home. As a matter of fact, the Chaldean occupation of Mosul will never cost us a brass farthing; certainly not in a short time after they have been started for themselves, for they are willing to take upon themselves the entire responsibility of the administration of their own Chaldean home. Therefore their claims cannot be rejected on account of economy. As a matter of fact, there is already an embryo army there. Some of our officers there are licking the men into shape, and I believe if they are put on the frontier they, with the other Chaldeans who occupy the mountains behind them, would be there to give protection to Mesopotamia if there was a Turkish invasion, as I hope there will not be.
These are the reasons why I am unable to support the case of my right hon. Friend. One would speak with great reserve of the future of Iraq, and our relations there, though one sympathises with the Prime Minister when he said he wished we had never gone there. We are under pledges. We cannot abandon the population to possible massacre. Under all the circumstances, therefore, I find myself unable to vote for the Amendment.
First of all, I should like to say that I agree in principle with almost every word said by the hon. Gentleman who has just sat down. I do not regard this problem in so difficult a light as a great many people do. I myself think that it is perfectly clear what is our duty. Our duty, to my way of thinking, is to carry out the terms of this Amendment as soon as we have made peace with Turkey, and are in a position to fulfil our pledges, but not before. In the meantime, I agree with what my hon. Friend has said in regard to what is known as the "bag and baggage" policy. We have given certain definite pledges to the Arabs, and to the inhabitants of Mesopotamia, that we would not leave them to the rule of the Turks, but would free them from it. Why did we give these pledges? We went to Mesopotamia during the War. Why? We ought never to have gone there. But we were up against a most extraordinarily difficult task on the Continent of Europe. There were those who thought it an impossible task, and were trying to find some other solution, some back-door solution through the Middle East, and through Turkey. They did not realise that the War had to be won in Europe.
In order to facilitate an attack through Turkey by the back-door, we gave pledges right and left to everybody—a most immoral procedure. We pledged ourselves in particular to King Hussein and the Arabs in Mesopotamia that they should in future be free from Turkish domination. In my opinion, we should carry out our pledges and, having done so, we shall then be in a position to withdraw from the country. I agree with what my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme (Colonel Wedgwood) said when he pointed out that the Amendment was not stated clearly. I do not, in fact, know what it means. The opportunity for reducing our commitments will, to my mind, arise when we have made peace with Turkey, and this should have been in the minds of the Government for the past four years. I doubt very much whether there is anybody inside or outside this Chamber who does not want to see our liabilities and commitments in the Middle East reduced to a minimum at the earliest possible moment. But to withdraw "bag and baggage" at the present moment would be tantamount to obeying the dictates of the Turks, and virtually to be kicked out of Mesopotamia by Turkey. This is surely not the moment to withdraw in a hurry.
A great many things have been said to-day which I do not think are strictly true. It has been suggested by the right hon. Gentleman who moved the Amendment that King Feisal was foisted upon the people of Mesopotamia. I doubt very much whether that was so. I was only in Mesopotamia for about three weeks a year ago, but everybody to whom I spoke, every class and description of Arabs and Turks, with the exception of one, expressed themselves exactly to the contrary. The hon. Member for Harrow (Mr. Mosley) the other day said that King Feisal was foisted on the Arabs by British bayonets. But it must not be forgotten that King Feisal is an enlightened and educated man. He was popularly elected to rule over the country. He was not foisted upon the people. The inhabitants were asked whether they wished for a Monarchy or a Republic. They desired a Monarchy. Then they asked for British advice as to who should be King, and they took the advice given to them that King Feisal should be made King.
Again, it has been suggested that we want to stay in the country for commercial purposes, but if anyone takes the trouble to look into statistics they will see that so far from this being true, the large majority of British firms—from 50 per cent. to 70 per cent. of them—have withdrawn from the country since 1919 for the reason that there was insufficient trade there. Further, one is constantly hearing that oil interests are dominating the position. I do not believe a word of that. Oil interests are neither affecting the Government nor private traders. My knowledge of the subject may not be very great—I do not profess it is—but I am convinced that our proper course is to effect peace with Turkey as early as possible and, when that is done—which I hope will be soon—we shall be in a position, having carried out our pledges, to reduce our commitments, our responsibilities, our liabilities and our expenditure to vanishing point.
In rising to address the House for the first time in Debate, I desire to make that appeal to its kindness which no new Member ever makes in vain. Last November, like many other Gentlemen on this side of the House, I presented myself to the electors of a great industrial constituency, plain-dealing, plain-speaking men and women of the working classes. It is not surprising that they should have required from their candidate what they got from me and some of my colleagues—a plain straightforward answer to some of the important problems of the day. At that time we did not know what view of this particular subject which the House is debating this afternoon was taken by the Prime Minister, nor have we yet ascertained it, for that sigh of regret, referred to by an hon. Member, is hardly to be construed as having any particular significance. I and many others, therefore, had to make up our minds on this subject, and I, for my part, expressed my opinion in unequivocal terms. I take this opportunity of restating them this afternoon in this House, even though they may entail perhaps some risk to my Parliamentary future in doing so. But I risked more important things than my Parliamentary future when I had the honour of serving in Mesopotamia under General Maude, where I acquired some practical personal knowledge of the country, from which I want vehemently to urge His Majesty's Government to withdraw.
Reference was made by the right hon. Gentleman who moved the Amendment (Mr. Lambert) to the great camp at Hinaidi, five miles below Bagdad, and if the House will pardon some personal reminiscences, may I say that by accident I happened to be the first man, with a fatigue party of 100 soldiers of Gurkha Rifles, who, with pick and shovel, commenced the work at Hinaidi. The Prime Minister cannot blame some of us for the position we are in to-day for having expressed our opinion in unequivocal terms, any more than we blame right hon. Gentleman for not having seen fit at that time to express his opinion. The sensation of freedom was rather delightful and invigorating. I could not help repeating to myself on some of those occasions the immortal lines from that profound political work "The Hunting of the Snark": It will be remembered that in the poem they found themselves in difficulties, but I should not think of applying that argument to my right hon. Friend (Mr. Bonar Law). Perhaps I might be allowed to quote
One word upon this question of religion. In dealing with Oriental people consisting of tribes who are less indifferent to religion than most civilised countries, it is necessary to take these factors into account. The right hon. Gentleman opposite made a slight mistake in talking of the Sunnis and the Shiahs as two tribes, although it is true that they are two sects divided by a great schism. I only need to recall the familiar illustration of the sad period when there was animosity between Catholics and Protestants. When you multiply that animosity one hundredfold, it gives only a faint idea of the loathing with which the Shiah regards the Sunni. Recollect the indignation when, in Protestant England, a foreign Power, by force of arms, tried to enforce on our Protestant country a Catholic King. In this country even Catholics resented it. But on predominantly Shiah Iraq, a foreign Power, by force of arms (the idea that the people were ever consulted in regard to it is a farce), has imposed a King who was a Sunni.
With regard to the unpopularity of our Government, the Shiah Arab has one singular peculiarity. He takes no pleasure in paying taxes to provide things which he does not want. I regret to see that feeling is spreading to the taxpayers of this country, and I am afraid that you will eventually have to bomb the British taxpayer, in order to collect the money to enable you to bomb the Arab taxpayers so as to maintain a system which both taxpayers equally dislike. With regard to the Arabs, we are told that we are there for their good. That is often a hypocritical and specious plea. I have no doubt we are disinterested, but the Arabs do not believe it.
When George I. came over here, he brought certain German ladies, who enjoyed his confidence, and they were not very popular with the British mob. One of them was insulted, and she replied, "Good people, you do not understand. We come here for your good—for all your goods." The reply she received was, "I have no doubt of it, and for our chattels as well." I do not suggest that we are in Mesopotamia for anything but purely disinterested motives. The Arab does not believe us, and the rest of the Mohammedan world sympathises with the Arab.
I ask hon. Members of this House to reflect upon the very grave manner in which this will re-act upon our Indian Empire, which is the greatest historical fact since the age of the Antonines. Only British enterprise could have built it: only British genius could have sustained it: only British folly would ever think of putting it in jeopardy. Some people have predicted its collapse, but whether those rumours be true or false, as one who has served in the Indian Army, I know the kind of tales which will be told in the bazaars of Delhi and other places by amiable young Indian gentlemen, who come here and get educated at the Temple, in order the more effectively to preach sedition. They represent us as assailing their Mussulman brethren. It was an hon. Member, an old friend of mine on this side of the House, who said it would cause the deepest pain that we should leave to the savages and the wild beasts those comrades who fell in the conquest of Iraq. I have the greatest respect for those sentiments, but I am convinced that the worst way of honouring the men who fell for their country is to add to the burdens of their living countrymen for whom they gave their lives.
It is said that we accepted a Mandate from the League of Nations which nothing could ever cause to be unloosened from our shoulders. When a man makes a bad bargain, it is sometimes said in vulgar parlance that "he has been sold a pup." I think we purchased at the Peace Conference in Paris not a pup, but a whole litter of pups. Iraq was the worst mongrel of the lot. It was an ugly animal to begin with; it is now in the throes of distemper, and, in my opinion, a brick and a bucket of water are the only cure. The Mandate comes from the League of Nations, and if the League of Nations is the Parliament of the civilised world, and if it concerns the civilised world that the frontiers of Iraq should be guaranteed, and that the people there should be protected, why do not the nations of the civilised world give that financial assistance to the only nation in the world which at the present time is honourably trying to pay its debts? Under this system of mandates, the other nations of the world stand round with their hands in their empty pockets, while we incur the odium, and foot the bill.
There are only two courses open for us. One is evacuation, and the other annexation. In these circumstances, you nearly always arrive at that ugly dilemma. I am not prepared to say that annexation and Government, by that class of British officials, who have proved themselves such honourable and upright men, might not succeed in Mesopotamia. But you cannot justify annexation on those principles which now regulate the conscience of the world, nor is it consistent with the idea that we are bound only as a mandatory to the League of Nations. Finally, there is the question of our national honour, and if that is to be called into question, I only reply in the hackneyed lines more than one occasion as a mere cloak for the blunders that statesmen have made, I reply that I think this nation is quite a sufficiently good custodian of its own honour. One rising we have had there, and, in the view of those who know Mesopotamia, another rising is a moral certainty; and when the next rising comes the British taxpayer will be asked to contribute further millions for the vindication of our national honour.
In view of the state of our negotiations with Turkey, it may not be judicious for His Majesty's Government to give us a detailed pronouncement upon this question. I shall not have the impertinence to demand as much as that, but I do say that, unless His Majesty's Government is prepared to give some tangible indication that they are prepared to consider promptly and favourably the policy of withdrawal from Mesopotamia, I shall have to consult my own conscience, and, however painful it may be, to pursue the only course consistent with my obligations to those who sent me to this place.
I have just listened to one of the most interesting speeches that I have had the pleasure of hearing in this House. I am more particularly gratified because the hon. Member is one who is able to speak from experience in the Army, and his remarks on that account ought to receive serious consideration, not only from those colleagues in the part of the House in which he sits, but from the right hon. Gentlemen who represent the Government. What I have never had any doubt about is, that whether it be oil or any other commodity, the driving factor behind all our international relations is self-interest from the capitalist point of view. To me it is galling indeed, coming as I do from an industrial constituency similar to that represented by the hon. and learned Gentleman who has just spoken, to feel that while in that constituency even at this present moment ex-service men and general toilers in the city of Dundee are residing in wooden huts, while even the difficulty in getting that arrangement carried through was being faced it was found possible in this part of the world to increase our anxieties, and while we were professedly looking after the interests of our own people in regard to housing, and the question was being dealt with in the interests of the residential representatives of our country, an extraordinary course of policy was being pursued in Mesopotamia and tens of thousands of pounds were being wasted. I do not know whether we have yet full confirmation of the statement as to bombing expeditions against the Arabs, but I think the explanation is that that bombing was practised upon the element in the Iraq population who had been giving legitimate expression to their indignation, because they were being deliberately insulted in the name of a certain democracy, and were having imposed upon them a king not actually chosen by the people. As to King Feisal—I much prefer the pronunciation "King Fizzle," in view of the trickery by which the British foisted him on the people.
All that shows the preposterousness of this nation, with its deep seated anxieties going in for conquering other nations while those at home who have to earn their daily bread are dependent practically upon parochialism. In the country from which I come owing to the policy adopted at the time by the then Minister for the Colonies we allowed sufferers in Scotland to be left to the care of the parish councillors, or in England to the boards of guardians, and yet we come here this afternoon and hear an earnest appeal on behalf of the Arabs of Mesopotamia from the lips of the hon. Member for the Scotland Division of Liverpool (Mr. T. P. O'Connor) while we in this country are letting those commonly known as the arabs of London and of the slums of our great cities to live in degradation and shame. This we allow while the Members of this House talk in exalted tones of our solemn obligations to the Arabs of Mesopotamia. I shall not accept for one moment any Government on that Bench which is first and foremost concerned with the Arabs, and I say that this Debate is a reflection of the galling conditions that exist. Our people were never consulted, while a few handsful of men negotiated, planned, schemed and made arrangements for the application of treaties, any one of which might at any moment render it absolutely essential to repeat the demand made during the past few years upon the suffering inhabitants of our cities and towns, in order to uphold our solemn treaties and solemn obligations. It is Imperialism and nothing else which is keeping us in Iraq.
What we have to do in this matter is to honourably acknowledge that we have made a mistake. I believe the Prime Minister was expressing his sincere conviction when he said he was sorry we ever went to Mesopotamia, and if hon. Members want to be real friends of the right hon. Gentlemen and true backers of the Government, they will urge upon the right hon. Gentleman and the Government the actual necessity for evacuation as much too thinly suggested in this Amendment. It makes it very difficult for us to contemplate our position in Egypt at the present time. Reference has been made to the growing terror and unrest in a great part of India. There again we are playing a hypocritical game. In Egypt we are making the same old professions of being anxious to support democratic representation, while the true representatives of that country are now interned and in prison.
The hon. Member is getting a good deal away from the Amendment.
I admit I was making a little digression, but it was owing to the fact that, without any intervention from the Chair, another hon. Member was able to deal with this question and I thought I would like to follow his example. However, I accept your ruling, Sir, and will not pursue the matter further. When I look at the international situation, and when I reflect on the speeches I have heard during the past few days concerning the Versailles Treaty and other issues, matters which I cannot deal with now and which I would like to have dealt with in one of the earlier Debates had not time prevented, I say we are entitled to seize this opportunity for expressing our central idea, the idea that should be in the minds of every new Member of this House, and especially of every Member associated with the Labour movement, namely, that we are bound, not only to face this question of the evacuation of Mesopotamia, but we are bound sooner or later, to evacuate that territory, if we want to protect the real interests of our country and not the sectional interests of the people who are now paramount and are dictating our policy.
We are faced with a great responsibility for the country at large and for the masses of the toilers, and we are faced too by an anomalous situation, for the masses of the people are practically in a defenceless state. One hears a good deal of talk about an Empire upon which the Sun never sets, but we want to be released from a spirit of militarism which is as aggressive as any German Empire ever was. Lord Roberts reminded us that we had conquered a third part of the globe by the power of the sword, and we have the audacity to suggest that we are the only one nation which is possessed of inherent common sense. Now we find from this side of the House the early symptoms that your own plan, your own policy, your own degrading habits of trying to conquer the human race for selfish interests are coming up again. We cannot proceed in that direction without accepting responsibility for it. Do not profess to talk and say you want peace. I submit that the man who conscientiously objects to our retaining our hold on Mesopotamia is the man who in days to come will be known as the conscientious objector to any organisation or party that is going to carry on this abominable policy, a policy which is growing to such a degree that it is already prophesied that within 10 years, the last war, which was to be a war to end war, will be followed by another war which will simply wipe out civilisation. If there is any truth in such a forecast, surely it is well we should deal with these matters in a real fashion on the basis of evacuation, and give evidence, not only to the masses of the people, but to all professors of the Christian religion, of our desire to serve that Christ who alone can bring peace to the earth.
I think we have had this afternoon a useful as well as an interesting Debate, and I much regret there has not been a larger attendance of Members in the House to listen to and take part in it. I wish I could extend the same compliment to the hon. Gentleman who has just sat down, for I listened in vain for any relevant contribution in his speech.
It was quite relevant.
May I say, speaking as an old Member of the House and on behalf of those who like myself are more or less veterans here, with what pleasure we have listened to two maiden speeches this afternoon. One was the speech of the hon. Member for Kennington (Mr. Harrison), who addressed us with a wealth of experience and knowledge, and presented in a very modest but at the same time in a very cogent way the really essential points in this matter. May I add also a word of congratulation to my hon. and learned Friend the Member for Swindon (Mr. Banks), to whose speech I and many others listened with the greatest interest, and, as far as I am myself concerned, with a great deal of sympathy. The Amendment which has been moved by my right hon. Friend the Member for South Molton (Mr. Lambert) will not commit this House or the Government to the immediate evacuation of Mesopotamia, but it does express the opinion that it is the duty of the responsible Government to effect an immediate and drastic curtailment of our obligations in that part of the world.
I have made many speeches on this subject, and as far as possible I am not going to repeat what I said before, but as my hon. Friend the Father of the House (Mr. O'Connor) has suggested that there is some binding obligation on the British Government to remain in Mesopotamia, and for, apparently, an indefinite term of time, to defend it against the re-entry of the Turk, I must demur at once to any such construction of any pledge that has ever been given on behalf of the Government of this country. We went to Mesopotamia—I was responsible for it as much as anyone else—we went to Mesopotamia in the first instance as part of a military operation. The Turks were our enemies, and very formidable enemies; and we undertook—whether it was strategically right or not history will show—we undertook that task as a military operation. We also undertook it, as I do not hesitate to admit, and, indeed, to avow, in the hope that it might result in the rescue of what had been in days gone by one of the most fertile and historically one of the most interesting quarters of the globe, from the domination of Ottoman rule.
What were the pledges? After the successful campaign of Sir Stanley Maude, what were the actual pledges that we gave? They were very simple, but as there seems to be some misunderstanding about them, even now, let me recall them to the memory of the House. Our pledges were that we should give freedom, emancipation from Ottoman rule, and that we should do everything in our power to establish an autonomous Arab State. We carried out those pledges. We freed the country from Ottoman domination, and—I agree that it was slowly, gradually, by somewhat halting and faltering steps—we have proceeded to the creation of an autonomous Arab State. We have made, as I think, and as I have always said, a great many mistakes. The initial mistake, and a very disastrous one it was, was the attempt to set up in Mesopotamia an Anglo-Indian administration. It was done in good faith; it was carried through with great ability by many skilled military and civil officers; but it led to what was called a rebellion, because the Arab did not welcome it. It was not congenial to his traditions; it was not in accordance with his wishes; it was not the thing he wanted. It cost us a very large expenditure both in money and in lives.
I do not know whether even now—because people's memories are very short—I do not know whether even now the country realises, or, perhaps, the House of Commons realises, what this adventure cost us. I am quoting, or rather summarising, a statement made by Mr. Churchill on the 14th June, 1921, when he gave the expenditure actually incurred and estimated for this Mesopotamian adventure. The figures include Palestine, but, after all, that is a comparatively insignificant item. We spent in the year 1919–20 between £70,000,000 and £80,000,000 sterling in Mesopotamia. In 1921–22, the year of which he was then speaking, we spent another £40,000,000; and the estimate which he gave was £27,000,000, though it really amounted, if my memory is right, to considerably over £30,000,000. In other words, we have spent £150,000,000 of the British taxpayers' money in Mesopotamia since the Armistice. The House, when it is asked now to consider what are the duties of this country with regard to the future of that territory, ought to remember that £150,000,000 of British money has already been sunk there, without any visible, material result, and with a large contemporaneous loss of precious lives belonging to our own subjects here at home and in India, particularly in India. A worse investment—I say it advisedly—of British money has in our time never been made. I agree that that is past history, but, when we are considering what are our duties now, we cannot ignore these facts. Even now, in the present financial year, we have, I see, presented to us a Supplementary Estimate amounting to, I think, £300,000 or £400,000—
No, £800,000.
£800,000. Even now, after very confident claims were made, as I remember well and as plenty of my friends who sat in the last Parliament remember—after very confident claims were made in the spring and summer of last year that there was going to be a great reduction of expenditure, we are confronted with a Supplementary Estimate, for railways and various other works which look as though they were of a permanent character, amounting to something like £800,000. That is the situation. The hon. and learned Gentleman, who spoke a few moment ago with go much force, said that really we have two alternatives in Mesopotamia. It was perhaps a crude dichotomy, but still, in essentials, I think it was the truth. He said that we are really confronted with the alternative, either of what amounts to annexation—not technically, but in the sense of responsibility, pecuniary and material, for the future administration of Mesopotamia, to be met, of course, by the British taxpayer—or of evacuation. There is no rational person in or out of this House who would ever suggest that we ought to annex Mesopotamia, or make ourselves permanently responsible for its administration. When my hon. Friend the Member for the Scotland Division (Mr. O'Connor), who knows well how largely I sympathise with him in his consistent and chivalrous defence of the minorities of the East, suggests, as he did just now, that the pledges which we gave, and which we have more than fulfilled, involve us in a permanent and perpetual guarantee at the expense of the British taxpayer for the protection of the Arabs of Mesopotamia against possible Turkish inroads in the future, I entirely join issue with him. We cannot afford adventures of that kind. Even on the most liberal construction, the pledges which we gave do not include them, and, if that is the alternative, I am quite sure that not only the vast majority, but I believe the whole, of the House of Commons, would repudiate any such obligation.
May I interrupt my right hon. Friend for a moment? I am sure the last thing he would desire is to misrepresent me. I never suggested the permanent occupation of Mesopotamia. What I protested against was what I understood to be the meaning of the Amendment, namely, an immediate evacuation.
The Amendment carefully avoids any such expression. What it asks the House to commit itself to is an immediate and drastic curtailment of our commitments in that part of the world. I understood my hon. Friend—as he knows, I am the last person to misrepresent him—to say that we were under some obligation of honour, and he emphasised it very strongly from that point of view, under the pledges which we have given, having set up this Arab State as we have, and having, as I have shown, spent an enormous sum of British money in clearing out the Turk, and, perhaps, in foolish experiments of our own in the Indification of Mesopotamia, having ultimately put King Feisal on his throne, we were under some obligation of honour to maintain him there. I do not so read our pledges, and I think it would be calamitous if the House of Commons were to give assent to any such policy. Three years ago, I think in March, 1920, in this House, before we had received any Mandate, when we were pouring out money like water on this Anglo-Indian experiment, and when the so-called rebellion of the Arabs was about to break out, I urged the policy of withdrawal, and of concentration of such forces as we retained there within the zone of Basra. I think that if that policy had been adopted then it would have saved certainly £50,000,000, and we should have been in a very much better position than we are now to face the whole question. But I am bound to say that, in the light of further experience and more accurate knowledge of the facts than was then possible, I should not now advocate even the military occupation and retention of Basra. I think there was a good deal to be said for it then, at any rate as a temporary measure, but I should not advocate it now. Why? We have set up the Arab kingdom. I am not going to consider the question whether, as somebody said, King Feisal was foisted on the people. He was the favoured candidate of the British Government—the coupon candidate. Coupons were rated higher in the market in those days than, perhaps, they are today, and that may have been the last, the supreme and final trial of the coupon system.
6.0 P.M.
There he is, and, so far as I know, there is the best reason for thinking he is a faithful friend of ours. He is a man of very great intelligence and sagacity. There is nothing I shall say which would in the least indicate that I do not wish for him a prosperous and a permanent rule. There he is. Perhaps the Prime Minister will tell us what is the extent of the obligations we have undertaken. I understand a so-called treaty was concluded with him in October last, but that treaty, to be binding on him, I suppose must require ratification at the hands of the Arab Assembly, if there be such a body. I do not know whether there is, nor do we know, if it exists, what the distribution of parties may be there. It may be something very like what we have here; but, if it exists, and if it functions, there is, at any rate, considerable doubt as to whether or not it is going to give its assent to this Treaty. Therefore, for the purposes of to-day, we may regard that as not in any sense an effective or binding obligation. If I am wrong there, the right hon. Gentleman will correct me, but if I am right—and I think I am—we are free to discuss this matter on its merits, unless, indeed, at Lausanne some other obligation—of course, the Treaty of Lausanne is in the same position, in a state of suspended animation at present—when it is ratified has imposed some other obligations, particularly in regard to Mosul.
I wish to say in the clearest and plainest possible terms, for myself, and I believe I express the opinion, not only of my own party, but of the vast majority of people in this country, that we are not prepared to give any additional commitments of any sort or kind on the part of the British Government or the British Parliament to the future of Mesopotamia. I have more than once tried to explain to the House of Commons—they know it very well now—what Mesopotamia is. It is, as it always has been, a geographical expression. It is a country without a boundary. The total population, I think, does not exceed 2,000,000, and a considerable proportion of them are nomad tribes. On the South you have a great desert. On the North and North-East you have a range of mountains inhabited by Kurds, who spend a large part of their lives in incursions and depredations. I said years ago what I repeat now, that if you were to try to make Mesopotamia in any real sense a State, there is no point at which you could stop between the Persian Gulf and the Caspian Sea. What about the railways and the roads? The great Bagdad Railway, which played so large a part in Europeans politics ten years ago, exists, but in broken sections. There are large gaps which have never been filled up, and even the existing railway as far as it has been completed, I am told, is un-worked, if not unworkable, in more than one of its sections. As for the roads, they follow the rivers, and I suppose they are the most dubious, precarious and uncertain means of communication to be found in almost any part of the world. Has anyone traced out for himself on the map the line which you would have to hold between Bagdad and Mosul? If he has, he will see that to make an effective, a useable, and a defensible line would necessarily entail an enormous and disproportionate expenditure both in men and in money. Then there is oil—a prospective, contingent and still highly uncertain question. Whether there is oil at Mosul or not I do not know, nor I believe does anyone, but at any rate this hypothetical oil supply, which may or may not be exploited, is not a thing on which any sane Government would ask the people to spend in credit or in money a single halfpenny. I say that because only three years ago when I spoke on this matter, the then Prime Minister referred in glowing and flambuoyant terms to the oil possibilities of Mosul, sneering at me for suggesting a policy of scuttle—a term borrowed not from the vocabulary which used to belong to him and to me, but more familiar in the dialect of the party to which the right hon. Gentleman opposite belongs.
I do not know what the policy of the Government is. I earnestly trust that, if they have not come to a wrong deci- sion, they have, at any rate, an open mind. What I want once more—and I think this must be at least the fourth time I have tried to impress these views on the House of Commons—what I want the House and the country to realise, as far as Mesopotamia is concerned, is that there are no unfulfilled obligations imposed upon this country. We have discharged to the full, at enormous and most unprofitable expense, whatever pledges we gave. There are no British interests. Whatever interests we have in that part of the world—in the Persian Gulf we had interests, and always have had, of a trading and a commercial kind—we can adequately safeguard without, I will not say annexing, but without making ourselves even indirectly responsible for a single acre of Mesopotamian territory. I have pointed out that we have allowed this political and military morass to engulf certainly £150,000,000 and probably more of the British taxpayers' money. I believe it will give profound satisfaction to the House and the country if the Government can assure us that they are winding up this adventure once and for all, and that their policy in future will be on the lines—because I am not advocating anything in the nature of a premature or ill-considered retirement—of cutting us completely clear from all our obligations and responsibilities in that quarter of the world.
I find it rather difficult to take any part in this discussion. The Amendment itself is in a form which I think everyone in the House would accept. It asks for a drastic curtailment of our responsibilities in Mesopotamia. We should all accept that. But, of course, the House knows that an Amendment to the Address is a Vote of Censure on the Government and could not be accepted, whatever the terms of it, for that reason. With a good deal that my right hon. Friend has just said I am in agreement. I should like to say as well that, when the right hon. Gentleman who opened the Debate said we were not responsible for being there, he gave utterance to what is an obvious truth. We are not. The House was reminded that during the Election I expressed a wish that we had never gone there. I think that is a natural feeling which will be shared by everyone, whatever his views on this subject. My right hon. Friend does not suggest that there should be an immediate evacuation. That is the difficulty. The question of pledges is one which must be involved in great difficulty as to what the nature of them is. I think no one will disagree with the right hon. Gentleman that the idea that we are under a pledge for all time to protect this State which we have set up against aggression, the nature of which we do not know, is a pledge which could not be expected from any country. I feel that the danger I am in now is, by beginning to argue this question, to take sides on it. I am not in a position to do that. As a matter of fact, the discussion of the Lausanne Treaty takes place to-morrow at Angora, and it would be, I am sure, a great mistake for this House to pass any resolution to-day which would have an effect on that Assembly. In addition to that, I am only able to make a statement which is always unsatisfactory to the House, but which is the only one possible. We have had this subject discussed by a Cabinet Committee. It is not so simple as one would think when one hears the case stated against our remaining there. Whatever the reasons which induced us to go to Mesopotamia, the fact that we have been there for six or seven years must bring in its train certain obligations which no country would desire to get out of, if it is possible to avoid it, without the good will of the people whom you have left. That is an essential part of the consideration. The Cabinet Committee have been considering that. They have been considering it from the point of view of those questions, and also from the point of view of what British interest is. In addition to that, the question is bound up with the Turkish Treaty. There is no doubt whatever that to come to a decision before the Treaty of Lausanne is signed would be a very unwise procedure. If we are to go, if we are to go, everyone would say that the right way to do it is by negotiation, and that can only happen after the Treaty has taken place.
All that I can say to the House of Commons to-day is this: we have an open mind on this question. We are in the position stated by the hon. Member who spoke earlier and made a maiden speech to which the House listened with so much pleasure, that we are seriously consider- ing this subject. What our decision will be at this stage I cannot say, but I am sure the House will feel that when we have been there so long it is not unreasonable to give us the time that is necessary to take into consideration not only all the facts as they bear on our being in Mesopotamia, but also the new fact, if it arises, of the Treaty we have made with Turkey. That is all I can say on the subject to-day. I would, however, like the House to realise what has been said by the right hon. Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith). If ever this country was engaged in an operation which is not directed at getting oil, or anything like that, but which is entirely unselfish from this country's point of view, our being in Mesopotamia is in that category.
There is no question of oil, and never has been. What obligations bind us are the obligations to the people in that country. They have to be considered. I have not announced, and I hope that the House will not consider that I have announced, a decision, nor have I shown in which way my own mind is moving. I think when the words that I have used are read it will be found that I have not given myself away. In regard to this question, before we come to a decision, we have to consider what the obligations are, and in what way, with the least discredit to this country, if we decide to leave, it is possible to take our departure. Having said that, I would appeal to the right hon. Member who moved the Amendment, whether there is any object in taking a Division on it to-day. I hope not.
I should like to ask the Prime Minister a question which is rather important from an international point of view. We are constantly reading attacks against England which are made in America, saying that England went into Mesopotamia for oil. Is it not true that England offered Mesopotamia to be administered by America?
I cannot say with absolute certainty, but my recollection is that we did offer the mandate to America.
I do not wish to continue this Debate in any controversial way, but I think the question of oil should be cleared up. It is undoubtedly a very serious matter, as the hon. Member for the Sutton Division of Plymouth (Viscountess Astor) has stated, from the international point of view. The impression is very wide in America that the British Government went into Mesopotamia, or at least remained there, for the purpose of the oil that was understood to be there. In support of that impression there exists the statement made by the late Prime Minister, which was referred to by the right hon. Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith). I remember very well sitting under the gallery and hearing the right hon. Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) telling us why we remained in Mosul, and why we took no interest in Armenia. He said: "Armenia is a very remote country. It is a mountainous country. It is a poor country. There are only a few Christians there." When it came to the question of Mosul he said: "Mosul is a very rich country. There is oil there, and if we did not go there somebody else would." I have some recollection that the question of Mosul was actually a matter in dispute between France and ourselves at the time when the Treaty was being negotiated. My recollection is that M. Briand made a very strong case for the French Government having a share in Mosul, and that this dispute was entirely concerned with the oil of Mosul. I believe that arrangements were made by way of consolation to the French for having no share in the territory that there should be a pipe line for them to Alexandretta. So, at least, there must have been the belief that there was oil there.
In these circumstances we must admit that at one time Great Britain decided to remain in Mosul because it believed in oil. If any hon. Members think that I am putting the case wrongly, they will have an opportunity of disputing it. We have the declaration of the late Government. We have the fact that there was a dispute with France. I do not believe that the British Government and the French Government were going to dispute about something that was nonexistent. I do not believe that they were going to endanger their good relations within two years of the close of the War about something that was mere speculation. There must have been the belief that there was oil in Mosul. Are we to understand that the disinterested atti- tude to-day is due to a discovery on the part of this country that there is no oil there? If we go into the history still further we find that there was belief in America that there was oil there. In this matter the Prime Minister could enlighten us, because he was a Member of the Government when the late Prime Minister made his statement in June, 1920, and he is quite conversant with the motive that determined the action of the Government at that time.
If there is no oil there, that is all the more reason why we should come out. I have never believed that we ought to have been there, even if there was oil there. I am glad that we have had some indication of the working of the Prime Minister's mind. It is quite true that be has said nothing this afternoon. He has a great capacity for saying what he has to say with the utmost clearness, and when he says nothing he says it usually very clearly also. While he has said nothing to-day, he has very distinctly given an impression, and in view of that impression, I think that most of us will draw
the conclusion that at a very early date our commitments in this part of the world will come to an end.
I should like to make my position clear. I feel, and have always felt, in regard to this problem that there is no justification for our remaining, spread out as we are over the whole of Mesopotamia. I asked the Prime Minister a few days ago if he could give us the strategic and commercial reasons for our remaining there. Personally, I have not the slightest doubt, from the military, from the strategic, and from the material point of view that we ought to come back to Basra at the earliest possible moment, and cut our expenditure. It also seems to me that, so long as the Treaty is unsigned between the British Empire and the Turks, it is impossible for the Government to take that course at the present time.
Question put, "That those words be there added."
The House divided: Ayes, 167; Noes, 273.
Division No. 3.] AYES. [6.27 p.m. Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Foot, Isaac Lambert, Rt. Hon. George Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock) Gosling, Harry Lansbury, George Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro') Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton) Lawson, John James Ammon, Charles George Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central) Leach, W. Asquith, Rt. Hon. Herbert Henry Gray, Frank (Oxford) Lee, F. Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Gray, Harold (Cambridge) Linfield, F. C. Barnes, A. Greenall, T. Lorimer, H. D. Barrie, Sir Charles Coupar (Banff) Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne) Lowth, T. Batey, Joseph Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan) Lunn, William Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) MacDonald, J. R. (Aberavon) Berkeley, Captain Reginald Groves, T. M'Entee, V. L. Bonwick, A. Grundy, T. W. McLaren, Andrew Bowdler, W. A. Guest, J. (York, W. R., Hemsworth) Maclean, Nell (Glasgow, Govan) Briant, Frank Guthrie, Thomas Maule March, S. Broad, F. A. Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton) Martin, F. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, E.) Bromfield, William Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil) Millar, J. D. Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland) Morel, E. D. Buckle, J. Hancock, John George Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.) Burgess, S. Harbord, Arthur Mosley, Oswald Burnie, Major J. (Bootle) Harney, E. A. Murray, R. (Renfrew, Western) Buxton, Charles (Accrington) Harris, Percy A. Nichol, Robert Caine, Gordon Hall Hastings, Patrick O'Grady, Captain James Cairns, John Hayday, Arthur Oliver, George Harold Cape, Thomas Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (N'castle, E.) Paling, W. Chapple, W. A. Henderson, T. (Glasgow) Parker, H. (Hanley) Charleton, H. C. Herriotts, J. Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Clarke, Sir E. C. Hill, A. Pattinson, S. (Horncastle) Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock) Hillary, A. E. Ponsonby, Arthur Collins, Pat (Walsall) Hirst, G. H. Potts, John S. Collison, Levi Hodge, Lieut.-Col. J. P. (Preston) Pringle, W. M. R. Darbishire, C. W. Hogge, James Myles Richards, R. Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln) Hutchison, Sir R. (Kirkcaldy) Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale) Irving, Dan Riley, Ben Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton) Jenkins, W. A. (Brecon and Radnor) Ritson, J. Dudgeon, Major C. R. John, William (Rhondda, West) Roberts, C. H. (Derby) Duffy, T. Gavan Johnston, Thomas (Stirling) Robertson, J. (Lanark, Bothwell) Duncan, C. Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Robinson, W. C. (York, Elland) Edmonds, G. Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly) Royce, William Stapleton Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Jones, R. T. (Carnarvon) Saklatvala, S. Emlyn-Jones, J. E. (Dorset, N.) Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd) Salter, Dr. A. Entwistle, Major C. F. Jowett, F. W. (Bradford, East) Shaw, Hon. Alex. (Kilmarnock) Fairbairn, R. R. Jowitt, W. A. (The Hartlepools) Shaw, Thomas (Preston) Falconer, J. Kenyon, Barnet Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) Simon, Rt. Hon. Sir John Turner, Ben White, H. G. (Birkenhead, E.) Simpson, J. Hope Twist, H. Whiteley, W. Sitch, Charles H. Wallhead, Richard C. Wignall, James Smith, T. (Pontefract) Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince) Williams, David (Swansea, E.) Snowden, Philip Warne, G. H. Williams, T. (York, Don Valley) Spencer, H. H. (Bradford, S.) Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline) Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe) Stephen, Campbell Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda) Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow) Sullivan, J. Webb, Sidney Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Wedgwood, Colonel Josiah C. Wright, W. Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.) Weir, L. M. Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow) Welsh, J. C. Thornton, M. Westwood, J. TELLERS FOR THE AYES. —— Tillett, Benjamin Wheatley, J. Mr. Phillips and Sir Arthur Marshall. Trevelyan, C. P. White, Charles F. (Derby, Western)
NOES. Adkins, Sir William Ryland Dent Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Hurd, Percy A. Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Croft, Lieut.-Colonel Henry Page Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B. Alexander, E. E. (Leyton, East) Crooke, J. S. (Deritend) Hutchison, W. (Kelvingrove) Allen, Lieut.-Col. Sir William James Dalziel, Sir D. (Lambeth, Brixton) Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H. Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S. Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead) Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S. Apsley, Lord Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Jarrett, G. W. S. Ashley, Lt.-Col. Wilfrid W. Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) Jephcott, A. R. Astor, J. J. (Kent, Dover) Dawson, Sir Philip Jodrell, Sir Neville Paul Astor, Viscountess Dixon, C. H. (Rutland) Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington) Baird, Rt. Hon. Sir John Lawrence Dixon, Capt. H. (Belfast, E.) Joynson-Hicks, Sir William Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Doyle, N. Grattan Kennedy, Captain M. S. Nigel Balfour, George (Hampstead) Du Pre, Colonel William Baring King, Captain Henry Douglas Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G. Edmondson, Major A. J. Lamb, J. Q. Banner, Sir John S. Harmood- Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.) Barlow, Rt. Hon. Sir Montague England, Lieut.-Colonel A. Leigh, Sir John (Clapham) Barnett, Major Richard W. Erskine, Lord (Weston-super-Mare) Lloyd-Greame, Rt. Hon. Sir P. Barnston, Major Harry Erskine-Bolst, Captain C. Locker-Lampson, G. (Wood Green) Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Evans, Capt. H. Arthur (Leicester, E.) Lorden, John William Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Lort-Williams, J. Berry, Sir George Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Lougher, L. Betterton, Henry B. Fawkes, Major F. H. Lumley, L. R. Birchall, Major J. Dearman Fermor-Hesketh, Major T. Lynn, R. J. Bird, Sir W. B. M. (Chichester) Ford, Patrick Johnston McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Makins, Brigadier-General E. Blades, Sir George Rowland Foreman, Sir Henry Manville, Edward Blundell, F. N. Forestler-Walker, L. Margesson, H. D. R. Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W. Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Mason, Lieut.-Col. C. K. Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Furness, G. J. Milne, J. S. Wardlaw Brass, Captain W. Galbraith, J. F. W. Mitchell, W. F. (Saffron Walden) Brassey, Sir Leonard Ganzoni, Sir John Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham) Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive Gardiner, James Moles, Thomas Briggs, Harold Garland, C. S. Molloy, Major L. G. S. Brown, Major D. C. (Hexham) Gates, Percy Molson, Major John Elsdale Brown, Brig.-Gen. Clifton (Newbury) Gaunt, Rear-Admiral Sir Guy R. Moreing, Captain Algernon H. Brown, J. W. (Middlesbrough, E.) Goff, Sir R. Park Morrison, Hugh (Wilts, Salisbury) Bruford, R. Gould, James C. Murchison, C. K. Bruton, Sir James Greene, Lt.-Col. Sir W. (Hack'y, N.) Murray, John (Leads, West) Buckingham, Sir H. Gretton, Colonel John Nall, Major Joseph Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E. Nesbitt, J. C. Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Gwynne, Rupert S. Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Burn, Colonel Sir Charles Rosdew Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Newson, Sir Percy Wilson Burney, Com. (Middx., Uxbridge) Halstead, Major D. Nicholson, Brig.-Gen. J. (Westminster) Butcher, Sir John George Hamilton, Sir George C. (Altrincham) Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Butler, H. M. (Leeds, North) Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Nield, Sir Herbert Butler, J. R. M. (Cambridge Univ.) Harrison, F. C. O'Neill, Rt. Hon. Hugh Cadogan, Major Edward Hawke, John Anthony Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R. Hay, Major T. W. (Norfolk, South) Paget, T. G. Cassels, J. D. Henderson, Sir T. (Roxburgh) Parker, Owen (Kettering) Cautley, Henry Strother Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Pennefather, De Fonblanque Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City) Herbert, Col. Hon. A. (Yeovil) Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord H. (Ox. Univ.) Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Perkins, Colonel E. K. Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord R. (Hitchin) Herbert, S. (Scarborough) Peto, Basil E. Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton Hewett, Sir J. P. Philipson, H. H. Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood) Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank Pielou, D. P. Chapman, Sir S. Hiley, Sir Ernest Pilditch, Sir Philip Churchman, Sir Arthur Hoare, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir S. J. G. Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Clarry, Reginald George Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (St. Marylebone) Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Clayton, G. C. Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy Privett, F. J. Coates, Lt.-Col. Norman Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Raeburn, Sir William H. Cobb, Sir Cyril Hopkins, John W. W. Raine, W. Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Rankin, Captain James Stuart Cohen, Major J. Brunel Houfton, John Plowright Rawlinson, Rt. Hon. John Fredk. Peel Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Howard, Capt. D. (Cumberland, N.) Rawson, Lieut.-Com. A. C. Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Howard-Bury, Lieut.-Col. C. K. Rees, Sir Beddoe Conway, Sir W. Martin Hudson, Capt. A. Reid, Capt. A. S. C. (Warrington) Cope, Major William Hughes, Collingwood Reid, D. D. (County Down) Courthope, Lieut.-Col. George L. Hume-Williams, Sir W. Ellis Remer, J. R. Craig, Capt. C. C. (Antrim, South) Hunter-Weston, Lt.-Gen. Sir Aylmer Remnant, Sir James Rentoul, G. S. Simpson-Hinchcliffe, W. A. Turton, Edmund Russborough Reynolds, W. G. W. Sinclair, Sir A. Vaughan-Morgan, Col. K. P. Richardson, Sir Alex. (Gravesend) Skelton, A. N. Wallace, Captain E. Richardson, Lt.-Col. Sir P. (Chertsey) Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South) Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull) Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford) Somerville, A. A. (Windsor) Waring, Major Walter Roberts, Rt. Hon. Sir S. (Ecclesall) Somerville, Daniel (Barrow-in-Furness) Watts, Dr. T. (Man., Withington) Robertson, J. D. (Islington, W.) Sparkes, H. W. Wells, S. R. Robinson, Sir T. (Lancs., Stretford) Spender-Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H. Weston, Colonel John Wakefield Rogerson, Capt. J. E. Stanley, Lord Wheler, Col. Granville C. H. Roundell, Colonel R. F. Steel, Major S. Strang White, Lt.-Col. G. D. (Southport) Ruggles-Brise, Major E. Stewart, Gershom (Wirral) Whitla, Sir William Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth) Stott, Lt.-Col. W. H. Windsor, Viscount Russell, William (Bolton) Stuart, Lord C. Crichton- Winterton, Earl Russell-Wells, Sir Sydney Sturrock, J. Leng Wise, Frederick Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Sugden, Sir Wilfrid H. Wolmer, Viscount Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney) Sutcliffe, T. Wood, Rt. Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Sanders, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert A. Sykes, Major-Gen. Sir Frederick H. Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Sanderson, Sir Frank B. Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley) Woodcock, Colonel H. C. Sandon, Lord Thomson, Luke (Sunderland) Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward Scott, Sir Leslie (Liverp'l, Exchange) Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Yerburgh, R. D. T. Sheffield, Sir Berkeley Thorpe, Captain John Henry Shepperson, E. W. Titchfield, Marquess of TELLERS FOR THE NOES. —— Shipwright, Captain D. Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs. Simms, Dr. John M. (Co. Down) Tubbs, S. W.
Main Question again proposed.
Pensions Administration
I beg to move, at the end of the Question, to add the words informed by the Ministry of Pensions that the disability from which he now suffers is not now attributable to or aggravated by war service. Members in all parts of the House will agree with me when I say that the numbers of these cases are growing week by week, and there is not a constituency in the country from which appeals for help are not being made to Members of Parliament. These appeals for help form a considerable proportion of the daily correspondence of Members of the House, and if no remedy is found speedily for this scandal every right-thinking man and woman will be ashamed of the treatment which the country and the Government are giving to these ex-service men.
There is no doubt in the minds of any of us who have been in the habit of dealing with these pension cases but that the Ministry of Pensions has become so obsessed with the desire for economy that it is treating many of these ex-service men and their dependents in a shameless fashion. I hope that the House, irrespective of party, will to-night challenge both the policy and administration of the Ministry of Pensions, and will support this Amendment in the Division Lobby if necessary, in order to enforce the demand for an exhaustive inquiry into the responsibility of the Government and the country to these ex-service men. Experience has shown us that the legal provision made does not fulfil what the Amendment calls a solemn obligation to these ex-service men and their dependents, but that a very glaring injustice is being done through the unsympathetic administration of the Ministry of Pensions, whose policy appears to be to deprive pensioners, in the interests of so-called economy, of their just rights. Numerous instances of injustice could be given if one cared to take up the time of the House in giving them, and I have no doubt that they will be given in the course of the Debate. But, in moving the Amendment, I would like to refrain from giving specific cases, and I would rather confine myself to dealing with general points on which amendment is required.
The first of these points is that it appears to be the aim of the present administration to centralise all work in connection with the handling or treatment of appeals, and applications from pensioners and dependants. As a result of the recommendation of the Departmental Committee, the old system of local committees was swept away, and the committees that were arranged to take their place were not given any executive powers except in very minor matters. The old committees, I would remind the Minister of Pensions, were very important so far as the ex-service man was concerned. They could sanction the payment of allowances, and determine action in many ways, and in that way it was possible for the ex-service man to get his case attended to much more speedily than is done under the new arrangement. Every ex-service man knew one or more of the members of these local committees, and these members of local committees were in very numerous instances their adviser and their friend.
In that way these local committees kept in close personal touch with the ex-service man, and by close personal contact they were able to advise the Ministry on many matters that the Ministry was all the better for being advised upon. Centralisation would entail the shutting down of all local offices, and the majority of pensioners desiring information and advice would be required to submit their cases in writing instead of getting them attended to by calls at the local offices. In many instances the task of submitting cases in writing is very difficult indeed to the ex-service men. Many of them would let the matter slide and take what the Ministry is disposed to grant them, rather than take the trouble involved in writing up what the Ministry requires. The time limit governing appeals and other Regulations of the Ministry are not known by 5 per cant. of the pensioners, and the lack of touch with a local committee further denies them the opportunity for sympathetic consideration. With only 166 committees instead of 382 as formerly, with 900 sub-committees, these committees now dealing with wide areas embracing whole counties in some instances and groups of counties in others, the personal touch is entirely lost. Is the Minister so obsessed with a desire for economy in staff that he is determined to effect it to the detriment of the pensioner? Or is it because the officials of the Ministry resented the freedom with which the old committees exercised their right to intervene that these drastic changes were made?
A second point is the treatment for disability of disabled men. The present administration decrees that a pensioner seeking treatment for his disability must be certified as requiring that treatment by a doctor directly in the employment of the Ministry. If the certificate is adverse and the man is dissatisfied with the verdict he has no form of appeal. Even though he may produce certificates from his panel doctor or from a private doctor that he requires treatment and is unable to work, no provision is made whereby an impartial opinion can be obtained. The result is that the man is compelled to repair to the parish council or the board of guardians, or is dependent on the charity of his friends. In some cases he tries to continue at work, with disastrous consequences to himself. I want to know, is the opinion of the Ministry doctor so infallible that there is no necessity for appeal? Would it not be quite as serviceable an arrangement if the man were given a certificate from his panel doctor under the National Health Insurance Act to admit him for treatment and allowance? If that is thought not to be a good method, is it not possible that there could be established independent medical referees, who would have the power either to confirm or to reject the certificate of the Ministry doctor?
My next point relates to the shameless deductions that are being made from pensions. The money is deducted, it is said, in order to recover sums paid by local offices in the early days of the administration of pensions; that is to say, sums paid in 1918 and the two subsequent years are now said by the Ministry to have been paid in many instances without authority. But these payments, when made, were made in good faith and under regulations that were in force at the time of payment. I contend that the Ministry is exceeding its power in attempting to recover money that was justly due under its former regulations. Many of the deductions now being made represent sums granted by the local committees under regulations that were in operation at the time. Only yesterday I wrote to the Minister of Pensions with regard to two cases. There was one in which a man was asked to repay no less than £35, which, it was stated in the communication sent to him, had been overpaid him by a local committee in 1919. The other case is that of a pensioner who was asked to repay £15, stated by the Ministry's officials to have been overpaid by the local committee in 1920. That is a grievance which demands the immediate attention of the Minister, or, if not of the Minister, of this House and of the country, because treatment of that kind is shameless in the cases of men who suffered so much in the interests of the country.
Another point refers to cases of disability formerly marked "Attributable to war service" and now changed to "Aggravated by war service." Many cases have been brought to the notice of Members of Parliament of men who had been awarded pensions for two or three years for a disability admitted by the Ministry to be "Attributable to war service." Suddenly, by some process known only to the Ministry and its officials, that wording was changed to "Aggravated by war service." In many instances the men did not observe the significance of the change, and they went on until the Ministry sent a second intimation to inform them that the aggravation had now passed away and that consequently their pension was at an end. The only way in which they could challenge a decision of that kind was to make an appeal to the entitlement tribunal, a poor and lean prospect indeed, when one takes into consideration the limitation of these appeal tribunals, their composition, and the small number of successful appeals that emerge from the court.
My next point relates to the treatment that is being given to the parents of unmarried soldiers who were killed in the War. When a parent in receipt of dependent's pension dies, the pension, according to the latest decision of the Ministry, now dies with him or her. Formerly it was possible to get payment of the pension transferred to the remaining parent, but by the latest decision that is ended. I ask the Minister and the House to consider the position of a widow who loses both her husband and the pension that was due to him for the loss of a son. This latest injustice of the Ministry should be rescinded at the earliest possible moment. Particularly is it an injustice in a case where the mother happens to be the surviving parent.
I turn to another point—the decision to have a seven years' time limit. This is imposing a real hardship on a very large number of men, and whatever else happens, the injustice ought to be swept aside at once. It is the greatest possible injustice to say to a man who happens to have had sown in him the seeds of a disease which take more than seven years to develop, or who may have been wounded but was in the position of being able to maintain himself without asking for compensation from the Government during that period of time, to be told that if eventually he breaks down completely he has been too long in applying and that he is not entitled to ask for a pension. It is not only a hardship on the man, but is a hardship on the dependents of men who may die as the result of war service, even after seven years have passed. Those of us who have any close knowledge of the conditions under which the War was conducted, know that the men who were serving in every part of the far-flung battle areas were serving under such conditions, have sown in them the seeds of disease which develop and bear fruit long after their period of service has passed. Therefore this time limit of seven years ought to be changed at the earliest possible moment.
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Take another instance of the official pruning, in regard to what is known as the needs pension, granted to the parents of deceased men. Within recent months action has been taken by the Ministry of a particularly mean kind. Deductions are being made from the meagre pensions of these parents to the amount of 1s., 2s. or 3s. a week. The deductions are generally made after an inquisition into their domestic affairs, into whether they are getting grants from their friends, or are able to make a little by keeping lodgers, and things of that kind. That, to my mind, is one of the meanest and most contemptible things of which the Ministry of Pensions are guilty. Another matter that presses very hardly upon a considerable portion of the dependents of some men who served during the War is the treatment given to the widows and children, who, under Article 15 of the Royal Warrant, were given what was known as temporary pensions, which ended on 30th September last. Those pensions were granted to the dependants of men who died, and who were certified as having died from some form of disease, but not attributable to war service. They were not full pensioners, the pensions were temporary, and ended at the end of September. The dependants of these men have now to rely on the kindness of friends, of charitable institutions, or on parish relief. If a man were fit for service, surely it is justice and equity that if he died as a result of or in the course of that service his dependants should be entitled to a pension. If he were fit for service, they are fit for pension.
The last broad general point applying to the Ministry of Pensions with which I want to deal is the unsympathetic action of the Ministry. I do not know whether that is due to the action of non-service men. I do not mean to say that a man who did not serve during the War is devoid of sympathy for ex-service men. I want, however, to point out to the Minister that there are 59 principal officers in the Ministry of Pensions, and of whom only nine are service men. I complain more about a second point in that connection. Those nine service men are what is known as "temporary men," who are not entitled to make any decisions with regard to these Regulations. That is left to what is known as the "permanent" men, 50 of whom are non-service men. Surely service men, who are engaged in this advisory office in the Ministry of Pensions, are at least entitled to be placed on an equal footing with the non-service men, and that ought to be done.
I now pass from the Ministry of Pensions to something that is beyond the Ministry. My last point is with regard to the Pensions Appeal Tribunal. I have raised this matter on more than one occasion in the House. This part of the pensions machinery requires as much attention as the Ministry of Pensions itself. These Pensions Appeal Courts are not working out satisfactorily, so far as the pensioners are concerned. A very small proportion of the cases that go before these courts are carried through successfully. The reason why these courts are not as satisfactory as they ought to be is because of their composition. In the event of a Select Committee of Inquiry being granted in reply to our Amendment the House and the country should insist that these Pensions Appeal Tribunals should come under its review, just as we are asking that the Ministry of Pensions itself should come under its review. To have a court which is likely to deal satisfactorily with these cases, you require to make sure that one of the members of the court is a man in the habit of sifting evidence.
The chairman of every one of these committees ought to be a man who has some special qualifications for sifting evidence. If, for example, a doctor is sitting as a chairman of an Appeal Court, with another doctor as a member of it, and an ex-service man, you have a court which is not capable of dealing satisfactorily with these cases. We have courts of that description. A doctor is too apt to be obsessed with the idea that the questions that are being considered by the Pensions Appeal Tribunals are medical questions. While the medical element enters largely into their consideration, they are by no means entirely medical questions. They require to be handled by at least one member of the court who is in the habit of sifting all sorts of evidence. Therefore, the composition of these courts should consist of not more than one doctor, an ex-service man, and somebody who is in the habit of sifting evidence in coming to a satisfactory conclusion.
Before these courts are satisfactory, they should be given wider powers. At present their powers are too limited. When I say that, I mean simply this, that you may get a man appealing who, because of his ignorance of his own case, appeals on a specific issue. The Ministry has laid it down that these courts can only decide on that particular issue, yet often in the course of his statement the man may bring before the Appeal Court the question of other disabilities from which he suffers. Because of the limited scope of their powers, the court is not entitled to consider those other disabilities. Therefore, if you are going to have a court that will do its work anything like satisfactorily, larger powers are required.
Another defect of the present pensions appeal tribunals is the fact that if a man making an appeal is desirous of having the assistance of anyone in the habit of putting cases of that kind before such bodies—in many instances the men selected by the pensioners are lawyers—no costs are given to the pensioner for that. The Ministry stops payment of the man's pension and forces him to go to the appeal tribunal. If he desires expert assistance in putting his case, the cost must come out of his own pocket. That is a distinct grievance, and ought to be altered at the earliest possible moment. Before the pensions appeal courts are of the satisfactory nature which I and many others desire, the Government will also have to set up one other Court. The last time I brought this matter before the House I pointed out that before the pensions appeal tribunal could be satisfactory we required a national appeal tribunal, to which appeals could be made from the area appeal tribunals.
In making that suggestion, may I point out that I am only urging that we should, do in connection with our pensions administration, what is done in regard to our civil courts. In the civil courts in Scotland you have the case coming before the Sheriff's Court and in England before the County Court. Then it goes to the Appeal Court, and there is an appeal over all that machinery of the law to the House of Lords. There is a National Appeal Court. When I last put this point before the House the then Attorney-General, in his reply, stated that if he granted my request it would mean the re-hearing of no less than 90,000 cases. By this time the number of cases will exceed 100,000. What does that mean? It means that there you have a huge army of men whose cases have been before the area appeal tribunals, and in many instances turned down. They have no pensions and in numerous instances are unable to work, and nothing further can be done for them. If that be the position, surely it is a scandal that there is no national appeal tribunal to re-hear these cases under conditions which will give the claimant fair play.
These cases ought to be re-tried under conditions whereby the claimant will have the assistance of expert advice in the putting of his claim. These are points which I thought it well to discuss with the Minister of Pensions in moving the Amendment. As I said at the beginning, I have not introduced specific cases, but have rather brought forward general points which deserve the serious attention of the Ministry and the House. I have no doubt in the course of the Debate numerous cases will be quoted and numerous instances given of the injustice from which ex-service men are suffering. I hope the Minister of Pensions is going to agree on behalf of the Government to the setting up of a Select Committee composed of Members of this House. If the hon. Gentleman has a good case, he should welcome the setting up of such a Committee. If he refuses our request for such a Committee, then the House and the country will judge as to whether the case which we are putting is a just one or not. In the event of a refusal of our request from the Minister on behalf of the Government, I hope we are going to have such a measure of support in the Division Lobby as will compel the Government to give these men the measure of equity and justice to which they are entitled.
As a responsible official of the British Legion I feel I am entitled to express the views of ex-service men, but it is only right to say that I have been in no way briefed by them to speak to-night, and it is quite possible they may disagree with some of my sentiments, though I do not think so. I deprecate very much the putting down of this Amendment. An Amendment to the Address is always considered to be a Vote of Censure on the Government. The right hon. and hon. Gentlemen in whose names this Amendment stands are naturally as well aware of that as any other Members of the House, and therefore we may presume they mean it to be taken as such a vote. I think it is all wrong that the ex-service men of this country should be 'brought into party politics in this manner. Any stick, it is known, is good enough to beat a dog with, but we are not a stick and we do not like to be used as one. Again, I would ask, since when has the Labour party as a party been so solicitious for the welfare of ex-service men? [HON. MEMBEES: "Always."] I think, in fact I know, I number among my friends many members of the Labour party, and I know the majority of them have war records of which they may well be proud, but I also know there are many men sitting on those benches, and supporting the Labour party outside, who have not such honourable war records. [HON. MEMBERS: "Party politics."] At any rate, from the point of view of the ex-service man, there are many gentlemen who during the War, to say the least of it, held views diametrically opposed to those held by the majority of their countrymen. They were perfectly entitled to hold those views, and I think they probably held those views honestly, but if they held those views honestly then they ought not to interfere in a question which does not affect them, but which affects those whom they were opposed to during the War, and I would suggest they should show their honesty by abstaining from voting to-night.
The remedy suggested in the Amendment is that a Select Committee of this House should be set up to go into the whole question. I do not think that is necessary or even desirable. We had a Select Committee of the House in 1919 and 1920, which reported very fully. We had a Departmental Committee in 1921 on which all parties in the House and all bodies of ex-service men were represented. The report was unanimous, and it consisted of some 200 recommendations. If these were carried out—the majority have been carried out—there would be nothing to cavil at. I have been in the House only a few years, but the longer I sit here the less faith I have in Select Committees. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Fife (Mr. Adamson) has sat here considerably longer than I have, but I feel sure his view would be the same. There is plenty of material for the Ministry to work upon without any further recommendations. If they will only pay attention to those recommendations which I have indicated and give us what they can give us and what the House has shown it desired should be given, the ex-service men will be quite well looked after. Having said all that and having deprecated the idea of a Select Committee, I may add that there is a great deal in what the right hon. Gentleman the Mover of the Amendment has said. There is no doubt that the Ministry of Pensions, as is the case with all Ministries, is unsympathetic. I do not lay the blame on the Ministry as a whole, but on the bureaucratic system. I think if the officials of the Ministry, in all grades, were allowed to think a little more; if each were allowed to remember that he is a man and not a cog in a machine and allowed to do something on his own without referring it back to a higher authority, a great deal more might be achieved. We all of us get letters from our constituents and we fire them at the Ministry and they are attended to—[HON. MEMBERS: "Some of them!"] I find anything I send in is always attended to, and the reason seems to be that I approach the problem by communicating with the man at the top. The ex-service man who writes himself, without getting anyone to intervene for him, starts at the bottom and his communication has to go through 100 men, whereas mine has only to go through half-a-dozen. If it be possible by merely writing to a Member of Parliament to get sympathetic treatment, there should be some way whereby the man himself could get it.
I have already said that the ex-service man problem should not be brought into party politics. It is only fair to have a dig at the Government in that respect also. Those of us who have been very anxious to get pensions stabilised have never been able to get anything done, but when the General Election came we were told that they would be stabilised for another three years. I can see that going on whatever party is in power—always putting the matter off some time ahead. That is not treating the ex-service men as they deserve to be treated. The question of the stabilisation of pensions should be gone into thoroughly, and if a man has been in receipt of a pension for a certain number of years, it should be stabilised, and he should not have to come up for re-examination and re-assessment. It might cost the country a certain amount of money, and it might mean that many men would receive pensions higher than they would otherwise have received, but it will cut both ways, and it will also save the Ministry a great deal of money in administration.
The question of local committees was one on which I desired to touch, but it have been dealt with so very thoroughly by the right hon. Gentleman the Mover of the Amendment, that I cannot add very much to what he has said. These committees have been reduced too rapidly. The areas over which they have to rule are too large, and they meet too rarely, which means that the human touch is left out entirely. The secretary or area officer has too much power and the committee has too little. I understand—and I would like the Minister to state whether or not it is a fact—that the committees have no power to order an area officer to submit all correspondence to them, and that the officer is entitled to keep to himself any circulars or other documents which he gets from the Ministry and need not produce them to the committee. I should like to be assured on that point, because if that be so, the officer might just as well run the show himself and leave out the committee. Furthermore, owing to the committee meeting so rarely, any man with a grievance or a problem has to go to the officer. It is my experience that a local voluntary committee which meets frequently is much more in touch with the men than is the area officer, and that the ex-service man himself infinitely prefers to state his case to a sympathetic audience whom he knows rather than to a stranger and an official, and through preferring so to state that case, is able to state it in a manner much more to his advantage.
We are not all orators, and some of us find it difficult to explain exactly what we mean. If the officer is unable through pressure of work—it need not be want of sympathy—to give that attention which is desired, sometimes it goes very hardly with ex-service men, and their case is turned down when, otherwise, it might have been considered favourably. I think there is one question which the right hon. Gentleman did not touch upon, and that was the seven years limit for widows' pensions. That is a question that is felt very strongly. The Minister has given us some slight concession. It has been a very difficult concession to understand, but at most it seems to me that in certain cases it might extend the period by a few months. The onus of proof in these cases is on the widow, or, at any rate, the fact that a man died of a disability or an illness incurred through or aggravated by the War has to be proved, and it seems to me if that case has to be proved, and if it is capable of being proved, there is no reason why the widow should not receive the pension, even if it is 20 years afterwards. I feel sure that in the case of most of us who fought in the War our lives have been shortened, and the more perhaps we have physically suffered the more has that life been shortened, but there are a great many cases in which that would be very hard to prove, and I contend there ought to be no seven years' limit fixed.
I would like to come to the mental cases, of whom there are some 6,000 odd. There is a recommendation in the Departmental Report that these cases were to be housed either in separate institutions or that different wings should be built on to existing institutions. I do not want to press that point, because I believe—in fact, we have been assured by the Minister—that these recommendations are going to be followed, but perhaps he can tell us later how far he has gone, so that we shall know exactly where we are. That leaves out the 750 pauper lunatics, about whom so much has been heard in this House, and for whom so little has been done. I fully realise—I do not mind saying so—that the Government have an extremely good case, from an official point of view, in the line they are taking with these men, but from the point of view of the Government's honour and of the desire of the country, I think they have one of the worst cases possible. It is stated that very few of these pauper lunatics went abroad, and that most of them would have become insane had there been no war, and, looking through their medical history sheets that may be right, out it does not apply to them all, and they cannot sift those to whom it does apply from those to whom it does not. It is a matter of very little cost, a matter of transferring it from the ratepayers to the taxpayers, and I do not think the taxpayers would object to a charge being placed upon them so that these men should not be stigmatised as pauper lunatics. I suggest to the Minister that for the sake of the ten righteous men amongst them, he should consider their cases before all else.
There is one other case of a pensioner to which reference has not been made, and that is the one suffering from tuberculosis. That, I know, is a matter that is more for the Minister of Health, but it is a matter from responsibility for which the Minister of Pensions cannot entirely absolve himself, and it is a question that must be dealt with immediately. There were originally some 50,000 ex-service men suffering from tuberculosis, 15,000 of whom have now died, and, as I said to the Minister of Health on a deputation a short time ago, the question could be easily settled by letting the remainder of those 50,000 die; but, unless that is the intention and desire of the Government, something must be done for these men. The Departmental Committee recommended that institutions should be set up in different parts of the country—a combination of sanatorium, training college, and village centre—the sanatorium to cure the man, and get him off to the training college, whereby he could be taught a trade at which he could work without injuring his health, and the village centre where he would be able to live with his wife and children and pursue the trade he had learned, and there live for as long as three score years and ten, which we are told is the allotted span.
We have one extremely good centre in Papworth, and there are one or two others about the country, but there ought to be a dozen. Papworth has some 50 cottages, but wants another 150, at a cost of £100,000. Of course, we are told that, owing to the desire for economy, Papworth cannot be extended, and further centres cannot be built. I know all these things cost money, and I know we have to economise in many ways, but we ought only to economise in luxuries; we cannot economise as far as paying our debts is concerned. We have paid America, or we are going to pay America, what we owe her. We pat ourselves on the back every time we think of how good we are in paying America, and how we are the only country in Europe which is paying its debts, but we have other debts beside the debt to America. We have a debt to every man who fought in the War and to every man who suffered in the War, and I do not think it is right to put forward the plea of economy in order to refuse any of these claims.
I would finish by saying that in 1914 and 1915 the men whom we are discussing were described as the flower of the land. They are still flowers, if they are somewhat faded and drooping. What they were then they are now, and it is up to the rest of the community who described them as such in those days to remember now what they then said.
I think the House will probably sympathise with anyone who is called upon, or who chooses, to address it for the first time after a speech so impressive as that which has just been delivered by my hon. and gallant Friend opposite, the Member for the Fairfield Division of Liverpool (Major Cohen), a speech which, if I may say so, not only impressed the House of Commons, but reflects the deep devotion which he has all along shown in the cause of the ex-service men. I am afraid that it is my duty to offer one or two criticisms of the Ministry of Pensions, which is not a very grateful duty to perform on the first occasion of addressing this House, but I assure the House that I will make those criticisms with all the diffidence and all the modesty which I am sure hon. Members have observed have characterised all the utterances since the opening of this Parliament by my fellow-countrymen from Scotland. I know it is quite unnecessary to appeal to the heart of the House of Commons, because I am one of those who have the best reason for knowing how very great is the kindness of heart of Members in all quarters of this House, and I should like to say, if I may, that while I myself greatly appreciate the extraordinary kindness with which I have been treated, I hope the right hon. Gentleman the Minister of Pensions, and any other hon. or right hon. Member of this House who may come into collision with opinions which I may venture to express on the Floor of the House, will not be restrained from dealing faithfully with me, as he would deal with anyone else, because of sentimental considerations.
Although I do not quite agree with everything that has been stated by the right hon. Member for West Fife (Mr. W. Adamson), who moved this Amendment, I do in the main agree with most of his points, but I think the difficulty in this case lies deeper than he mentioned. I do not think we are contending at the moment against unsympathetic administration. My own experience has been that the administration under the Ministry of Pensions has been at least as nearly sympathetic as it is possible for administration to be. We are contending with something which, I think, is much more formidable than unsympathetic administration, namely, regulations, which require to be altered, and I should like to call attention only to two points, as I am quite certain that the whole field will be covered in the course of the Debate. First of all, the question of pensions to dependants deserves very grave consideration. There are, as Members of the House are aware, two classes of pensions for dependants. There is what is known as a flat rate pension, which is a pension of 5s. a week, to which the parent of a soldier killed in action is entitled upon certain conditions, the main conditions being that the soldier should have been under 26 years of age when he enlisted, and that he should have left no other dependant than the pensioner. That flat rate pension can be claimed by every parent in those circumstances, and it is a permanent pension. Then there is another class of pension for dependants, which is called a pecuniary need pension. The pecuniary need pension, so far as I understand, may amount to anything up to 20s. a week. It has recently been stated publicly, by the Secretary of the British Legion in Scotland, that parents in receipt of the flat rate pension of 5s. a week have been induced—I do not want to put it any stronger than that—to exchange that flat rate pension, which is a permanent pension, for a pecuniary need pension, which is of larger immediate value, and that after they have been in the enjoyment of the pecuniary need pension for a very short time, the circumstances have been reviewed by the Ministry and they have found themselves deprived of their pecuniary need pension, and further, when they have applied to be reinstated as flat rate pensioners, that application has been refused. That is a public statement made by a responsible official, and I am afraid that there are some of us who have seen in operation something very like what I have described. That, I think, ought to be remedied immediately.
The only other point I want to bring before the attention of the House this evening is the question of entitlement, and I think the Minister and the Government ought to bear this in mind, that in the vast majority of cases you are dealing with simple folk, who do not understand complicated Regulations, and who are incapable of following the minute mathematical calculations upon which some of the decisions of the Ministry of Pensions proceed. One thing that simple folk do not understand is this, that if a man has been granted a pension in respect of a disability attributable to the War on the decision of a medical board, they do not understand why, if any subsequent medical board investigates the case, at a later period of his disability, at a greater distance from the time when the disability was caused, the second decision should overrule the former decision. There are numerous cases of men who have enjoyed pensions for several years on the decision of a medical board, and who have suddenly been deprived of their pensions, and have found that the latest medical board has overturned all previous decisions, and has decided that the disability was not attributable to war service. These are the only two points, out of many, which I want to bring up now, as I do not wish to occupy the time of the House longer; but I wish to suggest to the right hon. Gentleman the Minister of Pensions—I do not know if he is prepared to grant the request made in this Amendment, and I shall not be surprised if the request is refused—a certain course that he might take. If he will confer with his regional directors and area officers, the men who are actually administering pensions and coming into contact with the claimants, and obtain from them their views as to where the line cuts as to cases of hardship, and will also obtain from them suggestions as to how the Regulations should be amended in order that these hard cases may be avoided in the future—if he will do that, and if he will put the proposals before the House of Commons, I am inclined to think that no objection will be made to the Amendment to the Regulations in that direction. These officers, who are administering pensions throughout the country, know exactly where the shoe pinches, and would be able to give him very valuable advice as to where the Regulations should be altered, so that justice should be done in the greatest possible number of cases.
If the Minister accepts that suggestion, and comes to this House with proposals to amend the Regulations, and they are passed by this House, that will undoubtedly involve the country in extra expense. My hon. and gallant Friend who sits opposite has mentioned that the country has more debts to honour than the debt to America, and I agree. I think the extra expenditure, in fact, the total expenditure on pensions, should be regarded not altogether as the payment of a debt. It is really a gilt-edged investment—an investment in the very best kind of stock that this country has ever produced. Such expenditure cannot come within the category of waste, because to a very great extent—I suppose 90 per cent.—the money that is spent in pensions from week to week goes immediately into circulation in this country. It is not taken abroad, and very little indeed of it is wasted. The great bulk of it goes to the nurture of the wives and children of disabled soldiers. So far as the disabled soldier is concerned, there is this other most important factor to be considered. The fact that you give a reasonable pension to a disabled soldier enables that man, however great his disability, to become a useful citizen to the utmost limits of his power. I have some experience of what I am speaking about, and the very fact that you lift a man above the line of squalid poverty makes it possible for him to do that which he could not do if he were to be constantly worried about keeping his head above water.
I know of cases of soldiers blinded in the War, and, apart from the very great influence of the training they receive, the fact that they are well pensioned—and I will say that in this matter the State has been both just and generous, as the Prime Minister claimed on a recent occasion—but the very fact that these men are well pensioned has enabled them to become useful citizens and to earn substantial livelihoods, and the percentage of failures to-day among that particular class of pensioners is practically negligible. Both in respect to the destination of the money which is paid from week to week, and its effect upon the character and morale of the pensioners receiving it, I think it is expenditure which this House and this country may very cheerfully and gratefully undertake.
I hope the Minister will take the suggestions that I have made into his consideration. There may be many difficult cases. There are many cases on the border line, but I think everyone will agree that in a matter such as this, it is advisable, in order to do a great right, to do a little wrong. It was said on a famous occasion not so very long ago by Lord Morley, speaking in another place, that a great nation ought to have a good conscience, and I do not think that this great nation can have a good conscience so long as there exists throughout the country preventible cases of hardship in the shape of ex-soldiers who served the country so well in the War.
It seems to me that when a Member gets up to make his maiden speech he has to offer an apology. I support this Amendment, not because of want of confidence in the Government, but in support of the men, and in support of the widows and children. I recollect the time when we went out recruiting, and promises were made in order to get these lads to turn out and fight for this country. I recollect what we promised them, and I spoke on many platforms, where various Members of this House went representing the Government, and gave these lads the assurance that they would never have to suffer like those in the past, and that we should never see them having to sell matches in the street, or having to go into the workhouse. "If you lads," they were told, "serve us this time, the nation will never forget you." I wish to say to my hon. Friend who spoke on the opposite side that the Labour party never considered this as a vote of want of confidence in the Government. We are doing this in the interests of our own class, the lads who belong to it, and who, we say, are not getting justice from the Government to-day. I do not think there is a Member in this House who is not having grievances sent to him day by day. I think the Amendment is a perfectly justifiable one, and that you ought to have a special Committee set up which can go into the whole business, and decide upon certain conditions which would be of advantage to these people. I know of a case in which one of the people of my constituency has been to the Appeal Tribunal of the Lords, and that tribunal granted his appeal on the 6th December, 1922. On the 11th December, notice came from the local war pensions committee that it had not been granted by them, and they could not pay it, and to-day he is not getting what the House of Lords decided. I say this is not playing the game with these lads who saved this country.
The employing classes of this country are more to blame than any trade union because a lot of these men are not in work. Directly recruiting was commenced for the War, a Government deputation came to Lancashire to discuss with the cotton industry what they would do with these lads, and also with the young women who went into munitions, and we mutually agreed that any lad who came back, or any woman who was fit for work at the end of the War, should be reinstated. The cotton trade has carried that out to the letter. If every other employer had done the same, there would not have been so many of these lads without work to-day. I want to say that many of these local war pensions committees are deciding against these men, who claim that they have a right to a pension, and who, in the recruiting days, were declared by the medical officer as A1, fit for service. They go, possibly, before the same man when they come back broken and incapacitated, and he decides that it is not created by war service. I hope this is not to save money, because on this side we are prepared to pay all we possibly can, believing that we are only doing our duty to those who made a great sacrifice.
I appeal to the Minister of Pensions to do something for the children. A widow is left with two or three little children, and in some cases more, and I want the right hon. Gentleman to remember what a serious trouble it is going to be to many of these families if you are not going to alter the seven years' position. I think you ought to make it possible for the widow to be fully entitled to the money so long as she lives. Her husband has been taken from her, and has given all, and we cannot do too much for his family. So far as the mental cases are concerned, I am one of those who believe that there should be some discrimination shown with regard to the soldier. I do not think he ought to be taken to an asylum. Just as you made houses and buildings when you wanted them prepared for War, so I believe you ought to make suitable and comfortable places for these men who are mentally affected. Having had some experience as a Poor Law guardian of asylums, I am sure you could not put these men among some of the worst cases and expect them ever to become again what they should be. You must have some discrimination, and I ask the Minister of Health, who, I believe, will have to look after these cases, to give this question consideration. So far as this matter is concerned, I hope we shall not be charged with want of confidence in the Government, although we have not much confidence in the Government. On this question I am thoroughly disgusted, because of the way many of these people have been treated. I am proud to be an Englishman, but I am disgusted with the way the last Government and this Government and the Ministry of Pensions have conducted this business. So far as I am personally concerned, I want to see this Committee set up.
8.0 P.M.
I am going to make another suggestion to the Minister, and it is a suggestion which, I think, will answer very well. It is that he should appoint one or two of his officers to come to some Committee Room of the House of Commons where we could present many of these cases, and make him thoroughly acquainted with them. I believe that it would create satisfaction, and that a great many of these cases would be settled sooner than they are settled to-day. I want to go further and say, so far as the position is concerned, I have many cases which I am going to present to the Minister of Pensions, and I want to present them personally to him. I have a case here which I presented to the Ministry, which expressed great sympathy. They wrote me a letter telling me that they had had the man before them—the case arose from the local district of Halifax—and they said that they had made it all right, and that the man had expressed himself as satisfied. That was false. The man subsequently wrote to me and said that he had never said that he was satisfied, that the pensions officials gave him £1 11s. and told him that was all he could get, and there was no more pension. I say distinctly that when you get that kind of information it is well—and you have representatives from the Pensions Ministry in this House of Commons—if we had those concerned together in one of the Committee Rooms of the House of Commons, where we could meet them. I think that would be a good thing. I hope the right hon. Gentleman the Pensions Minister will give what I have said some consideration, for, in my view, we can never do too much for the lads who made the great sacrifice and saved this great country of ours.
In addressing the House for the first time, I feel I am fortunate in touching upon a subject which has the universal sympathy of all sections of the House, including the right hon. and gallant Gentleman who represents the Ministry of Pensions. I do not hesitate to say that the Ministry of Pensions are not unsympathetic in the matter of the administration of the various Warrants and Regulations that fall under their care, but I do believe that they are tied up by these Warrants and Regulations. Therefore, in many cases in which they may be truly sympathetic, they are unable to give their sympathy full scope.
I should like to deal generally with one or two points that have some under my personal observation as a member of various War Pensions Committees since I was demobilised in 1919. Firstly, I should like to mention the question of malarial cases. In an agricultural constituency, such as I have the honour to represent in this House, a number of ex-service men pursue the agricultural industry. These men are subject to getting constantly wet owing to the climatic conditions, and many of them suffer from malaria. A great many of these cases are turned down as not being attributable to War service. I claim that these men would not have contracted malaria unless they had been engaged in War service. Therefore they should be entitled to adequate pensions for this particular disability. There is also the very distressing question of widows of ex-service men, who married since demobilisation and whose husbands have since died. I am sure many hon. Members of this House will have had painful cases of this sort brought to their notice. It is, I am sure, the general feeling of this House and the country that the women and children left behind by these men, who were entitled to consideration for their War services and physical disabilities, should receive the comforts of home life—that these widows and children now suffering great privation should be aided. If there was some inquiry in this new Parliament I feel that on this question something could be done whereby the widows and children left by these soldiers could be put on a more satisfactory footing.
There is also the question of employment for disabled and partially-disabled ex-service men. These men, in many cases, are unfitted physically to carry on their pre-War occupations, and it is impossible for them in the present state of trade to get into any other trade or industry. I hold that it is the duty of the State to provide factories where these disabled and partially-disabled men can augment their very scanty War pensions. The question of an inquiry by a Select Committee has been discussed. I quite agree with some hon. Members, who have already spoken in this Debate, that this must be constituted by the Government. I do hope, however, that some sort of inquiry will be held into the present administration of War pensions, including the administration, the present pension warrants, and the War Pension Act. There are many anomalies that urgently call for redress in connection with ex-service men and also the dependants of those who fell and are suffering undue hardships at the present moment. My hon. Friend the Member for East Aberdeen (Mr. F. Martin) suggested that the Minister of Pensions should call a conference of regional directors and aerial officers. I would suggest that instead of calling a conference of regional directors and aerial officers, who are really officials of the Ministry, that there should be a conference of chairmen of War Pensions committees called. These are men, I know, who, in a great many cases, take a very deep interest in their work and are thoroughly conversant with all hardships against which ex-service men and their dependants have to contend. I claim that a conference, called by the Ministry, of these gentlemen would give the Minister some valuable information, and by this means the Ministry would be in a position to rectify many of the great hardships of ex-service men, and those others near and dear to the brave men who gave up their lives in the Great War.
Those of us who were Members of the last Parliament will remember the great volume of correspondence that went on soon after, especially, the demobilisation in regard to the question of pensions. There were also Members who, for special reasons, had possibly even more of this than hon. Gentlemen opposite. I refer to those who, like myself, have spent their lives in their own counties, been associated with the Territorial battalions, and who came in contact with many thousands of men during the War—
So have we.
I found that many thousands of men looked to one, as their old commanding officer, to do what they could in this matter of pensions, and one did it—
We have, too.
Some of you.
A good many.
Some of us in that way have had a very fair share of these so-called pension grievances. I must say this: that while the great many cases I put before the Pensions Minister myself have been sympathetically dealt with, yet we all must remember that when you are disbursing £90,000,000 or £100,000,000 of State money and when you have a staff of 24,000 or 25,000 pension officials, you cannot, unfortunately, dispense with Regulations. That is obvious. You have got to have pretty firm Regulations in order to see that the country's money is not given to those to whom it ought not to be given. It is the hardest thing in the world to blend red tape and that sympathy which, perhaps, we all, in a greater or less degree, put into these questions. I cannot help feeling sorry that this question has been brought up in this way as an Amendment to the Address. [An HON. MEMBER: "There is no other way!"] An hon. Member makes the suggestion that there is no other way. But an hon. Member has just made a suggestion which is a very much better way, and that is that the Ministry of Pensions should give the opportunity, possibly in one of the Committee Rooms upstairs, for hon. Members and their constituents to talk over some of these serious grievances. I am quite sure from all I have seen of the pensions staff, they would only be too glad to act upon those lines, and that, I think, is a very much better way than getting these questions debated on the Floor of the House. I say this for two reasons.
Hon. Members know as well as I do that an Amendment to the Address is tantamount to a Vote of Censure on the Government. But there is a much stronger reason. We all of us, surely, want to keep this question of pensions out of the arena of party politics. I am sure hon. Members opposite—some are new to the House, others have been in the House four or five years—will realise that it is all-important to the purity of our public life that we should keep this question of pensions away from the Floor of the House as much as we possibly can. That observation is pointed by what we have read has happened elsewhere across the Atlantic, where that has not been done, and where the pensions question following the American Civil War was a scandal that lasted over a century. In the last few months, too, the Senate of the United States has passed Measures which, I think, in effect meant the expenditure of £1,000,000,000 in the way of pensions to soldiers who fought in the Great War, and this was only stopped by the intervention of the President. I think that is a state of affairs to avoid in this country.
In regard to the demand for a Select Committee, I have been at pains to turn up the Report of a Committee which reported only 18 months ago. The demand is for a Select Committee. There were nine Members in this House drawn from all parts of the House who sat on this Departmental Committee just over 18 months ago. A Select Committee consists of nine members usually. I do not, myself, see much purpose to be served in asking another nine, or, possibly, eleven, to go into this question again. That Committee was even stronger than a Select Committee, because upon it sat a number of the representatives of various ex-service men's organisations which now have been fused into one. All their different points of view were put, as well as those of the nine Members of the House and the officials of the Pensions Ministry. It is very hard to see a stronger Committee than the one which was set up two years ago, and which reported in June, 1921. It had wide terms of reference, which I have in my hand. I further put it to the House in this way: The Pensions Ministry is obviously an involved piece of machinery. We some of us have dealings with machinery in other ways. What chance has that machinery of running smoothly if we are continually taking it down and overhauling it? At any rate, surely it is best, seeing this Committee has reported, to give the Ministry a chance of carrying on on the lines suggested. If at the end of every 18 or 20 months you are going to have a fresh Committee with considerable powers to probe into affairs, you are going to have the officials continually spending their time making out the case for the defence of the Ministry, and answering questions, instead of getting on with their legitimate work, which is to see that the machinery is working smoothly. I consider an unanswerable case has been made out against having a Select Committee at the present time.
Yet there are points on which I should be glad to have information from my right hon. Friend if he is in a position to give it. I think no cases during the War appealed to one more than those known as acute neurasthenia, but, as we called it then, shell-shock. I remember one fellow who went abroad in 1915. He had been an international footballer, and had played for Scotland. He went to France, and did very fine work there, and came back suffering from neurasthenia. I shall never forget the state he was in. In many ways these men are far more to be pitied than those who lost their limbs. I should like to know what my right hon. Friend intends to do in regard to the treatment and care of these neurasthenic cases? So far as I can see, special individual treatment by medical men is the only chance that men of that sort have. It is no use herding them together. You have got to give them individual attention by properly qualified medical men. What we all want is to see them sufficiently cured there as to have the chance of entering the labour market in order to compete with those who have normal health. If my right hon. Friend the Parliamentary Secretary can give me an assurance on that point I should be very glad. The Pensions Minister has given us some figures relating to the medical services, but I should like to know how many hospitals and also how many patients are under the control of the Ministry of Pensions. I know a Committee was set up to consider the simplification of the Income Tax forms. Would it not be possible, now that we have had four or five years' working of the Ministry of Pensions, to consider whether in future, with all the experience which we have gained, we could not have some simplification of these forms in the future, because the men who have to fill them up have very often not had much education, and they are liable not to do themselves justice in filling up the forms for their pensions?
Another point I am keen upon is the cost of the administrative staff. I made inquiries a year or two ago and I found that it was then some 4 per cent. of the total amount of the money disbursed by the Ministry. Those engaged in business know how important it is to keep down their overhead charges, and hon. Members opposite connected with trade unions also know how important it is to see that the administrative expenses are kept down to the minimum. With regard to pensions, we all want to see that the maximum benefit reaches the men, and that the minimum is spent in disbursing that money. In view of the big decrease in the number of pensioners and the considerably reduced Estimate now allocated to the Pensions Department, if the right hon. Gentleman could give us the figures relating to the administrative cost at the present time it would be of distinct value.
With regard to the staff, there is the question of the ex-service men who are employed on that staff. I have turned up the figures and I find that 14,300 out of 14,700 employed by the Ministry are ex-service men. I congratulate my right hon. Friend upon having 97 per cent. of his staff drawn from ex-service men. More than that I understand that nearly half the ex-service men are disabled and the proportion of these men employed by the Ministry of Pensions is much larger than in any other Department. I think it speaks volumes for the way the non-service men have been raked out during the last three or four years. Amongst other things pensioners complain that their awards are not final. I want to know whether anything can be done now that so many of the men have settled down for better or worse to make those awards final. I have heard cases where men say their awards have been made final although their cases have been getting worse, and I think in these cases there should be some court of appeal in order to get their pensions reviewed. I think hon. Members ought to appreciate fully in connection with the Ministry of Pensions the great difficulties you are bound to meet in creating such a vast organisation at such short notice. It has been an immense task, and I think the Pensions Ministry have battled very well indeed with it. I earnestly hope there will be no further stirring up of this question of the Pensions Ministry, and I trust they may now have a chance of carrying out the Report of the Committee which reported in June, 1921.
The hon. and gallant Gentleman who has just sat down gave some cogent reasons why it is not desirable to have a Select Committee, or indeed any form of inquiry, into this question, but his principal argument was that only two or three years ago a Committee of Inquiry sat and reported in June, 1921. I think the hon. Gentleman will recollect that the Committee which sat in 1920 did so at a time when employment was exceedingly good, and we were in a time of boom, and at that time the ex-service men were getting, to a large extent, wages in addition to their partial disability pensions. But since June, 1921, we have now reached February, 1923, and that 18 months has changed the entire face of the scene, and instead of ex-service men receiving a small disability pension and money earned by employment to-day he is unable to get employment, and at the present time you are having these men discharged with a pension of 8s. or 10s. a week and they are not able to get employment. You have case after case of men of that kind with families who are trying to exist on their partial disability pensions, and unfortunately in many cases they are driven to Poor Law relief. This is not the fault of the Ministry of Pensions. I have no hesitation in saying that on the whole the administration of the Ministry of Pensions ought to be commended when you consider the huge problem with which it has had to deal. When you consider the magnitude, difficulty, and complication of the problem I do not think you can blame, on the whole, the Ministry of Pensions for the work they have done, especially with regard to those exceptional cases of neuresthenia. Many of us have had experience of the extraordinarily considerate, patient, long-suffering attempts of the Ministry of Pensions to deal with individual cases in the wisest possible way. Therefore I should be very sorry if it were taken that this Amendment, framed in the way we are obliged to couch it, is in any sense a Vote of Censure on the Ministry of Pensions. Just because the problem is so extraordinarily difficult, because its ramifications extend into all sorts of corners and come up against other systems of assistance, and actually dovetail into other systems provided for men and their dependents, it is not possible for any Ministry of Pensions, starting under great difficulties as the present Ministry did, to understand or to realise every detail of the work which it is doing.
I want to support the Amendment on the ground that we desire to help the Ministry of Pensions to find out where its regulations are not working well at the present time, although they may have worked reasonably well three years ago, when employment was good, and the Unemployment Fund was able to afford the out-of-work benefit for those who were out of work. The Ministry of Pensions has worked all through under the impression that men could get employment even although partially disabled, because the system so worked out and at that time there was a state of things which we were optimistic enough to consider normal. But now we get from a broad area up and down the country complaints from constituencies which show that a considerable number of men are seriously discontented, and that a condition of things exists where there is actual suffering, and men in extreme poverty are being driven to accept poor relief in increasing numbers. If that is why hon. Members object to an inquiry, I do not envy them. We are all equally indebted to the ex-service men. I hope we are all equally grateful to them for what they have done. It is not a question of one party or another. It is the duty of those who have been marked out—possibly because they have been commanding officers, or are elected Members—to be the recipients of an overwhelming number of these complaints without accepting them at their face value, and knowing there must be exaggerations and sometimes even worse behind, not only to see that the cases are attended to, but we have a right also to urge that the administration should be inquired into. I have had experience of administration, as in the middle of the last century I served in two or three Government offices, and, therefore, I know something of administration from the bottom.
As far as I can make out, an inquiry into an administrative system is rather like a cold bath to a healthy man; it does him good. Those members of the administration who are striving to make it effective and to overcome the inevitable drawbacks of any bureaucratic system welcome an inquiry of this sort. They do not wish to shelter themselves under the suggestion that you must not rip up the machinery every three months to see how it is working. May I say another thing again from my experience? Every Department in this country, and I suppose every other country, is in a state more or less of hostility to other Departments. There is one Department that is against every Department, and I venture to say that, while I do not want to upset the Treasury, at the same time I think there is no harm in having an inquiry into administration in order, not to blame the administration, but to invite it to point out where its work is failing, not through its own fault, but because of the changed circumstances which have arisen since it was instituted, and which are causing the machine to work more ineffectually and with greater hardship than was anticipated. I want to give two or three instances, not of hard cases, where it seems to me that the Regulations and practice of the Ministry of Pensions are not working as they were intended to work. I do not want to inquire into too much detail. I want to take the cases broadly. First take the case of a man who is partially disabled, say, to the extent of 20 per cent. or 30 per cent. He has got a pension, whether provisional or final, of 8s. or 12s. a week. Of course, the Ministry of Pensions say, quite rightly, it is not the business of the Pensions Ministry to provide for the man's maintenance. The view is accepted that his partial disability is paid for on the assumption that the man can get employment in the normal state of things. Although he may be partially disabled to the extent of 20 per cent., and the State may pay him for that part of his disability, it fixes the scale at the low point of £2 per week; they give him 8s. a week, and tell him that he can now go and earn his living as four-fifths of a man. During good times everybody assumed that that was all right, and the Departmental Committee which sat three years ago no doubt thought it was reasonable that the State should settle with that man for 8s. per week and tell him to go and earn his living.
But now there are 1,400,000 men out of work, and that is obviously a great additional disability for him. Of course, you may have and do have considerate employers who will take such men into their employment. But we must all know that under the competitive system the employer needs to secure the most competent workmen and foremen, and an employer is losing in competition with other employers if he takes on inefficient men when his competitors are not doing so. The result is that we find a very large proportion of these four-fifths men in the ranks of the unemployed, and up and down the country you have ex-service men, suffering from wounds or sickness admittedly attributable to or aggravated by war service, turned adrift with 8s. a week, and with practically nothing to live upon. Say what you like, you cannot convince that man that he is rightly treated; neither can you convince his neighbour, or the clergyman or the doctor that he is rightly treated, and these people naturally are condemning the system under which men can be turned adrift with 8s. a week and with nothing to live upon.
What is the remedy? Not to give the man with the 20 per cent. disability a pension at the rate of 100 per cent. disability. No one is asking for that. I am not condemning the Pensions Ministry or its scale. I am drawing attention to the change in economic circumstances, which has made a system that may have been reasonable three years ago a scandal to-day, and one that stinks in the nostrils of large sections of people up and down the country. The assumption of the Pensions Ministry is that these men will get employment, or, if not, as they are compulsorily insured by the State—it was part of the scheme that they should be put into benefit at the Government expense—the assumption was that long before their period of State unemployment benefit would come to an end they would have got into employment again. Under normal conditions that was likely, but we, all of us, I fancy, have come up against men who have been continuously out of work for one or two years, and the State unemployment benefit, the covenanted benefit as it is called, has long since come to an end. Out of its great bounty the Government agreed to give an uncovenanted benefit, and, because that was a gift, as it was assumed, the Government took powers to make Regulations limiting the gift. I in my innocence, a year ago, thinking that it was a gift, thought that that was quite reasonable, and that we could not complain of the Government limiting the recipients of the gift so as to make the money go further. Consequently, the Government cut out, not only all aliens, but also single men, and here a curious point arises. The Regulations excluded single men who had not been fully self-supporting before and were living with their parents, and whom the parents might have been considered to be supporting.
But up and down the country that is being interpreted in another way. That is not being done by the Ministry of Pensions, but a difficulty is placed on the Ministry because it is so interpreted, and therefore I am entitled to quote it. It is being interpreted as if the Regulation had said, not "and" but "or," and single men, miners, and so on, who have been fully self-supporting before when they were in work, but who, because of the housing difficulty, are living in the same cottage with their parents, are being refused the uncovenanted benefit on the ground that they are sons living with their parents whom the parents might be expected to support. I might not be inclined to complain of that if I had imagined it to be a gift; but it is not a gift, it is merely a loan to the Unemployment Insurance Fund, and it is to be recoverable from the future contributions, which are compulsorily deducted. These men, therefore, will have to repay that loan to the Fund out of their future contributions, although the benefit has been refused to them in their hour of need.
I am sorry that the Minister of Labour is not here, because I venture to say to him that that is a breach of faith, that the Government has no business to do that if it makes a loan to the Unemployment Insurance Fund which is to be recovered from the workmen's contributions indiscriminately, whether they be sons living with their parents or not. Single men are made to pay just as much as married men towards unemployment benefit, and the Government has no moral right, when it is advancing this as extra benefit recoverable from these men, and when it is going to compel those men to repay the loan which has been made to the Unemployment Insurance Fund, to refuse them their share of that Fund. There are ex-service men, too, in very large numbers—ex-service men whom the Ministry of Pensions has turned adrift with 8s. a week, relying on their getting either employment or unemployment benefit. The Ministry is not able to control the unemployment benefit, the uncovenanted benefit is withheld from these men in, I believe, thousands of cases—I have come across many of them myself in my own experience—and these men are driven to go for Poor Law relief.
I may complete the story. They go for Poor Law relief because they have no other resource, and the guardians up and down the country, in pursuance of an old policy, are in many cases refusing outdoor relief to them because they are single men. Consequently, these men are dstitute. How can I justify myself to the ex-service man when I tell him, "You have got your 8s. a week disability pension; that is quits." He says he has not got employment. I say, "No, but you have the unemployment benefit." "No," he says, "I have not, because it is not given to a single man." I say, "At any rate you are entitled under the Statute of 1601 to Poor Law relief;" but his reply is, "They will not give it to me because I am a single man." We did not ask him whether he was single or married when he joined up. I am anxious to say that that is not the fault of the Ministry of Pensions; they cannot control unemployment benefit; but it is an answer to the hon. and gallant Gentleman who has just sat down, because it is an example of the changed circumstances which are making the system of the Ministry of Pensions break down through no fault of the Ministry. I think that the Minister of Pensions might, perhaps, accept this suggestion that we are making, not as being a censure on his Department, because we are anxious to help him to make his Department work properly through the other Departments of State on which his system has to depend.
I will pass from the case of the man who is regarded as well, who has got his disability pension. Let us assume that he is able to get employment. But suppose that he is not well. Suppose that his wound breaks out again, or that he has chronic bronchial catarrh due to gas poisoning—a case such as I met with the other day; and supposing, therefore, that he must have medical treatment. Again I want to give their meed of praise to the Pensions Department for the excellent work they did, especially in the first years, in their treatment of men who were wounded or what we call sick. Hospitals were started, and men were brought into them and given the best possible medical treatment; and their wives and dependants were given an allowance, because the Ministry of Pensions quite rightly argued, "Our business is to get the man well. We cannot get him well unless he has not only medical treatment, but also nourishing food and everything that he requires; and also, if he knows that his wife and family are starving, he will not get well." Consequently, the men were given the best possible hospital treatment and the best possible nourishment, and their wives and children were provided for.
Now a change has come over the dream. The number of hospitals belonging to the Ministry of Pensions seems—I do not know the figures—to be becoming steadily reduced. I do know that man after man goes and asks for hospital treatment and is not given it, but is referred instead to his panel doctor. Again, the Ministry relies upon other Departments. I am not complaining; I think it was inevitable; but I want to follow it out and see how it works. The man is referred to his panel doctor. I should not like to say anything at all detrimental to the general practitioner, who is a hard-working man and does his best, but who, let it be remembered, under the National Insurance Act, is not required and is not paid to give his best. He is only required to give the treatment ordinarily within the capacity of a general practitioner, which is not the treatment the man had at the Ministry of Pensions hospital. Still, I do not want to lay too much stress on that. No doubt, in the judgment of the officials of the Ministry of Pensions, the case is one which can be treated by a general practitioner.
The man goes to the general practitioner, and gets his treatment. Let us hope he gets well. But notice the difference. When he went to the hospital he was well fed, and the Ministry of Pensions, quite rightly, provided treatment allowances for those cases which they did not take into the hospital. As far, however, as I have been able to make out, these treatment allowances have been very seriously restricted in number of recent years, and they are now given, as far as I can make out, only in cases of tuberculosis or malaria or where some special treatment is ordered by the Ministry of Pensions. The ordinary case fails to get the treatment allowance. I may remind the House that that allowance began at £2 a week for a single man if he was only a private, and went up to £4 15s. 6d. for a non-commissioned officer with children. That was because the Ministry of Pensions argued that it was economical to get the man well as soon as possible. They wanted to take care that he was well, and the Minister of Pensions takes credit, and rightly so, in the last Annual Report, for the success of that policy in getting men well and, therefore, back to work again and off the books of the Department. The man is referred to his panel doctor, and, whether in the majority of cases or not I do not know, but in many cases within my own knowledge, he is refused treatment allowance. He says, "How am I to live?" "You can get your sickness benefit under the Health Insurance Act"—the sickness benefit which was fixed in the spacious days before the War, when prices were low, at 15s. a week. That was not very much then. It did not compare very well with the Ministry of Pensions treatment allowances. 15s. a week now, with prices 80 per cent. above what they were then, is not enough for a sick man with a family whom the Minister of Pensions is anxious to get well as soon as possible. It is not enough to get well on. 15s. a week, when the doctor says he must not go to work, is not enough for a man and his family to live on and for the man to get well on. There, again, it is not the fault of the Minister of Pensions, but the whole interlocking of the different things, the pensions with the sickness benefit, is letting him down, and these men are suffering and not getting well as he intended them to do.
But it is even worse than that. I said just now the sickness benefit was 15s. a week, but it is not. I wonder if the Minister of Pensions has ever made an inquiry as to how many people with families he thinks are getting 15s a week. I think he will find that in a great many cases, owing to their having run out of benefit, or to some rule of their approved society, these people are only getting 6s., 8s., or 10s. a week. The Prime Minister, writing to me on the subject, said the Government had made arrangements that no man should get less than 8s. a week. Prime Ministers do not always know what is done in their name. I am sure the Prime Minister was advised by some competent person on that subject, but it is a fact that a great many people are not getting even 5s. a week from their sickness benefit, and apparently some are getting nothing at all. Then the sickness may last for 26 weeks. I have known wounds last that time. Then the man suddenly drops down apparently to disablement benefit. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) when he devised this scheme of health insurance put in this disablement benefit for a man who was permanently disabled. Apparently it has come to mean sickness benefit at the end of 26 weeks. At least there are ex-service men who are not getting 15s. a week, but only 5s., or something like that, under the disablement benefit. The Minister of Pensions hopes they are getting well. He knows it is to the interest of his Department that they should get well. He was honourably anxious to make them get well, and he treated them royally in order to make them well. Now, when they are referred to the panel doctor they are not being treated in that way, and I am sorry to think they cannot be getting well.
There is a further point. I have had case after case where men have been certified by medical board after medical board to be suffering from something which was attributable to or aggravated by their War service and they come up to the final Court of Appeal and the Minister of Pensions sends them a paper in which he states all these things quite fairly and very succinctly and there is a report from the Pensions Department, which of course has very great weight with the final Appeal Tribunal. I have seen cases where it has been stated "We have come to the conclusion that this malady is constitutional and is not attributable to or aggravated by War service." That gives a sense of unfairness. The Pensions Minister's own Tribunal has admitted that the case is attributable to or aggravated by War service, and it seems to me that we ought not to have at the end, in the Pensions Office—I have been a clerk in an office myself and I can imagine how it is done—even if he is a doctor going back on the previous medical reports and giving reasons for supposing that the malady is constitutional and not attributable to or aggravated by War service. That causes a sense of very great indignation in these cases and I think where you have these cases of indignation multiplying it is a danger to the State which we ought to guard against.
There are many other points which ought to be investigated, and that is the reason why there ought to be an inquiry. I will mention two other points. Take the case of the dependency allowance to an old mother or father who has been dependant before the War on the earnings of one, two or three children, and the sons go to the War and one of them is killed. The Ministry of Pensions admits pre-War dependence. It says, "Yes, there were three sons who helped to support the mother. One of them is dead. We will take his place and make a dependency allowance in respect to the one son who is dead." So far so good. Again I am not bringing any indictment against the Minister of Pensions. It sounds so reasonable and so just to do it that way. Three years ago it may have worked all right. Now the other two sons are unemployed and are no longer able to help to maintain the mother. What has that to do with the Minister of Pensions?
There has only been one son killed. Why should he do more than that one son had done for the mother when the other two were at work? That is the arithmetic of a Government Department. It does not seem to work out that way in the little home. Where there is one son gone and the other two are out of action through want of employment it seems to me there is something lacking. If that son had been alive and in employment, he would have increased his allowance because the other two brothers were not able to contribute anything, but the Minister of Pensions, of course, not being the son, cannot work in that way. I do not suggest that his action is wrong, but there is something wrong in the case of that mother with one son lost and the other two out of work, left to subsist on three or four shillings a week, which represents the pre-War dependency on that one son. We want to help the Ministry of Pensions to get it put right in some way or another.
There is one other thing. The final award strikes me in many ways as a well-intentioned thing, but it works out in some curious ways. I had a case the other day of a man who had a 5 per cent. permanent disability. He was a young man of 27, and it was admitted to be permanent. It was something to do with his eyes. They take 40s. as the standard wage, and the 5 per cent. disability came to 2s. a week—a ridiculous pension of course. What ought the State to have done? If they find themselves having to pay 2s. a week to a man with a 5 per cent. disablement, that is their debt. They admit it and recognise it. There are two or three things they might have done. They might have gone on paying him 2s. a week during life. It would have provided him with tobacco. On the other hand, if he had wished it, they might have commuted that pension and enabled him to make a start in some other line of life. That would have been reasonable. What is the sort of thing that happens? Apparently there has been a warrant issued to the effect that nothing under 20 per cent. of disability shall be continuous for life. For anything less than 8s. a week there shall be power to make a final award. I am not grumbling very much at that, but the final award is fixed by a schedule to the Warrant at so much. I will tell you what the final award was in the case of this man who was entitled to 2s. a week for life. He found himself awarded 7s. 6d. a week instead of 2s. for 75 weeks and then a final gratuity of £10. That did not sound reasonable to me. It is neither commuting the pension nor continuing it for life. No doubt the man thought 7s. 6d. a week was much better than 2s., but he did not realise that it would come to an end in 75 weeks and then he would only get £10. The value of that final award was £38. A pension of £5 odd a year for life would have been very considerably more than £38. It would have been something like £80. I cannot help thinking that that award did that man out of £42. All these final awards, according to the Schedule in the Royal Warrant, cheat the pensioner of from one-third to two-thirds of the actuarial value of his pension. I cannot think that that was intended. I have asked why it has been done, and the answer that I got, which was not from the Ministry of Pensions, was this: "If we did not do that, the State would have been paying more for slight injuries than for grave ones." I was taken aback, but at least I had the presence of mind to reply, "Do not we pay more for white wool than for black wool, because there is more of it?" If there are more slight injuries than grave ones, why should not the State pay more? Why should the final award under the Royal Warrant be so fixed as to give a man only one-third or two-thirds of the actuarial value of his admitted pension? The thing needs inquiring into.
I bring no indictment against the Ministry of Pensions. I am anxious that the Ministry of Pensions should be assisted to justify its action. In the present circumstances, in the present state of unemployment, in the present action of the Ministry of Labour in regard to unemployment benefit, and in the action of the board of guardians, it should be able to bring to light the reasons why its efforts have been baulked, and why that which was intended to work well when employment was constant is not working well, not because of its own fault, not because of any imperfections in the Regulations, but because of the changed circumstances. We ask that that should be brought to light in order to do justice to the Ministry of Pensions, and to enable them to say that the grievances under which tens of thousands of men are suffering in every constituency are not the fault of the Ministry of Pensions, but the fault of the change in circumstances, which has prevented the Ministry of Pensions system from fitting into the other systems, as was intended. The case has been so overwhelming that the Prime Minister has appointed a little Committee which, strangely enough, is called a Committee on Public Assistance—a curious name—to look into the gaps between the different systems. That Committee is not authorised to inquire into the system of the Ministry of Pensions. Consequently, we ask that there should be this wider inquiry, in order that these grievances should be investigated, and in order that the Ministry of Pensions should be able to explain and justify itself, and should be able to point out in what way its own intentions have been baulked by the failure of other Departments or of other systems.
The Amendment is, in form, an Amendment to the Address. In form, therefore, it cannot be accepted by the Government. It cannot be passed in this House. We do not intend it as a Vote of Censure on the Government. We do not intend it as a Vote of Censure on the Ministry of Pensions. Therefore, I ask whether it would not be possible to prevent the Amendment going to a Vote, and whether it would not be possible for the Government to respond to the very widespread desire for something which will clear up these matters, something which will justify what is being done, and something which will remove the sense of grievance which is felt up and down the country. Could not the Government, before the Debate closes, in some way signify how these inquiries could take place, how this investigation could be made, and how this assistance could be given to a Department like the Ministry of Pensions, which is struggling with this herculean task? Those of us who know how these things work must have sympathy with the Ministry. At the same time, those who know how the thing works out in practice must go on pressing for some alteration, if only to remedy the sense of grievance.
9.0 P.M.
We are now living in what we assume to be a democratic country. It is not sufficient, unless we are to have evil diseases springing up and down the country, that the Ministry of Pensions should be right, or that all the Ministries should be right. It is absolutely necessary and equally necessary that they should seem to be right. We have to bring the good features of the Ministry of Pensions before the masses of the people. We have to clear away the defects which exist, otherwise we shall have this discontent, this apparently legitimate and righteous discontent, smouldering from one person to another, from one place to another, and in its progress, like a prairie fire, catching light to other things, merging in other discontent which is not so legitimate, and eventually leading to action which is not legitimate as arising from one discontent or another. We want to stop that sort of thing at the beginning by bringing home to the people the good features of the administration as well as the bad, and helping the Ministry of Pensions to remove all these defects. Therefore, I would beg of the Government to consider before the close of this Debate whether they could not avoid this matter going to a vote—in which, of course, we should be defeated—and meet our desires in some way or other, in order that we may all be friends in spreading the good news to the people that this country does not desire to leave any ex-service man in misery and want, that it does not desire to see any ex-service man driven, if his conduct is decently good, to seek Poor Law relief, and that we are not satisfied with the state of things which is at the present time causing tens of thousands of ex-service men to be in receipt of Poor Law relief.
I am a member of the national executive of the British Legion. In that association, we have in our different areas what we call the soldiers' friend, who is appointed to take in hand cases of men who are going before the Appeal Tribunal. These soldiers' friends have gone through a tremendous number of cases. We do not restrict them to the oases of men connected with our own association. Any soldier who wishes to go before the tribunal can appeal to our soldiers' friend, whose assistance is available, and we send him to represent the soldier. It is admitted that before the tribunals the ex-service men do not make the best of their cases, and it is very necessary that some machinery should be thought out by which these men should have their cases properly stated. We cannot deal with all the cases which come before the tribunals. I would ask the Ministry of Pensions whether they would give this matter consideration and provide, as it were, counsel for the purpose of putting the men's cases before tribunals. We have a similar institution already in existence in connection with the State, because if a prisoner is undefended in a Criminal Court the Judge can appoint counsel to defend him. Surely, if the State can do that for criminals our soldiers have a right to expect the same treatment. I would suggest that the Ministry of Pensions ought to be able to devise some scheme on those lines.
Allusion has been made to tuberculosis. Those of us who were recruiting officers in the early days of the War know that men who were tubercular were not to be taken into the Army. Therefore, if a man who was taken into the Army contracted tuberculosis afterwards, we are liable for him. If he had tuberculosis before he went into the Army, we are equally liable for him, because a mistake was made by the medical authorities, and the medical boards, and if a country's servants make mistakes the country ought to be rendered liable for them. The question which agitates all the ex-service men's institutions is that of stabilising the pensions. It is about time, four years after the War, that these pensions were stabilised. But I submit that if we stabilise those pensions they must be stabilised only as regards a minimum. That is, a man ought to be protected from having his pension decreased, but that it might be increased if his disability increased, because with the disabilities which we have seen caused by the War it is very difficult to determine when a man would not grow worse. We see it over and over again. I come from a mining district, and I represent somewhat largely a mining constituency, and we see men, mostly men who have been gassed, who, after working down a mine for some time, get worse and have to give up their employment, and if we possibly can we have to find them lighter work. That may go on for a very long time. Another matter which affects them is the question of eyesight. We should always see that so long as a man who has fought for his country, and been injured in its service, is alive he should have the right to have his pension increased for whatever disability comes on in old age.
I have been wondering why a burning question like this has not given rise, so far, to any burning words. Of all the crying injustices which are brought before this august tribunal, the administration of pensions is the biggest and most crying injustice of the lot. During the Recess I read, with burning heart, of the decrease in pensions during the year that has gone by, and I saw, with amazement, a statement that this decrease was mainly to be attributed to the fact that medical skill had worked such wonders in making sick men whole again, because I know, and the ex-soldier generally knows that that decrease represents merely a mass of capitalised injustice. It means that the disabled man has come before the tribunal, which has, according to some understanding, simply cut down his percentage and given him a percentage of a percentage. Here we have the disabled man coming up against high-class officialdom, working, as it thinks, for the country. One hon. Member on the other side reminded us of the great responsibility of a Department which was disposing of money to the extent of £100,000,000 a year. That is the spirit in which pensions are administered. Every Department is doing its "best" for the country.
On the other hand you have the disabled man, the man who has already sold the commodity which he had to sell, his strength or his limbs. This man comes before the tribunal. He has given all. There was no fixing of prices. The commodity has already been passed over, and we all know that when commodities have been sold or used it is then that we begin to criticise and wonder whether the price paid was just or not. I am not going to follow any hon. Member in anything that has been said. The subject is so wide and varied that every speech made to-night Can be quite different from any other speech. This is how the system works out. A man comes before the tribunal. He has given all he has. His service is undoubted but his pension is inadequate, and he finds himself standing outside the door of the tribunal burning with rage, and yet not able to say exactly who has struck him or how he has been done out of his due. Here I would add my words to those of the right hon. Gentleman who opened this Debate, who said that we must concentrate on this Appeal Tribunal. If we can modify the Appeal Tribunal, if we can humanise it, we can do a great deal right away. In comes the ex-service man with the feelings of a suppliant. He sees before him three people who are going to do their best for the country. He may be a man with shell shock or neuraesthenia, who is totally unable to state his case. Not only that, but he is unable to demand that anyone who can state the ease for him will have any locus standi in the tribunal.
indicated dissent.
I am speaking about the practice.
Anybody can go in.
He stands before the tribunal and tries to make out his case. This is what happens in many cases. He is asked politely to state his case in his own way. He waits until the two medical men who are turning up the medical history have finished speaking, until he tells his story in his own way, as he has been invited to do, and then he suddenly finds that his case is finished for or against, and that he is outside the door. I say that those men who have come before the Appeal Tribunal have no power to bring in a friend to speak for them. They may bring in a friend, but before the friend is allowed to speak he must receive the permission of the Appeal Tribunal. Whatever the theory may be, I know that in my part of the country the practice is that the Appeal Tribunal says that it can manage the affair in its own way, and that it does not require any help. Woe betide the disabled man who goes before an Appeal Tribunal and betrays by a word or even by a look that he thinks he is not standing before an absolutely impartial tribunal. Should the tribunal think that he in any way suspects the tribunal's word, should he show any feeling in the matter, his case is as good as settled against him.
After all, why should there be any finality so far as ex-service men are concerned? We hear of final awards of pensions. We know quite well that in these things there is no finality. We have known the strong man who went through three or four years of the War and began to crumple up two or three months after the Armistice. There can be no finality. Men get percentages and then they go out with pensions fixed. But they may be getting worse rather than better. The whole pensions business, the Royal Warrant and the 1921 Act, the last named in particular, was the production of the worst Government which ever disgraced those benches. The 1921 Act was the production of the hard-faced men who had done very well out of the War. The ex-soldier became the mere football of a crude commercialism. It was easy in 1921 for a small Committee to make the machine known as the 1921 War Pensions Act, because by that time the danger was over. The Act was the work of a Government which was so immoral that we might say that its moral faculties had gone into complete atrophy. Yet if we clothed this skeleton with some flesh and blood, if we breathed into it the spirit of love, justice and common sense, at least it could be worked to give a certain amount of justice to the ex-service man.
We were reminded by the Chancellor of the Exchequer last Friday of the four words, faith, hope, love and work. I wish to say to this honourable House that, so far as faith is concerned, that of the ex-service man was killed by the Act of 1921. His hope is deferred, and we are told that hope deferred maketh the heart sick. As for love, the 1921 Act annihilated it. Let me ask why, when a man's percentage of disability is 40, it should be fixed at 40 per cent.? It may be a "partial disability, but for the man it is total disability. I have in my mind, among other cases, that of a man who before the War was a dock labourer. Having been wounded twice in France he has a disability percentage of 40. To him it is not a partial disability, but a total disability, for when he takes his stand at the dock wall with other men he cannot hope to get work of any description. The medical tribunals are so clever that not only can they strike a difference between 25 per cent. and 50 per cent. disability, but they can give you anything from 1 per cent. upwards. I am glad that they have not yet gone into decimals, though I believe that that is not beyond their power.
Let me say something about the dependents' position. The need pension has been mentioned to-night and has been dealt with so well that I will not say much about it. I will refer to tuberculosis. In this matter we have, in the case of the ex-soldier, what might be termed murder by infinitesimals. First of all "aggravation" is alleged—"aggravation" where it really is "attributable to." As the Ministry has the power to revise the judgment of all tribunals, it is the easiest thing in the world for the disability to become "aggravated," and in course of time "aggravated" becomes "aggravation passed away." So it is the easiest thing in the world, by straining one regulation here and another regulation there, not only to bring a man's pension down, but to take it from him altogether.
See how it works out in the case of tuberculosis. You have a man suffering from the disease. First of all it is admitted that the disease was "attributable to" the War. Then something happens. It may be that the man is told that this was a clerical error, that it is not "attributable" any longer but is only "aggravated" by the War. The man is then called before a medical board. On that particular day he is fairly well, and it is noted that his tuberculosis is quiescent. I do not know whether tuberculosis "quiescent" is a new medical term or not, but I know how it works out in the case of the ex-service man. A careful note is taken by the medical board that the tuberculosis is quiescent. A week or fortnight or month later the man has a severe hæmorrhage and asks for another medical board. The board find that the tuberculosis is not quiescent, but that as it was quiescent on the day of the last board its recurrence is said to be due not to War service, and the pensioner must look after himself. It is the murder of the man by a crowd, where everyone contributes a kick or a push, and at the end everyone who has given a kick or a push is quite ready to say that he had no part whatever in the man's death.
I stand here to-night, not because I am concerned with party politics, not because I am concerned with the Vote, or because I am worrying whether this is a Vote of Censure or not, but because this is the only chance we may have for a time to voice the feelings of the ex-service men and to bring before the House the fact that injustice is being done. Whether by rules or regulations or through the want of spirit, it is being done all the time. Surely, if you say that "aggravation" has passed away, you have no right to turn down a man's pension or to lessen it on the ground that aggravation has passed away, until you can bring that man's state of health back to what it was on the day on which he enlisted. To such depths do some of the medical officials or others descend that sometimes, across a man's précis which is going before the Appeal Board, there is written that disability "may have been" caused by syphilis, that this man "may have" suffered from syphilis. That "may have" is read by the tribunal in the light that this man has suffered, and while the ex-service man who is claiming anything has to prove it by documentary evidence, it is quite easy for "may have" or "might have been" to go on that man's précis and take away the chance of any pension or increased pension.
I come back again to what I said about the Appeal Tribunals. These Appeal Tribunals must be humanised. It must be possible for every ex-soldier who goes before such a tribunal to have someone to speak for him, if he so desires. We know quite well that all men are not able to speak for themselves; some are quiet, some are backward. I had put into my hands before I came up from Glasgow a case—not a complaint, but a simple statement—about a lad who was enlisted at the age of 18. He served on active service for three years, was wounded twice, and gassed in France. He came out of the Army and got his pension of 16s., then it was 12s., and then 8s. Now he is cut down to 8s., and no one is responsible for him. He has no stamps in the book, and the panel doctor will not have anything to do with him. He is unable himself to go on the street to sign at the Exchange. The Pensions Office is seven miles away. When I sent back, two days ago, for more information regarding this man's case, I could not get it because he was lying on the bed gasping from a recurrence of some trouble due to mustard gas.
These are the things about which we know. It is all very well for hon. Gentlemen who are quite comfortable and well off to stand up and discuss these cases as they would a mathematical proposition. What some of us on this side of the House know is this, that all over the country there is the blackness and darkness of despair and a sense of burning injustice in men who know quite well that during the four years of the conflict they did not let out their services in percentages. They were men who did their work willingly for 24 hours out of the 24. They were men who stuck at the motor transport wagons for 30 hours. They were men who had to stand over their ankles in wet for four days on end. These men did not measure out their services in percentages, and now they come back to stand before the Appeal Tribunal, and find themselves turned round and sized up and their wounds discussed or even depreciated.
When you look back and think of those days when these men struggled back from the firing-line, proud of their wounds, and believing that a grateful country would never forget them, what a change has come over the spirit of the dream! Remember that spirit. Try to catch again the spirit of high exultation which exalted those men in the firing line, when they went forward to certain death, at Is. a day. Think of the pride with which they came back, the man with the smashed leg hanging round the neck of the man with the smashed arm! How they helped one another, never thinking that some day they would stand with those glorious wounds in front of a cold-blooded tribunal, and see applied to them Regulations, and Regulations, and Regulations; just Regulations known to none but to particular members of the tribunal. I stand here to-night absolutely without an axe to grind. I have never claimed a pension. I do not need to claim a pension. I stand here in a position of the man from Shropshire.
You say it is the system. I hope you will all remember that systems cannot work without men. The day is not far distant when the office of Minister of Pensions is going to be like what the office of the Chief Secretary for Ireland has been lately. It is going to be handed round from man to man until at last no one will hold it but a political rough. I ask hon. Members to turn their minds to these things and to say, with regard to these men who have given their services, that the least we can do is to fulfil our part of the bargain. If the system is at fault, then I shall stand up here as I get the opportunity and indict the system. After all, the system was the creation of man. I am not concerned about politics. All I am doing to-night is, as an ex-soldier, standing up here and pleading for those who are unable to plead for themselves.
I am perfectly certain that the hon. and gallant Member who has just sat down recognises that there are others—ex-service men—beside himself who feel as deeply as he does, and who desire this evening not, like he has done, to bring charges against the system or against those who are administering the system, but chiefly to tell the Ministry what in their experience, has been going wrong, what could be altered, and to make any other suggestions which might help the administration. All the speeches that have been delivered, and I have listened to every word that has been spoken in this Debate, have been in that strain, except certain parts of the last speech and certain parts of the first speech, which was made by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Fife (Mr. Adamson). Many of the Labour party have said that this is a matter which should be above party politics. Surely, that is true; yet look at the position in which they are putting all of us on these benches to-night! Here am I, and here are other ex-service men, and other hon. Members on these benches, getting up, and lots more desiring to get up, to do all we can to help. Yet the Labour party forces us to vote against any suggestion of theirs with which we may agree.
You put yourselves in that position.
We do not force it to a vote.
That just depends. Surely, I am within the, knowledge of older Members than myself, who will bear me out when I say that an Amendment to the Address is a Vote of Censure.
If put to the vote.
If put to the vote, perfectly true. If this is not put to the vote then, indeed, we shall not be put in that position—
Hear, hear!
but, so far, I will remind the hon. Gentleman this statement has been definitely made from those benches to-night that, unless the Government say they will accede to the request contained in the Amendment, a Division will take place.
Hear, hear!
Therefore I say that is pure party politics. [HON. MEMBERS: "No, no!" and "Hear, hear!"] As I have heard all the speeches, I do not want to repeat anything that has been said before. There are, however, one or two suggestions I wish to make and also some comments upon things that have been said. I listened with the greatest interest to the speech delivered by the hon. Member for Seaham (Mr. Webb), who spoke, of course, with great authority on local affairs. If, however, he suggested that any Select Committee of this House could go into the extra ordinarily subtle and multitudinous difficulties—
It depends on the membership.
to which he refers, I think he is paying a Select Committee a very great tribute. A Select Committee sat last year on matters connected with ex-service men. I see hon. Members opposite who were members of that Select Committee with me and with others, and I am asking myself to-day what good came of that six weeks of toil and labour? The hon. Member for Seaham criticised the system from its very foundation. Rightly or wrongly, the system of giving pensions in this country is by estimating the physical disability and not the disability as judged from the employment point of view. Other countries, it is true, paid their pensions in accordance with the disability which a man suffered when competing in an open labour market, but we considered physical disability.
My point was that we did that relying on the man being able to take employment or unemployment benefit.
I quite follow the point of the hon. Member. His point was that this might have been a good system three years ago, but it is not a good system now. If you are going to make any alteration in the system, however, what happens? Every single pensioner must be reassessed, and I ask hon. Members to consider what that would mean. That is a comment which seems to me quite reasonable. The one suggestion which has been made besides that of the Select Committee is the suggestion that the Minister and his advisers should be at the disposal of any hon. Members who wish to see them in the House of Commons on difficult cases. Has it struck hon. Members that there is another, a better way, which has not yet been tried by ex-service men themselves, of helping the ex-service community out of its difficulties? Lord Haig, speaking the other day at a great meeting, and, as it were, peeping into the future, tried to visualise what it would mean to the ex-service man if 10,000,000 people were to join the British Legion. He said the first result would be an income every year of something in the neighbourhood of £500,000 for the British Legion, and that might do a lot. I am not, however, approaching it from that point of view, but from this point of view, that if the ex-service men were really organised, if there were an organisation composed of the millions of men who served in the War, it would be able to put forward the case as to whether the administration of pensions is going wrong far better than it can possibly be done in a heated controversial Debate among different parties on the Floor of this House. Criticism has been levelled at the change brought about by the 1921 Act. It is perfectly true that when the local war pensions committees were done away with and new area officers were established, I in common with others, feared that the lack of local knowledge would possibly injure the efficiency of the system of dealing with ex-service men's cases. I am bound to say, having had a large experience of an extensive county area in Buckinghamshire—where the half of North Bucks has been stripped away from Buckinghamshire altogether and taken into Northamptonshire—I am bound to confess, having heard of a great many cases dealt with there, I have nothing but praise for both the Bucks and Northampton local areas and their work. I think the system has been working splendidly, and just as we have criticised, so should we give praise where praise is due.
To come to another point of which I do not think sufficient has been made with regard to parents' pensions, I would direct the attention of the House to the Report recently issued by the Minister of Pensions which on page 10 states that need is assessed by comparison of personal means with the standard maintenance scale, and in determining the amount of pension liability for the maintenance of the parent with no pecuniary means, the amount is apportioned as between the State representing the deceased son, and any surviving children. Let us suppose the case—and I know one or two such cases—of a woman who had three sons, one of whom is killed in the War and the other two of whom cannot possibly maintain her. As far as I understand the point of view taken up by the Ministry, the Ministry will represent the son who was killed and is prepared to pay only his share, or what he would have paid, or been able to pay had he not been killed. I ask the Minister if account cannot be taken of the circumstances as to whether the surviving sons can or cannot contribute to the maintenance of the mother or the family. If the surviving son or sons can contribute very little, that should be taken into account. If they can contribute nothing at all, then I submit it is worthy of the consideration of the Ministry whether they could not advise that the portion paid by the Ministry should be larger.
The final point with which I wish to deal concerns the Pensions Appeal Tribunal. I wish to know whether the hon. Member for the Cathcart Division of Glasgow (Captain Hay) has ever been before a Pensions Appeal Tribunal. I have been before a great number of them, and I was amazed at his description. My last experience was only yesterday afternoon, and I was astonished to hear the hon. Member say that there are two doctors on the Court. The ordinary appeal tribunal—not medical assessment—consists of one ex-service man, one doctor, and usually a lawyer in the chair, and not two doctors at all. As to the pensioner not being able to speak, in all the cases, of which I have had experience, the pensioner has always been allowed to have a friend, and the friend has always had a most courteous hearing and has been given every facility to put forward the case of the pensioner.
I can only speak for the part of the country which I know myself, and I was not pretending to speak for the whole of the country. Whatever the theory may be, I have spoken about the practice.
The right hon. Gentleman, the Mover of the Amendment, in dealing with the Pensions Appeal Tribunal said first that very few cases were successful. The right hon. Member must bear in mind the fact that every single case of pensions can be taken up to the Pension Appeal Tribunal and it must necessarily be that a great many of them have not the right to succeed. A great many of them, however, are successful. The right hon. Gentleman went on to complain of the composition of the Court, and he finally said that there was a danger of the question being looked at too much as a medical one. But surely the question that comes before the Pensions Appeal Tribunal is purely a medical one. On what other ground can you assess the pension? It is a medical injury, and the whole system of the assessment of pensions is the physical disability, which I suppose only the medical science in the country can assess and is trained to diagnose. I want to assure the Minister that there are many hon. Members in this House, like, indeed, the hon. Member for Seaham and others who have spoken, from all parts of the House, who do not hold that the Ministry has been guilty of any dereliction or has got any sense of "doing down" the ex-service man from points of view of economy or otherwise, but who do take this opportunity of making suggestions, and we only regret that it has been brought up on the Address, so that we all of us eventually, according to our parties, will have to decide which Lobby we go into.
In the course of this Debate there has been so much hostile criticism of the War Pensions Act, 1921, which carried into effect rather important alterations in the administration of pensions, that, as I was somewhat responsible for that, I think the House will permit me to deal with that question. The alterations as regards the local committees were the result of a sub-committee of this Departmental Committee set up by the Minister of Pensions, of which I had the honour to act as Chairman, and I would like to point out to the House that the constitution of that Departmental Committee was not entirely restricted to the Government. There were representatives of the Labour party, and there were several representatives of ex-service organisations. The Discharged Soldiers and Sailors Federation, the Comrades of the Great War, and, in fact, almost every organisation representing ex-service interests was on that Departmental Committee, and the recommendations which were made with regard to local committee administration were unanimous, the Labour party representatives agreeing entirely with those recommendations.
I think there is a great deal of misapprehension with regard to the practice which prevailed before that Act was passed. The hon. and gallant Member for the Cathcart Division of Glasgow (Captain Hay) designated that Act as the product of a very vicious and immoral Government. I do not desire at all to quarrel with him with regard to his description of the Government, but I do somewhat quarrel with him with regard to that particular Act, because I do not think that was the product of the Government at all; it was the product of a Departmental Committee which, as I have said, adequately represented all the interests concerned. What I was saying was that there is an impression abroad that before this Act was passed the local committees had various extensive powers, that these have suddenly been taken away from them, and that there has been a complete alteration to the detriment of the pensioners. I think that is a very gross exaggeration indeed and, in fact, that it bears no approximation to the truth at all. We are told that the alteration made in regard to local committee administration has destroyed personal touch with the pensioner. If that were so, I agree that that would be a very strong and important criticism, but I venture to think it is not so, and I would like to say that it is quite a mistake to think that before this Act a local committee decided upon every case of every appli- cant who came before them, and that there was that close personal touch in every individual case. We had the evidence of committee after committee, and it is a fact that in the case of very many of these committees they met only once every month, or sometimes once every three months, and, in fact, the actual work where the personal touch is required was carried out by the secretary of the committee, and the committee, as a whole, came very little into personal touch with the applicant.
The main reason why the alteration was made was to make the Ministry responsible for local administration. Under the old system a committee was in the position of breaking all these regulations. It acted under the best of motives, but we know very well that if the expense and the cost of pensions is unduly increased, it means that the deserving cases have to suffer, and the idea of having efficient administration is that the deserving cases shall have an adequate reward and that those which are undeserving shall not receive it. That is the whole object of efficiency and tightening up the administration. [An HON. MEMBER: "You do not get it!"] I submit that we have not yet had sufficient time, but I have listened carefully to this Debate, and I have failed to hear of any concrete instances which can be said to be due to the result of this change in local administration brought about by the War Pensions Act. That is the only point with which I am now dealing. There are many other matters, and I propose to deal with them in a moment, where I think some alteration in the attitude of the Ministry is desirable—alterations in the regulations, possibly even in the Warrant—but that is quite different from the argument which has been alleged against the Ministry's lack of sympathy, that this is due to the fact that the local committees have been deprived of large executive powers which they have formerly exercised. The point I want to make is that those powers were not as large as is alleged. In fact, they had nothing to do with the award of pensions or entitlement. That was a matter with which the local committees had no concern whatever. Nearly every concrete case which is brought up deals with a case of hardship, where a person has not been held entitled to a pension. Well, that was a matter with which local committees never had anything to do at all. The decision of entitlement is a matter which did not come within the authority of local committees at all. They did deal with questions of treatment and treatment allowances, but there again it was only in the early days that they had any wide powers in that respect. As regards home treatment allowances, the local committees had nothing whatever to do with them; with out treatment they had something to do, but not with any case of in-patients, so that they were only small cases.
What we did recommend in that Committee was that the medical referee system was not entirely satisfactory. The right hon. Member for West Fife (Mr. Adamson), who formerly led the Labour party, said they were not satisfied with the Ministry of Pensions' doctors, and that what they wanted was independent medical referees. That seemed to me rather an extraordinary statement to come from a member of the Labour party, who advocates the complete running of all industry and of everything by the State, that he should say that anybody not appointed by the State was in an independent position. I hope we have not quite come to the conclusion that a person appointed by the State is not there in the position of representing the interest of the community, and whose whole purpose is to try to deprive the community of rights to which they are entitled. His other suggestion was that it should be left in the hands of a panel doctor. When the panel doctor was a medical referee the system did not work at all, because we found that, naturally, it was in the panel doctor's own individual interest to give to his own patient anything he asked, so that there was just as much danger there as in the other case.
Nearly all these cases turn on medical decisions, and it is not a quarrel so much with a system or Regulations as with the capacity of the medical man who decides a particular case. If the ground of the criticism is that the doctors of the Ministry are not up to their job, I can understand that form of criticism. I do not know, but I am inclined to think, there can be considerable criticism levelled against the degree of capacity of the medical men appointed by the Ministry of Pensions, although I would not like to make any dogmatic assertion on that, because I do not think we ought to make wild criticism without having careful evidence to support us. If that be so, that is a matter which ought to be capable of remedy by administration. Let us tackle this question of the doctors, let us see what the methods of appointment are, what the remuneration is, how far it is obtained without any influence, without any nepotism, or any undesirable influence like that, creeping into the method of administration. But we must remember that there are numerous cases of hardship which appeal to all our hearts. We all are aware of individual cases, and when we inquire into them, we find that, on medical grounds, it has been held that the disease, or incapacity, or disability is not due to service. If the Labour party stands for pensions being granted to everyone who fought in the War, whether or not his disability is due to service, then I can understand their position. I wish I could support such a principle as that. I wish we could say that if a man fought in the War—
Take the case of a man who was never known to be ill before the War, but who has been ill ever since.
I quite agree with the theory that if a man has been accepted as A.1 when entering the Army and breaks down in the course of his service, he ought to be held to be entitled to a pension.
That is our case.
10.0 P.M.
I agree with that, but that is not the state of the Warrant at present, and has never been the state of the Warrant, and we must remember that if that is altered, it will result in an increased charge of very many millions to the Exchequer. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] I have already said I would be only too glad to vote in favour of it myself, but the trouble is that once you open the door to pensions being granted for all disability, irrespective of the cause, then you have no check at all on the expenditure which would result, and it is a matter which we should have to consider very carefully on the ground of what the total charge to the Exchequer would be. But I have said that it is generally a medical question where we get these cases of hardship, and if the criticism is levelled then, I think, it ought to be levelled either at the Regulation which says you ought to prove such a thing as attributability or aggravation, or else the criticism ought to be directed against the capacity of the medical men who are officials of the Ministry, who are administering the medical benefit. Having said that, there are one or two matters with which I propose to deal very briefly, where I think some alteration ought to be made. I always have objected to the system of the Ministry trying to recover money either by deduction or by direct recovery where payments have been made, which, by a retrospective decision, is held to have been wrongly made under the Regulation. I think, after all, if the Ministry or their doctors make a mistake, then the Ministry ought to stand the racket of that. A man ought not to have to try to refund or have money deducted from his pension when he has acted in the belief that he is entitled to the pension which he has received. I know that the Ministry are fairly sympathetic in their administration of this matter, and although, technically, recovery can be made, they do not always insist on it. But there are cases where it is made, and I do think in no single case ought there to be any attempt to recover past payments, either in the form of deductions, or by trying to recover the pension when the pension has ceased.
The hon. Member for East Aberdeen (Mr. F. Martin), whom we were glad to hear, and who, I think, charmed the House with his maiden effort, referred to the question of dependants' pensions, where they had started on the basis of the flat rate pension, and, in certain cases, had been induced, he said, to accept a need pension in substitution for the flat rate pension, and then, having got that pension, they suddenly found that, owing to further inquiries, it was held that there was no more need, and they lost their pension altogether. I do not think he is justified in saying—certainly my own knowledge of it is contrary—that there has been any attempt by the Ministry to induce people to substitute a pecuniary need pension for a flat rate pension for the purpose of being able to get rid of the pension. The hon. Member only said that that was the rumour or allegation with which he wanted the Minister to deal, but I do think that, whatever may be the case of a person in receipt of a flat rate pension subsequently taking a need pension, if on further inquiry it is held that that need has disappeared or been reduced, then at least he ought again to be able to draw his flat rate pension. In attempting to get a larger pension on the ground of need, if that need happens to change at all, he ought not to be deprived of that flat rate pension to which he was entitled as a right, at the minimum rate which has been laid down in the Warrant, and I hope if that has not been the practice, the Minister will give his consideration to that case.
As regards the needs pensions generally, the first Select Committee—I do not know whether it is an enviable record, but I seem to have served on every Committee that has enquired into pensions since 1918—the first Select Committee, the one which was presided over by the present Minister of Labour, dealt with this question of dependants' pensions. After very careful inquiry we came to the conclusion that the best basis for granting a dependant's pension was that of pecuniary need. First of all, it enabled the larger pension to be granted. The flat-rate pension we thought would only have been continued because it had become a habit or a custom for people to receive it. However that may be, we did come to the conclusion that the proper method or basis was the pecuniary need for the pension. I think it is very obvious why that should be so in the case of a parent, who gets the usual form of a dependant's pension. It is not so obvious that they should have a pension as in the case of the widow or of children; and there are many cases where the claim for a pension cannot be made out to the same extent as in the other cases. Owing to the natural limitation and financial resources of the country it seemed to the Committee as wholly right that where cases of hardship could be shown, where the needs were urgent, then an adequate pension ought to be able to be obtained, rather than that every parent should have a flat rate of 5s. irrespective of the particular need in which they were in.
If that principle is right, if the principle of pecuniary need of a pension is right, then there must be some inquiry as to the means of that individual. You cannot have it both ways. You cannot grant a pension on the ground of need without having some inquisition. Personally, as regards old age pensions, I am very strongly in favour of the principle that they should be granted irrespective of means. But that is a principle. If you are going to have a pension which in principle is based upon need then it is obvious—there is no question about it at all—that there must be some investigation as to that need. That can only be obtained by inquiry into the need. We did not find this receiving general opposition as burdensome and meddlesome, this inquiry into the private means, as in the case of old age pensioners, when we are dealing with this question of the dependants' need pension.
It has been said that the Ministry is very unsympathetic. I am sure, so far as the head of it is concerned, those of us who have the personal acquaintance of the present occupant of the post cannot complain of any lack of sympathy. I happen to have come into very close association with the right hon. and gallant Gentleman for a long time, and I am quite certain nobody can accuse him of any lack of sympathy. I do not think any general charge can be levied against the Ministry of Pensions' officials either on that score. We must remember that the average case is a case of hardship where strong feelings are aroused, and where, by the medical decision, that case is held to be outside the regulations, you are bound to have these cases of hardship, and bound to have a great deal of grumbling, criticism, and dissatisfaction. Personally I think the complaints of lack of sympathy are very grossly exaggerated. The same thing applies to some extent to the Lord Chancellor's appeal tribunals which were set up.
We have had several Debates on this subject, but I have never had the good fortune to catch the eye of Mr. Speaker on that particular subject. The Labour party, I remember, in the last Debate, said they wanted to get rid of these tribunals altogether, as they worked so badly, and they said they would rather the matter out of the hands of the Ministry again. It was rather a contradiction of the attitude of my right hon. Friend the Member for Fife (Mr. Adamson) that he wanted to take the matter out of the hands of the Ministry of Pensions and put it into the hands of an independent body. The whole purpose of the Lord Chancellor's Tribunal, following a Select Committee which was a result of the agitation of all ex-service men, is as has been said. It was suggested that the men should have a statutory right to a pension. That was the first thing we insisted upon. That was one of the first recommendations of the Select Committee which was carried into effect by this Government and that, on this question of entitlement to that statutory right, the applicant should have the right of appeal to an independent tribunal. The very purpose of that tribunal was that there should be the right of appeal to an independent court. That court is independent of the Ministry.
I know there is no subject on which you get more criticism than on this question of the administration of this Lord Chancellor's Appeal Tribunal, and on the question of entitlement. It is natural that there should be more grumbling and criticism as regards that particular branch of work than any other, because those people that are held not entitled to it are often very deserving cases, which on medical grounds happen just to come outside the regulations. It is obvious there is fruitful ground for dissatisfaction.
The question is whether these appeal tribunals are fair tribunals, whether they act judicially and fairly. So many criticisms has one heard about them that I think every one of us has something like a suspicion as to these tribunals being fair and just. I have made several inquiries; I have been before them myself; I have made inquiries as to others. I have tried to arrive at something concrete. I find those concerned do not complain of these tribunals acting deliberately and unfairly or unfairly involuntarily. The tribunals are fair enough, but the trouble is that, unless the facts are well represented to the tribunal, very often a decision is given which, if the facts had been well represented, might have been different. After careful inquidy I have come to the conclusion that there is a great deal in that. I am quite convinced that there are many cases where, if the tribunal acted hurriedly, as it must do in many cases where there is no proper representation of the individual applicant, the result is as suggested; the tribunal will not have the facts presented to them in their full light, and will undoubtedly give a decision, which, if the facts had been presented by somebody with an ability to put the case in its proper light, might have resulted in a very different decision. I remember one member of the legal profession, a friend of mine, who, I think, does these cases on behalf of the Officers' Association. He told me that he had had a great many of these cases before the court, and I think he said that in only one or two cases did he ever fail to get a favourable decision. He said very often had he known days on which he has gone before the court where he has been the only one of ten applicants who had obtained a favourable decision from the tribunal. I must say on the face of it that rather looks as if too much dependence was placed upon the ability of the advocate who appears before the particular tribunal. [An HON. MEMBER: "That gives your whole case away."] No. If my hon. Friend will wait a moment he will see it does not give my case away, but he will see I am leading up to my particular suggestion, which is this: That there is no doubt about it that this question of entitlement is one of supreme importance.
There are many cases of great hardship which will be within the recollection of hon. Members, and, therefore, any case which can possibly, by skilled advocacy and a proper representation of the facts, procure a favourable verdict ought to be entitled to the full benefit of the best advocacy that the applicant can get. Therefore I think in cases that come before these appeal tribunals an applicant ought to be entitled to have some special assistance, both in preparing the case and in the case being put before the tribunal. It does not matter what the tribunal is. I am sure there is not a judge on the bench who knows all the law, and if the advocate who comes before him does not know the law, then, probably, the decision of the judge will be a bad one in law, and it is the fault of the advocate and not that of the judge.
It is obvious that a tribunal ought to be put into possession of all the facts, and these ably represented in the best light and most favourable to the applicant. Under these circumstances I think the Ministry ought to adopt one of the recommendations of this very Departmental Committee of which I have been speaking. We did recommend that the applicant to the tribunal should have the benefit of legal assistance, I think, with an adequate check upon it, so that it would not be abused. As a preliminary, the application ought to come before the local committee, and if they certify it to be a suitable case for the assistance of the Ministry, that they should grant the necessary funds so that the applicant should have his proper and full attention. I am afraid I have exceeded my limit of time, but I hope the Minister will give some attention to these suggestions.
I am sorry to have to intervene at this moment, but I do so because I have a large field to cover. I think the hon. Member for Seaham (Mr. Webb) got on to a very strong point when he touched upon the question of unemployment. I am sure that unemployment is responsible for a large amount of the heavy pressure which is now placed upon the Pensions Ministry. Before going into the general question I should like to allude to some of the points made by the hon. Member for Seaham, and I hope to take some of the other points raised as I go through the subject as a whole. With reference to what was said by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Fife (Mr. Adamson), on the point of publicity, I strongly agree with him. At the Ministry we do all we can to call the attention of pensioners to any time limits, any rights of appeal, and any changes in their favour which may be put into our regulations.
In going through a hospital the other day I was glad to see posted up a notice informing those in the hospital of certain rules the neglect of which might prove to be to their disadvantage. I will certainly consider, although I make no promise, the point of arrears on which there is such a strong feeling. I may point out that that feeling is not confined to the House, but it extends to the Ministry. We have quite lately brought out a rule limiting the distance we can go back which cuts out a large number of these cases where we used to go back two or three years, and rake up the charges paid to the men. We have already put a time limit on them, and I will consider the points which have been put to me. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Fife made a very simple-minded and charming appeal to all parties to support him in the Division Lobby. It was a singularly guileless effort and showed that he was a skilful Parliamentarian, he failed to point out to new members that such a course might lead to the defeat of the Government.
I come to what was said by the hon. Member for the Fairfield Division of Liverpool (Major Cohen). I think the whole House would like me to pay a tribute to the knowledge and the sincerity of that speech, which I am sure appealed to every member in every part of the House; and there could be no more touching example of the difficulties of this question and the duty we owe to ex-service men than that he should have been followed by the hon. Member for Aberdeen (Mr. Martin) whose speech I am sure appealed to everyone. The points which they raised I wish to go into. I should like to convey my thanks to all hon. Members in different parts of the House for the appreciation they have expressed throughout the Debate of the work of the Ministry of Pensions. May I also say that the hon. Member for Lewisham (Lieut.-Colonel Pownall) raised a number of interesting points as to the hospitals and administrative costs? I hope to deal with those points as I come to them, but if I do not touch them then I trust he will take an early opportunity of asking me about it.
Now I come to the main issue. I think hon. Members who have dealt with the pensions question will realise that the language of the Pensions Acts is necessarily somewhat complicated and that we are bound to use such words as "assessment" and "entitlement" and other English words with a definite meaning in order that the intention of the House shall be clearly expressed in the warrants and Regulations of the Ministry. Therefore I hope the House will forgive me if I go into some technical points which are the foundation of the whole pensions policy of this country, because it is the principle of the Warrants that has been challenged and it is only fair to the House we should state how these foundaitons were laid, who laid them, and what they are.
Ever since the day when this Ministry was formed, in the middle of the Great War, all parties in the State have co-operated in framing Warrants; they have co-operated in deciding its principles and in passing its legislation. The Select Committee of 1919, the Departmental Committee which followed it, and the latest Pension Act of 1921 are examples of the joint work of all parties in the State endeavouring to deal with what must never become a party question, because it is a matter which it is the duty of the whole nation to deal with. [An HON. MEMBER: "Then take your Whips off!"] Hon. Members forget some of the foundations which I am about to discuss. The Labour Members—I do not hold the whole Labour party responsible—the Labour Members who have put down this Amendment condemn a Warrant which one of them signed. They condemn legislation which they helped to pass. They condemn administration in which they had a large share. [ Interruption. ] I am stating facts, and I hope hon. Members will remember that, however inaccurate I thought their statements, I never interrupted their speeches. I think they should do me the courtesy of listening to the points I am putting. I am dealing with the point of party co-operation, I am making the point that this Warrant denounced by them was signed by one of the very Members who put his name down to the Amendment. I repeat that the whole administration is founded on the joint co-operation of all parties in the State through Select Committees, Departmental Committees and Acts of Parliament. When we come to the 1921 Act, of which we have had such a brilliant defence based on such clear knowledge by the hon. and gallant Member for South-West Hull (Major Entwistle), I am bound to remind hon. Members that a Member of the Labour party served on the Departmental Committee which made the recommendations on which it is based. The hon. Member in question rendered valuable services to the pensioners by the work he did, and the Labour party, in common with all the other parties, passed the Act without a Division at the end of the discussion.
May I say, as I was very much interested, that I moved the rejection of the Bill, and that it was on the ground of an appeal to the House for united action that I did not take the matter to a Division. I have been very sorry ever since that I did not.
The hon. Member's interruption confirms the point that I was making, which was that the Labour party co-operated. Before I deal with many of the more controversial points, I want to convey to the House some idea of the enormous medical responsibility of the Ministry for the care of the sick and wounded of the Great War. Apart from all party issues, I should like to pay a tribute to the enormous work that has been done in restoring the sick and wounded of the Great War. The nation owes a great debt to the medical profession and the hospital staffs for the work that they have done, and I am sure the House will feel that no expenditure can be devoted by the country to a better purpose than restoring as useful citizens those who have been disabled in the Great War from which we have emerged.
This Ministry is limited in its work. It is, by the consent of all parties, limited to the War. With its liability in connection with the War, its work will end. The Ministry cares for the sick and wounded of the Great War; it pays compensation for disablement due to service during the Great War; and, may I add, it has nothing to do with old age pensions, with police pensions, or with awarding the long-service pensions granted by the three Service Departments. I mention this because I am anxious to help, as far as I can, hon. Members who get many letters. I received to-day from an hon. Member—I should not like to mention his constituency—a long letter on the subject of old age pensions, and it was directed to my right hon. Friend the Member for Ross and Cromarty (Mr. Macpherson), who at one time was in charge of this Ministry. While I do not blame any hon. Member for not knowing that we do not deal with old age pensions, I should have thought that the fall of the Coalition Government might not have escaped his attention.
May I say, as it bears on the point made by the hon. Member for Seaham, that we pay compensation for disability due to the War. It is not relief, it is not doles, it is compensation, and the principle laid down, as I think rightly, by every party in the State, is that the pension should not vary with the employment or unemployment of the individual. In the case of ex-service men who have lost a leg—and we have some in the Ministry now, in good posts, and I am very glad that it should be so—we make no deduction from the pension because the men are employed, and I say we ought not to do so. We want to keep the compensation paid in connection with the War clear of questions of wages, and the class that gain most by that are the wounded men, because I am glad to say that many of them, particularly men who have lost an eye, are earning good wages. We believe that the pension should not be touched, but should stand as compensation, and should not be mixed up with questions of relief or employment. The condition of entitlement—I am going through the various terms—to that compensation is that the disability must be due to the War.
Then we come to the question of assessment. That is the measuring by the medical authorities of the extent of the disablement, comparing it with the condition of a normal healthy man of the same age. It is expressed in percentages, and I noted that one hon. Member objected to that. It is difficult to see how you are going to distinguish between a man who has lost a leg or an arm and a man who has lost, perhaps, one or two fingers, unless you do in some way give different compensations to those who are slightly injured from what you give to those who are totally disabled; and it is not the case, as the hon. Member suggests, that we split fractions. It goes generally in multiples of 10–100, 90, 80, and so on. Then, the assessment being settled, we come to the pension scale or pension rates. I have received suggestions that the last House of Commons and the Government of that day, and the nation as a whole, had not done its duty by the ex-service men. At all events, I will make this comparison, that before the War an ex-service man with a wife and two children, a man totally disabled, got 17s. 6d.—[HON. MEMBERS: "Shame!"] Now a man with a wife and two children gets 63s. 6d. I do say that in view of the considerable increase it is not fair to the nation to say that no improvement has been made in the lot of the ex-service man. Moreover, a widow with two children before the War got 8s. a week. Now a widow with two children gets 44s. 2d. a week.
Now I have gone through the limits of our work, the question of compensation, to which I attach enormous importance, the question of entitlement, that it must be due to the War—and that I believe to be vital—and the rates, which I have described. Now I come to a subject which is to me one very much barred from discussion, the question of the Appeal Tribunal. The position as regards the Ministry is this. The ex-service men demanded, and maintain the demand, that this question of entitlement, whether the injury was due to the War or not, should be settled by some impartial tribunal and should be taken absolutely out of the hands of the Minister of Pensions and away from the Pensions Ministry; and therefore when, as happened the other day, an hon. Member blames me personally for a decision of the tribunal he is blaming me for a matter which has been taken by the consent of all parties, out of my hands and over which I have absolutely no control. What happens is this. The Lord Chancellor's Department put up a number of these tribunals for entitlement, the vital point I was discussing. They consist of a lawyer of seven years' standing, an ex-service man and a doctor. I may be wrong, but I do not know of any other country in which a decision vitally affecting State funds is taken absolutely away from all State officials and from all connection with the Pensions Ministry and a decision on a matter of that sort is put absolutely into the hands of three people sitting in a room, hearing the case, able to decide absolutely that it is to be accounted as due to the War. We hear a great many cases of rejection quoted. We do not hear much of the many appeals that are granted.
I remember in the last Parliament the Labour party, I think rather rashly, committed themselves to a Motion, and I think to a vote, that these appeal tribunals should be abolished. [An HON. MEMBER: "Hear, hear!"] I will tell the hon. Member what the effect of that would be. Suppose the Labour party had won the General Election and succeeded to power and appointed a Pensions Minister, the ex-service men would have had not one chance of appeal from that Minister to any impartial tribunal, and if that change had been made sooner thousands of cases which have been granted would not have been granted because there would be no tribunal. [An HON. MEMBER: "Tell that to the horse marines!"] I will tell it to any honest person who is willing to listen to the truth. I am so conscious of all the help that is given to the Ministry from all parts of the House that I deeply regret any of these interruptions which would tend to bring a party spirit into the discussion.
I will now come to the question of medical boards. Statements have been made that secret instructions have been issued to medical boards to cut down pensions. We have already had a Departmental Committee. On it were representatives of the three great ex-service men's organisations, a member of the Labour party, Members of this House of every party, and representatives of those local voluntary workers who have done such invaluable service to the Ministry and to ex-service men. [An HON. MEMBER: "That is why you abolished them!"] I am asking at this moment for more help from them. On this Committee we inquired into that question. We called for witnesses. We asked everybody who could by any possibility have knowledge of any such instructions, and the whole Committee—members of the Labour party, ex-service men, and all concerned—signed a report that there was no truth in the statement that secret orders had been issued to medical boards to cut down pensions.
It is hardly necessary to prove this, because it can be seen from the figures. As in the case of the Appeal Tribunal, we hear a great deal of cases where the medical boards cut down the rate of pension, but we never hear anything from hon. Members of the cases where the medical boards raise the rate of pension. The main justification, in my belief, for the medical boards in the last year or two has been not from any reduction that may have been effected, but that some men are getting better and some men are getting worse. If you do not examine these men, you will achieve simplicity at the cost of the men who are getting worse, and you will be spending your money, not on the men who are getting worse, but on the men who are getting better. When I tell the House of the work of the medical staff of the Ministry, the House will realise its value. It is natural that we should rejoice that some men are getting better.
Over the whole range, the effect of the medical boards has been recorded. About two years ago, taking the increase of those who were getting worse and the decrease of those who were getting better, the net reduction of assessment by the medical boards was 6 per cent. We watched these figures, and they came lower and lower, and a little time ago the net reduction, as a result of the medical boards, was 4 per cent. I obtained figures this week for the information of the House. The net reduction of assessment is to-day 3½ per cent. as a result of the medical boards. The lesson of that is that the Ministry was right when in 1921 they introduced the Pensions Bill of that date giving increased powers to grant final awards, because, while a large proportion of the cases were still changing, we found about 50 per cent. of the cases examined were showing no change. We took powers to grant an increased number of final awards. The object of that was to get the pensioner away from the medical boards and to get the pensions settled, which we believed would have a wonderful effect upon the pensioner and make him feel that his pension was a safe and settled thing for the rest of his life. At the present time we are making final awards at the rate of 4,000 a week.
We are dealing not merely with these points, but with the question of administration, raised by the hon. Member for Lewisham. All parties in the House will agree with me that of every £100 voted by this House the more that goes to the pensioner and the less that goes in administration the better. Therefore, the late Minister, not as a result of attacks from anywhere, but on his own initiative, set up a Departmental Committee, with ex-service men and Members of this House on it. My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for South-West Hull (Major Entwistle) knows that we sat for seven months. When we are urged now to set up another Committee—an Amendment which we cannot accept—I would point out that the whole of this machine has been reviewed in detail and in the smallest points by a Departmental Committee which sat for seven months. It was not the work of one Committee. My hon. and gallant Friend took one of the Sub-committees, a most important one, and one of the results of its labours has been a great change in the mechanism which will tend to bring the administrative work and the medical work in each area into one building, thus enabling things to go through better. We went into other points. There was the medical Sub-committee. The House will hardly expect me to go into detail. But the point is one of such importance that the House may wish me to say a word upon it. The Medical Sub-Committee, of which I was Chairman, introduced a system of clearing houses for the sick and wounded. The idea was that you might have a man suffering from a special ailment, say malaria or neurasthenia, and there might be a chance that he would be put into a local hospital, although not far away the Ministry might have a special institution for dealing with that class of case. Therefore, we set up clearing houses to get men into hospital more quickly, shorten the waiting list, and see that particular special treatment available for special classes of cases was made immediately available. The result was a saving of time, a lessening of the waiting list, and a great saving of money to the country. Moreover, we arranged, with the consent of the ex-service men, because we were anxious to obtain their confidence, to have two doctors on the medical board instead of three. We should not have liked to do that unless the representatives of the ex-service men agreed, because if they wanted to have another man we should have liked to have him on. The saving at the time in cost of administration was £250,000 from that one source alone.
Another part of the administration is the Issue Office. If hon. Members would like to see the Issue Office I should be only too delighted for them to go round it and see it. It is a most remarkable place. From that one place alone go the whole of the pensions of this country with the exception of Scotland. The colossal task of working it and improving it is going on. The number of letters that come in there in the morning is something like 80,000. We went through all the work and details of that office.
I will mention one new detail in which the House will be interested. Everybody knows the trouble to which pensioners are put by the signing of the life certificate. Every three months, according to law, everybody drawing a pension of the State has to get a life certificate signed. We are proposing legislation in this Session, if the House will agree, to oblige the pensioners to have the life certificate signed only once in six months instead of once in three months. That will be of enormous value to many Members of the House who know what trouble there is over the signing of these certificates, and incidentally we calculated at that time that it would save about £100,000 a year in expenses of the Issue Office through the time saved in the issue of these books, checking the life certificates and going through the whole process. Hon. Members will be glad to hear that these proposals are being drawn up and I hope that they will support them when they come before the House. As to the saving in cost it would not be right to give the exact figures of the coming Estimates, but the Ministry hope that we should be able to save this year as compared with last year not in the pensions but in the cost of administration nearly £1,000,000.
What is the percentage of cost? If you cut out the medical administration and the whole of our medical service, the cost of our administration is ninepence in the £. May I allude here to a rather delicate subject? Ninepence is a sum which has had a very variegated political history. In England ninepence is ninepence, but when ninepence gets into the wonderland of Wales there is no knowing what it may become. I am now alluding, not to the past history of ninepence, but to what happens to the ninepence when it gets to Cardiff. The hon. Member for Central Cardiff (Mr. Gould), who takes a great interest in and works hard for these ex-service men, made a speech the other day, in which he stated that at present 9s. 2d. in the £ out of the money allotted to the Pensions Ministry went in administration expenses. I do not think that ninepence has ever gone further.
I am sure I never made such a wild statement in my life.
Of course, I accept the hon. Member's contradiction, but I am afraid that the rest of his speech must have been somewhat dislocated by the absence of the statement, because he went on to say that it was a question of a job for everybody and work for nobody. The hon. Member then added a phrase which, I am sure, will appeal to every section of the House—"that he wanted to be returned by a clear majority." There is one further thing that I would like to say with all the sincerity that I can command. I wish to deny emphatically the charge that the Ministry staff are lacking in sympathy. The position is this: that of the whole male staff of the Ministry 97 per cent. are ex-service men. It is, perhaps, a curious thought, but it comes to me sometimes—that if all the occupations, trades and professions of this country could be analysed it would be interesting to see what proportion of them was made up of ex-service men. You enter a 'bus, and probably the driver has seen three or four years' service in Flanders or France. Possibly the 'bus has been there, too. In every walk of life you see a large proportion of ex-service men. When young soldiers march through the streets to-day they are watched by men who know what war is. That is so in every walk of life throughout the country. Yet I do not believe that there is any one body of workers who have among them such a large proportion of ex-service men as have the male staff of the Ministry of Pensions. Therefore, when we are charged with a lack of sympathy I reply, "Do not blame the staff of the Ministry, because they are ex-service men doing their best." And I hope I am, too.
We have been urged to have an inquiry. Of course, the Amendment cannot be accepted. That was well known by those who put it down. But there are many points which have been put before us by hon. Members to which I hope to give attention and enquiry, to see how far the many contributions that have been made may help the Ministry in its difficult task. I do not think every hon. Member knows, the extent to which this Ministry is already in touch with those who are endeavouring to serve the ex-service men. Constantly, at greater or shorter intervals, we meet representatives of the ex-service men. They put forward their grievances and their case. They put them in a perfectly straight way and in good faith, on behalf of those whom they represent. Sometimes we show that there are difficulties in the course they propose. Sometimes we gain from them some help in order to improve the machine; but always we are working together and in touch with them.
I value the suggestion from the hon. Member for Aberdeen about the regional directors. Only this morning I was talking to a regional director who had come from another part of the country, and was going gladly with him, on my own initiative, into the problems of pensions to seek the guidance and help which can come to us through these regional directors, who are almost all ex-service men. I welcome the hon. Member's suggestion, but we are already working on these lines, and I will endeavour to extend them. Moreover, we have an Advisory Committee, on which hon. Members of this House of all parties sit. We have there not only hon. Members of this House but also ex-service men and representatives of the voluntary workers; so that not only do we welcome the co-operation of all parties, but we bring them into contact with the voluntary workers and ex-service men, and together we go into these matters. Before this Amendment was put down I had already called a meeting of this Advisory Committee, the members of which come from all over the country, to help us in our difficult task. I had put before them the very problem raised in this Debate, as to how these new areas are working, and how we can more efficiently use that voluntary effort which is so invaluable to us as a Ministry in keeping in close touch with the pensioners, which is so valuable and so much wanted.
I have left all too little time for the medical work. I have endeavoured—and I have spent some time over it—to summarise the work which the medical profession has done for us for the ex-service men. In all discussions on the Ministry of Pensions it is almost invariably forgotten how enormous is our medical responsibility as a Ministry. Since the Armistice, the Ministry has spent over £60,000,000 on medical work, on hospitals, on doctors, on nurses, and on allowances for the sick and for the families of those who are being treated in the hospitals. When I tell the House of the result of all this medical skill and devotion, I think it will not grudge the £60,000,000 that has been spent. The nation, I think, will feel grateful to the medical profession and the hospital staffs for the remarkable results of their work.
At the present time, the Ministry has, as in-patients, about 25,000 men, as a result of the Great War. I went round a hospital the other day, and I saw men still lying there, still undergoing operations, as a result of the Great War. We have, every day, coming in for treatment—in-patient, or out-patient, or home treatment—100,000 cases. We have dealt with about 1,000,000 cases of sickness in the last three years. Not only that; it is the aim of the Ministry to carry on the medical attention as long as we can and as long as there is any hope of producing good results. I had recently an investigation made into a batch of 2,000 cases, which had been receiving treatment, whether as in-patients, out-patients, or at home. They were cases, many of them, of gun-shot wounds, and 40 per cent. had been under treatment for upwards of 18 months.
That shows that we go on trying to do our best. The Ministry has called in—and it has come gladly to its aid—all the skill that we can get from the medical profession, and the beet appliances that can be obtained. To give some idea of the results, taking 1,000 cases at random—I had these figures prepared knowing they would be of interest to the House—I find that of general medical and surgical cases, 118 out of 224 were discharged as completely recovered; of tropical disease cases—dysentery, malaria, etc.—out of 55 discharges, 51 were either recovered or greatly improved, and as regards orthopædic cases, out of 452 I find that 185 were discharged as recovered and 199 as greatly improved.
I come now to the question of neurological cases, and what I am speaking of as having been accomplished does not relate only to the period during which I have been in charge. I am not taking the credit to myself when I say I believe the Ministry has set an example to the world in the treatment of neurological cases. There was hardly any, or very little medical experience of these cases in ordinary civil life, and we had not got enough doctors who understood, from personal experience, neurological cases. We had, however, experts, to whom the nation owes a great debt, who trained about 100 doctors to deal with neurological cases. We have had remarkable results. I went round a hospital the other day in which 134 cases had been treated. I am not taking a special case to prove anything; I am, as a matter of fact, taking the hospital to which the worst neurasthenic cases—those which were on the border line or serious cases—were sent. Out of the 134 treated during 1922, only nine had to be certified as insane, and of the remainder 68 were discharged recovered and 12 transferred to other institutions. I think the medical staff may find great pleasure in the photographs which I saw of some of the patients—photographs which have been sent them as tokens of gratitude to the medical profession from men who had been shattered wrecks, but who had emerged again into civil life. The doctors who keep in touch with these men told me they were glad to know that many of these men who previously had not been able to contribute anything to the nation were now back at work, useful citizens and happy men. In another Ministry hospital out of 300 cases treated during the 12 months, 246 were discharged as recovered, and we know in fact that 121 got employment at once—neurological cases. I have very little time left, and I will mention two points only. Some of the best treatment we have given has been in teaching the man a trade, not necessarily a trade he will follow, but for its value in curative effect, and he can take up anything he likes. I saw a man whose bands were shaking only two or three days ago as an effect of
the Great War, and he was trying to make a brush, and it was very difficult for him to do it. It was not for the sake of the brush; not even for the sake of learning the trade, but for the sake of making the man feel he was doing something useful in the world.
I have only one more moment, and I have an announcement to make on the question of lunatic asylums. We, the Ministry, are going to start as an experiment separate arrangements for the treatment of selected certified cases of a hopeful type. The Government have felt, at any rate, that the experiment is well worth making. We shall begin tentatively with one or two small establishments, and we are taking steps to start at an early date. I am afraid I have dealt imperfectly with all these matters, and I must, in conclusion, thank all the Members of the House for the contributions which have been made of help to the Ministry in its difficult task. This is a nation's debt, and it should be the duty of all parties in the State to assist us.
Question put, "That those words be there added."
The House divided: Ayes, 176; Noes, 307.
Division No. 4.] AYES. [11.0 p.m. Adams, D. Duffy, T. Gavan Hirst, G. H. Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Duncan, C. Hodge, Lieut.-Col. J. P. (Preston) Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock) Dunnico, H. Hogge, James Myles Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro') Edmonds, G. Irving, Dan Ammon, Charles George Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath) Asquith, Rt. Hon. Herbert Henry Emlyn-Jones, J. E. (Dorset, N.) John, William (Rhondda, West) Attlee, C. R. Fairbairn, R. R. Johnston, Thomas (Stirling) Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Falconer, J. Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Barnes, A. Foot, Isaac Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly) Batey, Joseph Gosling, Harry Jones, R. T. (Carnarvon) Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton) Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd) Berkeley, Captain Reginald Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central) Jowett, F. W. (Bradford, East) Bonwick, A. Gray, Frank (Oxford) Jowitt, W. A. (The Hartlepools) Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Greenall, T. Kelley, Major Fred (Rotherham) Briant, Frank Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne) Kirkwood, D. Broad, F. A. Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan) Lansbury, George Bromfield, William Groves, T. Lawson, John James Brotherton, J. Grundy, T. W. Leach, W. Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Guest, J. (York, W.R., Hemsworth) Lee, F. Buchanan, G. Hall, F. (York, W.R., Normanton) Lees-Smith, H. B. (Keighley) Buckle, J. Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil) Linfield, F. C. Burgess, S. Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland) Lowth, T. Burnie, Major J. (Bootle) Hancock, John George Lunn, William Buxton, Charles (Accrington) Harbord, Arthur MacDonald, J. R. (Aberavon) Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, North) Hardie, George D. M'Entee, V. L. Cairns, John Harney, E. A. McLaren, Andrew Cape, Thomas Harris, Percy A. Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan) Chapple, W. A. Hartshorn, Vernon March, S. Charleton, H. C. Hastings, Patrick Marshall, Sir Arthur H. Clarke, Sir E. C. Hay, Captain J. P. (Cathcart) Maxton, James Collie, Sir John Hayday, Arthur Middleton, G. Collins, Pat (Walsall) Hemmerde, E. G. Millar, J. D. Collison, Levi Henderson, T. (Glasgow) Morel, E. D. Darbishire, C. W. Herriotts, J. Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.) Davies, David (Montgomery) Hill, A. Muir, John W. Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale) Hillary, A. E. Murray, R. (Renfrew, Western) Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton) Hinds, John Nichol, Robert O'Grady, Captain James Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline) Oliver, George Harold Simon, Rt. Hon. Sir John Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda) Paling, W. Simpson, J. Hope Webb, Sidney Parker, H. (Hanley) Sitch, Charles H. Wedgwood, Colonel Josiah C. Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Smith, T. (Pontefract) Weir, L. M. Pattinson, S. (Horncastle) Snell, Harry Welsh, J. C. Phillipps, Vivian Spencer, George A. (Broxtowe) Westwood, J. Ponsonby, Arthur Spencer, H. H. (Bradford, S.) Wheatley, J. Potts, John S. Stephen, Campbell White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Richards, R. Stewart, J. (St. Rollox) White, H. G. (Birkenhead, E.) Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Sullivan, J. Whiteley, W. Riley, Ben Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby) Wignall, James Ritson, J. Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Williams, David (Swansea, E.) Robertson, J. (Lanark, Bothwell) Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.) Williams, T. (York, Don Valley) Robinson, W. C. (York, Elland) Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow) Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe) Rose, Frank H. Tillett, Benjamin Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow) Royce, William Stapleton Tout, W. J. Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Saklatvala, S. Trevelyan, C. P. Wright, W. Salter, Dr. A. Turner, Ben Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Scrymgeour, E. Twist, H. Sexton, James Wallhead, Richard C. TELLERS FOR THE AYES. —— Shaw, Thomas (Preston) Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince) Mr. Arthur Henderson and Mr. T. Griffiths. Shinwell, Emanuel Warne, G. H.
NOES. Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Clayton, G. C. Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Alexander, E. E. (Leyton, East) Cobb, Sir Cyril Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W. (Liv'p'l, W. D'by) Alexander, Col. M. (Southwark) Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Halstead, Major D. Allen, Lieut.-Col. Sir William James Cohen, Major J. Brunel Hamilton, Sir George C. (Altrincham) Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S. Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Apsley, Lord Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Harmsworth, Hon. E. C. (Kent) Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin Conway, Sir W. Martin Harrison, F. C. Ashley, Lt.-Col. Wilfrid W. Cope, Major William Hawke, John Anthony Astbury, Lieut.-Com. Frederick W. Courthope, Lieut.-Col. George L. Hay, Major T. W. (Norfolk, South) Astor, J. J. (Kent, Dover) Craig, Capt. C. C (Antrim, South) Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Astor, Viscountess Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Herbert Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Austin, Sir Herbert Croft, Lieut.-Colonel Henry Page Herbert, S. (Scarborough) Baird, Rt. Hon. Sir John Lawrence Crook, C. W. (East Ham, North) Hewett, Sir J. P. Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Crooke, J. S. (Deritend) Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank Balfour, George (Hampstead) Curzon, Captain Viscount Hiley, Sir Ernest Banks, Mitchell Dalziel, Sir D. (Lambeth, Brixton) Hoare, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir S. J. G. Banner, Sir John S. Harmood- Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemal Hempstead) Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (St. Marylebone) Barlow, Rt. Hon. Sir Montague Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy Barnett, Major Richard W. Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln) Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Barnston, Major Harry Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Hood, Sir Joseph Barrie, Sir Charles Coupar (Banff) Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) Hopkins, John W. W. Becker, Harry Dawson, Sir Philip Houfton, John Plowright Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Dixon, C. H. (Rutland) Howard, Capt. D. (Cumberland, N.) Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Doyle, N. Grattan Howard-Bury, Lieut.-Col. C. K. Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Dudgeon, Major C. R. Hudson, Capt. A. Bentinck, Lord Henry Cavendish- Du Pre, Colonel William Baring Hughes, Collingwood Berry, Sir George Edmondson, Major A. J. Hume, G. H. Betterton, Henry B. Ednam, Viscount Hunter-Weston, Lt.-Gen. Sir Aylmer Birchall, Major J. Dearman Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Hurd, Percy A. Bird, Sir W. B. M. (Chichester) Ellis, R. G. Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B. Blades, Sir George Rowland England, Lieut.-Colonel A. Hutchison, W. (Kelvingrove) Blundell, F. N. Entwistle, Major C. F. Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H. Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W. Erskine, James Malcolm Monteith Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S. Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Erskine, Lord (Weston-super-Mare) James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert Brass, Captain W. Erskine-Bolst, Captain C. Jarrett, G. W. S. Brassey, Sir Leonard Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Jephcott, A. R. Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive Falcon, Captain Michael Jodrell, Sir Neville Paul Briggs, Harold Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Johnson, Sir L. (Walthamstow, E.) Brittain, Sir Harry Fawkes, Major F. H. Joynson-Hicks, Sir William Brown, Major D. C. (Hexham) Fermor-Hesketh, Major T. Kennedy, Captain M. S. Nigel Brown, Brig.-Gen. Clifton (Newbury) Ford, Patrick Johnston Kenyon, Barnet Brown, J. W. (Middlesbrough, E.) Foreman, Sir Henry King, Captain Henry Douglas Bruford, R. Forestier-Walker, L. Lamb, J. Q. Buckingham, Sir H. Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Lane-Fox, Lieut.-Colonel G. R. Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Fraser, Major Sir Keith Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.) Burn, Colonel Sir Charles Rosdew Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Leigh, Sir John (Clapham) Butcher, Sir John George Furness, G. J. Lloyd-Greame, Rt. Hon. Sir P. Butler, H. M. (Leeds, North) Galbraith, J. F. W. Lorden, John William Butt, Sir Alfred Ganzoni, Sir John Lorimer, H. D. Button, H. S. Gardiner, James Lort-Williams, J. Cadogan, Major Edward Garland, C. S. Lougher, L. Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R. Gates, Percy Lowe, Sir Francis William Cassels, J. D. Gaunt, Rear-Admiral Sir Guy R. Loyd, Arthur Thomas (Abingdon) Cautley, Henry Strother Goff, Sir R. Park Lumley, L. R. Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City) Gould, James C Lynn, R. J. Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton Gray, Harold (Cambridge) Macdonald, Sir Murdoch (Inverness) Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood) Greene, Lt.-Col. Sir W. (Hack'y, N.) Macnaghten, Hon. Sir Malcolm Chapman, Sir S. Gretton, Colonel John McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Churchman, Sir Arthur Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E. Makins, Brigadier-General E. Clarry, Reginald George Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Manville, Edward Rankin, Captain James Stuart Steel, Major S. Strang Margesson, H. D. R. Rawlinson, Rt. Hon. John Fredk. Peel Stewart, Gershom (Wirral) Martin, F. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, E.) Rawson, Lieut.-Com. A. C. Stott, Lt.-Col. W. H. Mason, Lieut.-Col. C. K. Reid, Capt. A. S. C. (Warrington) Stuart, Lord C. Crichton- Milne, J. S. Wardlaw Reid, D. D. (County Down) Sturrock, J. Leng Mitchell, W. F. (Saffron Walden) Remer, J. R. Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham) Rentoul, G. S. Sugden, Sir Wilfrid H. Moles, Thomas Reynolds, W. G. W. Sutcliffe, T. Molloy, Major L. G. S. Richardson, Sir Alex. (Gravesend) Sykes, Major-Gen. Sir Frederick H. Molson, Major John Elsdale Richardson, Lt.-Col. Sir P. (Chertsey) Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley) Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Thomson, Luke (Sunderland) Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford) Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Moreing, Captain Algernon H. Roberts, Rt. Hon. Sir S. (Ecclesall) Thorpe, Captain John Henry Morris, Harold Robertson, J. D. (Islington, W.) Titchfield, Marquess of Morrison, Hugh (Wilts, Salisbury) Robinson, Sir T. (Lancs., Stretford) Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. (Honiton) Rogerson, Capt. J. E. Tubbs, S. W. Murchison, C. K. Rothschild, Lionel de Turton, Edmund Russborough Nail, Major Joseph Roundell, Colonel R. F. Vaughan-Morgan, Col. K. P. Nesbitt, J. C Ruggles-Brise, Major E. Wallace, Captain E. Newman, Colonel J. R. P. (Finchley) Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth) Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull) Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Russell, William (Bolton) Waring, Major Walter Newson, Sir Percy Wilson Russell-Wells, Sir Sydney Warner, Sir T. Courtenay T. Newton, Sir D. G. C. (Cambridge) Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Watson, Capt. J. (Stockton-on-Tees) Nicholson, Brig.-Gen. J. (Westminster) Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney) Watts, Dr. T. (Man., Withington) Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Sanders, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert A. Wells, S. R. Nield, Sir Herbert Sanderson, Sir Frank B. Weston, Colonel John Wakefield Oman, Sir Charles William C. Sandon, Lord Wheler, Col. Granville C. H. O'Neill, Rt. Hon. Hugh Shakespeare, G. H. White, Lt.-Col. G. D. (Southport) Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Shaw, Hon. Alex. (Kilmarnock) Whitla, Sir William Paget, T. G. Sheffield, Sir Berkeley Windsor, Viscount Parker, Owen (Kettering) Shepperson, E. W. Winterton, Earl Penny, Frederick George Shipwright, Captain D. Wise, Frederick Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Simms, Dr. John M. (Co. Down) Wolmer, Viscount Perkins, Colonel E. K. Simpson-Hinchcliffe, W. A. Wood, Rt. Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Peto, Basil E. Singleton, J. E. Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Pielou, D. P. Skelton, A. N. Wood, Major Sir S. Hill-(High Peak) Pilditch, Sir Philip Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South) Woodcock, Colonel H. C. Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Asshoton Smith, Sir Harold (Wavertree) Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward Preston, Sir W. R. Somerville, A. A. (Windsor) Yerburgh, R. D. T. Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Somerville, Daniel (Barrow-in-Furness) Pringle, W. M. R. Sparkes, H. W. TELLERS FOR THE NOES. —— Privett, F. J. Spears, Brig.-Gen. E. L. Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs. Raeburn, Sir William H. Spender-Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H. Raine, W. Stanley, Lord
Main Question put, and agreed to.
Resolved,
"That an humble Address be presented to His Majesty, as followeth:—
MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN,
We, Your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Commons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, in Parliament assembled, beg leave to offer our humble thanks to Your Majesty for the Gracious Speech which Your Majesty has addressed to both Houses of Parliament."
To be presented by Privy Councillors or Members of His Majesty's Household.
Supply
Resolved,
"That this House will to-morrow resolve itself into a Committee to consider of the Supply to be granted to His Majesty."—[ Colonel Leslie Wilson. ]
Ordered, That the Estimates presented to this House be referred to the Committee of Supply.
Ways and Means
Resolved,
"That this House will to-morrow resolve itself into a Committee to consider of the Ways and Means for raising the Supply to be granted to His Majesty."—[ Colonel Leslie Wilson. ]
Gas Regulation Act, 1920
Resolved,
"That the draft of a Special Order proposed to be made by the Board of Trade under Section 10 of the Gas Regulation Act, 1920, on the application of the Mayor, Aldermen, and Burgesses of the borough of Middleton, which was presented on the 15th December, 1922, and published, be approved."—[ Viscount Wolmer. ]
The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.
Relief Works (Wages)
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House do now adjourn."—[ Colonel Leslie Wilson. ]
I desire to call the attention of the House to a question relating to the Borough of Merthyr Tydvil. In this particular borough there are various relief works being carried out, largely of a road-making and sewer-laying character. There are 310 persons employed there who are engaged in sections, working a fortnight about. I understand that at the present time there is a proposal to reduce the wages of these men to 10½d. per hour. The result of that has been that the men engaged on this relief work have refused to continue under those conditions, and a strike is in progress. So keenly do the men feel about this that they are refusing to return to work even while the matter is under negotiation. I cannot blame the local authority, because the borough of Merthyr Tydvil has been particularly heavily hit through the present trade depression. There have been thousands and thousands of men out of work, and the charge upon the local authority has been particularly high. Few things have been done by the Ministry of Labour that has caused such profound dissatisfaction as this idea of asking for a reduction of wages to 75 per cent. of the trade union rate for periods of six months. It is argued that men must serve a certain apprenticeship to new work, but I suggest that in this particular district, where most of the men employed on the relief works are miners and steel workers—for these men are particularly hefty—that is an argument that scarcely applies. I suggest that it is time that the Minister of Labour faced this question, which is causing a tremendous amount of dissatisfaction, not only in Merthyr Tydvil, but all over the country where this kind of work is being carried out. It is a tremendous injustice. The men are working 40 hours per week, and the wages run to about 35s. per week. That is an impossible amount for any man to maintain a wife and family. We have to-night been expressing our sympathy with the discharged soldiers. The Ministry of Labour could show some practical sympathy by establishing the payment of standard wages in relief work. In the majority of cases the men employed by the Ministry of Labour are discharged soldiers, and in this case a very large number of the men who are protesting against this reduction in their wages, which will bring them in 35s. per week, have been soldiers in the last War and are now wearing discharged badges on their coats. It is time the Ministry of Labour took up this question and established conditions which will enable local authorities to pay the full trade union rate of wages in order to give the men on relief work a chance of earning a reasonable living wage for their wives and families.
I wish to support what has been said by my hon. Friend, and I suggest to the Minister that it would be well to adopt the same principle that the Department has adopted in regard to Poplar. In my constituency we raised this question many months ago, and we actually refused to carry out any work except at trade union rates of wages. In these matters you have to take into account the wet weather and various other reasons why the men cannot be at work. It is admitted that to put unskilled men to do navvies' work, road work, and all those kinds of occupations, is quite an absurd thing to do, from an economic point of view, and there is something to be said for charging to the job only the cost of work being done by normal labour and making up the wages, if necessary, in some other way. In our case, and at Methyr Tydvil, there are plenty of men capable of doing the work, and you should not penalise them by paying less than the trade union rate of wages. At Poplar we have convinced the authorities on this point. We had an abundant supply of efficient men, but we agreed that we should not interfere with the surveyor's discretion as to where the men came from. The arrangement at Poplar which ought to hold good everywhere throughout the country is first, if the surveyor, or whoever is in charge of the job, is given an absolutely free hand to go to the Exchange and get competent men and there are enough of them available, then the trade union rates should be paid. I think that no one sitting on those benches ought to ask us to do anything less than that. They ought to remember that the local authorities pay the great bulk of this money. Very often you help us to pay only interest. The whole capital sum is repaid by the local authority itself. Therefore, if we are willing and able to employ all competent men and to pay them practically out of our own money, you ought to give us the rather small percentage of assistance for which we ask, in order that we may get the work done. You have no business, when you have unemployment as rampant as it is, to lower the standard of wages and life of the average ordinary workman engaged in this kind of work. Every time you force wages down you do that. On the other hand, you may say: "What about those men who are not so competent?" We in Poplar always hold that if you have competent, able-bodied men, you should find them work. Let them have the first choice when you have any work to do. We also say that if you have men less efficient and less able-bodied, it is better to face that and keep them and build them up by feeding them and not make a pretence of giving them work. I hope that the Minister will adopt, in regard to the other places, the policy that has been adopted in Poplar.
I think the use of the term strike in connection with the unemployment grant is rather a contradiction in terms. Still the facts have been quite fairly stated by the hon. Member. The hon. Member was perfectly frank. He said the men were so angry that they were even on strike while negotiations are going on.
What I said was that they felt so keenly about the matter that they would not return to work.
That was what I said. I merely used the word "angry"; the hon. Member used the word "keenly" At any rate, the men are not returning to work pending these negotiations. The only other point as to which I differ with the hon. Member was where he said that they are only getting 35s. per week. As a matter of fact, if they work a full week of 47 hours they can make £2 Is. 1½d. I quite agree that they do not always get a full week.
I said that, assuming they work 40 hours per week, they would only get 35s.
They may work 47 hours. But I should like to say at once that the Minister of Health has lately decided in connection with those cases to sanction an alteration of the rule as to 75 per cent. and to permit in cases where owing to bad weather the men do not work more than three days a week the local authority to pay up to 87½ per cent. It does not fully meet the hon. Member, but it is the concession which has been made. This decision to pay unemployed, unskilled labour 75 per cent. of the trade union rate is the decision of the Unemployment Grants Committee, and not purely the decision of the Ministry of Health. I agree with what the hon. Member for Bow and Bromley (Mr. Lansbury) said. He asked me to say that the rule in Poplar should be made universal. That rule is that where fully-skilled men can be got for the particular work they are doing, whether it is tradesmen's work or contractors navvy work, they are to be paid the full trade union rate. There is no question about that. It is not an attempt to drive down the trade union rate for a man who is able to earn it in his particular work. The only point—on which I hope the House will agree—is that in regard to this work which the State, with the assistance of the local authorities, is providing for men who are out of employment in their own regular trade, and are not able to earn the full trade union rate at the job they are doing, it is fair that they shall be paid 75 per cent. of the trade union rate.
I claim that these men are competent.
That is a question that I must refer to the local authority. I am stating what the position is now. If they are not fully trained and competent for the work they are doing, the decision of the Unemployment Grants Committee, which, personally I think is right—
Who are the judges as to their competency?
The best answer I can give to that is the arrangement made in Poplar. The hon. Member for Bow and Bromley is just as advanced as the hon. Member who asks that question, and he is satisfied with the arrangement. There it is left to the local authority's surveyor, and if he is satisfied that properly qualified men can be provided from the Employment Exchange to do the particular work, they can be and are employed at Poplar and are paid the full trade union rate. I gladly acknowledge that the hon. Member for Bow and Bromley has put the case of Poplar fairly, and I do not object to it at all. The case of Merthyr Tydfil, however, is, I suggest, different. These men are unskilled men. I have only heard the case to-day, and have not been able to get in touch with Merthyr Tydfil I will communicate with Merthyr Tydfil, and will have the fullest inquiries made, and if the hon. Member likes to raise the matter again or put a further question I will do my best to answer it to his satisfaction.
Would the hon. Baronet be prepared to apply to Merthyr Tydfil the same principle that applies at Bow and Bromley?
Personally I cannot see why Bow and Bromley should be treated better than Merthyr Tydfil, but I am not the Minister of Health. I am only doing my best until the time my right hon. Friend comes back triumphantly. I have been to Mitcham to-night. [An HON. MEMBER: "That will not bring him back!"] From what I have seen there I can safely say he will return.
Is the hon. Baronet receiving the full trade union rate while he is doing the job?
No, I am not.
Question put, and agreed to.
Adjourned accordingly at Twenty-nine Minutes after Eleven o'Clock.