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Commons Chamber

Volume 160: debated on Wednesday 21 February 1923

House of Commons

Wednesday, February 21, 1923

The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.

King's Speech

His Majesty's Answer to the Address

The Vice-Chamberlain of the Household (Captain Douglas Hacking) reported His Majesty's Answer to the Address as followeth:

" I have received with great satisfaction, the loyal and dutiful expression of your thanks for the Speech with which I have opened the present Session of Parliament."

Private Business

Bank of England Bill,

Read a second time, and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills.

Barnsley Corporation Bill,

Birkenhead Corporation Bill,

To be read a Second time To-morrow.

Bromborough Dock Bill,

Read a second time, and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills.

Chesterfield Corporation Bill,

City and South London Railway Bill,

To be read a Second time To-morrow.

Dover Harbour Bill,

Ebbw Vale Urban District Council Bill,

Essex County Council (Barking Bridge) Bill,

Read a Second time, and committed.

Hoylake and West Kirby Gas and Water Bill,

Read a Second time, and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills.

London County Council (General Powers) Bill,

London Electric Railway Bill,

Maidstone Corporation Bill,

Mersey Docks and Harbour Board Bill,

To be read a Second time To-morrow.

Metropolitan Railway (Various Powers) Bill,

Read a Second time, and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills.

Mitcham Urban District Council Bill,

To be read a Second time To-morrow.

Newhaven and Seaford Sea Defences Bill,

Read a Second time, and committed.

Nottingham Corporation Bill,

To be read a Second time To-morrow.

Port of London (Dock Charges) Bill,

Port of London (Finance) Bill,

Read a Second time, and committed.

Potteries and North Staffordshire Tramways and Light Railways Bill,

Rawmarsh Urban District Council Bill,

Rugby Urban District Council Bill,

To be read a Second time To-morrow.

South Staffordshire Mines Drainage Bill,

Stalybridge, Hyde, Mossley and Dukinfield Tramways and Electricity Board Bill,

Tees Valley Water Bill,

Read a Second time, and committed.

Thornton Urban District Council Bill,

Torquay Corporation Bill,

To be read a Second time To-morrow.

Wallasey Embankment Bill,

Read a Second time, and committed.

Warrington Corporation Water Bill,

To be read a Second time upon Monday next.

Westminster City Council (Cleveland Street Infirmary) Bill,

Read a Second time, and committed.

West Riding of Yorkshire County Council (Drainage) Bill,

To be read a Second time To-morrow.

Wimbledon and Sutton Railway Bill,

Read a Second time, and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills.

Standing Orders (Select Committee)

Mr. Betterton, Mr. Broad, Mr. William Graham, Sir John Hewett, Mr. Howard, Mr. William Hutchison, Mr. William Jenkins, Sir George Croydon Marks, Major-General Sir Newton Moore, Mr. A. A. Somerville, and Mr. George Thorne nominated Members of the Select Committee on Standing Orders.—[ Colonel Gibbs. ]

Fleets (British Empire and Foreign Countries)

Return ordered, "showing the Fleets of the British Empire, United States of America, Japan, France, Italy, Russia, and Germany, on the 1st day of February, 1923, omitting obsolete ships of all classes, and distinguishing, both built and building battleships, battle cruisers, cruisers, light cruisers, armoured coast defence vessels and monitors, aircraft carriers, flotilla leaders, torpedo-boat destroyers, torpedo boats, submarines, sloops, coastal motor boats, gunboats and despatch vessels, and river gunboats:

Return to show date of launch, date of completion, displacement, horse-power, type of machinery and fuel, and armaments, reduced to one common scale (in continuation of Parliamentary Paper No. 123, of Session 1922)."—[ Vice-Admiral Sir Reginald Hall. ]

Oral Answers to Questions

Questions

Naval Armaments (Washington Treaties)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether France has ratified the Washington Treaties?

The answer is in the negative.

Can the hon. Gentleman say whether France intends to ratify this Treaty, and, if so, when?

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty which Powers have so far ratified the Washington Treaty; whether any action is being taken by any of the signatories owing to the non-ratification of the Treaty by all the signatories; whether there is any limit to the time within which the Treaty must be ratified; and whether non-ratification by all the signatories will have any effect on our attitude towards the Treaty?

The Naval Treaty concluded at Washington has been ratified by the British Empire, the United States and Japan; within the last few days it has been passed by both Chambers of the Italian Parliament and is now awaiting the Royal Assent. As regards the other points raised by my Noble and gallant Friend, I would refer him to the reply given by the Prime Minister to the hon. Member for Dundee on 13th December, to which I have nothing to add.

Can my hon. Friend give any indication of what the attitude of the Government will be in the event of non-ratification of the Treaty by France?

Have any steps so far been taken to bring the Treaty before the French Parliament?

Siam and Kelantan

2, 3, and 4.

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs (1) whether in 1902 there was an agreement executed by Siam with the Malay State, Kelantan, under which that State was recognised to be a dependency of the Kingdom of Siam; and, if so, was that agreement still in force at the date of the execution of the Anglo-Siamese Treaty in March, 1909;

(2) whether, under the Anglo-Siamese Treaty of 1909, Siam transferred to Great Britain all rights of suzerainty, protection, administration, and control whatsoever which they possessed over the State of Kelantan;

(3) whether, since the execution of the Anglo-Siamese Treaty, Great Britain has restored to Kelantan its position as an independent foreign State; if so, on what date was its independence restored; by what means was it restored; what were the reasons for doing so; and was this House informed of what had passed?

It is the case that under the Anglo-Siamese Treaty of 1909 Siam transferred to Great Britain all rights of suzerainty, protection, administration and control whatsoever which it possessed over the State of Kelantan. It is also true that in 1902 an agreement had been executed by Siam under which Kelantan was recognised as a dependency of the Kingdom of Siam and that agreement was, I believe, still in force at the date of the execution of the Anglo-Siamese Treaty of 1909. Whatever may have been intended by the use of the word dependency in the agreement between Siam and Kelantan referred to above, the mention of sovereignty was deliberately excluded in the Anglo-Siamese Treaty of 1909. His Majesty's Government did not admit that the sovereignty of Kelantan was vested in any other than the Ruler of that State. They did not consent to take it over under the Treaty, nor has His Majesty ever claimed or exercised the right of sovereignty in Kelantan. In pursuance of this policy an agreement was signed in 1910 between the High Commissioner for the Malay States and the Rajah of Kelantan regulating the relations between His Majesty's Government and the Rajah. In the preamble to this agreement Kelantan is not spoken of as a dependency but as under the protection of Great Britain, and in the body of it the former claim of Siam to an annual payment or to the receipt of the customary annual present known as the Bunga Mas is not included. Further, in 1911, with His Majesty's approval, the Rajah of Kelantan assumed the title of Sultan and was by letters patent recognised as Sultan and Sovereign of the State of Kelantan, its Territories and Dependencies. The object of the above proceedings was to clarify the status of Kelantan. It was not considered by His Majesty's Government that any change was in fact being made as to the sovereignty of the Ruler of Kelantan, and it was not thought necessary to make any statement in Parliament.

Can the hon. Gentleman say whether he is quoting from the verses of Omar Khayyam?

Egypt

Robson Outrage

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, whether Lord Allenby communicated in full to the Foreign Office the note of the ex-premier Tewfik Nessim Pasha, consequent upon the Robson outrage; and, if so, whether the Government is prepared to inform the House of the contents of the note and of what reply was returned to it?

The reply to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. The texts of Nessim Pasha's note and of Lord Allenby's subsequent declaration were published in Egypt, and full summaries appeared in the English Press, so that no useful purpose would be served by further publication.

When the hon. Gentleman says summaries have been published, does he not think this House is entitled to have a complete copy at least of the Tewfik Pasha despatch?

ArchæOlogical Discoveries (King Tutankhamen)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, whether, when archæology, science, and art have been duly satisfied from the recent discoveries at Deir-el-Bahari, His Majesty's Government will, if necessary, use its influence to suggest that the body of King Tutankhamen may be allowed to remain in what he desired to be its last resting place?

His Majesty's Government have no desire to intervene in a matter in which the decision properly rests with the Egyptian Government.

Has the hon. Gentleman or the Government any proof that the real Tutankhamen has been found?

I have no official knowledge that the body of his late Majesty is in the sarcophagus.

Fine Decree, Cairo

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he is aware that Lord Allenby has issued a decree fining the inhabitants of a certain district of Cairo 600 Egyptian pounds; and, if so, by what authority the British representative has taken this action?

The reply to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. The action taken by Lord Allenby was by proclamation under martial law.

Did not the Government give us to understand long ago that full sovereignty, with certain reservations, had been conferred upon the Egyptian State?

Was not this order made in consequence of the attempted assassination of an English working man?

That is so. In answer to the question of the hon. and gallant Member for Leith (Captain W. Benn), under the arrangements made, full sovereignty, if there was to be full sovereignty, at all events, withdrawal of martial law and the promulgation of a Constitution, would depend upon certain conditions which have not yet been fully accepted.

Adly Pasha Cabinet

asked the Prime Minister whether he has any information as to strong resentment being prevalent in Egypt arising out of alleged interference by Lord Allenby in an attempt to set up a Cabinet in that country by imposing Adly Pasha on the nation against its will; and whether he proposes to take any action to prevent such interference in Egyptian politics?

His Majesty's Government have no reason to believe that Lord Allenby has interfered or intends to interfere in a matter which is primarily the concern of the King of Egypt.

Questions

United States Consulate, Newcastle

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he has any information about the United States of America refusing to reopen the Consulate at Newcastle; whether the charges against the former American Consul were fully investigated in this country and were found to be substantially correct; whether these same charges were also investigated in America; what was the result of their investigations; and does he propose to submit the entire case to arbitration?

According to the latest communication received from the United States Embassy, dated 9th November, the United States Government are only willing to reopen the United States Consulate at Newcastle on condition that His Majesty's Government will publicly withdraw the charges made and allow the former Consul and Vice-Consul to be re-appointed. This was the reply returned to a proposal for a compromise which had been worked out by British and United States officials and which would have been accepted by His Majesty's Government. His Majesty's Government, being satisfied that the charges against the United States Vice-Consul were substantiated and that the Consul must be held responsible for the actions of his subordinate, were naturally unable to agree to the terms proposed by the United States Government. I understand that an investigation of the charges was carried out by United States officials in this country, but I have no knowledge of its scope or character except that the result was to exonerate the Consular officials in the opinion of the United States Government. The case is hardly one which can be submitted to arbitration.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware of the great amount of loss and inconvenience to the business community of Newcastle, that his predecessor promised me in the last Parliament that this was about to be rectified, and that he hoped that would be done in a short time? Will the hon. Gentleman see that, if possible, arrangements are made whereby this inconvenience and loss are avoided?

I am aware of the inconvenience, and it is for that very reason that the Government have been taking every possible step to get over the difficulty.

Would it not be better to let this drag along as a salutary lesson to those concerned?

Will the hon. Gentleman lay the papers relating to these matters on the Table?

Passports and Visas

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he can say when the abolition of the visa on passports for Italy will come into force?

The proposal for the mutual abolition of visas between this country and Italy which was made to the Italian Government in September last, and renewed in January, has not yet been accepted, but it is hoped that a favourable answer may shortly be returned.

Is the hon. Gentleman prepared to submit the whole question of Continental visas, as far as this country is concerned, to the League of Nations?

British Subjects (Tunis and Morocco)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether any cases are now being presented to the Permanent Court of International Justice by Great Britain through the League of Nations on behalf of British subjects recruited for the French army in Tunis?

His Majesty's Government and the French Government have, in accordance with a resolution adopted by the Council of the League of Nations on 4th October, 1922, referred to the Permanent Court of International Justice the preliminary question whether the dispute which has arisen between the two Governments as to the Nationality Decrees issued in Tunis and Morocco (French zone) on 8th November, 1921, and their application to British subjects, is or is not by international law solely a matter of domestic jurisdiction as contemplated by Article 15, Paragraph 8, of the Covenant of the League of Nations. The Court having given its opinion on 7th February last that the dispute is not solely a matter of domestic jurisdiction in international law, His Majesty's Government are now in communication with the French Government with a view to the reference of the whole case on its merits to the same Court.

Franco-Belgian Military Convention

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he is aware that the Secretariat of the League of Nations are bound under Article 18 of the Covenant of the League of Nations to publish all treaties which have been registered; whether it is intended to publish the terms of the Franco-Belgian Military Convention; and, if not, whether any protest has been made by His Majesty's Government at the infringement of one of the articles of the Treaty of Versailles?

I would refer the hon. Member to the first part of the answer which I gave to him on 14th December last. As stated therein, the documents in which the French and Belgian Governments defined and approved the Convention in question were communicated to, and registered by, the League of Nations and were duly published. It is obvious that the military and technical details arranged by the French and Belgian staffs cannot be published. His Majesty's Government do not consider that any infringement of the Covenant has taken place or any protest called for.

Is there any doubt about the interpretation of this Article, because it was supposed to safeguard the world from secret Treaties?

I think there is always doubt about interpretation where differences of opinion exist.

British Shipping Dues (Portugal)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether the Portuguese Government has yet passed any legislation which will allow British shipping to enter Portuguese ports on the same terms as registered Portuguese ships; and can he make any statement on the subject?

I fear there is no prospect of any such legislation being passed by the Portuguese Government, and there are no treaty grounds on which His Majesty's Government could demand this. In September last a decree was issued by the Portuguese Government which removed certain of the disabilities inflicted on British shipping by previous legislation, and negotiations are now in progress with the Portuguese Government with the view of obtaining still further alleviations.

Royal Navy

Officers (Compulsory Retirement)

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he is aware that a number of married officers between the age of 35 and 40 are about to be compulsorily retired from the Royal Navy before 31st March next, and that some of these have children to educate, and have little or nothing besides their pay; and will he reconsider these cases in view of the fact that there are other officers of similar rank who will be anxious to retire voluntarily, and that many of the officers whom it is proposed to retire have good War records?

I am aware that it has been necessary to select for retirement a certain number of lieutenants ex mate between the ages of 35 and 40, some of whom are married with children. Before any selection was made, however, full opportunity was given to officers of this class, of the ages in which surpluses exist, namely, 30 to 40, to retire voluntarily, and it was only when the number applying to retire was found to be short of requirements that selection was resorted to. In the circumstances I am afraid that these retirements must stand.

Will the right hon. Gentleman reconsider the hard cases of these officers who have been retired compulsorily?

It is impossible to reconsider them without creating as many fresh hard cases.

Are these officers chosen from the whole of the Navy, or only those in home waters?

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty if he is aware that a number of sons of retired or serving officers of the Army and Royal Navy are now serving in the junior commissioned ranks of the Royal Navy, and are about to be compulsorily retired before 31st March next; and will he reconsider these cases in view of the fact that officers who have served the State have no trade or profession in which to place their sons, except in the Services in many cases, and that these young officers are entitled to favourable consideration if they have been found to be efficient, and especially those who served during the great War?

All the officers from whom the selections were made served during the War, and the cases where parents have no trade or profession in which to put their sons are by no means limited to sons of officers. In any case it would be impossible to depart, without great hardship and unfairness, from the general principle that the selection of officers for retirement must be made according to the merits of the officers themselves. I may add that, when the retirement scheme was announced in May last, an appeal was made to those officers who had special chances of settling themselves in civilian life to come forward and enable others to remain in the Service, and many officers whose parents had opportunities for placing them in a trade or profession then applied to retire voluntarily.

Will the right hon. Gentleman consider the question of reducing the number of officers to be compulsorily retired, in view of the fact of the hard cases of the sons of officers and also clergymen who have no other profession to turn to in this commercial country?

Will he also consider the multitude of men who are not officers, who have been discharged and whose sons are exactly in the same position?

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he is aware that instructions have been issued for the enforced retirement from the Royal Navy of a number of young officers before the 31st March next, many of whom have good War records and are highly efficient; that the retirement of these young officers on gratuity and pension, in view of their expectance of life, is not economic, the State paying money for nothing for many years except for past services: and that these officers will be replaced in due course by cadets now at the Royal Naval College; and whether, seeing that the compulsory retirement of these young serving officers and their replacement by others is detrimental to efficiency in the Navy and not reasoned economy, in view of the fact that the services dispensed with and the pensions and gratuities to be paid are not commensurate with the loss to the Service of these officers, he will reconsider this question?

I am aware that it has been necessary to select a number of young officers for retirement from the Royal Navy, most of whom have already retired and the rest are due to retire on or before the 31st March. I can, however, assure my hon. and gallant Friend that, had any other course been possible, the Board of Admiralty would not have undertaken this highly unpleasant duty, which has been forced upon them by the reductions in the Navy consequent upon the Washington Agreement.

The remainder of the question raises issues of administrative efficiency and economy, and necessitates a somewhat lengthy reply, which, with my hon. and gallant Friend's permission, I will cir-circulate in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Is the Admiralty continuing to carry out all the reductions according to the Washington Treaty, in view of the fact that other countries are not doing so?

We are carrying out the scheme of reduction, on the assumption that other countries will play their part under the Washington Treaty.

If it is found that other countries are not playing their part, are we to reconsider the matter?

Does the Admiralty approve of these reductions in the case of so many officers?

I think my answer makes it perfectly clear. We do agree in the Washington Treaty, but regret the inevitable consequences.

Has not the policy of the right hon. Gentleman's Department been dictated by those who have been advocating economy?

The remainder of the reply is as follows:

The retention on the active list of surplus officers would obviously lead to considerable periods of unemployment, which, by reducing the times spent in appointments, must seriously reduce efficiency, and also lead eventually to a big block in promotion, which could only result in raising the age of promotion and making it almost impossible for the younger officers of outstanding merit to reach Flag rank at a comparatively early age, a point to which successive Boards of Admiralty have attached the utmost importance. Moreover, in view of this necessity of having a number of young officers in the higher ranks, the officers at present surplus to requirements cannot be regarded as a substitute for cadets now entering Dartmouth, who are many years younger. Even from the point of view of economy alone, I think it will be found, when regard is had to the differences in full pay and to the fact that officers on the active list are by their service adding very substantially to their retired pay, that the course adopted is the more economical.

Welfare Requests

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether, in view of the anxiety of the petty officers and men of the Royal Navy and Royal Marines for a favourable reply to be given to Item 12 of the 1922 Welfare Requests, he is in a position to make any statement on this matter?

The 1922 Welfare Requests are being dealt with as rapidly as circumstances admit, but I regret that I am not in a position to make any statement on the matter at the present time.

I can only repeat that I am not in a position to make any statement.

Irish Defence Flotilla

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether, in view of the arduous nature of the duties of the crews of His Majesty's destroyers engaged in the Irish defence flotilla, and recently emphasised when one vessel was at sea for over 10 days searching for a suspected craft, the payment of hard-lying money will be considered?

I would refer my hon. and gallant Friend to my reply of the 13th December last.

Battle of Jutland (Official Account)

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty, in view of the fact that the official account of the Battle of Jutland was sent to Lord Jellicoe on 2nd June, whether he is now in a position to announce the date of its issue to the public?

Lord Jellicoe's remarks on the narrative of the Battle of Jutland were not received in the Admiralty until 16th January. They are very full and detailed, and will still require some time to consider.

Official History of the War

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether the Official Naval History of the War, by the late Sir Julian Corbett, was conducted under the auspices of the Committee of Imperial Defence; and whether he will submit to the Committee that the history should either be discontinued or should be written under the auspices of the Naval War Staff by naval officers?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. As regards the second part, I would refer my hon. and gallant Friend to the reply given by the Prime Minister on 5th December last.

Personnel (Reductions)

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether it is the intention of the Admiralty to further reduce the personnel of the Navy; and, if so, will the terms on retiring be improved, seeing that the officers and ratings already reduced find it impossible to obtain employment in civil life?

The reductions ordered in Fleet Orders 1358 and 1359 are approaching completion. After that point, it is not likely that any further reductions will be necessary.

25 and 26.

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty (1) if he will state the number of engine-room artificers and their grades who volunteered to leave the service under A.F.O. 1358–9; what percentage of these were allowed to go; whether men who did not volunteer are now, under a very recent Order, being forced out of the Navy; if so, what are the numbers and length of service of those being reduced; and, if sufficient men did not volunteer under A.F.O. 1358–9, will the Admiralty reconsider the terms offered so as to get a voluntary reduction instead of a forced one;

(2) what number of men undertook to retire from the Navy under the reduction Order of some months ago; how many of those who volunteered to resign are at sea; whether the new Order effecting further compulsory reductions affects men who expected to serve at least 12 years in the Navy; and whether the Admiralty will reconsider the question of forcing men out of the Navy with the view of substituting a less harsh measure, or by allowing the reductions to take place by permitting all men who offered to retire to do so and/or by the process of natural wastage?

The number of ratings who volunteered for discharge under Admiralty Fleet Order 1359/22 is not known, but all those who volunteered and who fulfilled the conditions required by the Admiralty were allowed to go under the terms of the Order, up to the full surplus numbers in each branch and grade. The total number of volunteers discharged was about 11,500, of whom 500 were still at sea on 1st February. It was found that in certain branches and grades the number of volunteers was insufficient, and orders were accordingly issued for the compulsory discharge of the surplus ratings. The men so discharged may be men of any length of service and include 175 engine room artificers. I need hardly tell the House that the Board of Admiralty profoundly regret the necessity of discharging these men from the Service, but with our reduced Navy there would be no work for these men to do, and in the interests of economy it is imperative to effect the reductions before the end of the financial year. The terms of compensation granted are, in the opinion of the Board, equitable.

Depth Charges (Inventors' Awards)

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether any person or persons have been paid awards in connection with the invention of the depth charge; and, if so, what amounts have been paid and to whom?

According to the Second Report of the Royal Commission on Awards to Inventors, Command Paper 1782 of 1922, Paymaster-Commander Teasdale Buckell was awarded £250 in respect of his claim for depth bombs and depth bomb throwers, and Mr. H. J. Taylor was awarded £800 for inventions relating to mines, depth charges and sinkers.

Tanks

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether the allegations in the articles, by Mr. Winston Churchill on the subject as to who was responsible for the invention of the tank were made with the sanction of the Board of Admiralty?

The Board of Admiralty have had no communication with Mr. Churchill on the subject.

To whom is given credit for having invented the means of propelling the tank—the catterpillar wheels?

The whole of this question was dealt with authoritatively by the Commission for Rewards to Inventors, before which, I think, Mr. Churchill also gave evidence.

Royal Marine Schoolmasters

asked the Financial Secretary to the Admiralty if he is aware that naval schoolmasters were serving at sea in 1920 and subsequently, and that the present curriculum of naval school work was in vogue as far back as 1918, but that notwithstanding schoolmasters, Royal Navy and Royal Marines, respectively were paid on the same scale under the 1920 revision; and, inasmuch as the work of the Royal Marine schoolmasters has now been brought into line with that of the naval schoolmasters, will he give further consideration to the question of again placing the Royal Marine schoolmasters on the same footing as their naval confreres?

The scale of pay of the Royal Marine schoolmasters has been fully considered, and as they are not subject to the disabilities of sea service, it is not thought justifiable to place them on the same scale as naval schoolmasters.

Contracts (Fair Wages Clause)

asked the Financial Secretary to the Admiralty whether orders were placed by his Department in November and December last with Price's Patent Candle Company, Limited, E. Cook and Sons, Limited, and Ogstan and Tennant, Limited, all of which are part of what is known as the Lever Combine; whether the Department assured itself before placing contracts that these firms do not pay trade union rates of wages, and, if so, will he cause inquiries to be made in order to make sure that the Fair Wages Clause is adhered to in future by all firms contracting for the Admiralty?

Orders were placed in November and December with the firms named. The contracts contain the usual Fair Wages Clause, and no intimation has been received from any quarter that it has not been observed by these firms either under these or previous contracts. If the hon. Member will cause details to be furnished stating in what respects it is alleged the Clause is being infringed by these contractors or others, the complaint shall be inquired into.

Unemployment

East Cowes

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty, in view of the unemployment at East Cowes, Isle of Wight, aggravated by the closing of the Royal Naval College at Osborne, whether any decision has been arrived at with regard to the future use of the buildings and property whereby unemployment may be relieved?

The question as to the use to which the College buildings shall be put in future is under consideration, and it is not possible at the moment to decide what (if any) works that would relieve unemployment could usefully be carried out. I may add, however, that since the beginning of the year works have been or are being carried out on the Osborne Estate which will have employed temporarily a large number of men.

Arterial Road, Manchestee to Liverpool

asked the Minister of Labour whether the local authorities have now settled the question of contributions towards the cost of the new arterial road from Manchester to Liverpool; and, if so, when will work be started on it?

I have been asked to answer this question. Although resolutions to contribute their quota have been passed by the County Council of Lancashire and the Town Councils of Bootle and St. Helens, the majority of the local authorities concerned have not yet decided to participate in the scheme, and some have definitely declined to do so.

When is this work likely to commence, in view of the fact that most local authorities are not likely to decline to proceed with it?

I am afraid the work is not likely to begin at once. For instance, Manchester has definitely, so far, refused to contribute, and without Manchester we could not go on with the scheme.

Does my hon. and gallant Friend think it reasonable to ask a local authority, through whose territory roads do not pass, to make any contribution towards their construction; and will he consider whether in cases such as this a larger grant from the Road Fund should be made?

Benefit

asked the Minister of Labour what will be the approximate number of insured persons who, provided they do not get work in the meantime, will probably have exhausted their right to all covenanted and uncovenanted benefit by the end of April, and who will not be entitled to draw any further benefit until 1st July?

asked the Minister of Labour what is the estimated number of men and women now in receipt of uncovenanted unemployment benefit whose period of benefit will expire during the months of February, March, and April, respectively; and whether he can indicate what kind of provision for the immediate needs of these men and women will be proposed by the Government?

By the end of January the number of persons who had exhausted the maximum benefit payable under the Acts was about 11,200. According to the best estimate that can be made, this figure is likely to increase gradually up to a total not exceeding 150,000 by 4th April, the earliest date at which 22 weeks' benefit can be exhausted. It is not possible at present to give a reliable estimate of the numbers who will exhaust benefit from 4th April onwards. The further provision of benefit which the Government propose to make will be embodied in the Bill which I have promised to introduce at an early date.

Will the hon. Gentleman see, in view of the seriousness of these figures, that the Bill which is to be introduced will be introduced in time so that it may be operative before 4th April?

asked the Minister of Labour whether, in view of the continued hardship caused to dock labourers, shipwrights, and others by the present method of administering the Unemployment Insurance Act, he is now prepared to bring in a Bill to amend Section 7 (2) ( b ) of the Unemployment Insurance Act of 1920, whereby men are penalised by losing continuity of claim when they work for longer than two days in any week?

asked the Minister of Labour if he will so amend the provisions which govern the payment of unemployment benefit as to remove the present disinclination on the part of persons to seek more than two days' temporary employment in a week?

I hope it may be possible to propose an amended rule in the Bill which I am introducing at an early date.

asked the Minister of Labour whether he is aware that a large number of cases occur of men who, having contributed to the unemployment insurance fund during employment and, falling out of such employment, are refused benefit under the Act on the ground that they are in receipt of income from subsidiary work enjoyed during the time of their main employment and during the time of contribution, and are not entitled to recover the amount so paid without the right of participation; and whether steps will be taken to amend the Act in this respect?

Generally speaking, the Acts do not disqualify applicants for benefit in these cases unless the subsidiary employment is bringing in a daily remuneration of more than 3s. 4d. I cannot undertake to propose an extension of this limit, which is imposed by Section 7 of the Unemployment Insurance Act, 1920. I would point out that the contributions paid by applicants who are disqualified remain available for benefit in the event of the rate of remuneration falling below 3s. 4d., or in the event of the subsidiary employment being also lost.

Will the right hon. Gentleman say whether subsidiary work on the 3s. 4d. limit applies only to work from the time the person became unemployed, and not to any work he may be successful in obtaining?

asked the Minister of Labour whether he has received from any municipal or urban authorities suggestions as to the payment of unemployment money through the said authorities, thus enabling them to provide work for the absorption of unemployed labour which would otherwise be impossible for them to undertake?

A number of resolutions in similar terms have been received from municipal and local authorities, and many suggestions of a like character have been made from time to time. The question has been under examination by the Cabinet Unemployment Committee, and I hope that a statement of the Government policy on the subject will shortly be issued.

asked the Minister of Labour whether unemployed are entitled to payment who none the less give their services for their food and accommodation; and what action is taken in cases of this nature to ascertain the facts?

The decision whether unemployment benefit is payable rests with the insurance officer, subject to appeal to the court of referees and the umpire. Generally speaking, persons receiving food and accommodation in return for their services could not be regarded as unemployed and are not, therefore, eligible for benefit. Every effort is made to ascertain the facts in such cases before a decision is given.

Receipts and Disbursements

asked the Minister of Labour what is the amount contributed annually from all available sources under the provisions of the Unemployed Insurance Act, and the amount disbursed for benefits and administration for any year, including 1920, up to date, separately?

As the reply to the question is somewhat lengthy, I will, with the consent of the hon. Member, circulate a statement in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Following is the statement:

The amount contributed annually from all sources to the Unemployment Fund and the amount disbursed in respect of benefit, administration, etc. therefrom in each of the insurance years 1920–21 and 1921–22 is:

1920–21. *

1921–22.

Receipts.

£

£

From—

Employers

4,979,000

16,153,000

Employed persons

4,979,000

14,401,000

Service Departments (Sec. 41)

1,357,000

820,000

Exchequer

2,169,000

11,058,000

Interest on Investments, etc.

750,000

592,000

Total

£14,234,000

£43,024,000

Payments.

Benefit

34,126,000

52,910,000

Towards cost of Administration

1,099,000

4,838,000

Other payments

197,000

289,000

Interest on advances from Exchequer

473,000

Total

£35,422,000

£58,510,000

* The Unemployment Insurance Act, 1920, which extended the numbers insured from 4,000,000 to 12,000,000, came into operation on 8th November, 1920.The Unemployment Insurance Act, 1920, which extended the numbers insured from 4,000,000 to 12,000,000, came into operation on 8th November, 1920.

Govan

asked the Minister of Labour whether he can state the number of persons registered as unemployed at Govan Employment Exchange during November, 1922, and the number who were refused benefit during that month on the ground that they were not genuinely seeking employment?

The number of persons on the register at the Govan Employment Exchange during November, 1922, averaged 9,428 wholly unemployed and 675 on short time; the number of fresh registrations during the month was 1,969. During the month 96 persons were refused benefit on the ground that they were not genuinely seeking employment.

Regulations

asked the Minister of Labour whether he will issue to Members of Parliament all circulars, regulations, and instructions issued by his Department to all Employment Exchange officials, and all unemployment committees whose duties are the administration of the Unemployment Acts?

I think the most appropriate course will be to place in the Library a set of the principal documents now current, so far as issued to the public or to local employment committees, and I propose to do this.

Are we to have the circulars and regulations issued to the Employment Exchange officials?

Are all the documents issued to Employment Exchange officials to be published?

Amending Legislation

asked the Minister of Labour whether, having regard to the many defects shown by the working of the Unemployment Insurance Act, some being of such a nature as to discourage the acceptance of work, he will institute an inquiry with a view to initiating amending legislation?

In the amending Bill, which I hope to introduce at an early date, I shall endeavour to deal with such matters as appear to require amendment; but I doubt if the proposed inquiry would be likely to be useful.

Agricultural Workers

asked the Minister of Labour whether he will consider amending the Unemployment Insurance Regulations so as to allow uninsured men, like agricultural labourers, who are given relief work during periods of unemployment, to be exempted from liability to contribute?

asked the Minister of Labour if uninsured men who are given relief work during periods of unemployment are compelled to contribute to Unemployment Insurance; and, if so, whether he will endeavour to remedy this hardship by an amending Bill?

Representations have been made to me in this connection with regard to agricultural workers employed on relief work, and special arrangements have already been made to facilitate the granting of certificates of exemption in such cases. I am sending to each of the hon. Members a copy of a leaflet which has been issued by the Department.

France (Provision of Work)

asked the Minister of Labour whether his attention has been called to the statemnet by the British Ambassador to the British Chamber of Commerce in Paris on the 13th February that an effort was being made to transfer some of the unemployed in England to various forms of work in France; whether he was speaking on behalf of His Majesty's Government, and, if so, under whose auspices are these men to be transferred; what the conditions of their employment will be; what industries they will be employed on, and where and how men willing to go to France for this purpose shall apply; and whether he is in a position to state the percentage of men unemployed in France?

I cannot add anything to the reply on this subject given on 19th February to the hon. and gallant Member for Leith. As regards the last part of the question, my information is that the number of men unemployed in France is not large, but I have no means of stating this number as a percentage.

Can the right hon. Gentleman get information from the British Ambassador in Paris, as the matter is of great interest?

Is it not true that British workmen are being dismissed in France at the present time, as the work of making our cemeteries is being given to foreigners?

I would like notice of that. On the question of interest, I think that I am in agreement with the hon. Member; but it is difficult to get information at present, as the French statistics do not appear to be on the same lines as our own.

Travelling Expenses

asked the Minister of Labour whether any statistics are available to show the extreme distances people have to travel by railway or otherwise, thereby expending money, to collect the unemployment pay; and, if so, whether he will inform the House of their nature?

There are no statistics on this subject. Applicants for benefit living more than six miles from a local office can obtain payment by post without attendance, except that it is the ordinary practice for them to attend when first making a claim. Those who reside between four and six miles away attend at the local office once each week. Applicants living not more than four miles distant may be required to attend more frequently. I do not think these arrangements are unreasonable.

Insurance Fund

64 and 65.

asked the Minister of Labour (1) if he will state the present amount of indebtedness of the Unemployment Insurance Fund; the latest weekly receipts from contributions from employers and employed; and the latest weekly expenditure, including State contribution, administrative expenses, and interest on the loan;

(2) what was the total amount paid in benefit under the Unemployment Insurance Act during the calendar year 1922 and the month of January, 1923; and how much was provided during the same periods from employers' contributions, workmen's contributions, State grant, and loans, respectively?

With the concurrence of the hon. Member, I propose to give a combined answer to these questions, and, inasmuch as the reply is in a tabular form, to circulate it in the OFFICIAL EEPORT.

Following is the table:

I.— Calendar Tear 1922. 1922.

£

( a ) Total amount of Benefit paid) Total amount of Benefit paid

47,900,000

( b ) Contributions received—) Contributions received—

From—

£

Employers

18,100,000

Employed

15,800,000

Exchequer

12,300,000

46,200,000

( c ) Advances from the Exchequer) Advances from the Exchequer

8,290,000

II.— Four weeks ended 27th January, 1923. 1923.

£

( a ) Total amount of Benefit paid) Total amount of Benefit paid

4,020,000

( b ) Contributions received—) Contributions received—

From—

£

Employers

1,440,000

Employed

1,240,000

Exchequer

960,000

3,640,000

( c ) Advances from the Exchequer) Advances from the Exchequer

490,000

III.— Approximate Weekly Receipts and Payments, February, 1923. 1923.

( a ) Contributions from—) Contributions from—

£

£

Employers

349,000

Employed

306,000

Exchequer

235,000

890,000

( b ) Payments in respect of Benefit) Payments in respect of Benefit

960,000

( c ) Payments in respect of Admintrative Expenses) Payments in respect of Admintrative Expenses

90,000

( d ) Add Interest accruing on advance) Add Interest accruing on advance

16,000

1,066,000

IV.

Debt as at 17th February, 1923

16,670,000

Women

asked the Minister of Labour if anything is being done in addition to unemployment benefit to provide schemes for putting unemployed women to work?

The nature of the work on relief schemes is unavoidably such that it has been found to be impracticable to find employment for women on such work. Indirectly, however, these schemes have undoubtedly been of considerable assistance to women, and the work set in hand through the medium of the Trade Facilities Act has also provided employment for women workers as well as for men. In addition, I should mention the training schemes for women to which Government assistance is given.

Number of Unemployed

asked the Minister of Labour whether he will state the estimated total number of persons usually dependent on wages who were unemployed in Great Britain on the latest date for which, an estimate has been or can now be made, including those excluded from the Unemployment Insurance Scheme by reason of their occupations, those workers above or below insurable age, those insured but not entitled to any benefit and, therefore, in many cases, not regularly registering, those involuntarily thrown out of work by reason of a trade dispute in the establishment in which they are employed, and any other classes believed to be omitted from the statistics of Unemployment Insurance on the Employment Exchange?

In the absence of complete data, I regret that I cannot give the hon. Member a reliable estimate of the total number unemployed; on the best estimate that I am able to form, the total number of adults unemployed is about 1,470,000. The information with regard to the number of juveniles unemployed is still less complete, but, so far as I can judge, the number is probably something over 200,000.

Unemployment Abroad

asked the Minister of Labour by whose authority officials of Employment Exchanges are asking unemployed men to accept work abroad and refusing to say in what country the work is to be found?

I am not aware that any exchange official has taken the alleged action, which would, in fact, be quite contrary to the practice of the exchanges. If the hon. Member will give me particulars I will make inquiry.

United States

asked the Minister of Labour whether he can give the present numbers of unemployed persons in the United States of America?

I regret that it is not possible to supply the hon. and gallant Member with a precise figure, since the United States Government does not publish periodical returns of numbers unemployed. In September last, however, the United States Secretary of Labour estimated that there were 1,500,000 people totally unemployed and an equal number partially unemployed.

Documentary Evidence

asked the Minister of Labour whether any instruction has been given to insurance officers and local employment committees that, unless men can produce documentary evidence from firms to whom they have applied for employment, they are to be refused unemployment benefit on the ground that they have not sought work; whether he is aware that this action has been taken in many cases; and whether, in view of the difficulty in obtaining such documentary evidence and of the fact that men who have been refused benefit on the ground that they have not sought work are being denied poor relief, he will give instructions that the absence of such documentary evidence is not to be regarded as proof that employment has not been sought?

No instructions of the kind suggested have been issued by the Ministry. Applicants for un-covenanted benefit must prove that they are genuinely seeking work, and the Local Employment Committees may, therefore, ask them whether they can produce evidence of search for work. There is no rule that benefit should not be allowed unless documentary evidence is produced, and it is certainly not generally the case that benefit is not allowed unless such evidence is forthcoming.

If the facts are quite the reverse of the information of the Minister, or as laid down by regulation, will he look further into the matter, in view of the fact that many are being struck off the list for unemployment benefit in consequence of the non-production of documentary evidence from employers?

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman what is his definition of the area that an unemployed man should travel in seeking employment? Is he aware that in the South Wales coalfield men are refused benefits because they will not travel 10 or 15 miles, when they know there is no employment possible?

Both those questions relate to the discretion of the local employment committee. The work done throughout the country by local employment committees is beyond praise, and unless a very grave case is made out, I should be the last person to be disposed to interfere with that discretion.

Does not the right hon. Gentleman realise that, assuming that 50,000 or 60,000 signees at the Employment Exchanges are seeking work, their own industry being closed down, it is difficult for them to get any documentary evidence from their employers, and does he not think it a shame that such men should be refused unemployment benefit?

Bristol Employment Exchange

asked the Minister of Labour whether he is aware that at Bristol an official of the Employment Exchange issued orders to an unemployed man to go to all the factories in Bristol, carrying a book and pencil, and write down all the places he had visited and the time and result of each visit; whether this official, in giving these orders, was acting upon instructions from headquarters; and, if so, will he explain what the functions of an Employment Exchange are?

I am making inquiries in the case, and will communicate the result to the hon. Member.

Ex-Service Men

Ministry of Labour, Kew

asked the Minister of Labour whether he is aware that 300 temporary ex-service clerks have recently been discharged on reduction from the Ministry of Labour at Kew, and that others are under notice; that there are a large number of women still employed in the Ministry in posts which are directly substitutable by ex-service men under the terms of the Lytton Report; and will he consider the desirability of reinstating the men dis- charged and cancelling the notices to the remainder, substituting them to the posts at present held by clerks who are not ex-service men?

I would refer the hon. Member to the replies given to questions on this subject by the hon. Members for Richmond and Tottenham North, on Thursday last.

Instructional Factories

asked the Minister of Labour how many trainees are now being instructed in Government instructional factories; how many ex-service men in all have been trained up to date: and how many are there for whom improverships have not yet been found?

The number of men in training in Government instructional factories is now about 9,000. The total number of men who have been trained to date is about 67,200. In addition, about 11,000 had training before the Ministry of Labour took over responsibility for the training scheme. The number of men awaiting improverships with maintenance is now about 3,850. These figures relate to Great Britain and Ireland.

In the cases where an improvership has not been obtained and a man has been waiting a long time, can he have a course of refresher training in order to bring him up to date?

Refresher courses have already been initiated, and are now in operation

How many men are waiting for admission to the instructional factories?

There are a good many. I hesitate to give a figure, but as far as my memory goes I think there are something like 8,000 people on the waiting list

Does the right hon. Gentleman mean that 67,000 trained men have had improverships with employers and are therefore fully trained?

Is it not a fact that there are very few men who leave the Government factories as trained men who can get improverships to complete their training, and does not the right hon. Gentleman consider this a very serious matter worthy of more serious attention than it has received, as the training of these men—

asked the Minister of Labour how many ex-service men have finished their period of training in various trades under the scheme approved by this House; how many of the men so trained have found permanent employment and the number still unemployed; and whether unemployment pay is granted to unemployed trainees?

The number of men who have terminated industrial training up to 13th February is 67,200; in addition, about 11,000 men were trained by the Ministry of Pensions prior to 1st August, 1919, or 78,200 in all. I have no exact information as to the number of men who, having received their full period of training, are now in permanent employment. Nearly all the men have been trained in insurable trades and are therefore eligible for unemployment benefit under the same conditions as ordinary applicants

Is there any unemployed pay for those who have been trained and are unable at once to get work?

The question arises in that case whether they are available for whole time employment. That is a question of fact in each case.

Is it not a fact that a large number of these men who have not been able to get employment are also in the position of not being able to get any out of work pay through the Employment Exchanges?

It may be so under the Regulations, but it depends, as I have said, on the question, which is a question of fact, whether they are available for whole time employment.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that Poor Law authorities are refusing relief to these people on the ground that they are under the control of the Ministry of Labour?

I do not know any cases of that kind, but I could give many cases to the contrary in which Poor Law authorities supplemented the benefit paid by the Employment Exchanges.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that trade union officials in many cases prevent these trainees from getting jobs?

asked the Minister of Labour what steps have been or will be taken to carry out the recommendations of the Select Committee on the Training and Employment of Disabled Ex-service Men; and what is now the position in regard to the Roll of Honour?

A reply was given to the hon. Member's question yesterday. As the reply was rather long I will, if I may, send the hon. Member a copy.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the answer to which he refers me dealt solely with the question of the Roll of Honour, and my question asks about the recommendations of the Select Committee generally, including improverships and after-care?

If there is any point not covered by my answer, and the hon. Member gives me special notice of it, I will look into it at once, but it did seem to me that the answer covered the points asked by my hon. Friend.

Poplar Area

asked the Minister of Labour whether he is aware that 2,238 ex-service men, together with 1,877 women and 4,871 children dependent upon them, are at present chargeable to the ratepayers of the Poplar Union at a weekly cost of nearly £3,000 a week; and. what steps he proposes to take to remove those men and their dependants from the charge of Poor Law guardians, and provide them with the means of earning their own living?

In the course of the Debate last week I dealt at some length with the steps which the Government are taking with a view to giving assistance towards the provision of work, particularly by local authorities. A certain amount of work has been put in hand in the Poplar area, and if the hon. Member can suggest any other schemes that are eligible for assistance I shall be glad to consider them.

Agriculture

Protective Duties

asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been called to a decision reached by the joint conference of representatives of the Central Landowners' Association, the Farmers' Union, and the Land Workers' Union, advocating Protection for the agricultural industry; and what is the Government's policy in the matter?

I have been asked to reply. I presume the hon. and gallant Member refers to a recent meeting at Norwich of local branches of the organisations in question, when a resolution was passed advocating the imposition of a duty on foreign malting grain, but, so far as I am aware, no joint conference of the headquarters of these organisations has been held at which Protection for agriculture has been advocated.

Will the right hon. Gentleman answer the really interesting part of the question as to what is the Government's policy?

I have stated that a protective duty on imported foodstuffs is not a part of the policy of the Government.

Is it intended to put agriculture under the shelter of the Safeguarding of Industries Act? Will the Prime Minister answer?

Potatoes (Railway Charges)

asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware that best white potatoes in the Fen district have fallen in price to 17s. 6d. and 20s. per ton, or less than cattle-food value; that these prices barely cover the cost of harvesting, storing, dressing, and delivering the crop, and leaves nothing whatever for the costs of production; that the railway rates on what potatoes are being moved from this area vary between 15s. and 35s. per ton; and that, whilst it is most necessary to relieve land of the local burdens that are upon it, it is still more urgently necessary that railway rates should be reduced; and whether he proposes to take any steps to bring this about by amendment of the Railways Act, 1921?

I have been asked to reply to this question, and would refer the hon. Member to the reply given on the 19th instant to a similar question asked by the hon. Member for Pontefract. Amendment of the Railways Act, 1921, is not necessary to secure a reduction of railway rates. Under Sections 60 and 78 of that Act applications may be made to the Railway Rates Tribunal for reduction of railway charges, and the Tribunal may make such modifications as they deem just.

Does the hon. Member know that applications have been made and refused, and does he further know that, owing to the very unfortunate condition of agriculture, a tribute is being imposed in the form of railway charges which take place through the large rates of interest paid to the shareholders by a very highly suffering agricultural industry?

Questions

Iraq (Treaty)

asked the Prime Minister when it is proposed to ask Parliament to ratify the Treaty with Iraq?

I can add nothing to the statement which I made yesterday in the Debate on this subject.

Turkey (British Army and Navy: Cost)

asked the Prime Minister whether the Government has formed any estimate as to the present monthly cost of the Army and Navy in the Straits and at Constantinople, including costs of transportation and munitions; whether this additional charge will form the subject of a Supplementary Estimate; and, if not, why not?

The additional cost calculated, as explained in the reply given to the hon. Member by my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer on the 27th November last, is approximately £177,000 a month. A token Supplementary Army Estimate will be laid before the House shortly.

Lord Advocate

asked the Prime Minister whether any arrangements have been made which would holdout to the Lord Advocate hopes of returning to the House of Commons?

I regret that I am not in a position to make any statement on this subject.

Is it not desirable that the Lord Advocate should sit for a Scottish seat, and not an English seat?

Has the right hon. Gentleman consulted the Attorney-General with regard to the legality of the Lord Advocate occupying his present position, with no seat in the House?

Will the right hon. Gentleman tell us how much longer the arrangement is to obtain if he cannot find a seat for the Lord Advocate?

Peace Treaties

France and Ruhr District

asked the Prime Minister whether, in the communications which passed between His Majesty's Government and the French Government regarding the occupation of the Ruhr, any pledge has been received from the French Government setting a limit to the duration and nature of the occupation, and also making it clear that, so soon as an agreement was come to, France would abandon all political aims as regards German territory?

His Majesty's Government have received no pledge from the French Government concerning the duration of the occupation of the Ruhr. As regards the nature of the occupation, the French Government communicated to His Majesty's Government a copy of their note to the German Government of 10th January last announcing the measures contemplated. In that communication it was emphasised that the object of the occupation was to secure the execution of the programme of payments drawn up by the Reparation Commission.

asked the Prime Minister whether he has given permission to the French Government to control transport through any portion of the British occupied territory; and, if so, will he give his reasons for making this concession?

His Majesty's Government have arranged with the French Government for a readjustment of boundaries by which the Gravenbroich-Duren line now passes through no territory in British occupation. No transport in any portion of British occupied territory has been placed under French control.

Does the right hon. Gentleman consider that this concession to the French Government is in accordance with the attitude of strict neutrality?

Will the Prime Minister tell us whether this portion of our occupied territory has now been transferred to France, or whether it is still under our control and is being used by France?

No. It is a portion of territory which was occupied by us nominally, but where we have never had any troops. We have simply transferred it to the French.

Is there any provision in the Treaty of Versailles authorising two Allied Governments to barter pieces of occupied Germany?

As I understand it, the Treaty of Versailles makes no limitation as to occupation by different Allies. The territory has to be occupied by the Allies.

Is it not a fact that, as a result of the cession, the German officials at the junction on the main line to Cologne have been replaced immediately by French?

German War Criminals (Trials)

asked the Prime Minister whether the British Government are satisfied with the decisions arrived at by the German Tribunals with regard to War criminals in the few typical cases which it was agreed should be tried in Germany to see if justice was likely to be done if the trial of War criminals generally were left to the German authorities and not dealt with by the Allies, as originally agreed; and what further action is being taken to deal with the long list of alleged War criminals who have not yet been dealt with?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative. As regards the second part, I am unable to make any statement at present.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the failure of the German Government to punish War criminals was one of the reasons which induced this country to approve of the occupation of the Ruhr in 1921; and will he say why that reason is not now adequate?

I am aware that the reason mentioned by the hon. Member for South Kensington (Sir W. Davison) was one of the reasons given by the late Prime Minister.

Great Britain and United States (Co-Operation)

asked the Prime Minister whether His Majesty's Government is taking any steps to obtain closer co-operation with the Government of the United States in matters concerning the. Ruhr, or reparations, or the revision of the Versailles Treaty, in view of the possibilities of a future opportunity for mediation?

It is not possible to make any statement on this subject at present.

Questions

British Crews in Germany (Treatment)

asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware that Englishmen who form the crews of cargo steamers carrying coal from the north-east ports to Hamburg and Stettin have been subjected to arrogant and insulting treatment and to various indignities by German officials and police; and will be make representations to the German Government in order that these annoyances may be put a stop to?

Trade Unions (Membership)

asked the Minister of Labour whether he can give the latest available figures of membership of trade unions in Great Britain?

At the end of 1921, the latest date for which complete figures are available, the total membership of British and Irish trade unions was approximately 6,793,000. The total membership in Great Britain, excluding Ireland, cannot be stated exactly, but it is estimated to have been about 6,500,000. These figures include members of overseas branches of certain unions (numbering about 71,000 at the end of 1921) and also an unascertained, but relatively small, number of persons who are members of more than one union, and are counted more than once in the totals.

Trade Boards Act

asked the Minister of Labour whether any alteration has been made in the arrangements for inspection on behalf of the Ministry under the Trade Boards Act; and what was the total number of visits paid by inspectors in this connection during the years 1921 and 1922, respectively?

Arrangements are being made for the decentralisation of the Trade Board inspectorate with a view to the better utilisation of available staff. 3,308 inspections were made in 1921 and 3,620 in 1922. In the latter year 5,008 further visits were paid by the inspectors to employers and workpeople in connection with the enforcement of the Acts. Corresponding figures for 1921 are not available.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that employers in many districts are flagrantly violating the Trade Board conditions, and will he take steps to prevent this?

Proceedings for prosecution are taken from time to time in order that the Act may be enforced.

asked the Minister of Labour whether he is aware that in April, 1922, a complaint was sent to his Department that the firm of Messrs. Cripps, Sons, and Company, Liverpool, were not paying the staffs of their workrooms the rates laid down under the Trade Boards Act; that although repeated inquiries have been made since as to whether any action was being taken no information has been forthcoming; and whether he will now state what steps have been taken to ascertain the facts and secure compliance with the Law?

Following upon a complaint against the firm in question, an inspection was made in May, 1922. Correspondence followed, and a further visit was paid in December last. Arrears of wages, considered by the Department to be due, have since been paid. I believe that the firm is now complying with the requirements of the Acts.

Cottage Houses (Private Enterprise)

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department, as representing the Ministry of Health, how many cottage houses have been built by private builders since the late Government curtailed their State-assisted housing scheme; whether le is satisfied that the number built or building by private enterprise will relieve the serious overcrowding which has existed since the Armistice; and, if not, how soon does he propose to take further steps to deal with the situation?

No statistics are available showing the number of cottage houses erected by private builders since the curtailment of the State-assisted scheme. As regards the last part of the question, it is hoped to lay the proposals of the Government before the House at an early date.

In view of the fact that the Ministry have suspended all State building, will action be taken so that something may be done before the new proposals of the Government become law?

I must ask the hon. Member to await the new proposals which are to be put before the House shortly.

National Water Supply (Advisory Committee)

( by Private Notice )asked the Secretary of the Overseas Trade Department, as representing the Minister of Health, whether his attention had been drawn to the fact that the Advisory Committee on the National Water Supply, set up by him to consider the water supply of the United Kingdom, contained no representative of Wales; whether he was aware of the increasing tendency of local authorities to raid Wales for water; and whether he did not regard it as equitable that the Committee should be so constituted as to secure adequate consideration for the interests of Wales?

I would refer the hon. Member to the reply given on the 15th instant to a question on this subject by the hon. Member for Neath.

Notices of Motion

Minimum Wage

On this day fortnight, to call attention to the Minimum Wage, and to move a Resolution.—[ Dr. Salter. ]

Accidents in Mines

On this day fortnight, to call attention to Accidents in Mines, and to move a Resolution.—[ Mr. Adamson. ]

Trade Within the Empire

On going into Committee of Supply on the Civil Service Estimates, to call attention to the State of Trade within the Empire, and to move a Resolution.— [ Captain Viscount Ednam. ]

Police Pensions

On this day fortnight, to call attention to the Position of Widows of pre-1918 Police Pensioners, and to move a Resolution.— [ Mr. Pennefather. ]

Proportional Grant System

On this day fortnight, to call attention to the effects of the Proportional Grant System in expanding Public Expenditure, both in this House and with Local Authorities, and to move a Resolution.— [ Major Molson. ]

East African Colonies

On this day fortnight, to call attention to the Condition of the East African Colonies, and to move a Resolution.— [ Brigadier-General Colvin. ]

Is it in order for an hon. Member in any way to prompt another hon. Member?

Is it not the fact that I have always prompted in an orderly way?

Air Force

On going into Committee of Supply on the Air Estimates, to call attention to the relation of the Air Force to other Defence Forces.—[ Mr. Batey. ]

Naval Expenditure

On going into Committee of Supply on the Navy Estimates, to call attention to the question of a reduction of Naval expenditure and to move a Resolution.—[ Mr. Snowden. ]

Ex-Service Men (Lytton Report)

On going into Committee of Supply on Civil Service Estimates, to call attention to the recommendations of the Lytton Report, and to move a Resolution.—[ Mr. Duncan Millar. ]

British Army (Air Arm)

On going into Committee of Supply on the Army Estimates, to call attention to the air arm of the Army, and to move a Resolution.—[ Lord E. Percy. ]

On going into Committee of Supply on the Army Estimates, to call attention to the air arm of the Army, and to move a Resolution.—[ Major Ruggles-Brise. ]

Army Promotion

On going into Committee of Supply on the Army Estimates, to call attention to the method of promotion in the Army, and to move a Resolution.—[ Major Attlee. ]

Royal Navy (Lower Deck)

On going into Committee of Supply on the Navy Estimates, to call attention to the grievances of the lower deck, and to move a Resolution.—[ Mr. Hayday. ]

Electoral System

On going into Committee of Supply on the Civil Service Estimates, to call attention to the working of the present electoral system, and to move a Resolution.—[ Mr. Linfield. ]

Civil Service (Staffs and Arbitration)

On going into Committee of Supply on the Civil Service Estimates, to call attention to the question of staffs and arbitration in the Civil Service, and to move a Resolution.—[ Mr. A. Henderson. ]

Air Force

On going into Committee of Supply on the Air Estimates, to call attention to the relation between the Air Force and other Defence Forces, and to move a Resolution.— [ Mr. T. Smith. ]

Bills Presented

Licensing Bill,

"to amend the Law relating to the sale and supply of intoxicating liquor; and for purposes in connection therewith," presented by Colonel Sir ARTHUR HOLBROOK; supported by Mr. Banks, Mr. Becker, Mr. Samuel Roberts, Colonel Morden, Major Barnett, and Mr. Clarry; to be read a Second time upon Wednesday, 7th March, and to be printed. [Bill 33.]

Fairs Bill,

"to amend the Law relating to fairs in England and Wales," presented by Mr. COLLINS; supported by Mr. Frank Gray, Mr. Harbord, Captain Berkeley, Mr. Hogge, and Sir Walter de Frece; to be read a Second time upon Friday, and to be printed. [Bill 34.]

Land Values Rating (England),

I beg to move, land is being used or not, then we shall encourage the building of houses in two ways: Not only by removing the rate on the house, but also by imposing the rate upon the land value which is not used, thereby forcing the owner of that land to use it by putting it upon the market or by building upon it.

The need for this Measure has never been more apparent. The housing problem has never been more acute. In other countries, they have met this problem on lines similar to those that we recommend to-day. In the United States of America, immediately after the War, in order to encourage house building, they decreed that all new houses should be exempted from local taxation. There is a great deal to be said for that method, but people would think that there was a certain unfairness to owners of existing houses if new houses alone were exempted from rates. In Australia, they have in the Borough of Sydney adopted the complete proposals. There they have transferred all local taxation from buildings and improvements to the land value. In New Zealand, they give an option similar to this. All local authorities are entitled to levy rates either on our system or upon the combined capital value of the building and land or upon the land value alone. It is curious to observe how in every case there has been a gradual progression from our system, through the intermediate system of rating on capital value, to a system of rating on land value alone. Throughout the whole of Canada—Ontario, Alberta, British Columbia—they also give to all local authorities the power to exempt improvements and buildings from local taxation, and now in many cases local authorities have exempted 75 per cent. of the value of improvements from rates, the balance being borne by the land values in the locality. The example of the Colonies might well be followed here, where our need both for employment and for houses and industrial development is far greater than there.

Does the right hon. Gentleman rise to oppose the introduction of the Bill?

Yes, Sir. There is a very old problem that an ounce of prac- tice is worth a pound of theory, and I noticed that, while my hon. Friend opposite renewed the statements which he has made so often in this House during the long period that we have been associated together here and while he discussed his theory with exactly the same illustration, he most carefully avoided mentioning the one practical experiment that has been made in carrying them out. He told us that a Committee was appointed 17 years ago and that it made certain proposals. The House would imagine that no attempt has ever been made to put those proposals into practice. But I do not think that there is anyone who has not heard of the Peoples Budget of 1909–10, and there is no one in the country who is not fully aware that, instead of increasing the housing facilities, that experiment was the most disastrous one which has ever been made. A very large proportion of the shortage of houses in this country at this moment is solely due to that experiment. May I say that the experiment also has been equally disastrous in Canada in another direction. The local authorities there imposed their taxes upon land and succeeded for a time in getting their money, but afterwards they were unable to get their money and the land has been thrown on their hands

absolutely valueless. They find themselves with a lot of unsaleable land upon their hands. The experiment has been disastrous there, and it always will be. It is another blow and a serious blow at agriculture. The land which it is proposed to tax is not so much the land which is actually built upon and which is reducing revenue in the shape of rates as the land which is of a prospective building value and which is used for agricultural purposes. The owner of that land is at present taxed up to the very limit of toleration, and he will be called upon to find enormous sums when there are no conceivable sources from which he can derive them. Therefore, the whole scheme is one which has proved to be absurd, and, not only absurd, but also, mischievous, and I sincerely hope that the House will not even give the Bill a First Reading. I believe that this is a commonsense, businesslike assembly which does not desire again to embark on an experiment which has so disastrously failed within such a very short time of our memory.

Question put, "That leave be given to bring in a Bill to enable local authorities to levy rates upon land values and pro tanto to reduce existing rates upon houses and improvements."

The House divided: Ayes, 160; Noes, 218.

Division No. 5.]

AYES.

[4.12 p.m.

Adams, D.

Duncan, C.

Hirst, G. H.

Adamson, Rt. Hon. William

Dunnico, H.

Hogge, James Myles

Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock)

Edmonds, G.

Irving, Dan

Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro')

Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty)

Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath)

Asquith, Rt. Hon. Herbert Henry

Emlyn-Jones, J. E. (Dorset, N.)

Jenkins, W. A. (Brecon and Radnor)

Attlee, C. R.

England, Lieut.-Colonel A.

John, William (Rhondda, West)

Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery)

Entwistle, Major C. F.

Johnston, Thomas (Stirling)

Barnes, A.

Fairbairn, R. R.

Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth)

Batey, Joseph

Gilbert, James Daniel

Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly)

Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith)

Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton)

Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd)

Berkeley, Captain Reginald

Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central)

Jowett, F. W. (Bradford, East)

Bonwick, A.

Gray, Frank (Oxford)

Jowitt, W. A. (The Hartlepools)

Briant, Frank

Greenall, T.

Kenyon, Barnet

Brotherton, J.

Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne)

Kirkwood, D.

Brown, James (Ayr and Bute)

Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan)

Lansbury, George

Buchanan, G.

Groves, T.

Leach, W.

Buckle, J.

Grundy, T. W.

Lee, F.

Burgess, S.

Guest, J. (York, W. R., Hemsworth)

Lees-Smith, H. B. (Keighley)

Burnie, Major J. (Bootle)

Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton)

Linfield, F. C.

Buxton, Charles (Accrington)

Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil)

Lowth, T.

Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, North)

Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland)

Lunn, William

Cairns, John

Hancock, John George

MacDonald, J. R. (Aberavon)

Chapple, W. A.

Harbord, Arthur

M'Entee, V. L.

Charleton, H. C.

Hardle, George D.

McLaren, Andrew

Clarke, Sir E. C.

Harris, Percy A.

Maclean, Nell (Glasgow, Govan)

Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock)

Hartshorn, Vernon

March, S.

Collins, Pat (Walsall)

Hay, Captain J. P. (Cathcart)

Marshall, Sir Arthur H.

Collison, Levi

Hayday, Arthur

Martin, F. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, E.)

Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities)

Henderson, T. (Glasgow)

Millar, J. D.

Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton)

Herriotts, J.

Morel, E. D.

Dudgeon, Major C. R.

Hill, A.

Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.)

Duffy, T. Gavan

Hinds, John

Mosley, Oswald

Muir, John W.

Shaw, Hon. Alex. (Kilmarnock)

Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda)

Murray, R. (Renfrew, Western)

Shaw, Thomas (Preston)

Webb, Sidney

Nichol, Robert

Shinwell, Emanuel

Wedgwood, Colonel Josiah C.

O'Connor, Thomas P.

Short, Alfred (Wednesbury)

Weir, L. M.

Oliver, George Harold

Simon, Rt. Hon. Sir John

Welsh, J. C.

Paling, W.

Simpson, J. Hope

Westwood, J.

Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan)

Sinclair, Sir A.

Wheatley, J.

Phillipps, Vivian

Smith, T. (Pontefract)

White, Charles F. (Derby, Western)

Philipson, H. H.

Snell, Harry

White, H. G. (Birkenhead, E.)

Ponsonby, Arthur

Snowden, Philip

Whiteley, W.

Potts, John S.

Spencer, H. H. (Bradford, S.)

Williams, David (Swansea, E.)

Pringle, W. M. R.

Stephen, Campbell

Williams, Dr. J. H. (Llanelly)

Richards, R.

Sturrock, J. Leng

Williams, T. (York, Don Valley)

Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

Sullivan, J.

Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe)

Riley, Ben

Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West)

Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow)

Ritson, J.

Thornton, M.

Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.)

Roberts, C. H. (Derby)

Tout, W. J.

Wright, W.

Robertson, J. (Lanark, Bothwell)

Trevelyan, C. P.

Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

Robinson, W. C. (York, Elland)

Turner, Ben

Rose, Frank H.

Twist, H.

TELLERS FOR THE AYES. ——

Saklatvala, S.

Wallhead, Richard C.

Mr. Arthur Henderson and Mr. T. Griffiths.

Salter, Dr. A.

Warne, G. H.

Scrymgeour, E.

Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline)

NOES.

Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte

Dawson, Sir Philip

King, Captain Henry Douglas

Ainsworth, Captain Charles

Dixon, C. H. (Rutland)

Lamb, J. Q.

Alexander, E. E. (Leyton, East)

Doyle, N. Grattan

Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.)

Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S.

Du Pre, Colonel William Baring

Lloyd, Cyril E. (Dudley)

Apsley, Lord

Edmondson, Major A. J.

Lloyd-Greame, Rt. Hon. Sir P.

Ashley, Lt.-Col. Wilfrid W.

Ednam, Viscount

Lorden, John William

Astbury, Lieut.-Com. Frederick W.

Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark)

Lougher, L.

Astor, Viscountess

Ellis, R. G.

Lowe, Sir Francis William

Baird, Rt. Hon. Sir John Lawrence

Erskine, Lord (Weston-super-Mare)

Loyd, Arthur Thomas (Abingdon)

Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

Evans, Capt. H. Arthur (Leicester, E.)

Lumley, L. R.

Barlow, Rt. Hon. Sir Montague

Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M.

Lynn, R. J.

Barnett, Major Richard W.

Falcon, Captain Michael

McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury)

Barnston, Major Harry

Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray

Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.)

Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes)

Fermor-Hesketh, Major T.

Margesson, H. D. R.

Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W.

Ford, Patrick Johnston

Mason, Lieut.-Col. C. K.

Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake)

Forestier-Walker, L.

Mercer, Colonel H.

Betterton, Henry B.

Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot

Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham)

Bird, Sir W. B. M. (Chichester)

Fraser, Major Sir Keith

Moles, Thomas

Blundell, F. N.

Frece, Sir Walter de

Molloy, Major L. G. S.

Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W.

Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E.

Molson, Major John Elsdale

Boyd-Carpenter, Major A.

Furness, G. J.

Moreing, Captain Algernon H.

Brass, Captain w.

Ganzoni, Sir John

Morrison, Hugh (Wilts, Salisbury)

Brassey, Sir Leonard

Gaunt, Rear-Admiral Sir Guy R.

Murchison, C. K.

Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive

Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham

Nall, Major Joseph

Brittain, Sir Harry

Greene, Lt.-Col. Sir W. (Hack'y, N.)

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

Brown, Major D. C. (Hexham)

Greenwood, William (Stockport)

Newton, Sir D. G. C. (Cambridge)

Brown, Brig.-Gen. Clifton (Newbury)

Gretton, Colonel John

Nicholson, Brig.-Gen. J. (Westminster)

Brown, J. W. (Middlesbrough, E.)

Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E.

Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield)

Bruford, R.

Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

Nield, Sir Herbert

Bruton, Sir James

Halstead, Major D.

Norton-Griffiths, Lieut.-Col. Sir John

Buckley, Lieut-Colonel A.

Hamilton, Sir George C. (Altrincham)

O'Neill, Rt. Hon. Hugh

Burn, Colonel Sir Charles Rosdew

Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry

Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William

Burney, Com. (Middx., Uxbridge)

Harmsworth, Hon. E. C. (Kent)

Paget, T. G.

Butcher, Sir John George

Harrison, F. C.

Parker, Owen (Kettering)

Button, H. S.

Hay, Major T. W. (Norfolk, South)

Pennefather, De Fonblanque

Cadogan, Major Edward

Hennessy, Major J. R. G.

Penny, Frederick George

Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R.

Herbert, S. (Scarborough)

Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings)

Coutley, Henry Strother

Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank

Pielou, D. P.

Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City)

Hoare, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir S. J. G.

Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Sir Evelyn (Aston)

Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (St. Marylebone)

Privett, F. J.

Chapman, Sir S.

Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard

Raeburn, Sir William H.

Clarry, Reginald George

Hopkins, John W. W.

Rawson, Lieut.-Com. A. C.

Coates, Lt.-Col. Norman

Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley)

Reid, Capt. A. S. C. (Warrington)

Cobb, Sir Cyril

Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead)

Remnant, Sir James

Cohen, Major J. Brunel

Howard, Capt. D. (Cumberland, N.)

Rentoul, G. S.

Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips

Howard-Bury, Lieut.-Col. C. K.

Reynolds, W. G. W.

Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale

Hudson, Capt. A.

Richardson, Lt.-Col. Sir P. (Chertsey)

Conway, Sir W. Martin

Hume, G. H.

Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford)

Cope, Major William

Hurd, Percy A.

Roberts, Rt. Hon. Sir S. (Ecclesall)

Courthope, Lieut.-Col. George L.

Hutchison, W. (Kelvingrove)

Robertson, J. D. (Islington, W.)

Craig, Captain C. C. (Antrim, South)

Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H.

Roundell, Colonel R. F.

Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry

Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S.

Ruggles-Brise, Major E.

Crook, C. W. (East Ham, North)

Jarrett, G. W. S.

Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth)

Crooke, J. S. (Deritend)

Jephcott, A. R.

Russell, William (Bolton)

Curzon, Captain Viscount

Jodrell, Sir Neville Paul

Russell-Wells, Sir Sydney

Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln)

Joynson-Hicks, Sir William

Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham)

Davies, Thomas (Cirencester)

Kelley, Major Fred (Rotherham)

Sanders, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert A.

Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.)

Kennedy, Captain M. S. Nigel

Sandon, Lord

Shakespeare, G. H.

Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser

Weston, Colonel John Wakefield

Sheffield, Sir Berkeley

Sugden, Sir Wilfrid H.

Wheler, Col. Granville C. H.

Shepperson, E. W.

Sutcliffe, T.

White, Lt.-Col. G. D. (Southport)

Simpson-Hinchcliffe, W. A.

Sykes, Major-Gen. Sir Frederick H.

Wilson, Lt.-Col. Leslie O. (P'tsm'th, S.)

Skelton, A. N.

Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley)

Windsor, Viscount

Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South)

Thomson, Luke (Sunderland)

Winterton, Earl

Somerville, A. A. (Windsor)

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Wise, Frederick

Somerville, Daniel (Barrow-in-Furness)

Titchfield, Marquess of

Wolmer, Viscount

Sparkes, H. W.

Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement

Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West)

Spender-Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H.

Tubbs, S. W.

Woodcock, Colonel H. C.

Stanley, Lord

Turton, Edmund Russborough

Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward

Steel, Major S. Strang

Vaughan-Morgan, Col. K. P.

Yerburgh, R. D. T.

Stewart, Gershom (Wirral)

Wallace, Captain E.

Stott, Lt.-Col. W. H.

Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull)

TELLERS FOR THE NOES. ——

Strauss, Edward Anthony

Waring, Major Walter

Mr. Pretyman and Sir F. Banbury.

Stuart, Lord C. Crichton-

Wells, S. R.

Orders of the Day

Supply

Considered in Committee.

[Mr. JAMES HOPE in the Chair.]

I think it might be convenient, as there are many new Members here, if I draw attention to a rule which governs discussion on Supplementary Estimates. If the Estimate is not for a new service, but for an increase in a service which has already been approved in the same financial year by this House, the discussion must be limited to the reason for the increase, and discussion on the original policy is not in order.

Civil Services Supplementary Estimates 1922–23

Class II

Friendly Societies Registry

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £5,250, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1923, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Registry of Friendly Societies."

The need for this Supplementary Estimate can be very rapidly and very simply explained. When the main Estimate was before the House, it had been framed on the understanding that a charge would be made on the friendly societies for registration in accordance with a recommendation of the Geddes Committee. From all sides protests were received against this charge, and the Government decided to abandon the idea of imposing it, to the satisfaction, I think, of all sections of the House. The result is that whereas for Appropriations-in-Aid the amount of £12,000 was reckoned upon when the Estimate was formed, that amount has not been received, because the charges have not been levied. There is a deficit of £8,190, but, on the other hand, there are savings on other Sub-heads to the amount of £2,940. The net amount required, therefore, to take the place of the sums lost in consequence of registration fees not being imposed is £5,250.

I desire to move, to reduce the Vote by £100. The compulsion upon industrial and provident societies to furnish a triennial return to the Chief Registrar was placed upon those societies by Section 4 of the Industrial and Provident Societies (Amendment) Act, 1913. That Section was placed in that Act at the request of the industrial and provident societies themselves. We submit to-day that after experience the expense, both to the societies and to this Department of the Treasury, is too great in comparison with the results achieved, and we hope that as this is an Estimate which shows a saving, the Treasury will accept the suggestion from some of us who were responsible for Section 4 of the Amending Act of 1913, that the triennial return, which must cause expense to the Department, should no longer be required.

I am afraid this is not in order. The hon. Member is seeking to amend the Statute. The only point here is whether a certain fee should be charged or not. It was proposed to charge a fee last year, but that was dropped and, in consequence, there is now a deficit, which the House is asked to make up. The question of the fee is, therefore, the only question that can arise here.

Would it not be in order on this Vote to discuss the question of fees other than the particular fees mentioned here, and which would, if imposed, have avoided this deficit? In other words, is it not in order to discuss the question of whether the remission of these particular fees should not automatically have been accompanied by the imposition of other fees?

That would require legislation or a Supplementary Estimate some time or other, whether in the old Parliament or this, at the end of the financial year. The only substantive point really is whether the deficit should be made up or not.

Then perhaps we shall have some explanation from the First Commissioner as to the reasons which led the Government to make the remission of these fees. As far as I remember, there was considerable pressure from some of these societies, but I think the Committee is entitled to know what induced the Government, after they had first decided to put these fees on, to make a change.

I can only repeat what I have already said. As a matter of fact, I happened to be in charge of the Estimate in which this fee was proposed, and when I announced that the Government had decided not to impose the fee, everybody was so delighted that I refrained from expanding my remarks. I do not know whether it would be in order to go back on a discussion which would more properly have taken place when the original Estimate was before the House, but the point shortly is this. The friendly societies felt that these fees could not be imposed without doing injustice to certain friendly societies as distinguished from certain other friendly societies. The composition of these societies varies very largely, and they made their case so clearly that obviously the Government did not wish to harm them, and the proposal was dropped. That is the whole point, and without going into a long discussion as to the character and composition of the different friendly societies it would be very difficult to meet the point which the hon. and gallant Member has in mind. It was a question on which the whole House was satisfied.

But this is a Supplementary Estimate dealing with a decision taken by the old House, and the only question is as to whether this House is prepared to make good a sum of money to the extent to which we are in debit due to the fact that we are not imposing fees that were felt on all sides to be a hardship on the friendly societies. If all the societies were organised on the same basis, there would be no difficulty, but, as they vary in the number of branches, and as one society, with a large number of branches, would have to pay more than another society, containing the same number of members, but a smaller number of branches, a more centralised society, it was felt that it would be a great injustice as between one society and another. The levy would not fall equally on each member of the friendly societies.

Is it not a fact that this is a Supplementary Estimate which will complete the actual, normal budget of expenditure of this Treasury Department for the year, and that the amount of £8,000 is not the actual amount which was involved in deciding not to adopt the recommendation of the Geddes Committee, and are we not in order in discussing the whole of the expenditure?

This point, I think, has been raised annually in all the years I have been here, and the ruling of the Chair has always been the same.

I think, even on this Vote, we are entitled, perhaps, to get information as to the anticipated savings under other sub-heads, and, possibly, under those other sub-heads my hon. Friend might be able to bring in the arguments he wishes to bring forward and still remain in order. If we could elicit from the Government what these savings are, and what sub-heads they come under—and I think we are entitled to some explanation—it is possible we could bring the discussion we wish to bring forward in order.

You stated, Mr. Hope, in giving guidance to new Members, that we could not, under any circumstances, discuss the original Estimate, and since nothing is stated here as to why more money is required, what are we discussing?

The hon. Member must accept my ruling.

Question put, and agreed to.

Class I

Royal Parks and Pleasure Gardens

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £25,000, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1923, for Expenditure in respect of Royal Parks and Pleasure Gardens."

This expenditure is incurred entirely in connection with the endeavour to relieve unemployment. It is devoted partly to new works, and partly, as shown in the footnote, to maintenance. I will furnish any hon. Member who desires them with the details, which are rather voluminous, and consist of a great many small jobs scattered practically over the whole of the parks. For instance, the bailiff of the parks is employing 600 men, and the Director of Works 50 men in the parks themselves. There will be an increase in the number employed by the Director of Works, but the number employed by the bailiff of the parks will be more or less stationary. The rates of wages will be, for unskilled labourers, 40s. 3d. in urban districts, and 36s. 9d. in country districts. This is 75 per cent. of the rates paid to park labourers engaged on ordinary work. This does not apply, of course, to work done by contractors, who pay their full rate, and the reason of course is very obvious. A contractor picks and chooses his men, whereas we take men in the order in which they come on the lists at the Employment Exchanges, and we do not refuse men at all. That is with a view to spreading such assistance as the State gives in the way of work over as wide a number of men as possible. If we confined the men who received this work to those qualified for the work, in the same way as contractors, it would obviously be giving advantage to one particular kind of men who happen to be out of work, to the detriment of others who are equally out of work.

They are not selected. There is no selection of any sort or kind. The men register themselves at the Employment Exchanges, and, when there are vacancies, they are employed in the order they register.

From which Exchanges are they selected? In the London parks, for instance, you have a number of Exchanges that might be applied to a very wide area. You might have one in Lambeth, another in Battersea, another in Westminster, and so on. From which of the Exchanges are the men taken for the London parks?

This is a point upon which I will give information later. The Exchanges concerned are those nearest to the parks in question. That is true of the country, because we are not confining this to the London parks, but work is being done in the country as well. As regards the character of the work, let me give a few examples. It is all work from which the public as a whole will benefit, such as the setting back of a wall at Marlborough Gate to enable the making of a footpath, where there is none on the east side of the park at present. That is estimated to cost £1,200, and the expenditure borne this year will be £700. All this work is work of a character where, infinitely, the greater proportion of the money is spent in wages.

Does my right hon. Friend mean the east side or the west side of Marlborough Gate?

I beg pardon. It is the west side. Hon. Members will appreciate that there is only one side without a footpath. Then there is provision for permanent refuges in place of the temporary refuges in the Mall. That is of benefit to the public, and, in the long run, will be an economy, because considerable expense has to be borne in keeping the temporary lights lit at the present time. Then there is the provision of rain-water storage tanks for Kew Gardens. It was found in dry weather last year that plants suffered very severely, because they had to be watered with the river water, and a great many plants grow there which nothing but rain water will suit. There, again, the public will benefit. There is further work at Kew Gardens, and at Bushey Park we are improving the playing grounds, relaying footpaths and so on. Work is being carried on in Edinburgh at the Royal Botanical Gardens, at Greenwich Park, Hampton Court Park, Kensington Gardens, the Royal Botanical Gardens, Kew; Regents Park, Primrose Hill, Richmond Park, St. James' Park and Green Park. The principal work in St. James' Park is the restoration of the lake, and that is a work for which we have received 35 tenders. The tender which was accepted amounts to £30,018 odd. [An HON. MEMBER: "Who is the contractor?"] That will be published in due course. The work there will give employment to quite a good number, and, of course, improve the amenities of London very considerably.

I would not like to say that is the only job, but it is the principal one. The great bulk of the money I am asking for now is to be spent definitely in unemployment relief work, which is mostly done by people registered at the Employment Exchanges. Most of the work we are doing is being done by direct labour.

Some of them may be taken. I do not know whether there is any other point I can mention. This is part of our contribution towards the difficult problem of endeavouring to find work, and we do it by taking in hand work which, owing to the lack of funds, we should normally either have abandoned altogether, or cut out on the ground that we could not afford it, or it is work which we are anticipating and doing at an earlier date than normally we should be doing it. Those are the two main directions in which we are proceeding. If there are any other points on which hon. Members desire information, I will do my best to answer them.

I do not desire to detain the Committee at length on this Estimate, but I think it does call for a certain amount of criticism from the point of view of providing employment at the present time. The right hon. Gentleman, in presenting the Estimate, indicated that this provides employment for a number of men who are taken from the lists in rotation at the Employment Exchanges, and he also indicated that these are usually usually men for whom it would be difficult to find employment in other callings. An analysis has been made of unemployed men at many of the Employment Exchanges, and it is found that a very large proportion belong to definite callings, in which there is serious unemployment, and many of which are concerned with urgent and necessary work in the State. I do not think that any hon. Member looking at this Estimate will argue for a minute that this is urgent work to be compared, say, with housing, or the provision of school accommodation, or even with road-widening and many other enterprises. The Government, on innumerable occasions in the past, have refused us on this side of the House even small allowances for schemes which we believe to be necessary, and here is an Estimate for £25,000 in the aggregate, the greater part of which is concerned with work, all of which I agree is very important, but is not productive or remunerative in the sense which other expenditure undoubtedly is. I venture to ask whether it is strictly necessary to engage in this work at the present time, and whether it would not be better to turn this £25,000 into some other channel, at all events in part. I do not suggest that the whole of it can be abandoned, but I do suggest, in existing conditions, it would be much better policy to put this money at the disposal of other work more urgent and certainly more remunerative in character.

I want to ask my right hon. Friend two or three questions. In the first place, I understand that these men work 44 hours per week. Do they get paid if they are kept off for wet days; and, secondly, do they work under supervision? I was in the park this morning, and I saw a trench being dug. Some roots of an elm tree—not main roots, but important ones—had been cut. We know that elms are dangerous trees at any time, and if—

I thought this was being done under the unemployment relief work, because they are unskilled men.

The probability is that these men are employed in the ordinary work of the park. I understand the works under this Estimate are not yet begun.

In view of the fact that the right hon. Gentleman has given very few details as to the work being done in Hyde Park, is the hon. Member opposite not in order in asking whether work he saw does not come within this Estimate? The only matter to which the right hon. Gentleman referred in connection with the park was the improvement at Marlborough Gate.

I understood the right hon. Gentleman to say that this work has not yet begun.

I should like to know to what elm tree the hon. and gallant Gentleman refers. As regards Hyde Park, there is no item, I am sorry to say, down for work there. The only thing is that it has to be kept up. In reply to the hon. Member opposite, let me say that the parks have a large staff of their own, but they require an additional number of men for this extra work.

May I continue my questions? I think it is in order for me perhaps to ask the right hon. Gentleman to give his attention to the refuse at the corner of Storey's Gate, which is one of the most dangerous places in London, and, if possible, to store it a little further to the North than where it is at the present time.

May I suggest to the right hon. Gentleman that in connection with some of these schemes he should take into consideration putting men to work to recut the flower beds towards the eastern part of Hyde Park which were such a joy to so large a number of people in pre-War days? There is a great deal—

I am afraid, however estimable that suggestion may be, it will not be in order to make it. Suggestions of the sort will enlarge the scope of the Debate, and I do not know where it will end. The hon. Gentleman is in order in dealing with the particular items on the Supplementary Estimate, and to criticise them, but not to suggest alternatives.

Would it not be in order to criticise these works on the grounds of their insufficiency?

The Noble Lord can criticise them on the ground of insufficiency, but he would not be in order in suggesting the sufficiency; I should have to stop him.

I should have thought that I might be permitted, as an argument, to adduce the fact that this was money to be spent in Hyde Park, or other gardens, and that, therefore, there was a much better method of spending the money in dealing with the unemployed.

But hon. Members might suggest building a sea-wall on the North-East Coast, or the improvement of the Giant's Causeway, and where should we end? On the main Estimate of the Office of Works these suggestions might be in order—they might be! But not on these Estimates for specific matters.

On a point of Order. Surely it would be in order to suggest that the particular method of relief of unemployment adopted by the right hon. Gentleman the First Commissioner is not best fitted to employ the maximum amount of labour, or to direct that labour towards the most useful objects, and, therefore, the particular things he had selected were not the right things?

That would be perfectly in order; but suggesting an alternative would not be.

I could reply, Mr. Chairman, that the Giant's Causeway and the proposed sea wall were not within the Royal Parks. I think, however, what I now say will be in order. Last Sunday I walked through the grounds of Hampton Court Palace. I found nobody then at work, but a considerable amount of work had been done on a pond of whose existence I should have thought very few members of the public knew. This seemed to me an absolutely useless work. I made some inquiries, and I was told—

I am bound again to rule against the hon. Member. These are certain specific items and criticisms on them is in order, but what the hon. Gentleman is saying is not in order. His observations would be in order on the main Estimates. These are particular Estimates for particular work. The hon. Member may object to this work on various grounds, and in doing so he will be perfectly in order, but he cannot criticise at present the general work of the Office of Works.

I am dealing with a specific matter which is dealt with in these Estimates. As I understand it, money is required for the digging out of this pond in Hampton Court Park because unemployed men are at present engaged doing it. Therefore, I thought it must be in order.

If a specific sum of money is taken for this particular work then the hon. Member will be in order, but the First Commissioner has not said so. Perhaps he will say?

The pond is not very far from the towing path. Few people will see it. Thousands who go to view the grounds and to enjoy the amenities of the pleasure grounds will not see it. I believe from inquiries I have made that this pond is used by a few people on the Sunday for the sailing of model yachts. It is used practically for no other purpose. At the same time the Long Water, which is part of the beauties of Hampton Court Palace, is practically filled with leaves and is silting up. If any money is to be spent in this way I think that something—

I am glad to hear it, because I think that that is a work of some use—will add to the amenities of the place, and to the beauty of the surroundings of Hampton Court. This will be for the public benefit. Practically the water can be seen from any part of the ground. I do personally think that this part of the Estimate relating to the pond could very well have been saved.

We have all been converted to economy by the London Press. As to the suggestion for making a big pond, in my opinion that will produce nothing but danger to the public. I am glad that some hon. Members opposite recognise that danger. I should be very sorry if the pond was big and somebody fell into it. It would be much better for this money to be spent on more useful and productive work. The argument about employing the unemployed does not hold water, and for this reason: that those of us who have taken part in the public work know that if you have it to do and do it by direct labour you can engage the unemployed men. It does not, however, follow that all men who are out of work are navvies, for you may have tailors, shoemakers, engineers, and you may have some ex-Members of Parliament. They could get taken on, and thus you are carrying on your scheme by direct labour. But if you engage a contractor, what follows? The contractor has his men and he may bring them to London or take them from London, but if you look into the matter you will discover that very few unemployed men have been taken on. If any man gets, a contract he wants to make results. He is desirous of making as much profit for himself as he can. It is quite natural to assume that he tries to get the ablest men and the men most qualified, thereby cutting away the very argument that has been put up here. I do not know whether I will be in order in referring to slum clearances in Scotland—

The only remark I wanted to make was that you were putting by £25,000 or £30,000 to grow flowers somewhere in order to make the aspect beautiful for people who have leisure to enjoy it; but that does nothing to help to feed the people who are hungry, and therefore—

The hon. Gentleman is in order up to his present reference. He is now suggesting an alternative, and I am afraid that is not in order.

At the bottom of page 4 of the Supplementary Estimate I find

"GG—Unemployment Relief Works—1, New Works, Alterations and Additions:

(1) Proposed Works, Kew Gardens, No. 2. Works costing between £500 and £2,000."

Can I ask what are these works?

"(3) Minor Works not exceeding £500." What works?

5.0 P.M.

I am glad to hear the hon. Member opposite put the questions he has just put. They are the very questions I desired to ask myself. Really the Minister has not given us very much information as to what is the character of the new works which he proposes to carry out. There are all sorts of works which might be carried out in the Royal parks. There is a very big work which the Minister the other day, in answer to a question by myself, said was desirable, namely, the relaying of the Mall, which he could not undertake this year owing to lack of funds. I should like to ask the Minister whether any of these proposals for new works are under the sum stated, for this would be a useful work, and employ a large number of men. The Minister has also said something about refuges or a refuge. He did allude to more than one. I know there are four refuges in the Mall, and personally I think more are required.

The Noble Lord is now in a subtle way suggesting alternatives. If he will ask the Minister what are these works, he will be in order, but he cannot suggest alternatives in an interrogative form.

I want to know if any sum of money is set aside for setting up additional refuges. At the present time the public cross the Mall with great inconvenience and danger, and I hope the Minister will be able to tell us that there are items in this sum for new refuges.

The Noble Lord is again doing what I have already ruled to be out of order, and he cannot make alternative suggestions.

Perhaps the right hon. Gentleman in charge of this Vote will give us some idea of what these works are on which this money is to be spent.

There are one or two points which are not quite clear to me. We are now being asked to vote £25,000, but the explanatory note is a little confusing. Did the right hon. Gentleman allude to Kew Gardens? I see there is an item put down of £300 for minor works, and I should like to know where these works are going to be carried out. I would like to know in regard to these items whether it is likely that we shall be asked for a further Supplementary Estimate to cover these improvements, or are they likely to be the full cost of the work.

The First Commissioner has stated that he is going to do certain works under the supervision of a contractor. I hope I shall not be out of order in the line I wish to take. I desire to criticise the way in which I think the work will be done in Kew Gardens or Regent's Park, and to give as an illustration the way similar work is now being done in Hyde Park. If the work under this Vote is going to be done in the way it has been done in Hyde Park, then it will be done in a very extravagant manner. In company with the First Commissioner himself and other hon. Members above the Gangway, we often take the air in the early morning in Hyde Park, and consequently we notice how the work is being done there.

The hon. Member would be in order in suggesting how the work should not be done, but he is not in order in amplifying the point as to where he has gained his experience.

If this work is going to be done under a contractor in the same way as it has been done at Alexandra Gate and Hyde Park Terrace, then this money we are voting will be very extravagantly spent. I wish to draw attention to the lack of supervision in the carrying out of this work. If the work under this Vote is going to be carried on with the same lack of energetic effort as was shown in Hyde Park, I shall certainly vote against this Estimate. I simply wish to enter my protest against the extravagant and slack way in which similar work to that which is now proposed has been carried out in Hyde Park.

I wish to keep myself strictly relevant to the Supplementary Estimate. In the first place, I desire to draw attention to the singularly limited amount of detail which is given in the footnote to this Estimate. One or two things which seem somewhat inadequate have already been pointed out. If hon. Members will look at the second paragraph in the footnote they will see an item for £27,500 for "Maintenance and Repairs," including an item of £5,000 for the repair of the lake in St. James' Park. The original Estimate for the repair of this lake was £34,120. What we find is that we have a Supplementary Estimate for this large amount and no details whatever are given, and I do not think that is treating hon. Members fairly.

It is quite true that the right hon. Gentleman added some information in the course of his speech in introducing this Estimate. He mentioned works being undertaken at Marlborough Gate, the Mall, Regent's Park, Kew Gardens and one or two other places, and I understand that this expenditure is distributed between the London parks and the country parks. The First Commissioner, however, gave us no information as to the proportion to be spent in these various parks. He did not tell us, for example, how much is to be spent at Holyrood or the Botanical Gardens in Edinburgh, all of which are in the original Estimate. I think we ought to know what the proportion is that is going to be spent in Edinburgh and on the London parks.

If the right hon. Gentleman is not able to give us the exact objects on which the money is to be spent, perhaps he will be able to tell us the total amount allocated to the different parks. I want to know how much is going to be spent in Bushey Park and Hampton Court Gardens, Regent's Park and the other parks. I think it is important that we should ascertain exactly where the unemployed are benefiting by this money. I know that a large number of people are not affected. I think the right hon. Gentleman gave the figure of 600 men employed by the bailiff and 50 by the contractor for work in the parks. I would like to know if that number of men employed is exclusive or inclusive of the men employed by the contractor. Can the right hon. Gentleman tell us how many men will be employed on the work in St. James' Park? I think the details I am asking for are perfectly reasonable. I also wish to know the amount of money allocated between the London parks and country parks, and the total amount of each, and how many men are likely to be employed on these separate works.

I think the Opposition are treating the First Commissioner of Works rather hardly. The right hon. Gentleman has proposed a Supplementary Vote for £25,000 in aid of the unemployed, and he is immediately assailed by hon. Members opposite, who are supporters of the unemployed, with criticisms for doing what I always thought they came here to advocate. I have always come here in the interests of economy, and although I am going to support my right hon. Friend on this occasion, I hope he will be economical in the expenditure of this money, and take to heart what has been said by the hon. Member for Farnham (Mr. A. M. Samuel), whose great knowledge of the early morning in the parks enables him to say that this particular work is being carried on extravagantly. I hope to goodness that no further work will be undertaken in this manner.

I realise that this expenditure of £25,000 is for a separate Department under the Commissioner of Works, but at the same time I am conscious that it has come from the Treasury, and probably within an hour some colleague of the right hon. Gentleman will be sitting on the front Government Bench to whom on behalf of my borough I have been appealing for a long time for an expenditure of a sum of money which would be less than £25,000 for an object which would really do something towards relieving the unemployment difficulty. Probably what I have in mind is in some way an alternative scheme, but I only press that point to clinch the argument that expenditure must from my point of view be a matter of relativity. If you can recommend an expenditure of £25,000 upon what has been referred to as the amenities of these parks, I think something ought to be done in the direction I have indicated. I know it was not a gibe on the part of my hon. Friend the Member for Farnham (Mr. A. M. Samuel) when he referred to his early morning stroll in the park, but if he would take a similar stroll in my constituency he would realise that an expenditure of £25,000 to improve the areas in and around that part of the country—

The hon. Member is again suggesting alternatives, and he is suggesting that the whole of this £25,000 should be spent in his constituency.

The argument has been emphasised that this money is in order to provide work for the unemployed. It is a mistaken notion to suggest that we should rejoice when any expenditure is recommended by a Government Department which shelters itself under the general plea of providing work for the unemployed. I understand this money is going to be spent upon providing a pond at Kew Gardens. I heard it suggested that with regard to the work to be done at Kew, you are going to build new reservoirs because the plants are not being watered sufficiently by rain water. The argument I must press is that you should reconsider this proposed expenditure of £25,000, and when you are talking of improving Kew Gardens and the various botanical gardens and centres visited by hon. Members opposite, might I suggest, without subtly getting off the point, that the needs of the West Ham Distress Committee—

May I represent to the First Commissioner of Works, then, as representing the Government, that they should revise this estimated expenditure of £25,000 and consider it in the light of economy, because all economical expenditure means that you are going to get the best out of the money you are expending. I do not profess to be a student of abstract economic theories, but when in past years you have been appealing to the people of this country, as with the Geddes Committee, whenever the people consider the expenditure of £1 they look to see what service is to be rendered for the expenditure of the money. I do beg that the Minister will consider that. No Government Department should expend to-day £25,000 on mere amenities, when in our country there is dire need. I am not speaking personally, but from the point of view of departmental principle. If the Minister of Health were sitting on the Treasury Bench, he could tell the First Commissioner of Works, without subtlety, that I represent an appeal for a degree of attachment to unemployment needs where that £25,000, if expended—[ laughter ]—yes, but my proposal is just as much connected with the development of scenery and amenities, and it is only a difference of—

The hon. Gentleman is not in order in making a proposal. He can make a destructive criticism of rain water in Kew Gardens, but he must not make fresh proposals.

Having made my representations on behalf of the West Ham Distress Committee, I hope the Minister will take note of it.

I desire to call attention to the large amount provided for the lake in St. James's Park. So far as I can see, the tide seems to come in there every other day, greatly to the joy of the ducks and other wild animals in that lake, and then to go out again and leave them in a state of a very sore distress.

It seems to me there is an enormous amount of waste there which is unnecessary and should be avoided by more economical working in that park. I hope my hon. Friend will look into that. As we pass every day, the work seems to be going on very slowly in the effort to get that very delightful park we used to know into its former state. If it were done quickly, a great deal of this £5,000 could be saved.

I do not think there will be any complaints from this side of the spending of money. I do not think there will be any complaints from this side of making beauty spots in the City of London. We in the provinces have welfare schemes and are laying out parks for our people. When I come to London I like to get to Hyde Park. There are teeming millions in this city who have no private gardens of their own. I congratulate the Committee on the £40,000. Somebody says we want three things: flowers, music, and singing. You cannot get them in some areas in London. The homes of the people are dark, dank, and grimy. The people who sit here listening to speeches, who have big parks of their own, should remember that there are thousands in this great city who have no place to go to, who hardly ever see a blade of grass. I would beg the First Commissioner to plant more flowers and let us have more music and singing—sweet singing, and let us beautify and magnify the soul of man. It has been said that the unemployed have been employed on this work, but I would ask what wages they have been paid and how many there are of them? I hope the First Commissioner will increase the amount, and spend as much money as he has the mind to do.

I wish to ask whether the reason we are asked now to sanction an increase for the repairs in St. James's Park is not because of the lack of supervision of the contractors in carting the materials out of the lake. I understand that this money may be spent for the purpose of repairs to the lake, and I think if the Commissioner had had strict supervision over the way in which the contractors were doing the work in carting the old materials out of the lake, he would probably not have been asking us to spend this amount of money as he is now doing. It is, I believe, the overloading of many of the lorries in this lake when they were carting out the material that was the cause of breaking the material at the bottom of the lake. If the Office of Works had had the men, as is usually done in most cases, wheeling the material from the middle of the lake on to the sides and so preventing a great deal of that heavy work being done as it was done, they would not have had the breaking away as they have now. Possibly some hon. Members will say that the reason a Labour man is asking why this should be allowed to be done is because the alternative would bring about more work for the unemployed. Yes, but it would not bring about a great deal more expense than was necessary if it were done properly. I have had some experience of passing through the park on many days while that work has been in operation, and I have seen, from the way the contractors have been driving their men, that they are not taking the interest in the welfare of the park or the lake that they would have taken had they not been driven to that extent. Owing to that, we now find the lakes are clear of the old material and the pulling down of the huts, with a broken bottom to the lake which necessitates a good deal of cement—not labour, because most of this money will be spent on cement and sand to put in concrete at the bottom of this lake. Therefore the Office of Works would have been better engaged if they had had more supervision of the contractors.

In the first place, I want to uphold the reputation of the Labour party, which was attacked by the right hon. Baronet the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury) as to our real sympathy with the unemployed, and I want to congratulate the First Commissioner on the provision he is making for these matters. I associate myself with the hon. Member for Morpeth (Mr. Cairns) in expressing approval of any effort which is made to beautify the surroundings accessable to the public. As a matter of fact, personally, I would not have minded if the provision had been £2,500,000, and I say that, not because I expect hon. Gentlemen opposite to pay it in their Income Tax, because, fortunately, I would share that liability myself. The whole principle I want to lay down is in regard to the announcement which the right hon. Gentleman has made with regard to the rates of wages which it is proposed to pay for this work. I noticed the right hon. Gentleman stated that in the case of the men employed on the London parks the wages are 40s. 3d. a week, and on the parks outside London, 36s. I submit that these wages are not adequate wages to be paid by a Government Department for national work. I seem to recall, as many other hon. Members may, that somewhere back in the last century, I think in 1893, the then Prime Minister promoted in this House the establishment of the principle of fair wages. I recall that in introducing that principle to the House of Commons in 1893 he said it was the ambition of the Government of that day to be among the first flight of employers, and not to encourage sweating or low wages. That is now well towards half a century ago, and here we are with a Minister of the Crown coming forward in these days of high cost of living and stating that 40s. 3d. will be paid in London and 36s. outside. I contend that those are not wages that ought to satisfy the conscience of this House.

It is evident that if the parks are there they have to be kept up, and if a certain sum is required for that it will have to be voted. What I would ask is, why are people who live in Cardiff or Newcastle, who never see or come up to them, should be taxed for the upkeep of these parks? It seems to me that, now that the Royal Parks have lost their significance of being Royal Parks, they should be supported by the local rates of the districts they serve. I really put the point for the purpose of eliciting information as to why Imperial taxes should provide for the upkeep of what can only give benefit to those who live in the near vicinity.

I want to ask a question of the First Commissioner of Works. I do not know how far it will be in order, but I notice that, included in the sum of £27,500 for maintenance and repairs, there is a sum of £5,000 for the repair of the lake in St. James's Park. I am open to correction, but I understand that that lake was used during the War, after having been dried, by the erection of certain huts for various Government Departments. I understand that one of the Departments which occupied the site was the Ministry of Shipping, and we know quite well that the Ministry of Shipping, or the Government through the Shipping Controller, received a large number of ships, which they sold for a very large sum, amounting to a number of millions.

The point I was going to make was that the lake was really dried out for the erection of these buildings. We are now asked to vote £5,000 for the repair of the lake, the total cost being £34,120. Following the hon. and gallant Member who spoke before me, I think that this particular expenditure ought not to be placed upon the taxpayers of this country, but ought to be taken from the money derived by the Ministry of Shipping from the sale of those German ships. That money has been applied to other purposes, and now the taxpayers are being asked to pay for the repair of this lake, the cost of which ought really to be borne by the Department for which the huts were originally built, and for the use of which the lake was originally dried. We have no objection, in the present condition of the country as regards unemployment, to works being started and carried on that are likely to give employment to men who cannot find employment in their ordinary occupations. What I am objecting to at the moment, like the hon. and gallant Member who preceded me, is the saddling of the taxpayers of this country with this burden, when the Government have already, by the sale of ships, derived a very large income, from which, surely, they could have taken an Appropriation in Aid which would have paid for the whole of these repairs. [An HON. MEMBER: "The whole country was served by the ships."] I am not talking about the policy of the country in using the ships, but about money having been received for the ships which the Government spent in other ways.

I always imagined that the right hon. Baronet was an economist, and always stood up against waste of public money. This is a waste of £5,000 of public money.

I beg pardon. The Noble Lord, by his methods of racing about the country in a high-speed motor car, provides, I know, a good deal of employment.

I think the hon. Gentleman did not quite understand my interruption. I understood his point to be that a certain sum came in from the, sale of ships, and that he wants that diverted to this Vote. He thinks that in that way money would be saved to the taxpayer. But the money from the sale of ships would be used for some other purpose, and if it were not used for that purpose, the taxpayer would have to pay an additional sum. It is only a question of bookkeeping.

The point made by the right hon. Baronet would be quite all right if we knew that the Government Department which carried out the sale of those ships was doing the proper thing. The right hon. Baronet has himself, upon occasion, taken exception to the manner in which Government Departments have taken Appropriations-in-Aid—

I know that, and, if we go to a Division on this, I shall count upon the right hon. Baronet's vote. He will thereby show his consistency, rather than by referring to the matter merely as one of accountancy. I want the Government, instead of using that money as income, to use it as capital. This particular lake was dried out and the huts were erected out of money borrowed by the Government in the form of War Loans; and the money derived from the sale of munition stores, ships, and so on, has been used for separate purposes altogether, instead of for what would have been the capital expenditure of the Department. This is a case in point, where the money derived from the sale of goods and ships that the Government Departments had to dispose of might have been applied for this purpose, so that the taxpayers might have known that they were not being asked to contribute twice to something which could have been met out of the money that was derived from the sale of ships.

In the first place, I should like to thank the Committee for the way in which they have received this Vote as a whole. I will endeavour to satisfy the inquiries which have been made, and which, indeed, I anticipated. With regard to the St. James's Park lake, I may first of all relieve the mind of the hon. Member for Govan (Mr. N. Maclean) by telling him that the damage to the foundations of the lake is by no means attributable to that one section of buildings which were occupied by the Ministry of Shipping. Cracks have occurred in parts of the foundations where there were no huts at all, while on other parts of the lake huts were built which were not occupied by that Ministry.

It was dried in the first instance for the purpose of defence. It was a very awkward landmark to guide the German airships and aeroplanes, and was in the immediate neighbourhood of the Government Departments. Naturally, its being dried deprived the Germans of a useful guiding mark, and that was the original reason. The fact that it was dried was one reason why cracks manifested themselves. Another reason was the fact that the construction of the Thames Embankment has gradually led to the lowering of the level of the subsoil water, with the result that the ground on which the lake rested has in parts fallen in. This was, doubtless, aggravated to some extent by the buildings which were placed upon it. We have gone very carefully into the whole question of how the repairs could best be made, and it was found to be a very costly matter. Tenders were invited, and 35 were sent in. They differed very widely in price, the lowest being accepted, and this year we expect to spend £5,000, the total cost being estimated at £34,120. I hope that that explanation also satisfies the inquiry of the hon. Member for South Poplar (Mr. March), who raised the same subject. If any damage has been done by the contractors it is less than that done in other ways. We must consider the matter as a whole, and admit that the present state of the foundations of the lake is due to a variety of causes, to which a great many things have contributed, the first and largest being the need for drawing off the water in the first instance for purposes of defence. The hon. Member for Penistone (Mr. Pringle) asked a most comprehensive question. He wanted to know what each item was, how much was going to be spent on it, and how many men would be employed. I will endeavour to satisfy him as far as I can, and will divide the subject into two parts, new works and maintenance works. The sum asked for for new works is £2,500, and this is made up as follows:

St. James's Park, setting back wall at Marlborough Gate; total cost £1,200, of which it is estimated that £700 will fall to be met during the year 1922–23.

St. James's Park, provision of permanent refuges; total cost £1,600, of which £400 is expected to fall to be met this year.

Kew Gardens, provision of rain water storage tanks. In this connection, I must say that I think the hon. Member for Morpeth (Mr. Cairns) and the hon. Member for Dewsbury (Mr. Riley) represented the views of the public in general much more faithfully than hon. Members who rather cavilled at this charge, on the ground, mistakenly asserted, that the amenities of the parks, to use a Scottish expression, are only enjoyed by those people who live around them. I do not think that that is the case at all. Anyone who goes to the parks on a Bank Holiday or a Saturday or Sunday will find them full of people who are delighted to have parks where, although they do not own them themselves, they can enjoy all the advantages of a private park. So long as I hold this office I shall screw as much money as I can get out of the Treasury and out of my right hon. Friend the Member for the City of London for the purpose of making these public parks as agreeable as they can be made, and I hope that in doing so I shall have the support of the majority of Members of the House of Commons.

What does the right hon. Baronet mean by saying that he will get as much money as possible out of me?

If I get as much as my right hon. Friend will allow me to get, I am sure it will not be too much. I think that what I have just said covers the remarks of the hon. and gallant Member for Uxbridge (Lieut. - Commander Burney), who desired that the charges for all these parks should fall on those living in the immediate neighbourhood.

My suggestion was that the charge should be borne by the rates of the districts that they actually serve. I do not see why it should be placed upon people who live in other parts of the country.

Surely, if that argument were carried to its logical conclusion, it would be very difficult to apportion the national expenditure. There are many things with which we have no connection whatever but towards which we all pay, and there are a great many items of national expenditure which it is perfectly legitimate to include as great national assets. These parks represent something that does not exist in any other land, and it is the business of my office to make them as attractive as possible.

To continue my catalogue of work, for the benefit of my hon. Friend the Member for Penistone, the cost of the rainwater storage tanks at Kew Gardens is £3,600, of which £1,100 will fall to be met this year. Then there is the provision of a retaining wall for King William's Temple at Kew Gardens, the total cost of which is £220. May I here call attention to the resumé at the bottom of the Estimate, which shows the sums required for items costing between £500 and £2,000, and for those of which the cost does not exceed£500—

Then there is an item for the provision of electric light in the director's officers at Kew Gardens, at a total cost of £145, of which £100 will be required this year. These are very good methods of providing employment, which we should not be able to provide unless this money were available. That is the end of the new work. Then there is the question of maintenance at Bushey Park, the Royal Botanical Gardens, Edinburgh—only £50 I am sorry to say. [HON. MEMBERS: "Shame!"] It is impossible to please everyone. Hon. Members are complaining of the spending of money, and when I draw attention to a really Scottish, and therefore economical, Estimate I am met with cries of "shame." Then there is Greenwich Park, £3,900, and Hampton Park Court and Gardens, for the cleaning out of the lakes, which have to be cleaned out from time to time. Then there is Kensington Gardens, £4,350—that is important work in connection with labour—£1,935 for this year. Another item is £200 for lining the banks of the Linlithgow Harbour of the loch. Regents Park and Primrose Hill, £3,050 for the provision of additional cricket pitches and so forth, St. James' Park, Green Park and Hyde Park, £7,285. The chief work is the re-conditioning of the bed of the lake. The total cost is estimated at £34,000, of which amount £5,000 is expected to fall in the present year.

There is a small item of £200 for the lining of the banks of the harbour of the loch being renewed.

That is all. I am sorry. We have looked about for what items of expenditure we could admit, and if the hon. Member who said he would sooner have the money spent in his constituency could have shown me anything for which I am responsible I should be very glad to do it. It is no use appealing to me to do things which are outside my Depart- ment. Each Member of the Government has to deal with the Estimates of his own Department. The total cost of the work which we are putting in hand in the Royal Parks in relief of unemployment amounts to £70,000, of which £30,000 will fall to be borne during the present year. An hon. Member asked how I could account for the difference in the total sums. We do not know that we are going to spend all this and what we do not spend will have to be re-voted next year, so that the House will retain complete control over the items. All we are doing now is to ask the House to vote the money to spend on these items, all of them connected with improving the amenities of the parks, which are enjoyed by everyone, and in order to get on with the work and thereby relieve unemployment. These are the numbers of men employed to-day. At Richmond, 72; Regent's Park, 114, Greenwich, 112; Hampton Court, 118; Bushey, 50; and the Central Parks, 241—total 707. These are entirely additional men.

Not many. I should be only too glad to employ more, but hon. Members will recognise the difficulty one is in. You want to spend what money you legitimately can on objects which are going to give the greatest possible amount of labour, but you have to realise that the country is extremely hard up and we have to husband our resources as far as we can and thus to tide over the bad times through which we are going, and this cannot be looked upon as a normal procedure.

I feel that in raising this issue we are more than justified in having engaged the attention of the Committee and the right hon. Baronet. It has now emerged that while more than £7,000 is to be spent on the repair and maintenance of the lake in St. James's Park, £250 is to be spent in Scotland We who come from Scotland regard that as a decided injustice.

It is not a bit of use asking me to deal with anything except what comes under the Office of Works, and to represent this as the proportion as between England and Scotland of the sums voted by the Government in relief of unemployment is inaccurate. My responsibilities to Scotland are very small, I am sorry to say. The Office of Works has a very small amount of work to do in Scotland and a very small area over which it can spread itself. I want to guard against the hon. Member inferring that it has not been possible to find other work to do in Scotland. If we were dealing with the Ministry of Transport or other Departments of the Government, we should be able to make it clear that Scotland is by no means neglected and that relief is being extended to a very large number of men.

That does not disturb my point at all. On the contrary, it rather emphasises the need for a direct reference to the position in Scotland, and I am amazed to hear the right hon. Baronet disclaim any responsibility for what is happening in that country. I understand he represents a constituency in Scotland.

Does the right hon. Baronet deny that he represents a Scottish constituency?

It would be quite foolish to deny anything which is obvious to everybody. What I deny is that I disclaim responsibility for what is happening in Scotland. I never disclaimed any responsibility that belongs to me.

That is quite satisfactory. It seems to me that with regard to the amount spent on Linlithgow that is a most inadequate sum. The right hon. Baronet is a Scotsman and, having a considerable knowledge of Scottish history, he is aware that Linlithgow is one of the most historic places in Scotland, or, indeed, in the world. It attracts pilgrims from all parts of the world. The historic and venerable pile known as Linlithgow Palace was once the residence of that unfortunate dame Mary Queen of Scots, and, if for no other reason than respect to her memory, there ought to be much more spent by this Department than is contemplated in this Vote. In addition, there are a great many unemployed persons in the Burgh of Linlithgow, which I represent, and there is no reason at all why a portion of the fund which it is intended to devote to the repair and maintenance of the lake in St. James's Park should not be transferred to the upkeep and maintenance of the loch at Linlithgow. I say nothing of Edinburgh. That can be very well left to those who represent constituencies in that area. May I draw the attention of the Committee to a very remarkable argument which has been used by the right hon. Baronet? He said in reply to the hon. Member for Govan (Mr. N. Maclean) that the existence of the Ministry of Shipping building on the edge of the lake was not responsible for the damage that had been done and that, as a matter of fact, the water was removed from the lake during the War because it was an attraction to airships. If that be true—and I have no desire to join issue with the right hon. Baronet—obviously the charge should be imposed, not on his Department, but on the Departments associated with national defence, and if he refuses to transfer the charge to the Ministry of Shipping, obviously it should be transferred either to the War Office or the Naval Department. With regard to the position of the Ministry of Shipping, although I cannot agree with the suggestion that it should be charged with financial responsibility, on the question of administration it is more desirable to transfer the charge to that Department than for the Office of Works to accept it, and I think the proposal which has been made ought to receive due consideration from the right hon. Baronet. It is not a legal charge on the Office of Works. If the Ministry of Shipping gained an advantage, as it undoubtedly did during the War and for some time after from the use of the lake, at all events, to some extent from the close proximity of its buildings to the lake, if it was indirectly responsible for the devastation that was caused, obviously the Ministry of Shipping has a direct responsibility. With regard to the work itself, I understand it is being undertaken by contractors.

I should like to know whether the Department have considered the desirability of having the work done by direct labour. It has been proved in connection with housing and other building contracts that direct labour is much more efficient and less expensive than work undertaken by con- tractors. Hon. Members opposite appear to be somewhat amused at that observation, but if they care to examine the facts, as we have done, which have been submitted to the various Government Departments, and in some instances accepted by them, they will realise that work undertaken by direct labour is very much less expensive, and certainly much more efficient, than work which has been undertaken by contractors, and, at all events, it ought to have been given a trial. It would be the easiest thing in the world for the Office of Works, with its able army of officials, to undertake a contract of this kind. That would obviate the need of middlemen, who exploit the community and very often exploit the workers under their control, and confer no possible advantage on the community. We are justified in asking for a re-consideration of this Vote in order to induce the hon. Baronet to consider the desirability of continuing the work by direct labour. In addition to that, there is the question of the time which is being taken to complete the work. I understand that a certain sum is being devoted to the work in contemplation this year. Am I to understand that it would take some years to complete the work? [HON. MEMBERS: "Seven years."] If it is to take so long, the work is not being put in hand to meet the needs of the unemployed, because we are frequently told that brighter times are in store, that there is a silver lining to the dark clouds, and that a revival of industry appears on the horizon. If that be true, then, obviously, we shall not have many unemployed in the next seven years.

I understand that the right hon. Gentleman made an observation of that kind.

I never said that it would take seven years. When I said "this year," I meant the financial year which ends on the 31st March. The money we have to deal with now is the money to be spent up to the 31st March.

I withdraw what I said about seven years. Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether the work is to be completed this year? Are we who are compelled, owing to circumstances over which we have no control, to live in London, to be able to enjoy the amenities of St. James's Park? I agree that it is very desirable to beautify London, and if anything is to be done in that direction a start ought to be made with St. James's Park lake, because the park is anything but beautiful at the present time. The lake is a barren desert, and its proximity to the Ministry of Shipping buildings does not add to the beauty. Something ought to be done as early as possible to beautify the lake and the park; but I am not sure that it is consistent with the desire of the House that money should be spent in this way. I am amazed at hon. Members opposite arguing in favour of expenditure on schemes of this kind. Many of them were returned because they informed their constituents that they would do all that they could to bring about a régime of economy. I am not opposing expenditure, but we on these benches believe in wise expenditure, which will stimulate production of goods which can be used by the community. I cannot see anything in this proposal which will lead to production of any value to the community.

We oppose this Vote, first of all, because we believe that the work is not required, and not because it is undesirable to beautify St. James's Park, but because, having regard to the needs of the times and of the community and of the unemployed, it is much more desirable that the expenditure should be incurred on more profitable things. If any Government Department is to bear the charge of this particular work it should not be the Office of Works. A portion of the charge should be transferred to the Ministry of Shipping or to the Disposal Board, which has undertaken the transactions left over since the demise of the Ministry of Shipping. Moreover, seeing that the destruction of the lake was to some extent due to the air raids, the charge should be attributable to the War and put down to national defence. The conditions in regard to the payment to the workmen are not satisfactory. Surely hon. Members opposite will not support the view that 40s. or 36s. a week is a sufficient wage. If we want to bring beauty into the parks of London and to improve the amenities it ought not to be done by exploiting deserving workmen. No beauty can possibly be derived by exploitation. Nothing will be gained by beautifying the parks of London if we starve the bodies and souls of the unemployed. One of the first considerations must be the payment of adequate wages to the men engaged on this work.

On a point of Order. Has the hon. Member any idea of the rate of wages paid to men who carry out this class of work in London and elsewhere?

I am unconcerned as to what the rate may be for a similar class of work elsewhere. That may be an odd view to take, but I am concerned for the moment with the argument that if we are to improve the parks of London, and if we wish to bring beauty into the minds and hearts of the people who use the parks, we are not entitled to do it at the expense of the men who are undertaking the work. The navvy is as much entitled to consideration as the architect. The man who is lacking in culture is as much deserving of consideration as the person with an artistic sense. The man who provides the beauty is as much entitled to consideration as the person who derives satisfaction from gazing upon beautiful things. A thing of beauty is a joy for ever. It is our duty to bring beauty into the lives of the men who undertake work which is not congenial, and which hon. Members opposite would not like to undertake.

In reply to those who contend that the wages paid by Government Departments, directly or indirectly, should be conditioned by the wages paid for similar work in the district, I say that the Government should be model employers and should pay the highest possible wage. They should pay a living wage. Surely not one will contend that 40s. a week is a living wage, either in London or in the Provinces. How would hon. Members like to live on 40s. a week? It would cause more devastation than has been caused in St. James's Park lake. The heart-burning and discord in the household, if a household were possible under such circumstances, would be more than one could possibly bear. I do not wish to deprive hon. Members of any comforts, but I can see hon. Members turning up their noses. [ Interruption. ] I do not wish to be vulgar, but that act is performed by most cultured men, despite their political views.

I am afraid the hon. Member is opening up discussion on a great many matters not connected with this Vote.

I hope that the Department will give its immediate and most sympathetic consideration to the moral and just claims of the men engaged on this work. If the whole of the contracts have not been given out, and if there is still some work to be undertaken which has not been provided for by contract, I suggest to the right hon. Gentleman that he might consider the desirability of undertaking the rest of the work by direct labour.

Now a word about Scotland. It is appalling to see a great historic city like Edinburgh, comparable with London from the historic point of view, certainly from the point of view of potential, to say nothing of actual beauty, capable of giving delight to myriads of people, with a miserable £50 to be spent on improving its parks. I would suggest to the right hon. Gentleman that he should withdraw that £50. We in Scotland do not desire his financial sympathy if that is the kind of sympathy we are going to get. We should be much better without it. I believe that there are many gentlemen in Edinburgh and in Scotland generally with sufficient local patriotism to spend £50 themselves without imposing this charge on the taxpayer. I make one last appeal for the men without whom the work cannot be done—the navvies, the labourers, who are the salt of the earth. They are certainly lacking in culture and in the artistic sense because you have deprived them of it. You do not consider it desirable. Of what use is culture to a labourer, much as he would desire it?

An hon. Gentleman suggests that we should ask the hon. Member for the Coatbridge Division (Mr. Welsh). I agree that now and again one finds emerging from the common stock of the oppressed classes a soul that scintil- lates, that can give expression to ideas of culture, but that is not the rule, and I would ask the right hon. Gentleman to pay wages which will make it possible for these men to play their part in life and not to permit their exploitation to continue.

The statement made by the First Commissioner of Works, in reply to my three questions, included one which is very serious if true. He said that the sub-soil level of water had fallen in St. James's Park, and if that is true, it is going to be a very serious business for all the buildings in that area, because you cannot reduce the sub-soil water level without creating changes, first by the weight of the buildings, and second by whatever bias these buildings have as weights upon the ground. He also spoke about the use of puddle clay. If he desires not to have a continually recurring demand, in Estimates such as we have to-day, the Commissioner of Works must exercise every care, because there is only one real bed of puddle clay in Britain, and unless he gets that quality of clay, the defects will recur, and when he is supposed to have puddled the bed of a lake, and it has not been done with true puddle clay, then before two years are over he will have to come to the Committee again to ask for more money for something that he did not foresee. I am trying to save the money of the country by pointing out that if he would take this advice now he will save money.

The process of making watertight, apart from the concrete basin that is laid, is a real scientific operation, and while you may get unskilled men to wheel forward the clay it takes real skilled men in that section to apply that clay in such a way as to make the basin absolutely watertight. If you have not the right clay on the concrete it means that when pressure takes place, due to the weight of the water, you will have pockets created, and just as these pockets are created you will find that the differential pressure will cause the concrete to crack so that you will never be able even to mend these cracks without digging up at least 12 feet on each side. I am no prophet or the son of a prophet, but unless you get the right puddle clay you are going to be faced again with a demand for money for work which has not been properly done. The right hon. Gentleman also made another statement with regard to this lake. He does not seem to have grasped that when you have a lake with a concrete bed and you withdraw the water from that lake and permit even ordinary sunshine to shine upon it, you immediately set up a different action in that body—[An HON. MEMBER: "Cluck, cluck!"] We hear the hens clucking. It is all very well, when you set your concrete to dry, to put the water round immediately, when it has set. A concrete pillar or bridge which is always open to the action of the atmosphere stands, but that pillar would not stand if it was surrounded by water, and you then took away that water and let the action of the sunshine take place again, and the man who did the hen-cluck had better keep quiet, and while I am on the hen business, may I say that one hon. Gentleman referred to the ducks on the lake. He described them as wild animals. I want to know what happened to the ducks on the lake before it was dried up. Where were they taken to, and what was the cost of taking them there? Were these ducks all wild ducks, or are there some tame? And if the tame ones lay the eggs, what happens to the eggs? Do they come to the House of Commons Kitchen Committee or are they allowed to go for the purpose of increased breeding? And since wild fowl are to be housed on such lakes, are they to remain when this work is completed?

Another hon. Gentleman referred slightingly to the men engaged in carrying out this work. He saw them when he took his early morning exercise in the park. I do not know whether he was on horseback or in a motor, but I would invite that gentleman to get down from his horse or his motor-car, take a shovel or pick, and have seven or eight hours at it, and he will then have a very different view from that which he has now. Even when the First Commissioner of Works has completed his work on the lake there is no guarantee that this work is going to be such that it will not have to be done over again very soon. Where you have reduced the sub-soil level of water you cannot give the slightest guarantee, and whatever was the cost for lowering that level, the money would be better spent in getting the water back to its old level before the Government are faced with claims on behalf of people whose buildings are being destroyed on that account.

I wish to bring the Committee back to the question of giving out this work to contract. It appears as if the change of Government has brought about a change of ideas on this point. I remember the predecessor of the right hon. Gentleman assuring the House emphatically that he could do the work more cheaply by direct labour than by handing it to contractors. I submit to the First Commissioner of Works that this work is not being well done, and he will have to come again for more money to put it right. What will happen will be that by giving this to a contractor he will have to pay another army of men. We are not complaining of this except with regard to the waste of money which could be well spent in other directions in doing good work. He will have to employ another army of supervisors to supervise the supervisors of the contractor. It has been suggested by hon. Gentlemen whom we heard in the last Parliament that no work whatever should be done by direct labour. But, even if only as an experiment, it is the business of the Government to find out what would be the real cost of work done by direct labour as against the cost of work done by contract.

Some of us have had experience in this matter on large county councils and on other bodies, which has proved beyond doubt that work can be done more cheaply and more efficiently by direct labour under your own supervision than it can be done by a contractor. Even in contracts you see the large difference between the highest tender and the lowest tender, and even after that has been examind closely by people who have done the work by direct labour, they find that the lowest tender is very much in excess of the cost by direct labour. Therefore I hope that this work will be done by the Government, with a sufficient staff at their command, by direct labour, so as to give us an idea as to how much the difference is between the two systems of doing the work. Take the question of wages. I understand that some of these men are paid only 36s. If such wages are paid and you decontrol houses, the tenants will not be able to pay rent in the near future. That is what we are coming to if we allow this sort of thing to go on. The Government are being dictated to by gentlemen who have interests in this sort of work. I hope the First Commissioner of Works will again look into the matter, examine what his predecessors did, and find out whether or not what his immediate predecessor said, namely, that he could do work more cheaply directly than by contract, is true, and if it is true let us get back to the cheapest and most efficient way of doing the work.

I would like to reinforce the appeal made by my hon. Friends with reference to the question of direct labour. The right hon. Gentleman in charge of the Estimate has unfortunately committed himself to the decision that the most profitable part of this work should be handed over to a private contractor, whereas his predecessor in office proved to this House by numerous instances drawn from experience that direct labour involved little more than half the cost of private contract work. The speeches of his predecessor are on record. I invite the right hon. Gentleman to send up to the Library and examine the statement as to the experience of the Office of Works three years ago, and I invite him then to attempt to justify to the House the reversal of a policy which at that time saved the nation thousands of pounds that would otherwise have gone into the contractor's pocket. I ask him to justify the handing over to private exploitation of a considerable proportion of the money now being voted.

I do not know anything about Kew Gardens, I do not know where they are, I know only that they are referred to in one of Kipling's poems. Nor do I know anything about St. James's Park, I do not know where it is either. But I do know where Edinburgh is, and I wonder how the right hon. Gentleman, when next he addresses a large congregation in the Usher Hall of those who agree with him politically will justify the expenditure of £50—£50 for Edinburgh, the most beautiful city in the Kingdom. For some reason which I cannot explain, the right hon. Gentleman is prepared to spend £200 in the constituency represented by an hon. Gentleman behind me, namely, Linlithgowshire. It is probably because Linlithgow voted as it did that it gets £200, and it is because Edinburgh voted as it did in the last Election that it gets only £50. I do not know on what basis the money is allocated, but I am certain that no Member of this House believes that the expenditure of £50 in Edinburgh is going to affect unemployment or will do anything whatever to improve the amenities of Edinburgh. If it were a Token Vote I could understand it; that is to say, if it were merely an indication that the Government intend later to spend £50,000. If the right hon. Gentleman proposes to spend only £50 in Edinburgh, he is insulting the capital of Scotland and the House is wasting its time in taking the Vote seriously.

Question put, and agreed to.

Public Buildings, Great Britain

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £10, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1923, for Expenditure in respect of sundry Public Buildings in Great Britain, not provided for on other Votes."

I see that this expenditure is for a mental deficiency home. I would like to know what is the present position of these mental deficiency homes and why this additional sum is now required? As far as I remember, when we passed the Act 10 years ago, homes were to be put up all over the country. Does this Estimate mean that one of the homes is not yet finished and that this sum is required to complete the building? Surely the £10 could be made up by using the balance from some other Vote. Are these homes now compulsory homes or voluntary homes? How far is the State taking steps to segregate the feeble-minded, and how far is the more humane policy of voluntary homes being proceeded with? I fear it is rather a wide question for the right hon. Gentleman to answer now, but it would be of great interest to know the present position of mental deficiency administration in this country.

It would be impossible for me at the moment to satisfy the hon. and gallant Gentleman's curiosity. All I can do is to give him a full explanation of this particular Vote and of the reason for taking it. It is a token vote, necessary to enable us to put in hand work in connection with the Rampton Institution, now administered by the Board of Control under the Ministry of Health. It provides accommodation for defective-minded persons who have violent propensities. The position is rather a serious one. The existing building accommodates 220 males and 148 females and increased accommodation is required. It is very urgent to get the building put in hand. The scheme is for the erection of an additional unit to accommodate 90 persons, additional nurses, and cottages for the married staff. It is estimated that three years will be required to complete the scheme. I understand that the total cost is on the Estimates and that the expenditure will be spread over three years. We want the £10 in order to commence certain work at once. We must get the working drawings prepared, the quantities and specifications completed, and invitations for tenders must be issued. All this preliminary work probably will not entail the expenditure of a penny, but it will entail obligations that will have to be met subsequently, and I must get the sanction of the House before I start this preliminary work.

What will be the total number accommodated when the additions are completed?

There is accommodation for about 400 now and there will be accommodation for about 560.

I am very much obliged to the right hon. Gentleman for the full and interesting explanation. As I see the Parliamentary Secretary to the Treasury present, I would ask how far he intends to go to-night. It is within the memory of the Committee that the Prime Minister last Thursday stated that to-day we should take only the Supplementary Estimates for the Royal Parks and Pleasure Grounds, and for Public Buildings, and, if time permitted, the Friendly Societies Registry. We have taken the Friendly Societies Registry and have passed the Royal Parks Estimate, and the Public Buildings Estimate is now before us. If we give the Government this Vote now, shall we be able to adjourn until 8.15, in order, for once, to have time for dinner, or are we to go on with an indefinite number of other Votes?

My hon. and gallant Friend is quite correct in saying that in the announcement of business last week there were three Votes mentioned, but it was discovered later that there was very little controversial matter in any of the three Votes, and I mentioned this to my right hon. Friend on the opposite bench, and that it was necessary that we should, if possible, take the next two Votes on the Paper The right hon. Gentleman agreed with that procedure, that is to say, that Class 5, Vote 2, and Class 6, Vote 6, should be taken. I do not think in either of those two Votes there is anything controversial, and I hope we shall be allowed to proceed with them and get them. I should remind hon. Members that Easter is very early this year, and it is necessary that we should make as much progress as we possibly can with the Supplementary Estimates. I could not agree to the House adjourning before 8.15, because we cannot waste any time, before the end of this financial year, if we are to complete the financial work which has to be done before then.

The only observation I venture to make on this matter is that, in making our preparations, we went upon the Prime Minister's announcement, and I do not think it is good Parliamentary procedure to suddenly spring upon us Votes of which no notice has been given.

I had consulted the right hon. Gentleman the Member for East Newcastle (Mr. A. Henderson, Chief Labour Whip), and he agreed.

As a matter of fact, we did not know, but I understand that the right hon. Gentleman consulted the right hon. Member for East Newcastle, and to that extent I withdraw my statement. Would it not satisfy the right hon. Gentleman if we gave Vote 6, Class 6? The other Vote—the Nyasaland Vote—contains some controversial matter. In any event, it is my duty to see that proper announcements are made and proper warnings given as to what Vote is going to be proceeded with. I should be only too glad to facilitate business, only I think it is a little unfair to ask for Votes at the present moment which are controversial from our point of view, and for which we have not made proper preparation on account of the announcement made publicly.

As to the Nyasaland Vote I should point out that there was an earlier Vote for money expended from 1915 to 1918 by the War Office, which is now required by the Colonial Office. It should have been charged to Nyasaland and not to the British War Office, and it is in connection with the pay and allowances of-the local Nyasaland forces during the War up to the signing of the Armistice.

I wish to speak on the Vote which is now before the Committee, and I assure the First Commissioner of Works I am not speaking in order to prevent him getting this or some other Vote, but because the subject of the Board of Control and the care of the mentally deficient is one, in dealing with which I have had some experience. It is a, mistake to add new buildings to the buildings already existing. You pursue a wrong policy in segregating mentally deficient people in these new barrack-like prisons which have sprung up all over the country, and it would be worth while that the House should order a return from asylums of every description, as to the number of people cured or brought back to a reasonable state of sanity after incarceration in these places. I should like every Member of the House who votes for locking people up in these circumstances to first visit the various institutions where these unhappy people are segregated. The Board of Control has enormous power, and frequently people who are very slightly affected are taken away and mixed up with a lot of other people suffering possibly very much worse than they are themselves, and in this way they rapidly deteriorate. I have had great difficulty in rescuing various people from the clutches of the Board of Control. Once a person is taken in, it is the most difficult job in the world to get him or her out again, and that is due to the fact that there are so many people under one doctor or perhaps two doctors, and there is so little chance of their receiving any sort of individual care or attention. The doctor is bound to take it for granted that the person is too dangerous or too difficult to let loose.

The right hon. Gentleman in charge of the Vote said the people to be taken to this institution were the most violent. That may be true, but in the case of women especially, at certain periods in their lives, they are extremely liable to be thrown off their mental balance and some of them become very dangerous indeed. To keep 250 of them—I think that is the number—in this institution means you have no very large chance of securing individual treatment. In Scotland where they can teach us a good many things both in regard to the treatment of children and the treatment of persons of this sort, there is domiciliary treatment. These persons are boarded out, and they have a good chance of some sort of humane treatment, and the doctor, or whoever is in charge, has a much better chance of knowing how the patient is progressing than could possibly be the case when he is dealing with a huge body of men and women such as is proposed here. In addition to that, in all these big institutions there is very great danger of ill-treatment from those who have charge of the patients. I should be the last to bring any general charge against the men and women who are obliged to take care of these people, but I think if the best men in this House were set to take care of hundreds of mentally deficient people they would find themselves driven out of their wits and find themselves treating those patients in a manner of which they would probably be ashamed, when they had time to think about it. It is a terrible thing to have to face more or less insane people day after day and year after year, and I think by pursuing the present system we are not only doing a great injustice to the people under treatment, but also to those in charge of them.

I know I am speaking in the teeth of what will be called medical and expert opinion on this subject, but I can assure the House I have gone through these institutions time and time again, in my capacity as a Poor Law guardian and I have been shocked at the callous treatment under which these people have to suffer. I am sure if I had to be an attendant for a long period I should become callous. Everyone knows that if we see any kind of suffering frequently we become more callous than if we only see it now and again. Instead of spending all this money on an addition to this one institution, it would be much better to spend it in an experiment in dealing with these people in much smaller units, and I hope before the Committee agree to this Vote they will ask for more information on the subject. You cannot cure people in droves and I do not think you can possibly treat them properly when they are in huge groups. Some of us when we heard the Board of Control was being set up and the mentally deficient were going to be treated in a different way, hoped it would be a more humane system than the system which previously obtained. I must confess I did not realise this matter was coming up to-night or I should have brought the particulars of some of those cases here. Any Poor Law guardian knows that we have many cases of young and middle-aged people who are taken away and of whom no more is heard than that they have been buried in one of these institutions. You are locking up people who have committed no offence except that of suffering under the affliction which nature has placed upon them. Having tried for very many years, not a mere experiment but the working of the system of dealing with these people in the mass, it is time we commenced to deal with them as individual human beings. It is because new buildings or additions to existing buildings will make the system in my judgment too unwieldy, and because it will not conduce to the better treatment of these unhappy people that I ask the Committee to disagree with the Vote.

I ask the First Commissioner of Works if we may take it as an indication that a more scientific method is going to be adopted with these poor people, when he states that this building is to be for violent cases? At present in certain places there exists nothing between the small school for mental defectives and the asylum, and there are, throughout the country, large numbers of patients who are not fit for either place, and many of them are in working-class families who cannot afford to employ nurses. That very much affects the mothers of these poor people. I know several cases myself unfit for the local school for mental defectives, and yet no one could possibly agree to sending them to a lunatic asylum. I should be glad to know if at last there is going to be some distinction as between different classes of cases, and whether some scientific and humane way is going to be evolved of treating all those who require treatment.

As this institution happens to be in my constituency, I am able to re-assure both the hon. Members who have last spoke as to its objects. This institution was first built as a sort of overflow for Broadmoor, and only people went to it who had been convicted of some crime.

I was saying it was built in the first instance as an institution for criminals—for those who had been convicted of some particular offence and whose minds were affected. Now it has been changed, and the present purposes of the institution are these. As hon. Members doubtless know, recent laws have given to Judges and Recorders the power of dealing with mentally defective persons who have not reached the point of lunacy, that is, people whom curative treatment may reasonably be expected to do a great deal of good. This institution has now become an institution for the mentally defective. If a man in the institution becomes a lunatic he is removed from it—this is a serious grievance which I hope the Government will consider—to an asylum in the county, and he then becomes chargeable to the guardians. That is very often a considerable grievance and ought to be inquired into.

That, of course, is not the point here. The institution for which this Vote is required is one which, I am sure, will have the sympathy of hon. Members, because it is of a purely curative description. The patients are treated with a view to their being cured. It is true they are there compulsorily. They are sent there in the early stages by the Judges of the Court, not as lunatics, but to be treated—compulsorily, I agree—in the hope that they will be cured and discharged. This is an institution of that kind, and I am quite sure when hon. Members realise that they will agree to the Vote.

Has the hon. and learned Gentleman any information as to the number of persons who have been cured, and how long the place has been going on?

I can easily obtain the information, and I shall be very glad to give it to the hon. Member.

The Committee is entitled to a great deal more information before it assents to this Vote. This is really in the nature of a new Service. It is a Vote which commits the Committee to an expenditure of over £100,000. It is true, this is only a Vote for £10 just now, but the expenditure involved is over £100,000. Therefore, it means a very large addition to the institution to which the hon. and learned Member for Bassetlaw (Sir E. Hume-Williams) has referred. I have taken the trouble to look through the Estimates in regard to this institution in past years. I find that there has been a constant growth, and that it is a swollen institution at present. I object, like the hon. Member for Bow and Bromley (Mr. Lansbury), to this institution growing to that excessive size, because when you have large institutions of this kind the whole human element is eliminated. It becomes a soulless machine and altogether useless for curative purposes.

If institutions of this kind are to be successful from the curative point of view, the smaller the scale on which they are established the better it will be. I find, in the Estimates of 1921–22, that there had been a total original Estimate for a new female wing of £25,335. That was increased, and the revised total Estimate, as mentioned in the Estimates, was £35,700. The total expenditure, as represented up to the 31st March in that year, was £10,000. The amount voted for 1921–22 was £25,700. Therefore, there was voted, in 1921–22, on new works for this institution and for a new wing the sum of £35,700. Coming to the Estimates of the following year, we find another new wing. That is an extraordinary growth. It was a wing for patients and improved accommodation for nurses, and for this there was expended £15,500. Thus, you have really expended in the years 1921 and 1922 on increased accommodation for those people who are to be curatively treated, as it is called, £51,200. On the top of all this, we now have a further Estimate which amounts to £109,000.

Before the Committee agrees to this additional expenditure, and in particular to additional expenditure on an institution so large as this Rampton State Institution, it should have further evidence laid before them as to the value of the treatment there and the results that have been obtained. Up to the present nothing has been said upon that at all. The hon. and learned Member for Bassetlaw has given the Committee the benefit of his experience. He assures us that this is an admirably managed institution. I have no doubt that, as these institutions go, it is admirably managed, but the prevailing tendency, in regard to the treatment of people afflicted as the patients of this institution are, is for treatment to be on a smaller scale to enable them to be treated in a more individual way. Under such circumstances, you would have a much greater assurance of successful results. I believe that this proposal is on the wrong lines. It is, as the hon. and learned Gentleman suggested, a bad thing that such a mass of mentally defective people should be in one area, because if the patients in that institution happen to be certified as lunatics the burden will fall on the local rates. Surely, it is better to have them in smaller institutions, so that that burden, which may be very serious in certain localities, may be spread. I think the hon. and learned Gentleman will agree that that is a reasonable proposal, from the point of view of the areas affected.

The hon. Member for Bow and Bromley and other speakers in the discussion since the right hon. Gentleman made his explanation, have made a case which calls for a reply from the Government. This will be the only opportunity we shall have of a thorough discussion of the matter. It is therefore the duty of this Committee not to part with this proposal without having a full explanation and without being completely assured that it is calculated to produce the results which are anticipated. It is for that reason that I now ask the right hon. Gentleman to give us some other information as to what has been done there. It is only on the basis of the experience of the past that we can now be invited to go further in expenditure on such an experiment.

My reason for objecting to this Vote is that all the institutions for the treatment of mental deficiency which I have ever seen have been too large. I differ from some hon. Members who have recently spoken by suggesting that there is no cure at all for mental deficiency. It is impossible of cure, and that is where it entirely differs from lunacy, because a person who is mentally defective will remain mentally defective throughout his life, no matter how long he may live. All that can be done is to make these people as comfortable as possible, to try to make them self-supporting if possible, and to find useful work for them to do. If you herd them together in huge institutions you will make that much more difficult. My experience of the work is that, of the average mentally defective persons, male of female, very few are unable to work at all. The minority of them can do skilled work. They can be taught to make boots and shoes, carpentry work and other skilled work of many kinds. I have seen a mentally defective person who was so defective that he could scarcely be trusted alone. He was 25 years of age, was unable to tell the time, to write down his name, or to say where he lived or whence he came. Yet he was able to make a pair of hand-sewn boots from beginning to end, because he had been carefully taught to do that.

You will find that the minority of mentally defective people can be taught skilled occupations. The great majority of these people cannot be taught skilled work, but they can be taught to do unskilled work. Unskilled work presupposes, to my mind, agricultural work to a very great extent. That is to say, that if you get, not an institution, but a colony, with plenty of land, you will find it able to employ 80 per cent. of your inmates on what one might call labouring work in the fields. In the case of women and girls, very successful experiments have been made in many places in poultry farming. The advantage would be that instead of having these poor, unhappy people cooped up in huge institutions, they would all live in the open air as much as possible. They would work in the open air, and would live a healthy life. In addition to that—and this is probably a point that will appeal with greater force to many hon. Gentlemen on the other side of the House—you make them nearly self-supporting. I think, from what I have seen of mentally defective colonies in this country, and from what I have read about them in some parts of America, that a real colony, established to try to provide work for every inmate in it, can be made very nearly self-supporting. I know that is a very drastic thing to say, but investigations made into the wonderful results achieved in mentally defective colonies, particularly in some parts of America, go to show that the cost of maintaining these institutions is very small indeed.

A few years ago, we were hopeful that we were going to get away from the wretched system of herding these people together in huge institutions, and to make a determined effort to establish in this country real mentally defective colonies, where those people would be able to live useful lives. It may be necessary, I admit—in 99 per cent. of the cases—for the safety of the community that they should not be allowed to roam about at large. At the same time, they would live a happier life in a colony. They would be able to work, and to a large extent would be self-supporting. Because of that, I hope the Government will try to insure that any future development in the provision for the mentally defective in this country will be on the colony system, and will not be by further extensions of these huge institutions.

I should like to point out why it is that some of us object so firmly to this compulsory treatment of the feeble minded. The hon. and learned Member for Bassetlaw (Sir E. Hume-Williams) knows perfectly well that these feeble minded colonies do best where they are run, as was the case in the past, by philanthropic people for philanthropic reasons. Miss Dendy managed a feeble minded home admirably in the old days. That was in the old days, but the moment you introduce the compulsory system you do away with all the human element in it. The people become incarcerated, subject to compulsory regulations, behind bolts and bars, with policemen after them if they go out, and the whole atmosphere is changed. The great security for decent treatment has gone. You may get good treatment—I expect you do—but in the old days, if there was bad treatment, the inmate could leave. Now he cannot, and that is a great difference. If the hon. and learned Gentleman wants to understand the point of view of those of us who object to this indefinite extension of compulsory incarceration of those who are feeble minded but not lunatics, I wish he would apply to the right hon. and learned Member for Cambridge University (Mr. Rawlinson), who, with myself, for three solid years prevented this compulsory legislation from becoming a blot upon the Statute Book.

I agree thoroughly with what the hon. and gallant Member said, but the logical position for the Committee to take up is this. We have passed an Act, I think very wrongly, but by a vast majority of this House, and, that being so, we must necessarily have the different institutions which the Act requires and authorises, and to refuse a Supplemental Vote to the Government because they are carrying out what the vast majority of the House decided seems to be a very illogical position to take up. Hon. Members opposite have certainly spoken on a subject of the greatest possible importance. The hon. Member for North Tottenham (Mr. R. Morrison) dealt with the question of mentally defectives, but what we are dealing with here is a much worse type than that, namely, people who are morally defective, if I may use the expression, people who are moral imbeciles, people who display some permanent mental defect coupled with some strong vicious or brutal propensities.

Does it not depend altogether on the discretion of the magis- trate to determine who is morally deficient in that way? It is a very wide discretion.

That is a power which is given. Those of us who remember the old Bill in Parliament know very well the real reason for it. The idea of it being curative, I am afraid, was only a small part of the desire of those who passed it. It was quite a secondary matter, the cure of the cases concerned. The idea was a question of eugenics, and I am still as strongly opposed as I ever was to dealing with mentally defectives in this way. The idea that they can be dealt with on smaller scales is equally objectionable, because the real point is, have you the power to lock a person up for life because you think it is desirable for society that he or she should not have freedom? The only test, to my mind, as to whether you are entitled to lock people-up is, are they violent or dangerous to the public at large? If that is so, you must shut them up, but this idea of shutting up mentally defectives because, for some reason or another, it is possibly undesirable that society should have a large number of people of that kind about, I still object to as much as I ever did. That, however, is all gone, and I ask the Committee to be logical on this occasion and allow this Vote to pass, as it is simply carrying out the direction of the House of Commons.

Does the Act provide the kind of institution in which the people should be treated? Does it lay down in the Act that there shall be an institution of this kind, a barrack or a prison of this nature? Surely there is nothing in the Act to prevent the Board of Control, or the Home Office, or whoever is in charge setting up a colony, or boarding these people out, or dealing with them in some other way than in this, very old-fashioned way, that apparently you are asking us to continue by putting up another building alongside.

I should like to add a few words on this question. I am entirely misled if the right hon. and learned Member for Cambridge University (Mr. Rawlinson) has stated the position correctly, that we are tied by Act of Parliament to this particular type of treatment. I do know that there are very grave defects and that it is a very difficult problem. We have had many attempts at these large institutions, and I should like to deal with the actual cost of this institution, because, although the Vote we have before us to-day is for a quite insignificant sum, it is leading on to a total expenditure of about £109,000. I gathered from the opening remarks of the right hon. Gentleman in charge of the Vote, that this was going to provide accommodation for about 160 extra inmates. I am taking the figure that there are 400 in the institution, and that the completed building will provide for about 560. Therefore, we are going to provide an extra 160 places in this institution, and, roughly, these cases are going to cost £700 per head for capital expenditure alone. It seems to me that, apart altogether from the merits of the type of treatment, this institutional method is one that is likely to lead to a very great expense indeed, and that that point ought to be considered. I think the whole question of expense, and particularly of the capital cost of these institutions, ought to be considered, and while the Vote to-day, as I have said, is for the small sum of £10, the Minister in charge has clearly indicated that this is to commit the Committee to an expenditure of a very large addition, and that although perhaps not a penny of the £10 will need to be spent, nevertheless this is the crucial moment when the whole of the cost can come under review.

In regard to what was said by the right hon. and learned Member for Cambridge University, that we should allow this to go through largely because we were committed to it, I take it from what was said at the opening of the Debate that we are not committed to this, that these are really the preliminaries, that not a single tender has been put up, that no working drawings have been made, and, as far as I can gather, that the ground has not even been surveyed. If these are the facts, I take it that this is the right and proper time for the question of policy to be reviewed. Six months hence, if the whole business has been surveyed and put under way, it will be a very valid argument indeed that we have already agreed to this proposition, that we passed this £10 so many months ago and so committed Parliament to the proposal, and that we must complete it. From that point of view, I think the question of the type of treatment is one that we ought to consider, because it is a very serious matter indeed.

I have had some small experience of the treatment of children who are mentally defective, and I have one additional argument to put forward that has not been mentioned, that, as far as mentally deficients are concerned, one of the gravest injuries than can be done to any policy that is aimed at curing these people, or at least putting them in a position where you may so train them that they can earn their own living in open and free conditions—that the greatest barrier that in many ways can be put on these people in after life, even in the case of those who are more or less cured or placed on this more satisfactory footing, is that they have been associated with one of these huge institutions. As far as the treating of defective children is concerned, I give this as an illustration. I have seen such children, and we have very great difficulties always in deciding as to who is or is not mentally defective. Many people are adjudged to be mentally defective, but you will have one person writing them down as mentally defective, and another person will take them in hand and, simply by their personality, getting far more out of them and bringing them up, not, perhaps, to a brilliant standard, but at least to something that is not particularly far below the normal; but if they are once marked down as being in some particular grade of mental deficiency, then they are marked for good.

That can be obviated in many ways. I have seen it obviated, as far as children are concerned, by carefully not sending them to a big, specially devised institution or building, and labelled, but by simply making arrangements for them to go to some other building and become part of it. If it is asked where they are, it is replied that they belong to such-and-such an institution, but an institution that is not definitely labelled as being for mentally defectives. To read the name of this institution mentioned is almost enough to draw a mental picture of even one of the right hon. Gentlemen opposite, if they happened to spend six months in it—"The Rampton State Institution for Mental Deficients." We might at least devise some reason- ably decent name for the institution. I think a case has been made out, from all parts of the Committee, that before we commit ourselves to this large expenditure we should have some clear statement as to the experiments which have been made. In regard to people who might actually be violent, we have had experiments carried out, as far as boys are concerned, in some colonies in Essex, and we have had a very great change made in the character of these boys. A little knowledge of psychoanalysis has been applied, and I believe that even in violent cases very much could be done. On these grounds, I think we are due to have a statement as to policy before we commit the House to this large expenditure.

It is very unfortunate that not more Members are present on the Government side of the House, for I think that if there were a larger attendance the opposition from that side would be even stronger than it is from this side. After all, the Government majority was largely obtained on the ground of economy and to keep down unnecessary expenditure. I suppose this little innocent sum of £10 misled hon. Members and did not seem to indicate the importance of this particular Vote, but that is a way that Government Departments have. They get their foot in, they get plans approved, they get a scheme through the House of Commons, and a few weeks or months afterwards they come down to the House for a very large capital commitment, in order to carry out the scheme that the small sum provided for. This £10 is the beginning of a very large expenditure on bricks and mortar at the very time when we are advised by the Government that it is unwise to find the necessary capital to provide houses for the working classes. We are going to spend money on a large scale to build a big institution to house mental deficients at the very time when the housing problem of the Government is brought to a stand-still.

I am informed that this scheme is likely to involve a sum of something like £700 for each person provided for. That is a very serious thing to embark upon. I should have liked to have had the Home Secretary here. This is in the hands of a very able Minister, but he looks at it purely from the point of view of spending money on buildings. We ought to be advised by the Home Secretary of the results of these experiments. After all, the Act which started this institution only dates back to a year before the War—1913 —and it was experimental legislation about which there was great difference of opinion. I will, if he will allow me, congratulate the hon. and gallant Member who so much ornaments the Front Bench on his reversion to his old Liberal traditions, his old love of personal liberty, but whatever difference of opinion there may be on State enterprise, I should think we ought to go very cautiously at a time like this, when money is short, and it is difficult to get capital for social legislation, in making on a large scale an experiment about which there is so much difference of opinion. I have been for many years on the London County Council, where the question arose as to the concentration of these patients in one great institution. It seems to me, from the statement of the hon. and learned Member, very unwise at this time to commit this House still further to developing this institution, when there appears to be such a great difference of opinion among experts as to whether it is wise to go on building these large institutions to deal with this problem. My sympathies are all in favour of small institutions, where there can be the personal and human touch with the inmates. They disappear as if into a prison, and get out of touch with their friends outside, and I am afraid that only too often the curable case become uncurable, because of the environment and kind of building they are in. For that reason, I hope the Committee, if we cannot get a satisfactory reply, will go to a Division against this Estimate.

There is a great deal of controversy amongst experts as to the relative value of treatment in large institutions and small institutions. It is a matter upon which experts do not agree. The Board of Control, who have the responsibility of looking after these unfortunate people on behalf of their friends and the country, have come to the conclusion that an institution such as this is best adapted to their case. Of course, that is a matter of opinion, I quite agree, but since Parliament did confer this responsibility on the Board of Control, and as this one institution in which these unfortunate people are housed and treated is becoming overcrowded, we are confronted with a very great responsibility if we do not agree to this extension. The Committee may desire to review, and possibly reverse, the whole of our policy in dealing with mental deficients, but I do suggest it would be a very grave responsibility to take to refuse this Vote when we are confronted with an almost immediate filling up of the existing accommodation for people, whose case is perhaps as distressing as it is possible to imagine. I think the hon. Member opposite overlooked that fact—quite unintentionally I am sure—in dealing with the situation with regard to the housing of these mental deficients and the housing of other people. The Government have a great responsibility for housing these mental deficients. We have no place in which to put them.

A number of other people in the country do not know where to put themselves.

Two wrongs do not make a right. What are you to do? These people are a danger to themselves and to the country. There is not agreement as to whether a large institution is the best possible place, but it is a means which has given fairly satisfactory results.

They are violent people, and they cannot be considered in the same category as other people. We have a very special obligation with regard to these poor people, and I do suggest that the most practical course to take would be to allow us to have this token Vote, so as to be able to put in hand the preliminary work, because if it is not put in hand, the most distressing situation will result at the end of the year when the institution will be full, and there is no other place. Therefore, I suggest that the proper course would be to agree to give us the authority to carry on the preliminaries which I have described, and when the main Vote comes up, as it must, then would be the proper opportunity to discuss, if the House so desire, the general policy.

I think the Committee has every justification for being very suspicious of any demand for money for new buildings. There is much vested interest in this demand for new buildings. We have the architect, who is never satisfied unless the building is of enormous dimensions and of great architectural beauty, and we have builders and merchants, and pressure is brought upon a Government Department to expend an enormous amount of money whenever a question of extension of accommodation is under review. I am not satisfied myself that there is any demand for a new building. I would like to know from the right hon. Gentleman whether he has exhausted the possibility of using some of the derelict buildings to be found all over the country. I know of one magnificent building that cost over £100,000 to build, that has been comparatively recently bought by the Government, who are anxious to sell it now for £20,000, and there is no offer to buy it. I would like to know whether the right hon. Gentleman thinks that every possibility has been exhausted of finding accommodation for these mental deficients.

It is in Scotland, in my constituency. I am not anxious to congregate the mental deficients in my constituency. The fact that I am here shows that there is a very small proportion of mental deficients in my constituency. I think if some inquiry of the kind were made, the Government might, at a comparatively small cost, meet all the demands by reason of the increase of mental deficients. We know perfectly well that all over the country there are houses at the disposal of the right hon. Gentleman if he likes to investigate. There are one or two comments I would like to make on what has already been said. An hon. Member of the Labour party said he thought the term "mental deficient" was unfortunate, and I think so, too. The institution is called a "State Institution for Mental Deficients." I think it would be much better to have a name which does not suggest the kind of occupants we have there. I have always opposed the use of the terms "lunatic" and "lunacy." There is no doubt a stigma attaching to these terms. The popular definition of a lunatic is a person who has been in a lunatic asylum. That is the only test they have. When it can be said that a person has been in an asylum, that is the popular test of insanity, and, so far as we can, we should see that no one is incarcerated in these institutions who can be kept out or treated in a half-way house or hospital, so as to prevent the stigma attaching to them. We can keep this stigma away very largely by modifying the terms.

I am not in sympathy with those who denounce institutional treatment, and talk about incarcerating these people for life. The greatest kindness to these people is to have them in an institution where you protect them from themselves. They are generally, of all people, the most miserable when at large, but when taken into these institutions, the organisation, the system, the discipline places them not only under benevolent care and kindness, but converts their lives from misery into happiness. I was in a Mental Deficient Hospital not very long ago, and there was a boy there of 10, who was so violent when at large that nothing whatever could be done with him. He flew into a violent passion, broke furniture and did an immense amount of damage for a boy of ten. When he was taken into this institution, he was violent in the presence of nurses, attendants, and doctors, and hardly anything could control him, but he was put to a little task with coloured wool, which he threaded into a mat, and from that moment his whole disposition changed, and he was never at all violent all the time he kept at that work. The colour and the occupation attracted him, and when I looked at the mat, he snatched it away violently because he thought I was going to deprive him of his toy.

At these institutions, attempts are made by experts in the treatment of these deficients to find some occupation for each individual, and it is amazing how the peculiar trend or disposition of the child is adapted to the work it has to do. I went to another Mental Deficient Hospital, and I was amazed and appalled to find that they were actually trying to teach little children of 6, 8, and 10 to read and write. They were fixed in seats with a large blackboard in front of them and a teacher. This, I think, was organised cruelty; to try and teach children, to keep them in their seats in this way, for hours sometimes, to make any attempt to educate such is folly. They should be given hand work, objects, toys, playthings. Their hands should be taught in co-ordination with their minds. Any attempt to educate their minds alone is pure folly. I should like to draw the attention of the right hon. Gentleman to the great distinction between the two methods of treatment of mental deficients in these mental homes. I am quite sure if he went round he would see the distinction, and see that those who are doing things with the hands, and thus occupying their minds, are happier and more usefully employed—

I think the hon. Gentleman is now getting wide of the Vote. He cannot go into the cure of these unfortunate people.

Some hon. Members who have preceded me talked about the cure of these cases as well as of the buildings, and I thought that if I could justify in any way the provision of only one kind of institutional treatment of these defectives, I could show that money need not be voted for new buildings when existing buildings might be used. The right hon. Gentleman (Colonel Wedgwood) raises objections to institutional treatment. That objection is wrong because this institutional treatment is necessary, not only for the happiness of these people, but for their development, and by way of protection for the community as well.

I feel that we are dealing with an extremely important subject when discussing this matter of mental deficiency. I am astounded at many of the remarks made by hon. Members. If there is one lot in life more deserving commiseration than another, it is that of the man, woman or child who comes within the purview of these mental cases. Anything done to interfere with the treatment of such people —[An HON. MEMBER: "Speak up!"]— anything which lessens the facilities for dealing with these miserable creatures is, to my mind, a thing to be deprecated, for such treatment is not only of benefit to themselves, but an advantage to the nation. A great deal has been said about treating these cases in small homes. I think the whole experience in regard to insanity and its treatment has shown that the saving of cost and the prevention of abuses is far more likely to be achieved not in small but in large institutions, and in the large institutions they have greater facilities for classifying, arranging and for grading the inmates than in the smaller establishments.

What has been found to apply to insanity applies also to the sister case of mental deficiency. The mental deficient is a person who has not developed up to that mentality which most of us reach. There are all sorts of gradations in cases of this character, from the man who walks about and is scarcely known to be mentally deficient except to those who are his intimates down to the poor creature who is scarcely human in his actions. It is perfectly well known how extremely difficult it is in some cases to draw the line between the normal and the subnormal. We quite understand that in some of these cases difficulties may arise and there may be in some of these borderland people the very dangerous persons. But the symptoms are well marked and nobody can possibly make any mistake about the utility of the course we are taking in the class of cases for which this institution is designed.

Who of us do not know villages in the country where in days gone by—perhaps even now—there was the village lunatic. He or she was the butt of the children. The poor creature was persecuted and pursued. Is it suggested that a poor wretch of this sort, followed by the rag tag and bobtail of the children around the place, would not be better off in an institution of the sort with which we are dealing? These establishments are mostly beneficent organisations. They are better to my mind, and in the opinion of most people who know anything about the subject, far better than the patients' own homes or small institutions. It has been suggested that the Government is going to spend the money voted in bricks and mortar. If they are going to spend it on bricks and mortar simply in order to spend it in that way, of course, that is to be deprecated. It is quite conceivable that the authorities might take some large country house and convert it into an institution. But we have got to remember that a hospital is not an hotel, nor is a hospital of necessity constructed just on the lines of a country house. It is quite possible that a great deal more money may be spent in adapting—as those of us with hospital experience know—large and apparently suitable buildings for the purposes stated than in building a new place outright. Very often it is better and cheaper to scrap an old hospital and build right away from the beginning. From the point of view, both of the public and of these wretched people themselves, it is desirable that they should be protected, for many mental deficients are in danger alike from the point of view of personal safety and from that of morals, often they are a very real danger from the latter point of view. I make no doubt that a very large number of the sexual crimes committed in this country are perpetrated by these mental deficients. I have always thought that mental deficiency is possibly the most frequent cause of abnormal and extraordinary crimes. I believe there are a certain number of people who have committed grievous offences, who have been sentenced as criminals when they ought to have been treated as mentally deficient.

The advantage of the course suggested is that it is a benefit to the community at large, that the mental deficients should be segregated and to the deficients themselves that they should be removed from positions in which they are exposed not only to suffering and misery, but also to all sorts of dangers which they can but vaguely appreciate. What are the arguments against this expenditure? We are told that the Government are going to spend a large sum which had better be spent in building houses for the working classes; in other words, why do one good work while another remains to be done, it being implied that there are not funds enough for both? That argument only applies to a limited extent and if rigourously applied would stop the Government from making any advance in any direction whatever. If we are not to spend money on this class, both for their own protection, comfort and happiness and for the benefit of the community, until adequate housing of the working classes has been provided you might as well just argue why build houses for the people while there is any unemployment, because there will still be unemployment to be dealt with, and why have houses and no work? That is one of the most futile arguments that could be addressed to any sensible assembly. There is another argument that has been used, namely, that this suggested course of action is interfering with the liberty of the subject and incidentally with the liberty of the nation. I notice that one speaker twitted the Members of the Labour Benches with the suggestion that they were now defending the individual and individualism, whereas usually they appear to be defending collectivism. But the arguments of the two portions of the opposition neutralise each other and political theories are not to the point. For myself in these matters, I do not want to discuss the question of individualism or of collectivism. What I think we want to discuss is what is best to do for these wretched people. What is best to do for them in the interests of the community, and I am convinced that the grant for which the Government is asking should be granted, and I am convinced that it will be money well spent and usefully and productively.

Whose liberty are we interfering with? That of the miserable mental deficient of criminal tendencies or of the village idiot with everybody's hand against him or the liberty of those he is dependent on? Consider the case of a poor wretched widow with two or three children one of whom happens to be a mental deficient and this poor woman out of work. What argument is there in the suggestion that we are interfering with her liberty when we look after the boy or girl? The misery entailed in a home of this description is enormous, and the detriment to the other children is incalculable. There is not room in existing establishments for all these poor, afflicted people now and it is not worthy of this House that it should be actually suggested that those engaged in this beneficient work are mainly interested in grandiose building schemes, and should be hampered in dealing with the problem by lack of means, for fear some architect or builder should make a profit. How much better would it be if the institution under consideration should be enlarged and peace brought to thousands of distracted homes, because there are unfortunately thousands of these wretched people now to be taken care of and they would be taken charge of carefully and kindly dealt with by those who know them, know their condition, enter into their feelings, have knowledge of their needs and are capable of giving them that attention they re- quire. To take them into these institutions is for their own benefit and relieves thousands of hard worked and hard pressed people in the country. In the case of a wealthy family it does not perhaps matter so much, but it is very different in the families of the poor—and when one has been in hospital practice for some years, one gets to know the conditions and state of the poor—and I know for a fact there is no greater misfortune to a poor hard working fellow than the possession of two or three children, one or possibly more of whom come under the class of mentally deficient. I do appeal to hon. Members on the Labour Benches, because I know the sympathies of many of them, to withdraw all factious opposition and help the Government to do what I am convinced is a great and beneficent work.

8.0 P.M.

So far as I can gather, there is no lack of sympathy on either side of the House in this matter, but the objection raised on this side is not an objection to any treatment whatever, as suggested by the hon. Gentleman who last spoke. With us it is a question of policy. It always seems to me a pity that when questions of these unfortunate people are raised that they should in any way be made party questions. I cannot alter the machinery of this House, but if I could I should very soon do it. I think some means should be set up in dealing with a question of this sort, whereby you will get the best possible results in the interests of the unfortunate people concerned. I do not think that we get the best results under the unfortunate rules and regulations by which we are governed. The main question is whether it is wise to erect these large buildings and get large numbers of these people congregated in one particular centre. So far as I can gather from the remarks which have been made in this Debate, the objection largely is to the huge size of this institution that has been erected, and to which it is now proposed to add. Upon the question of economy I differ from some of my hon. Friends, because I think it would cost more if you were to have smaller institutions. In the interests of the people who are mostly concerned, if this particular system is going to bring about better results, I do not think there is a man or woman in this country who would raise a cry of economy in this respect.

I wish the right hon. Gentleman in charge of this particular Vote would withdraw it for the time being and submit later to the House some considered report as to the advisability of enlarging this very large institution, and there should also be a careful inquiry as to whether better results could not be accomplished by taking smaller homes or places which could be established in various parts of the country in order that these patients should be treated by a more home-like method than being herded

together in one large institution. In all parts of the House I am sure great interest will be shown on this question, and no criticisms of mine are made in any party spirit. I hope the right hon. Gentleman will be able to meet us on the lines I have suggested.

rose in his place, and claimed to move, "That the Question be now put."

Question put, "That the Question be now put."

The Committee divided: Ayes, 248; Noes, 132.

Division No. 6.]

AYES.

[8.5 p.m.

Adkins, Sir William Ryland Dent

Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead)

Hume-Williams, Sir W Ellis

Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte

Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H.

Hurd, Percy A.

Ainsworth, Captain Charles

Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln)

Hutchison, W. (Kelvingrove)

Alexander, E. E. (Leyton, East)

Davies, J. C. (Denbigh, Denbigh)

Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H.

Alexander, Col. M. (Southwark)

Dawson, Sir Philin

Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S.

Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S.

Doyle, N. Grattan

Jarrett, G. W. S.

Apsley, Lord

Du Pre, Colonel William Baring

Jenkins, W. A. (Brecon and Radnor)

Ashley, Lt.-Col. Wilfrid W.

Edge, Captain Sir William

Jephcott, A. R.

Astbury, Lieut. Com. Frederick W.

Edmondson, Major A. J.

Jodrell, Sir Neville Paul

Astor, J. J. (Kent, Dover)

Ednam, Viscount

Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington)

Baird, Rt. Hon. Sir John Lawrence

Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark)

Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth)

Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

Ellis, R. G.

Joynson-Hicks, Sir William

Balfour, George (Hampstead)

England, Lieut.-Colonel A.

Kennedy, Captain M. S. Nigel

Banks, Mitchell

Erskine, Lord (Weston-super-Mare)

King, Captain Henry Douglas

Banner, Sir John S. Harmood-

Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M.

Lamb, J. Q.

Barlow, Rt. Hon. Sir Montague

Falcon, Captain Michael

Leigh, Sir John (Clapham)

Barnett, Major Richard W.

Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray

Lloyd, Cyril E. (Dudley)

Barnston, Major Harry

Fawkes, Major F. H.

Lloyd-Greame, Rt. Hon. Sir P.

Becker, Harry

Fermor-Hesketh, Major T.

Lorden, John William

Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes)

Ford, Patrick Johnston

Lorimer, H. D.

Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W.

Fraser, Major Sir Keith

Lort-Williams, J.

Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake)

Furness, G. J.

Lougher, L.

Bentinck, Lord Henry Cavendish-

Galbraith, J. F. W.

Loyd, Arthur Thomas (Abingdon)

Berry, Sir George

Ganzoni, Sir John

Lumley, L. R.

Betterton, Henry B.

Gates, Percy

Lynn, R. J.

Bird, Sir W. B. M. (Chichester)

Gaunt, Rear-Admiral Sir Guy R.

Macnaghten, Hon. Sir Malcolm

Blades, Sir George Rowland

George, Major G. L. (Pembroke)

Macnamara, Rt. Hon. Dr. T. J.

Blundell, F. N.

Gilbert, James Daniel

McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury)

Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W.

Goff, Sir R. Park

Maddocks, Henry

Brass, Captain W.

Gould, James C.

Makins, Brigadier-General E.

Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive

Gray, Harold (Cambridge)

Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.)

Brittain, Sir Harry

Greene, Lt.-Col. Sir W. (Hack'y N.)

Manville, Edward

Brown, Major D. C. (Hexham)

Greenwood, William (Stockport)

Margesson, H. D. R.

Brown, Brig.-Gen. Clifton (Newbury)

Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E.

Marks, Sir George Croydon

Brown, J. W. (Middlesbrough, E.)

Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

Mason, Lieut.-Col. C. K.

Bruford, R.

Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich)

Mitchell, W. F. (Saffron Walden)

Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A.

Halstead, Major D.

Moles, Thomas

Burn, Colonel Sir Charles Rosdew

Hamilton, Sir George C. (Altrincham)

Molloy, Major L. G. S.

Burney, Com. (Middx., Uxbridge)

Hancock, John George

Molson, Major John Elsdale

Butler, H. M. (Leeds, North)

Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry

Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J.

Button, H. S.

Harmsworth, Hon. E. C. (Kent)

Morden, Col. W. Grant

Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R.

Harrison, F. C.

Moreing, Captain Algernon H.

Cautley, Henry Strother

Hawke, John Anthony

Morris, Harold

Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City)

Hay, Major T. W. (Norfolk, South)

Morrison, Hugh (Wilts, Salisbury)

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Sir Evelyn (Aston)

Hennessy, Major J. R. G.

Murchison, C. K.

Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton

Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford)

Murray, John (Leeds, West)

Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood)

Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank

Nall, Major Joseph

Chapman, Sir S.

Hiley, Sir Ernest

Nesbitt, J. C.

Clayton, G. C.

Hinds, John

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

Cobb, Sir Cyril

Hoare, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir S. J. G.

Mewson, Sir Percy Wilson

Cohen, Major J. Brunel

Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (St. Marylebone)

Newton, Sir D. G. C. (Cambridge)

Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips

Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy

Nicholson, Brig.-Gen. J. (Westminster)

Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale

Hood, Sir Joseph

Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield)

Cope, Major William

Hopkins, John W. W.

Norton-Griffiths, Lieut.-Col. Sir John

Craig, Captain C. C. (Antrim, South)

Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley)

Oman, Sir Charles William C.

Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry

Howard, Capt. D. (Cumberland, N.)

O'Neill, Rt. Hon. Hugh

Crook, C. W. (East Ham, North)

Howard-Bury, Lieut.-Col. C. K.

Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William

Grooke, J. S. (Deritend)

Hudson, Capt. A.

Paget, T. G.

Parker, Owen (Kettering)

Russell-Wells, Sir Sydney

Thomson, Luke (Sunderland)

Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry

Sanders, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert A.

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, south)

Pennefather, De Fonblanque

Sanderson, Sir Frank B.

Titchfield, Marquess of

Penny, Frederick George

Sandon, Lord

Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement

Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings)

Shakespeare, G. H.

Tubbs, S. W.

Pielou, D. P.

Sheffield, Sir Berkeley

Turton, Edmund Russborough

Pilditch, Sir Philip

Shepperson, E. W.

Vaughan-Morgan, Col. K. P.

Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton

Simpson-Hinchcliffe, W. A.

Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull)

Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G.

Singleton, J. E.

Wells, S. R.

Raine, W.

Skelton, A. N.

Weston, Colonel John Wakefield

Rankin, Captain James Stuart

Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South)

Wheler, Col. Granville C. H.

Rawlinson, Rt. Hon. John Fredk. Peel

Somerville, A. A. (Windsor)

White, Lt.-Col. G. D. (Southport)

Rawson, Lieut.-Com. A. C.

Somerville, Daniel (Barrow-in-Furness)

Whitla, Sir William

Rees, Sir Beddoe

Sparkes, H. W.

Windsor, Viscount

Remer, J. R.

Stanley, Lord

Winterton, Earl

Reynolds, W. G. W.

Steel, Major S. Strang

Wise, Frederick

Richardson, Sir Alex. (Gravesend)

Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K.

Wolmer, Viscount

Richardson, Lt.-Col. Sir P. (Chertsey)

Stewart, Gershom (Wirral)

Wood, Rt. Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon)

Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford)

Stott, Lt.-Col. W. H.

Woodcock, Colonel H. C.

Robertson, J. D. (Islington, W.)

Stuart, Lord C. Crichton-

Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward

Robinson, Sir T. (Lanes., Stretford)

Sturrock, J. Leng

Yerburgh, R. D. T.

Rothschild, Lionel de

Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser

Young, Rt. Hon. E. H. (Norwich)

Roundell, Colonel R. F.

Sutcliffe, T.

Ruggles-Brise, Major E.

Sutherland, Rt. Hon. Sir William

TELLERS FOR THE AYES. ——

Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth)

Sykes, Major-Gen. Sir Frederick H.

Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs.

Russell, William (Bolton)

Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley)

NOES.

Adamson, Rt. Hon. William

Harbord, Arthur

Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock)

Hardie, George D.

Riley, Ben

Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro')

Harney, E. A.

Ritson, J.

Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery)

Harris, Percy A.

Robinson, W. C. (York, Elland)

Barnes, A.

Hartshorn, Vernon

Royce, William Stapleton

Batey, Joseph

Hastings, Patrick

Saklatvala, S.

Berkeley, Captain Reginald

Hay, Captain J. P. (Cathcart)

Salter, Dr. A.

Bonwick, A.

Mayday, Arthur

Scrymgeour, E.

Bowdler, W. A.

Henderson, T. (Glasgow)

Sexton, James

Briant, Frank

Herriotts, J.

Shaw, Hon. Alex. (Kilmarnock)

Bromfield, William

Hill, A.

Shinwell, Emanuel

Brotherton, J.

Hirst, G. H.

Short, Alfred (Wednesbury)

Brown, James (Ayr and Bute)

Hodge, Lieut.-Col. J. P. (Preston)

Simon, Rt. Hon. Sir John

Buchanan, G.

Hogge, James Myles

Simpson, J. Hope

Buckle, J.

Irving, Dan

Sitch, Charles H.

Burnie, Major J. (Bootle)

Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath)

Snell, Harry

Buxton, Charles (Accrington)

John, William (Rhondda, West)

Snowden, Philip

Cairns, John

Johnston, Thomas (Stirling)

Spencer, George A. (Broxtowe)

Cape, Thomas

Jones, R. T. (Carnarvon)

Spencer, H. H. (Bradford, S.)

Charleton, H. C.

Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd)

Stephen, Campbell

Clarke, Sir E. C.

Jowett, F. W. (Bradford, East)

Sullivan, J.

Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R.

Kenyon, Barnet

Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West)

Collins, Pat (Walsall)

Leach, W.

Turner, Ben

Collison, Levi

Lee, F.

Wallhead, Richard C.

Dudgeon, Major C. R.

Linfield, F. C.

Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince)

Duffy, T. Gavan

Lowth, T.

Warne, G. H.

Duncan, C.

Lunn, William

Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda)

Dunnico, H.

Maclean, Nell (Glasgow, Govan)

Wedgwood, Colonel Josiah C.

Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty)

March, S.

Weir, L. M.

Emlyn-Jones, J. E. (Dorset, N.)

Marshall, Sir Arthur H.

Westwood, J.

Fairbairn, R. R.

Martin, F. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, E.)

Wheatley, J.

Foot, Isaac

Maxton, James

White, Charles F. (Derby, Western)

Gosling, Harry

Middleton, G.

White, H. G. (Birkenhead, E.)

Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton)

Millar, J. D.

Whiteley, W.

Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central)

Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.)

Wignall, James

Gray, Frank (Oxford)

Muir, John W.

Williams, David (Swansea, E.)

Greenall, T.

Murray, R. (Renfrew, Western)

Williams, Dr. J. H. (Llanelly)

Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne)

Nichol, Robert

Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe)

Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool)

O'Grady, Captain James

Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow)

Groves, T.

Oliver, George Harold

Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.)

Grundy, T. W.

Parker, H. (Hanley)

Wright, W.

Guest, J. (York, W. R., Hemsworth)

Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan)

Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton)

Phillipps, Vivian

Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil)

Potts, John S.

TELLERS FOR THE NOES ——

Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland)

Richards, R.

Mr. Pringle and Mr. Lansbury.

Question put accordingly, and agreed to.

Resolutions to be reported To-morrow.

Committee to sit again Tomorrow.

Old Age Pensions

I beg to move,

The present Regulations lay down three conditions before a person becomes eligible for a pension. First, that person must have attained the age of 70 years. Secondly, he must satisfy the pension authorities that for at least 10 years before the date of receiving any sum on account of pension, he has been a British subject. Thirdly, he must satisfy the pension authorities that his yearly income calculated as provided by the Act does not exceed £49 17s. 6d. We wish the last provision to be cut out entirely so that people who have worked hard and have been able to save a few hundred pounds, people whose employers have been more generous to them than the average employer is to his employés, and who have received in recognition of long service some small pension, should not have that held against them as a crime on their part. We wish that people who have children who are in a position to assist their parents, and are anxious, willing, and able to do so, should not be penalised in the matter of getting the old age pension. We wish to encourage people who have served well, worked well, and made the best of their lives; to make the best of the rest of their lives, and not to penalise them for it. We do not wish a man to be encouraged to use his means recklessly in the latter years of his life in order that he may qualify for the old age pension. We do not wish the thrifty man to suffer and the careless man to gain an advantage. We do not wish the dishonest man to get a pension while the honest, decent person, who states all his sources of income, is penalised for his honest and straightforward statement. We do not wish that sons and daughters who, recognising their filial duty, make some weekly grant out of, perhaps, inadequate means, to maintain their parents in comfort in their old age, should by so doing injure those parents' prospects of receiving the pension which the State has laid down as allowable to people who have attained the age of 70. Above all, we want to secure that the old age pension shall be a pension in the real and true sense of the word—a recognition that, after a life of service, the person who has rendered the service should live secure from the fear of want.

That is a pension as it is understood in the public service, as it is understood in the Army and in the Navy; and when we look at the huge lists of people—policemen, Prime Ministers, Judges, postmen, workers in the Government dockyards, prison warders, Lord Chancellors—all sorts of people who receive pensions for services rendered, we cannot understand the reasoning which says that if a man happens to have rendered service in a publicly-owned service he deserves a pension, but that, if he happens to have rendered his service to the community through the agency of the vaunted private enterprise, he is to be condemned accordingly to poverty in his old age. A man in a Government dockyard who is on the establishment becomes eligible for a pension on having completed his recognised years of service—a reasonable pension, a good pension. If that man had happened to have rendered his service in building the same type of ships at Beardmore's or John Brown's, he has nothing to look forward to but the old age pension of 10s., and if he has saved money through his trade union or through his friendly society or co-operative society, he loses even that miserable amount. If hon. Gentlemen in this House wish to impress upon the people the great advantages, from the workers' point of view, of public enterprise as opposed to private enterprise, they could adopt no better way of doing it than by showing that in the public service you have all the advantages—you have regularity, you have sick pay, you have provision for old age; whereas in service under private enterprise you have irregularity, broken time, no provision for sickness, and a miserable provision for old age; while, if a man has made provision himself, it is held as a crime against him, and something for which he must be penalised.

Within the last two days, since my name has been mentioned in the Press as moving this Motion, I have received a huge collection of letters from all parts of the country, showing the widespread interest that is being taken in it. I made a selection from them, and proposed to read to the House quotations from some of them; but I do not wish to exhaust by my personal speech the very limited time that is allowed for this very important question. I want to hear others on this side, and also on the other side of the House, because I am anxious to know if there is any argument against it. I do not know of one. I will, therefore, refrain from reading them, but I have one here from an old gentleman, 80 years of age, who deliberately refrained from asking for his old age pension during the War period, in order to help the country; but that old fellow of 80, when he makes application for the old age pension, because he has £400 or £500 in the bank, is not to get it. He has worked all his life, he has saved all his life, he has served all his life, he has paid taxes all his life; but we say to him in so many words, "You spend your £400 and then we will look at you, not as a person who has rendered service to the community, but as a pauper." I put it to the House that the mere production of that man's birth certificate over the counter of a post office should entitle him to his weekly allowance in a dignified way, without investigations into his home circumstances, without questions of neighbours as to what he does and what his family is, without all the objectionable things that no Member of this House would submit to in his own personal affairs. We should not impose such things on our own people.

We shall be told, I have no doubt, as we have been told whenever any Measure of social amelioration is brought before this House, that everyone is in sympathy with it but that there is no money for it. This, I think, should be a first charge. The aged and the young people should be the first charge on the wealth production of the nation. I read to-day in the "Statist" a statement showing that during last year—the worst year we have ever had—stocks and securities in this country have increased by £712,000,000, that £150,000,000, roughly, has been exported and invested abroad, and we expect to be able to send money to the United States as well in payment of debt. Hon. Members in this House, in the course of the Debate on the European situation, expressed the belief that Germany could well pay more than she has attempted to pay up to now. If Germany can afford to pay millions of money in reparations, either to France or to this country, surely we can afford the £12,000,000 or £13,000,000 necessary to keep our old people in decency and comfort in the declining years of their lives. I have great pleasure in moving this Motion.

I beg to second the Motion. There is another Motion in my own name on the Order Paper in the same terms. I want at the very outset to acknowledge that the present Premier, when he was Leader of the House in the late Coalition Government, did take a very prominent part, and at very short notice, as he said at the time—and we accept it—did all he could to amend some of the provisions in accordance with the recommendations of the Departmental Committee which issued its Report in November, 1919. We want to pay a tribute to what was done in 1920 in regard to raising the old- age pension virtually from 5s. to 10s. per per week. The amount legally payable was 5s., and 2s. 6d. had been added during the War. In 1920 that was increased to 10s. per week. What we urge, however, is that what the late Government did dealt only very partially with this question. Their main improvement was in raising the 5s. to 10s., and I hope the House to-night will remember that the Cabinet and all quarters of the House were virtually agreed on that, and the amending Bill went through and became an Act of Parliament in less than two days. Our Motion to-night attempts to incorporate another very important Amendment, which the Government refused to adopt at that time, mainly on the ground, as my hon. Friend who moved the Motion has already pointed out, that the finances of the country did not allow of the carrying out of the other recommendations. We urged then, and we urge to-night, that the money paid in this respect is not altogether lost to the State. My hon. Friend has quoted in those letters he read that the best characteristic of large numbers of our people is that they try to live on this old age pension and do not seek relief from any other quarter. We do not suggest any reduction of age from 70 to 65, although that would be very desirable, nor do we want to increase the amount, but it must not be forgotten that, in respect of the amount, there is a very great hardship imposed upon recipients of this pension when we consider the cost of living today. The evils of the present system are legion, and though the old people look forward to the time when they will be entitled to their pension, they very soon find out that then their troubles begin. As soon as the application is made the official enters the household. I make no charge against the officials. They perform their duties, probably in 99 cases out of 100, as humanely as they possibly can. I am sure they all hate the performance of this duty. It is an unpleasant one. They have to make inquiries as to how many suits of clothes, if any, are given by some kind friend or relative, or how many meals are being afforded to them at the houses of their relations, and what profit, if any, they make if they hold an allotment or go in for poultry breeding. They follow very closely the inquiry as to the savings of those who have been thrifty. I think the time has arrived when this inquisition should be done away with. I want to pay a tribute to the Departmental Committee. It issued one of the best Reports I have ever read. They put it in three departments; first,

"That the incidence of the means limit introduces the old pauper taint and brands the old age pension as a compassionate grant."

Secondly,

"The inclusion in the pensioner's means, by which he may lose his right to a pension, of certain kinds of income injuriously affects thrift, benevolence and industry."

Thirdly,

"That the inquiries which are essential to the system cause a large amount of irritation and friction."

They say in their reecommendation:

"We have therefore been forced to advocate that the means limit should be abolished altogether and that the old age pensions be given to all citizens at the age of 70. We are of opinion that no other course will remove the very serious objection to the present system."

I commend that to the Chancellor of the Exchequer and to the Prime Minister, that a very serious attempt should be at once made to carry out at least that recommendation of the Departmental Committee. It is very strange that some hon. Members forget what they themselves draw as a matter of right from the public service. They are entitled to half-pay and to a pension when they retire, and still they cannot accept this Motion because of the want of funds. The country cannot find the money. The amount we are asking for is very small if compared with expenditure of a much less desirable kind that we have indulged in recently, namely, in Mesopotamia, known under the more pleasant name of Iraq, or "a wreck"—a wreck of the financial capacity of this country. We can find money when there are ventures of a risky nature to be taken in the far ends of the world, but nothing at all can be found for our own domestic social improvements here at home. May I appeal to the Government to do all in their power to encourage that which is best in this nation, to take a broad view and to declare that old age pensions are a reward for services rendered to the country and not a test of poverty, as they are in their present administration, to encourage thrift and those who have served their country well. Let them be assured that, after they have done their part, the country is going to stand by by them and see them through their difficulties in their old age.

I beg to move to leave out the words

But I cannot congratulate the Labour party upon bringing forward this Resolution again in precisely the same terms as they have done during the last two years. I say that because experience has shown there is great force in the arguments against the demand made in the Resolution. If the Labour party had moved for some amelioration of the difficulties and obstacles placed by the law in the way of thrift, it would have been very difficult for some of us to have resisted something of that kind. They have apparently wish to influence, and to try to carry what I think is an impossible proposition, instead of the sharp edge, on the body that they wish to influence, and to try to carry what I think is an impossible proposition, instead of trying gradually to achieve what they want by slow and sure steps. I shall not waste the time of the House with any protestation of sympathy for the poor from this side of the House, because it was acknowledged by both speakers. I think it is generally acknowledged that we on this side of the House, much as we may differ from hon. Members opposite, at any rate have a real and genuine sympathy for the poor and the distressed. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"]

The fact is shown by the very large sums which are given to charity by the rich every year. I am not going to say anything which is inconsistent with sympathy for the poorer classes. I hope merely to express briefly the fact that we do feel that sympathy, and to try to show that a real intelligent sympathy would lead to support of this Amendment rather than to support of the Resolution. Let us consider what would be the effect of putting the Resolution into operation. It would add a very large sum to our annual expenditure. I care not to dispute whether that sum be £13,000,000, which was the sum accepted a year ago, or £17,500,000, which is calculated to be the amount at the present time. The point is that it is a large sum which would be added to taxation. It would be added in the particular circumstances of the present time, when we have not only an impoverished country but an impoverished world, and when the machinery of production of wealth has been dislocated and is only just about commencing to run again with comparative smoothness.

I do not suggest that this country is at the moment in real danger of bankruptcy, but I do suggest, and I hope the Labour party will not take it amiss if I say, that had they been in power during the last three years, and had they carried out all the expenditure which they have recommended during the last three years—I do not think they would have carried it out—this country would not have been able to meet its obligations. Every addition to taxation at the present time means retarding recovery. It means retarding that progress which we want to make towards the restoration of economic conditions such as they were before the War. It means retarding the progress of trade, and consequently retarding the bringing down of the cost of living to what it was before the War. If it is the case that every addition to taxation retards progress, it is equally true that every reduction of taxation means increased progress.

For the benefit of the people as a whole, including the old age pensioners, by far the most important thing we can do is to restore trade and industry so as to reduce unemployment, if we do not entirely do away with unemployment, and to reduce the cost of living. If we add to the burdens of taxation and by that means prevent these desirable consummations, we thereby increase prices, increase unemployment and hinder the restoration of trade and industry, and the effect will be that even if we give the old age pensioners more money, or if we give old age pensions to more people, we shall be taking away with one hand what we give with the other hand. In this connection, let me remind hon. Members opposite that those who qualify by age for old age pensions are not by any means the only people—indeed I doubt if they are the majority of people in this country—who are suffering from poverty and hardship.

One of the troubles of complying with the request made in this Resolution is that there would be more irresistible arguments in favour of claims on the Government to increase the pensions of old pre-War pensioners, of retired members of our Army, our Navy and our Civil Service who are living upon pensions of the same amount as before the War, with less than half the purchasing power. [HON. MEMBERS: "They have been increased!"] Some have been increased, but many of them have not been increased. The old age pensions have been increased at least as much as any of these pre-War pensions. There is another class to be considered, a class which bears its share of taxation, and which bears the burden of high prices. I refer to old people with a certain independence of their own, a certain fixed income, which was enough for them to live upon in reasonable comfort before the War, but not enough now. They have had no increase.

Those particular persons when seventy would do so I agree, but they would have to bear the increase of prices and all the evil effects of the retardation of trade and industry which would result.

I will put a suggestion which is not deep in economics as to another result which would inevitably follow from granting old age pensions to everybody without respect to means. Cannot we all imagine the indignant cries which would come not only from the benches opposite but from all over the country that poor people were only being given pensions of 10s. a week and that 10s. a week was being given to the millionaire? That surely is only just to take away the 10s. a week from the millionaire and the moderately rich people and give it to the poor. And the moment you comply with this demand of the Labour party they will thus demand the restoration of all those inequalities and absurdities and so you would go on the same vicious circle. In those circumstances it would have been far better if the Labour party had confined their effort entirely to an attempt merely to remove as far as possible those hindrances to thrift without trying to get at the theoretical perfection at which this proposal aims and which is calculated at once to do more harm than good to those whom it is intended to benefit.

9.0 P.M.

In my opinion, there is no lack of sympathy among the majority of people in this country. I know there are some who have not got that opinion, but I am sure that many of my Friends among the Labour party will acknowledge the correctness of what I say. But more harm is done by soft hearts combined with soft heads than by hard hearts combined with hard heads, and I further suggest that the majority of the people of this country have the ideal combination of soft hearts and hard heads, and if they have, they will be guided in this matter by feelings not merely of pity and sympathy, but of wisdom which will lead them when they try to do good to do it intelligently and not merely from feelings of dislike to and hatred of or general distrust of the views of those who do not agree with them. I appeal to hon. Members, in the excellent end of helping the poor, to let intelligent discretion be their guide. Let them remem- ber that it is their duty here to vote not merely in accordance with calls that may be made on them by certain bodies of their constituents, but to vote in the interests of the country as a whole, the prosperity of which means in the first instance the prosperity of the poorest in this country.

I beg to second the Amendment.

The task of opposing a Motion of this sort, whether by speech or in the Division Lobby, is one which I regret very much having to perform. I think that the great majority of all on this side of the House would wish that the grave financial exigencies of the country did not make it necessary for us to oppose this Motion, but I am afraid that, in view of the present state of affairs, one has no alternative but to take the action which we are taking. I would remind hon. Members who were possibly not in this House during the last four years, and who hardly appreciate what was done by the last House of Commons, of the action that was taken at the end of 1919. Old age pensions are now double what they were when they were granted originally. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] They were then 5s., and 10s. is double 5s. The cost of living is not double. It is now 78 per cent. over what it was before the War. Therefore, based on the proportion of the cost of living, old age pensions are actually higher relatively than they were before the War, when we had not the amount of War Debt which we now have. In addition to that, the income figure, which was formerly £21, has been raised to £26 5s. That is to say, people with incomes between £21 and £26 5s., who did not get the full old age pension formerly, are now entitled to it. Further, those who used to have over £31 10s. were not entitled to any old age pension at all. Now the figure is £49 17s. 6d.

The hon. Member for Colne Valley (Mr. Snowden) stated in 1908 that he regarded the then old age pensions as a lever with which to obtain further concessions. The House as a whole has made very large further concessions. I say the House as a whole, because, if my memory serves me aright, the concessions made in December, 1919, were made without a Division. The actual cost of old age pensions was estimated by the then Chancellor of Exchequer, the late Prime Minister, in 1908 as £7,500,000. In 1921–2 the figure for old age pensions was about £26,000,000. In the current year it is over £22,500,000, that is to say, more than three times as much is now being spent by the country on old age pensions. I agree that you must take into account the increase in the cost of living, but even then about £8,000,000 is being disbursed now, when we have a measure of taxation which was never contemplated in 1908.

The then Chancellor of Exchequer a year ago estimated that the proposal now made involved an extra cost of £15,000,000. Unless you are to give it to everyone, you must obviously have some measure of discrimination. If you give it to everyone, you give it to the rich and to the poor, and it would revolt the conscience of most of us if rich men were entitled to draw a pension. They need not apply for it, but if things are given away in these days of high taxation, what is to stop their applying? Rich men ought not to be entitled to it, and you are bound to have some measure of discrimination. If the Income Tax payer has to comply with the probing into his financial affairs that takes place in these days—inquiries as to the numbers of children under 16 who are receiving education and so forth—surely it is not unfair that those who would receive 10s. a week from the State should be called upon to give similar information with regard to their affairs. The Income Tax payer is paying money to the State, and if he makes a mistake he has to pay an extra sum. The recipients of the old age pension is receiving money from the State. Surely when he is receiving money from the State it is necessary that the State should know that the money is not paid to those who are not entitled to it.

The Departmental Committee made special inquiry into alleged inquisitorial methods, and they reported that they found that those charged with the very unpleasant task of making inquiries had not used their position in an unfair way. What is our position with regard to these general measures of public assistance? After all, it is the taxpayer who will have to find the £15,000,000. A generation ago, in 1890, £12,500,000 was being disbursed on what might have been called public assistance services. The figure now is £225,000,000, according to the Estimates. We are, therefore, spending eighteen times as much as was spent by those who sat in this House just over thirty years ago; we are spending more than £200,000,000 above what was spent in 1890, and £200,000,000 is far more than the total expenditure of the nation for all services ten or fifteen years ago. There are limits to the burdens of the taxpayer, and a further £15,000,000 cannot be obtained from any of our present resources of taxation. It is stated that the present system discourages thrift. May I quote my right hon. Friend who sits for Deptford (Mr. Bowerman), the Parliamentary Secretary of the Trade Union Congress? He stated in evidence:

Our difficulty is to find the £15,000,000. I do not know whether there are any other suggestions with regard to it. It may be that the capital levy will be suggested as a means of finding £15,000,000. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] The capital levy, I always understood, was to be made once and for all. But this charge for old age pensions is to be a recurring charge of £15,000,000 year after year. How, then, is the capital levy to give us a free breakfast table, to reduce the Income Tax, to pay our debts, to build houses, and now, also, to give us a further £15,000,000, not only in one year, but in all subsequent years? We read from time to time of certain remedies which are said to cure all ills. The capital levy is as quack a remedy, probably, as any. Let me recall that when the capital levy proposal was brought forward in Switzerland, the idea was to spend the large sums of money raised in social improvements. Notwithstanding the temptation to many to see large sums spent in social improvements, Switzerland, by six or seven votes to one, rejected the levy. At present it is not possible for us, by any means, to find this £15,000,000, and I have pleasure in seconding the Amendment.

There are two grounds on which I shall endeavour to follow the example of those who have already intervened in this Debate and occupy as short a time as possible; first, because I know a great number of hon. Members desire to take part, and secondly, because it is the first occasion on which I have the honour of addressing this House. The hon. Member who moved the Amendment to this Motion suggested that those who support it on this side of the House are seeking to travel towards the millenium at too great a speed, and he asked us to try whether it would not be better to achieve what we wanted by slow and sure steps. I do not think there has been any undue haste in this particular matter, when we remember that the Report upon which this Motion is based is now four years old, and that this is the third occasion upon which the findings of that Report have been discussed on the Floor of this House. That Report makes it perfectly clear that there are very sensible defects in the present system of old age pensions administration. Under the present system, the more the pensioner saves the less pension he gets. The Report goes on to point out that the system acts as a definite deterrent to philanthropic employers of labour, who otherwise would be inclined to start benefit schemes for those who co-operate with them in the conduct of industry, on the ground that by starting such schemes they would later on impinge upon the pension which is available for those workers when they reach the age of 70 years. I feel sure that all those with whom I have the honour of being politically associated, and other hon. Members on the benches behind me, will agree that is an unsatisfactory state of affairs and that it would be well if we could make the system of giving pensions no longer a hindrance to the development of schemes of benefit of that kind which, I believe, would ultimately be found to provide a bridge between the days when the worker becomes relatively incapacitated and his later days—a bridge which would carry him over until the 70 years were reached at which he became eligible for the State pension.

Something has been said about the inquiries and the irritation which they provoke. In the constituency which did me the honour of returning me to this House, I came across, during the election, a very large number of complaints, not from the old people themselves, but their relatives—complaints of what one may call the niggling and harassing inquiries and investigations to which they were subjected. I think it is a good sign that the spirit of liberty is still abroad among our people, and when the hon. Member who seconded the Amendment tried to compare these old people with those more fortunate people who have to pay Income Tax and have to fill up papers in order to obtain certain allowances in respect of charges for the education of their children, I do not think he made a very good comparison. All these old people have lived, in the majority of cases, hard and stressful lives, and when they have reached the age at which the pension is earned they are far more likely to be sensitive to inquiries of this kind than the avergae Income Tax payer. A speech was delivered in this House on Friday last by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in which he spoke of the expansion and development of National Insurance as being due to an improved conscience among our people. I should like to think that we might discover tonight signs of an improved conscience in this House. The Chancellor of the Exchequer wound up his speech with a very impressive and moving passage in which he said that the only thing that would work out the salvation of the world were four small words, "faith," "hope," "love," and "work."

If we invert the order of these words we shall get, I think, something approaching to an epitome of the average worker's life. Work—unremitting daily toil. Love—there is no more wonderful thing in the world than the kindness of the poor to the poor. Faith and hope are surely the two sources from which spring their amazing patience. It is certainly a marvel to me how the working people of this country tolerate, so patiently, as they have for so many years, the manifest inequalities of the social system under which they live. I believe if the House were to take a step of the nature suggested in the Motion it would do something to minister to that unrest in the industrial world which is one of the most—or indeed the most—pressing problem confronting us to-day. Industrial unrest is born not of envy but of fear—the fear that the worker has, and a very natural fear it is, of the days when, unable any longer to work at his calling, he may be faced with want and privation. We have heard something to-night about the capital levy. It is not, to my mind, a very relevant matter, but relevant it might perhaps be made by regarding it in this sense; that the only capital the average worker possesses is his physical health and his bodily strength, and that it is the haunting fear which broods over the lives of so many thousands and hundreds of thousands of those who are the backbone of industry to-day, the fear that the days may come, too quickly and too soon, when this capital of human energy and health will be exhausted, that is much more responsible for what we know as industrial unrest, than any envy or greed or covetousness of the lot of those who are more fortunately placed in this world. The hon. Member who seconded the Amendment spoke about diverting the proceeds of the Beer Duty for the purposes which the Motion seeks to achieve. It is fair, at any rate, to ask the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, at a time like this, when he must be reviewing the national income and the national expenditure for the coming year, he cannot endeavour to see if, without any actual addition to the burden of taxation, he is not able to divert from anti-social services a sufficient amount of the vast sums which are still taken from the pockets of the taxpayer to this clamant purpose of making the pension no longer a mere State benevolence but a citizen right.

I rise to support the Motion moved on behalf of the Labour party. In doing so I crave the indulgence of the House in this my first attempt to address it. There is no question other than that of war pensions that raises so much sympathy and feeling in the country as that of the treatment meted out to the aged people, although unfortunately in the constituency I have the honour to represent, owing to the very arduous nature of the occupation in that district, a very small percentage of the male population attain the age of 70 years. We claim that those who do should, in common with other aged persons in the country, be treated as generously as possible. This is no new subject. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) in 1908—fifteen years ago—when the Bill establishing old age pensions was first discussed, spoke of the Measure as being incomplete. The right hon. Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith) spoke in similar terms, and in that way it was generally regarded. In 1919, the Departmental Committee, to which reference has already been made by previous speakers, was set up. That Committee recommended that old age pensions should be given to all persons who had attained the age of 70. It went on to say that

I could go on reciting instances similar to that. I have a case of a blind man, who is in receipt of charity to the extent of 2s. 6d. a week. Because he is in receipt of that charity, his old-age pension is thereby reduced. We might compare the treatment meted out to these old people to that given to civil servants and others who are in receipt of very large pensions as a result of their services to the State. In the previous Session, it was stated that three ex-Lord Chancellors were in receipt of pensions amounting to £5,000 per annum. I wonder whether the same investigations were made into their capacity and income before their pensions were paid them? I was very much surprised to hear the Seconder of the Amendment refer to the question of where the money is coming from, because I have in mind the fact that the Income Tax was reduced, during the discussions on the last Budget, by 1s. in the £. I have been given to understand that that 1s. in the £ will amount in a full year to something like £52,000,000. That is more than sufficient to find the amount that is necessary, and four times over. We do wish that those people, who are always prepared to offer us their sympathy—which we are very fond of receiving, of course—would put it into practical form. As the sum that would be needed, if this Resolution were carried, would be £15,000,000, let us see if their sympathy will rise to that figure.

The Labour party has for years endeavoured to prevail upon the Government to remove these anomalies. Two years ago their Motion was only defeated by 12 Votes. The same argument was used by hon. Members on the other side on that occasion as has been used at the present time. We appeal to them, "Let us see if we can possibly help to make brighter the lives of these old people, these soldiers of industry, men and women, who have sacrificed so much that it has been impossible, owing to the meagre wages they have received, to save. Let us see if we cannot, in the eventide of their lives, make this old world a little brighter and better by doing for them what we ought to do."

I must offer my apologies to the House for venturing to address it again on this subject, and particularly to hon. Members who were here in the last Parliament, and who gave me a courteous hearing when I spoke on a similar Motion. Let me confess to them and to the House that I have not the ambition to produce any fresh argument. I will say, as nearly as a can, what I said then, with this further expression of conviction, that the longer this is delayed the more harm is being done, that the greater the difficulties of our country the more important is it to set free large sections of the public from the sense of grievance, and the more desirable is it to abolish any method which is a real check, either upon thrift or upon human generosity, or upon any of those social movements which would flourish best if the problem of old-age pensions could be removed from the realm of controversy. Therefore it is with that apology to the House that I desire to say a few words.

May I first point out that this is not a party Motion. We are all so apt in this House to gain a little stimulus to our speeches by a geographical reference to those who are on the other side that we sometimes import party polemics into matters which do not, happily, run on the lines which divide political parties. In the remarkable division which took place on this matter nearly two years ago, and which was lost only by 12 votes, as the last speaker has said, more than half the Members who supported the Resolution for universal old age pensions did not belong to the Labour party. They represented all parties in the House, and it would be an ill day, I think, for our country if this appeal for universality were not responded to by people of all political predispositions in ordinary matters. It was said by the hon. Member for Watford (Mr. D. Herbert), who moved the Amendment, that it would have been well if the Mover and Seconder of the Resolution had confined themselves to removing the hindrances to thrift which exist. May I, without venturing again to take up the time of the House with the long and detailed recital I gave two years ago of the work of the Departmental Committee, merely say that we began that inquiry mainly with the object of trying to find how hindrances to thrift could be removed at the least cost to the State, and we were driven, day after day and week after week, from one point to another. If you allowed contributions to trade unions not to be counted, what were you to do for the thousands of people, women particularly, who did not belong to trade unions? If you allowed personal thrift to count, what about the thrift of people's parents which had enabled many a weakling and many an invalid to live on a mere pittance? How could you draw the line between personal thrift or family thrift and the benevolence of friends and neighbours at any given time? This is not a question of sentiment. It is not a question of trying to make any rhetorical point. The Departmental Committee, whom my hon. Friend the Member for Watford would probably describe as men of softness of heart and softness of head, were to all appearance the ordinary, average Englishmen, hating logic, distrusting theory, and trying to find a working compromise with as little sentiment in it as possible.

I am sure my hon. and learned Friend will forgive me for saying that he and his colleagues—he especially—are the very last persons I would accuse of being soft-headed, but I would point out that the soft-hearted recommendation which they made was very distinctly qualified by a reference to finance.

The recommendation was a recommendation of eleven to seven of those persons whose qualities of head the hon. Member now admits. It was a recommendation made after a very prolonged inquiry, and it was a recommendation which distinctly said that nothing short of universal old age pensions could get rid of these anomalies and hindrances to thrift, could get rid of what I may venture to call the standing machine, which is always irritating and has an indirect and evil effect far wider than, apparently, its intrinsic importance. It is quite true that we said the cost of this was a matter for the Treasury to consider, and I say, to-night, that I should be very glad if one could get a Motion before the House which simply dealt with the one issue as to whether universal pensions is right or wrong, a Debate which would give one ample opportunity of commenting on the speech of the hon. and gallant Member who seconded the Amendment, and who appears to think that universal pensions are thoroughly wrong in themselves. But while that is impossible on this Motion, as it was impossible two years ago, there is no reason why we should not take the opportunity of representing respectfully to the House what a very strong case there is for universal pensions, and when we are told of the additional cost, it can, surely, be remembered that the richer the person who gets an old age pension, the more of it he will have to pay back in taxation, and if it comes, as a great deal of taxation does come, or may be said to come, from Income Tax, you are merely restoring to a person who is old something of what he has paid over and over again in the form of Income Tax.

Therefore, while leaving that, I desire merely to point out that the recommendations of that Committee were not conceived in any spirit either of theory or of extravagance, and I say, without fear of contradiction, that if any of my hon. Friends will inquire into this problem carefully and in detail, they will find it is impossible to draw a line short of universal pensions which does not perpetuate what I may call the evil moral side of this controversy. There is no attack upon people who to-day have to make inquiries, but there is a consciousness widespread throughout the country that very necessary inquiries worry and agitate and disturb. Old age, which cannot ask for most of the joys of earlier life, has all the greater claims to be allowed quiet and comfort free from disturbances. While the Committee over which. I had the honour to preside carefully avoided theory, and while I think those of us, the majority, who voted for universal pensions were brought to that conclusion, as we believe, reluctantly and only by the force of argument, I am inclined to submit to the House that the theory of universal old age pensions, the principle of it, is thoroughly sound. This is unlike any other department of social reform.

Nothing but death can save anyone from old age. It is the most universal incident of life which is prolonged. If that be so, if there be nothing in old age which makes it an incident of class, or an incident of an occupation, or an incident known only to the poor or experienced only by the rich, if there be in old age none of these qualities which make it in any sense of the word sectional, then surely, if it be a universal human experience, if life be prolonged, should not making provision for it also be a matter of universal care to the State of which we are all members? It seems to me that only in this way can we remove this problem from unnecessary controversy, only thus can we free it from any taint either of Poor Law relief or of State benevolence, only thus, surely, can we put it in a position in which I submit it ought to be put, namely, that among the great risks of human life, the one universal risk of old age and decrepitude is met by our State, so far as it can be, with the certainty that it will promote hope everywhere, will avoid friction, and will give relief to those who have most to remember and least to look forward to.

It is not my intention on this, my first attempt to address the House, to express my opinion on the general terms of the Resolution or the Amendment. My object in intruding is to point out the incorrect statement that was made by the Mover of this Resolution. My hon. Friend on the other side of the House gave us an interesting story of an old man who in war time did not claim what he was entitled to—his old age pension. We were told that later on this old man made application to the pensions committee for an old age pension, and that he was informed by the committee that as he had £400 or £500 capital, he must get rid of that before they could consider his application. There may be some Members in this House who are not acquainted with all the particulars of the Old Age Pensions Act, and it is for their benefit that I venture to suggest that that statement should be challenged. The fact is that the interest on the £400 or £500 which the applicant possessed would be calculated, and would be considered when giving a judgment as to what allowance should be made. I suggest that that statement was made with no knowledge that it was false, but I thought it only right, as I knew better, that I should challenge that statement.

We have heard from both sides of the House a great deal of talk about sympathy, but it would appear to me that questions of sympathy have really nothing to do with our duties in this House. I have no use, personally, for that form of sympathy which induces one's heart to bleed so painfully for the misfortunes of one's neighbours that it causes one to force one's neighbours to pay for it. For, if their hearts are, as I say, perpetually bleeding for their neighbours' misfortunes, it is perfectly easy for them to salve their own wounds and their own hearts to the extent, perhaps, of a little self-sacrifice in relieving the necessities of their neighbours at their own expense, instead of somebody else's. I understand that the Labour party, in supporting this Motion, object to our present system of paying old age pensions, mainly for one reason, and that is that our present system penalises thrift. I gathered this from the speech of the Proposer and that of the Seconder of the Motion. Yet I think we may find a slight inconsistency when the party opposite objects to the penalising of thrift. What, when we come to examine it, is thrift? Thrift is simply another word for capitalism. It is all very well for Members opposite to sneer, but, as a matter of fact, there is absolutely no difference between the meaning of the word "thrift" and the meaning of the word "capital." Thrift is the principle of putting by from day to day part of the income which the day produces. That is exactly what is meant by thrift in the phrase "penalising thrift" in connection with this question. It is perfectly obvious to every hon. Member here who will regard the matter fairly, that the phrase "penalising thrift" means penalising those who put by for a rainy day. What is capitalism? Capitalism is exactly the same thing. It is saving the product of to-day to be the basis of our livelihood in the future. The two things are identical, and when the Labour party come forward and object to a certain system of paying a pension because it penalises capitalism, it seems to me that there is a very great deal of inconsistency in their attitude.

There is another little misconception, another little begging of the question, which was visible, not only in the speeches of the Members of the Labour party, but in the speeches of the hon. and learned Members of the allied party, who spoke from the Front Bench opposite. That little begging of the question was this. They all referred to Old Age Pensions as a reward of service. Of what service, pray? Supposing I live to the age of 70, what service have I rendered? [HON. MEMBERS: "None!"] And what service has any hon. Member opposite rendered to the country? Is the mere fact that a man contrives to live for 70 years to be accredited to him as a service to his fellow-men? It may be very far from being a service. It may be, and very frequently is, the greatest dis-service that that man can render to his country. [ Interruption. ] In spite of all this noise, let us, at any rate, try to consider the subject dispassionately. As soon as people begin to think, instead of letting themselves be swayed by emotion, they are bound to agree that the mere fact of continuing to exist for 70 years in this world does not constitute a service to the community. It simply evades the question straight off to try to contend that our Old Age Pensions are a reward for any sort of service at all. Take 99 men out of 100; what do they work for? To serve their country? Nothing of the sort. They work to make an income for themselves. Do not, therefore, let us have any more cant about that. For my part I do not claim to have rendered service to the community; therefore I do not claim to be kept in my old age. [ Interruption. ] If I have raised myself to a position of independence, it is not by sponging on the pennies of the poor, as many hon. Members have done.

We have had many references to hindrances to thrift. I should like to re- call some unfortunate examples which have come to my own notice in my village of real hindrances to thrift. Take one case. It has been the custom in my part of the world for those whose incomes are not large and who can earn weekly wages to put by savings in savings banks or building societies to form a fund upon which they can live in their old age, without being dependent upon their children. The common form of investment of this money has been in the purchase of house property. There are several hundreds of people that I know who own not more than one or two houses. That form of investment of savings, or thrift, or capitalism, whichever you choose to call it, was very popular before the War. Several cases have come to my notice when as a matter of fact the whole of the striving of these people has been rendered wholly void and useless by the operations of the Rent Restriction Act. In one case a poor woman over 80 years of age who had three or four houses left to her by her husband when he died was actually dying of anxiety and semi-starvation for the simple reason that she was unable to make ends meet owing to the higher prices of food, clothing, and other necessities of daily life. If there is anything which is more a hindrance to thrift than another and makes the men and women in my part of the country less inclined to put by for a rainy day it is to see that the foresight of neighbours whom they respect and who have worked all their life to put by for a rainy day, so as to avoid becoming a burden upon their neighbours or their children in their old age, practically swept away owing to the Rent Restriction Acts. [ Interruption. ] May I suggest to hon. Members opposite, who cannot hold their tongues even for a few minutes, to go outside. [An HON. MEMBER: "Let the sermon proceed!"] These are the points which I do suggest might be considered in a Debate of this sort. First of all, let us free our minds of the idea that any amount of sentiment or spoken sympathy is any credit to us whatsoever in this House. It would appear to me that we are sent to this House to consider how best the administration f the country is to be carried on. That being our task, it is certainly not our business to spend our lives in slopping out sentiment of one sort or another on the chance of getting some votes in exchange for it. Let us understand, once for all, that old age pensions are not payment for services, but they are Poor Law relief, outdoor relief under another name, and nothing else, and it seems to me that the men whose intention it is to put the brand of pauperism on other men, as under the Motion before the House— [ Interruption. ]

After all, let us consider for a moment what a pauper is. [ Interruption. ] I suppose hon. Members opposite will agree that a pauper is one who is in receipt of public assistance. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] If he is in receipt of public assistance—if it is not a case of real necessity, then he is very much to be blamed—the brand of pauperism is put upon him. If, on the contrary—

He is not speaking to the Question, Mr. Speaker. [ Interruption, and HON. MEMBERS: "Order!"]

Perhaps the hon. Member for the Mossly Division will avoid going into abstract questions on this Motion. He is carrying the matter outside the scope of it, and perhaps had better confine himself to the problem immediately involved.

10.0 P.M.

I am afraid my desire to be of service to hon. Members opposite—[ Interruption. ]—is not appreciated, but questions have been addressed to me by hon. Members on the other side, and I am afraid in the softness of my heart—[An HON. MEMBER: "The softness of your head!"]—I desired to be of such service in replying as I could. If, however, they will be good enough to allow me to proceed for a minute or two without interruption, or if they are going to interrupt, to be good enough to make some interruptions which may be of some assistance to me, I would be glad. I should like them and the House to consider this: What would be the effect upon those who are suffering most if this Motion were carried into effect? It would mean the expenditure, as the Seconder of the Amendment stated, of perhaps some £15,000,000 or £17,000,000. Hon. Members opposite appear to be living in a most delightful world of their own where, if there is suffering of any sort or distress or injustice, the expenditure of a little more public money will always bring that distress and that injustice to an end. And it is characteristic of them and of the wonderful world in which they live and of its inhabitants, that they blame hon. Members on this side for asking the question, "Where is the money to come from?"

They live in a universe where things are beautifully simple. That I envy them. But unfortunately members of the Government, of whom I am not one—or likely to be—are confronted with a crucial question the whole of the time. It is very easy for Members in opposition, who need not for one moment think where the money is to come from, to advocate spending. They are under the impression that the money will find itself. But there is this practical problem for the Chancellor and for members of the Government, that if they accepted such a Motion as this and started to put it into effect, where are we to find this extra £15,000,000? Therefore, I suggest that the argument of the Labour party is not a really valid argument, and that it does not impress hon. Members on this side with their essential fitness to rule this realm when they say: "Never let us consider where the money is to come from." Some of us have to consider it every day of our lives. I have had to consider year by year during the time of this depression how it is possible to provide a full week's work and full wages for a considerable number of people. Hon. Members opposite may think it is stupid of us employers not to keep on the same number of men at the same rate of wages when taxation is very high as when it is very low. I can assure hon. Members that it does make it infinitely harder to provide continuity of employment, at reasonably high wages, if year by year larger amounts have to be paid in taxation. Now that hon. Members opposite are showing me a little more courtesy—[ Interruption. ]

I think the hon. Member is inviting disorder. I am trying to get him a hearing, and the hon. Member ought not to make sarcastic challenges of that kind.

I must apologise, but I wish to say that I did not mean to be sarcastic. The whole point for this Motion and the Amendment is the question as to where the money is to come from. I am sure hon. Members will agree with me in the long run that you cannot maintain taxation at the present high level, still less increase it, without materially increasing the unemployment difficulty. What we are short of at the present time is liquid capital in the world. Owing to years of war and destruction we have reduced our capital enormously, and when taxation gets above a certain limit you are not really taxing income but you are taxing capital. I do hope that hon. Members opposite, although they support this Motion and disagree with everything else I have said, will consider seriously this problem as to where the money is to come from.

I do not propose to make any comment either on the tenor or manner of the references to this problem by the hon. Member who has just sat down, because he himself must be the judge of his own conduct. He must be the judge as to whether his service to the community has been greater than ours, even if we are maintained by the pence of the workmen. He must also be the judge as to how far his own definition of pauper, if logically carried out, is going to help the Government of the day. He has defined paupers as being those in receipt of public assistance.

I am within the recollection of the House, and I can imagine the alarm of some of his own friends at such a definition.

On a point of Order. The hon. Member has just attributed to me a statement which I beg to deny.

On this point I am within the recollection of the House. I say that the definition which the hon. Member laid down was that paupers were those in receipt of public assistance. I ask the hon. Member to recollect when he is lecturing those on these benches for their lack of good taste and good manners in making attacks upon other people to remember that he is the first to lay down here that definition of a pauper. Of course his definition must apply to everyone in receipt of public assistance, and it must apply to every Cabinet Minister in this House. It must apply to every ex-Lord Chancellor. I will leave the hon. Member to be the judge of his own good taste in the matter, but I do resent, and I speak for myself, a definition of that kind in relation to one person at any rate whom I greatly respect who received the old age pension as being a pauper. I am not ashamed to say that she was one who made the greatest possible sacrifice for me, and she drew her old age pension, and I have no hesitation in saying that she rendered more service to the community than the hon. Member for Mossley.

I do not know whether the hon. Gentleman's intention was to divert the House from the real object of this Motion. First of all, I am going to appeal to the Chancellor of the Exchequer not to accept it as a mere party proposal. This is a Motion that does not attack the Government, and it is one which is trying to remove something that the Government is not responsible for—neither is the previous Government responsible for it. It is, however, something which is now admitted by a Royal Commission to be a flaw in the administration of the Act. I ask the right hon. Gentleman, in the interests of all those hon. Members on both sides of the House who are as keen on this matter as those on these benches, whether he cannot see his way to remove the Whips, and let the free and unfettered judgment of the House be taken on this matter. I would ask him why it should be made a party question. Why should it be necessary to put Whips on on a question in which all parties are equally concerned and on which they have all given pledges? Therefore, I hope that whatever the Government reply may be, they at least will realise that this question is one on which the free and unfettered judgment of the House should be given regardless of the party Whips.

The old age pension is not a dole given in relief of destitution. It is an acknowledgment by the State of good citizenship. I want to ask Members to visualise for a moment the working life of one who is in receipt of a pension. I do not think I shall be overstating the case if I assert that for every old age pension a man or a woman has worked a minimum of 55 years of his or her working life. In many cases they started work at the age of 10. But let us assume for the purposes of argument that 15 years of age was the commencing period. You have, therefore, a clear 55 years' service to the State, and I would ask the House, if that be the fact, whether that service in itself does not entitle any man or woman to at least say, "We ought not to be subject to the kind of examination which takes place to-day." The second point I want to put is this, that if it be admitted that this is a benefit for citizenship and not a dole, what is to be said for a system which penalises those who are most thrifty? I am not going into the definition of thrift laid down by the hon. Gentleman who last spoke. I will merely quote two instances to the House. Two men started work together, working on the same job, receiving the same wage, and having, if you like, equal families. One makes a contribution to his friendly society. One was a railway servant, and a condition that the railway company laid down as a condition of his service was that he should be compelled out of his wages to provide something for superannuation. That is a condition of service compulsorily laid down. When this man reaches 70 years of age, although he has made that provision and has been compelled to make it as a condition of his employment, while the other man has not made any provision whatever, the State comes along and says, "Oh no, because you have made a sacrifice, because you have been thrifty, because your employer compelled you to do it, we are going to penalise you and not give you the same amount as the man who has made no such provision."

I want to keep the House to that simple statement of fact. We can argue details and go into side issues, but that, after all, is the object of this Motion, namely, to remove that cruel, mean and scandalous injustice. To show the extent to which it takes place to-day, there is the fact—there are many Members in the House who were not present when one of my hon. Friends drew attention to it—that the coal which a colliery company themselves supply to their old colliers is actually taken into consideration and used to deprive the man of his State pension. Let me give a much more glaring illustration. The father of a Member of this House applied recently for his old age pension, and an investigation was made into his means. It was found that, so far as savings were concerned, he had none. It was found that he had lost sons during the War who were the chief maintenance of the home. But this old veteran of 70, with that spirit of independence that we all ought to admire, was working hard on an allotment; and the authorities came along and said, "There is so much value attached to the potatoes and the greens that you are growing on your allotment, and we must deduct it." I would ask the House, when they go into the Lobby to vote against this Motion, can they justify their conduct on such glaring facts and such scandalous treatment as that? This is one of many illustrations that I could give to the House. The Mover of the Amendment said that those supporting this Motion were actuated by soft hearts and soft heads. Well—

If the right hon. Gentleman will allow me, what I did say was, that more harm was done in this country by soft hearts guided by soft heads, and I never put that on to the Mover of this Motion at all.

That being so, the hon. Member is opposing a Motion that he believes is influenced by those with soft hearts and soft heads.

If it is not that, it is nothing. Again I am speaking within the recollection of the House. But the curious thing is that he said, "I ask you to oppose the Motion on this ground: look at the injustice it would create if the millionaire is allowed to go and draw his 10s. a week the same as the ordinary working man."

I am sorry, but there are Members in this House who heard him distinctly say that, and I am sure that when he reads the OFFICIAL REPORT tomorrow he will find that that is exactly what he said. At all events, so far as we are concerned, that is not a ground of objection. We believe that this is a benefit earned by service and citizenship, and it ought to be open to everybody, and no inquisition should take place such as exists to-day.

I know the right hon. Gentleman does not want to misinterpret me. I do not think I said what he has been accusing me of saying. What I said about the millionaire drawing his 10s. a week was not that that was any hardship. I said the natural result of it will be that we shall then have indignant cries from the country that that should be taken away from him and given to the poor. That is quite another matter. I think I made it clear that I recognised all these hardships the right hon. Gentleman has referred to and that in theory I was entirely in favour of the report of the Committee, and it was merely a question of the practical effect of carrying it out now.

I will leave it for the hon. Member to refer to to-morrow. He may be in favour, in theory, of the report, but being in favour in theory will not remove any of the hardships I am dealing with. We believe it will foe far better to be more practical than theoretical in a very practical matter of this kind. The Seconder of the Amendment asked this specific question: Whether we would be in favour of the removal taking place, even if it meant no alteration in the price of beer? I should like that question to be put by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. It would be very interesting if he would put it, because no value need be attached to such a question from that quarter. But if the Chancellor of the Exchequer put to me clearly and definitely whether this injustice that we are now dealing with would be removed if we would agree to no alteration in the price of beer, I should have no hesitation in saying, Do justice to the old age pensioners. If you think such a bait as that will take in the working classes, it will not. We are far more interested in doing justice to these people than considering the interests of the brewers or anyone else. I hope the Motion will be divided upon fairly on its merits. It has been said the old age pensioner is better off to-day, regardless of the cost of living. I not only join issue on that but I would ask hon. Members to keep in mind that whatever be the increase in the cost of living there is no one who is more adversely affected by it than the poorest of the community, for the very good and sufficient reason that they always have to buy their goods in small quantities and therefore they are more hardly hit than anyone else. I would ask the Government to take the free and unfettered judgment of the House. I would ask hon. Members to realise that it is no use talking about thrift and economy, no good lecturing the working classes about saving their pence, no good telling them they ought to join friendly societies and building societies and make provision for old age, when the State by their action in not removing this injustice does something that is a direct barrier and hindrance to thrift.

I am not going to make any observations such as my right hon. Friend suggested nor am I going to talk about beer, but I am going to answer a question which he very properly put to me when he first rose. He wanted to know why this question could not be left to a free vote of the House. It would have been a very easy matter for the Government, and the most easy way, to leave it to a free vote of the House; but the Government has a responsibility which other parties in the House cannot share, and when I look at the words of the Motion, and I see that it is a Motion which calls for the immediate amendment of an Act of Parliament, with certain results, any honest and straightforward Government must say to the House, categorically, whether it can or cannot at this moment make those amendments, and if not it must give the reason. This Government cannot make those amendments. I doubt if any Government could do it, and I shall endeavour to explain the reasons which actuate us. I can assure the hon. Member for the Bridgeton Division of Glasgow (Mr. Maxton) that there is no feeling on this side of the House that this is a hardy annual. We consider it is a matter most fitting for debate. We know the feeling that exists on the subject, but after what the hon. Member for Aberdare (Mr. Barker) has said, I hardly dare to say that we sympathise.

Much progress has been made in recent years in relieving the aged people of this country, and at this moment we cannot see our way to do more than we are doing. In the last 10 years the amount expended on this service in Great Britain has gone up from just under £10,000,000 to £23,000,000 a year. There is hardly a man in this House who would not concede what is asked if it were possible, and who certainly would not, if it were possible, exempt such benefits as my right hon. Friend spoke about in his speech, with which he and I are so familiar, the benefits from friendly societies. From the wording of the Motion, from what my right hon. Friend said, and from what the hon. and learned Member for Middleton (Sir R. Adkins) said, it means in effect universal old-age pensions, and universal old-age pensions means the expenditure each year of probably £17,000,000 additional. I want to remind the House of the great responsibility that there is upon the Government. The Government was returned to power last Autumn, as any Government must have been, on strict pledges of economy. By economy I mean pruning the existing expenditure of the country so that the country may be able to balance its accounts. The problem before the Government and the House for the next two years will be so to reduce expenditure that there may be some chance, when times are better for this country, of getting such an excess of revenue as may enable substantial reductions in taxation to be made. I will only quote one sentence which was spoken by my predecessor in the office which I now hold, a year ago, as I would prefer that you should hear it from his lips rather than from mine. He said: have been occupied day after day and week after week in continuing the work that was begun by the last Government and, if I may say so, improving upon it, because we had behind us the mandate of a fresh General Election, and we have been cutting down services desirable in themselves, but which we believe, which we know, the country cannot afford to-day. To discharge men in the Government service is always a painful task, and we are doing it on the ground that the strictest economy alone will save the financial position of this country. The fighting services were cut down last year, and they are approaching a point which is getting very near the lowest point at which it is possible to maintain the defence of this country as this House would have it mentioned. When the Government are doing that, when they are causing the distress which they have caused by retrenchment and economy, it is impossible for them at present to undertake any fresh charge, however worthy, however much it may appeal to their best sentiments. It cannot be done, and for no object to-day unless, which God forbid, occasion should arise when this country shall have once more to fight for its right, for no other conceivable cause can we contemplate proposing an increase in taxation.

This country is suffering, as I hope to show in the course of the Financial Debate, largely from the burden of taxation that is pressing upon industry, and whether it is the indirect taxation which affects consumption and which affects more directly supporters of my right hon. Friend and those who sit with him, or whether it is taxation of income, all those taxes are too high to-day for the safety of the nation, and before we can contemplate taking any further steps, much as we should desire them in such a direction as this, those taxes must be reduced for the sake of the trade of the country and for the sake of the consumer inside the country. As I have said, it would have been an easy matter had we been, perhaps, less simple than we are, to have let the House take a Vote, to have abstained from the Division, and to have proceeded no further, whatever the result of the Division. The honest, straightforward course is to tell the House that we cannot afford it to-day. With infinite regret I say that neither the Government, nor the House, nor the country, can afford this reform to-day, and on that ground, and that ground alone, we must reject the Motion.

I claim for a few moments the indulgence of the House, because my position is rather different from that of most hon. Members with whom I am generally acting. I think there is great force in what the Chancellor of the Exchequer says—that the taxation of the country is too high at present. In the General Election I was pressed over and over again to promise to vote for what is asked in this Motion, which would mean an increase of taxation by £17,000,000. I declined to do it on the ground which the Chancellor of she Exchequer stated, namely, that it was of more importance, first to restore the economic position of the country, and to increase the prosperity out of which social reforms in the future have to be financed. But I am bound to say that the Chancellor of the Exchequer has built up an absolutely blank wall against all future advance. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] I think so; I listened to him very carefully. He stated that it was impossible for him to go further forward, and he treated this as though it were a question of universal old age pensions or nothing. I do not think that that is the case. My right hon. Friend and colleague in the representation of Derby (Mr. Thomas) has drawn the attention of the Chancellor of the Exchequer to certain contributions from friendly societies and from trade unions, in some cases compulsory contributions. He wishes that these should not be taken into account in estimating the old age pensioners' means. I think I am right when I say that the redress of these real grievances will amount to only £800,000 a year.

I must correct my hon. Friend. I do not think that that is in the Motion on the Paper.

It is undoubtedly in the Motion on the Paper. The Amendment as explained by the Chancellor of the Exchequer would simply prevent any further advance at the present moment. I was prepared to remove this grievance, and I pledged myself to attempt to do so, and I rise now to try to press the Chancellor of the Exchequer, if he cannot give us the whole £17,000,000, to give us at least those im- provements in the administration of old age pensions which can be done at the present time. There is no one social reform which would appeal more to the people of this country than the completion of the system of old age pensions. It should be a first charge upon the growing wealth of the country, and in any retrenchment which the right hon. Gentleman can make by cutting down expenditure or in any improvement he can make by increasing taxation on luxuries and not by taxation on trade, it should be taken into account. I find myself unable to vote for the Resolution, but I am also opposed to the Amendment, because it practically builds up a wall against future advance. The Chancellor of the Exchequer has rightly said we cannot give the whole of the £17,000,000 at the present time, yet I think the Amendment goes much too far in saying that none of these particular grievances can be redressed at the present moment.

It is by no means my wish to do anything in the way of talking out this Resolution, but I desire to represent a point of view which I think has not been represented here to-night. The right hon. Gentleman who has just spoken made a speech with much of which I agree. My experience at the last election was very much like the right hon. Gentleman's, and I have done what I could since that time to ascertain the actual expenditure required on any possible administrative reforms, with the object of removing the worst hardships and the worst obstacles to progress, involved in the present administration of old age pensions. I confess I have come to the conclusion, as the hon. and learned Member for Middleton and Prestwich (Sir R. Adkins) said, that there is, as a matter of fact, no point on which you can logically or even practically stop, until you arrive at the total abolition of the means limit. I need hardly say, I intend to vote with the Government to-night. It is obvious that this Government cannot contemplate the expenditure involved in this Resolution, nor do I believe, as the Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that any other Government now, or any other Government in the long run, will be able to bear that burden.

Even without the reduction in the age, which hon. Members opposite undis- guisedly desire, it means an annual sum of £14,000,000, or one-fifth of the total annual Budget of this country before the War. No hon. Member who knows anything about the finances of the country will confidently affirm that any Government could, in the end, bear that burden. [HON. MEMBERS: "Mesopotamia!"] Yes, I know all those arguments, but I maintain that no Government could bear this burden in the long run. We are here in the dilemma—and this is what I wish to say to the Chancellor of the Exchequer—that we have, on the one hand, expenditure which neither this nor any other Government can possibly bear and, on the other hand, we have a system of old age pensions which eventually must prove absolutely intolerable to all classes in the country who receive old age pensions, as it is absolutely incompatible with the ordinary traditional principles of free government in this country. Unless you are going to declare—and nobody has ever had the courage to do so—that old age pensions are simply part of the Poor Law system and are a form of outdoor relief, unless you are prepared to declare that it is absolutely impossible in the long run to go on with these constant inquisitions into the means of those receiving old age pensions, I do not see that these inquisitions are unjustifiable in present circumstances, but I say that, in the long run, they must be absolutely intolerable. You are, therefore, in this dilemma, that no Government can afford to put the old age pensions on a proper basis and no Government can possibly afford to continue the present system.

There is only one way out. It is that the national insurance system shall insure against old age as well as against sickness; and that, in brief, by that means, under a consolidated insurance, those old age pensions will become contributory. That is the only possible method, consistent with the present state of the country's finances, by which you can abolish the means limit and reduce the age limit. Actuarially, I believe you could do it on those lines. I implore the Government seriously to consider the possibility of setting old age pensions and health insurance on that basis, since I am perfectly certain that if this Government does not do it, hon. Gentlemen opposite, if they ever come to power, will find themselves obliged to do so, no matter what Resolution they may pass to-night. Some Government in the future has got to face this problem from that point of view, and in that I see the only possible hope for a logical and decent system of old age pensions.

Question put, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Question."

The House divided: Ayes, 208; Noes, 230.

Division No. 7.]

AYES.

[10.55 p.m.

Adams, D.

Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland)

Pringle, W. M. R.

Adamson, Rt. Hon. William

Hancock, John George

Rees, Sir Beddoe

Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock)

Harbord, Arthur

Richards, R.

Adkins, Sir William Ryland Dent

Hardie, George D.

Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro')

Harney, E. A.

Riley, Ben

Ammon, Charles George

Harris, Percy A.

Ritson, J.

Attlee, C. R.

Hartshorn, Vernon

Roberts, C. H. (Derby)

Banks, Mitchell

Hastings, Patrick

Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich)

Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery)

Hay, Captain J. P. (Cathcart)

Robertson, J. (Lanark, Bothwell)

Barnes, A.

Hayday, Arthur

Robinson, Sir T. (Lanes, Stretford)

Batey, Joseph

Henderson, Sir T. (Roxburgh)

Robinson, W. C. (York, Elland)

Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith)

Henderson, T. (Glasgow)

Rose, Frank H.

Bentinck, Lord Henry Cavendish-

Herriotts, J.

Royce, William Stapleton

Berkeley, Captain Reginald

Hiley, Sir Ernest

Russell, William (Bolton)

Bonwick, A.

Hill, A.

Saklatvala, S.

Bowdler, W. A.

Hinds, John

Salter, Dr. A.

Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W.

Hirst, G. H.

Scrymgeour, E.

Briant, Frank

Hodge, Lieut.-Col. J. P. (Preston)

Sexton, James

Broad, F. A.

Hogge, James Myles

Shaw, Hon. Alex. (Kllmarnock)

Bromfield, William

Hurd, Percy A.

Shaw, Thomas (Preston)

Brotherton, J.

Irving, Dan

Sheffield, Sir Berkeley

Brown, James (Ayr and Bute)

Jarrett, G. W. S.

Shinwell, Emanuel

Buchanan, G.

Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath)

Short, Alfred (Wednesbury)

Buckle, J.

Jenkins, W. A. (Brecon and Radnor)

Simon, Rt. Hon. Sir John

Burgess, S.

Jephcott, A. R.

Simpson, J. Hope

Burnie, Major J. (Bootle)

John, William (Rhondda, West)

Sitch, Charles H.

Buxton, Charles (Accrington)

Johnston, Thomas (Stirling)

Smith, T. (Pontefract)

Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, North)

Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth)

Snell, Harry

Cairns, John

Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly)

Snowden, Philip

Cape, Thomas

Jones, R. T. (Carnarvon)

Spencer, George A. (Broxtowe)

Chapple, W. A.

Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd)

Spencer, H. H. (Bradford, S.)

Charleton, H. C.

Jowett, F. W. (Bradford, East)

Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K.

Clarry, Reginald George

Jowitt, W. A. (The Hartlepools)

Stephen, Campbell

Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R.

Kenyon, Barnet

Sturrock, J. Leng

Collins, Pat (Walsall)

Kirkwood, D.

Sullivan, J.

Collison, Levi

Lansbury, George

Sutherland, Rt. Hon. Sir William

Darbishire, C. W.

Lawson, John James

Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby)

Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln)

Leach, W.

Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West)

Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale)

Lee, F.

Thornton, M.

Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton)

Lees-Smith, H. B. (Keighley)

Tillett, Benjamin

Doyle, N. Grattan

Linfield, F. C.

Tout, W. J.

Dudgeon, Major C. R.

Lowth, T.

Trevelyan, C. P.

Duffy, T. Gavan

Lunn, William

Turner, Ben

Duncan, C.

MacDonald, J. R. (Aberavon)

Wallhead, Richard C.

Dunnico, H.

M'Entee, V. L.

Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince)

Edge, Captain Sir William

Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan)

Warne, G. H.

Edmonds, G.

Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.)

Watson, W. M. (Dunfermilne)

Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty)

March, S.

Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda)

Emlyn-Jones, J. E. (Dorset, N.)

Marshall, Sir Arthur H.

Webb, Sidney

England, Lieut.-Colonel A.

Martin, F. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, E.)

Wedgwood, Colonel Josiah C.

Entwistle, Major C. F.

Maxton, James

Weir, L. M.

Evans, Capt. H. Arthur (Leicester, E.)

Middleton, G.

Welsh, J. C.

Evans, Ernest (Cardigan)

Millar, J. D.

Westwood, J.

Fairbairn, R. R.

Morel, E. D.

Wheatley, J.

Falconer, J.

Morris, Harold

White, Charles F. (Derby, Western)

Fildes, Henry

Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.)

White, H. G. (Birkenhead, E)

Foot, Isaac

Muir, John W.

Whiteley, W.

George, Major G. L. (Pembroke)

Murray, John (Leeds, West)

Wignall, James

Gosling, Harry

Murray, R. (Renfrew, Western)

Williams, David (Swansea, E.)

Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton)

Nall, Major Joseph

Williams, Dr. J. H. (Llanelly)

Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central)

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

Williams, T. (York, Don Valley)

Gray, Frank (Oxford)

Nichol, Robert

Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe)

Greenall, T.

O'Grady, Captain James

Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow)

Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne)

Oliver, George Harold

Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.)

Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan)

Paling, W.

Wright, W.

Groves, T.

Parker, H. (Hanley)

Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

Grundy, T. W.

Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan)

Guest, J. (York, W. R., Hemsworth)

Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry

TELLERS FOR THE AYES. ——

Guthrie, Thomas Maule

Phillipps, Vivian

Mr. Arthur Henderson and Mr. T. Griffiths.

Hall, F. (York, W. R, Normanton)

Ponsonby, Arthur

Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil)

Potts, John S.

NOES.

Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte

Foreman, Sir Henry

Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield)

Ainsworth, Captain Charles

Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot

Oman, Sir Charles William C.

Alexander, E. E. (Leyton, East)

Fraser, Major Sir Keith

O'Neill, Rt. Hon. Hugh

Alexander, Col. M. (Southwark)

Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E.

Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William

Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S.

Furness, G. J.

Paget, T. G.

Apsley, Lord

Galbraith, J. F. W.

Pennefather, De Fonblanque

Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin

Ganzoni, Sir John

Penny, Frederick George

Ashley, Lt.-Col. Wilfrid W.

Garland, C. S.

Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings)

Astor, J. J. (Kent, Dover)

Gates, Percy

Peto, Basil E.

Baird, Rt. Hon. Sir John Lawrence

Gaunt, Rear-Admiral Sir Guy R.

Pielou, D. P.

Baldwin Rt. Hon. Stanley

Gould, James C.

Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton

Balfour, George (Hampstead)

Gray, Harold (Cambridge)

Preston, Sir W. R.

Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G.

Greaves-Lord, Walter

Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G.

Barlow, Rt. Hon. Sir Montague

Greenwood, William (Stockport)

Raeburn, Sir William H.

Barnett, Major Richard W.

Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E.

Raine, W.

Barnston, Major Harry

Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

Rankin, Captain James Stuart

Becker, Harry

Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich)

Rawson, Lieut.-Com. A. C.

Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes)

Halstead, Major D.

Reid, Capt. A. S. C. (Warrington)

Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W.

Hamilton, Sir George C. (Altrincham)

Remer, J. R.

Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake)

Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry

Rentoul, G. S.

Berry, Sir George

Harmsworth, Hon. E. C. (Kent)

Reynolds, W. G. W.

Botterton, Henry B.

Harrison, F. C.

Richardson, Sir Alex. (Gravesend)

Blades, Sir George Rowland

Hawke, John Anthony

Richardson, Lt.-Col. Sir P. (Chertsey)

Blundell, F. N.

Hay, Major T. W. (Norfolk, South)

Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford)

Boyd-Carpenter, Major A.

Hennessy, Major J. R. G.

Roberts, Rt. Hon. Sir S. (Ecclesall)

Brass, Captain W.

Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford)

Robertson, J. D. (Islington, W.)

Brassey, Sir Leonard

Herbert, S. (Scarborough)

Rothschild, Lionel de

Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive

Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank

Roundell, Colonel R. F.

Brown, Major D. C. (Hexham)

Hoare, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir S. J. G.

Ruggles-Brise, Major E.

Brown, J. W. (Middlesbrough, E.)

Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (St. Marylebone)

Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth)

Bruford, R.

Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy

Russell-Wells, Sir Sydney

Bruton, Sir James

Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard

Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham)

Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A.

Hopkins, John W. W.

Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney)

Burney, Com. (Middx., Uxbridge)

Howard, Capt. D. (Cumberland, N.)

Sanders, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert A.

Butcher, Sir John George

Howard-Bury, Lieut.-Col. C. K.

Sanderson, Sir Frank B.

Butler, H. M. (Leeds, North)

Hudson, Capt. A.

Sandon, Lord

Butler, J. R. M. (Cambridge Univ.)

Hume, G. H.

Shepperson, E. W.

Cadogan, Major Edward

Hume-Williams, Sir W. Ellis

Shipwright, Captain D.

Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R.

Hunter-Weston, Lt.-Gen. Sir Aylmer

Singleton, J. E.

Cassels, J. D.

Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H.

Skelton, A. N.

Cautley, Henry Strother

Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S.

Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South)

Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City)

Jodrell, Sir Neville Paul

Smith, Sir Harold (Wavertree)

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord H. (Ox. Univ.)

Joynson-Hicks, Sir William

Somerville, A. A. (Windsor)

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord R. (Hitchin)

Kennedy, Captain M. S. Nigel

Sparkes, H. W.

Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton

King, Captain Henry Douglas

Spender-Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H.

Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood)

Lamb, J. Q.

Stanley, Lord

Chapman, Sir S.

Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.)

Steel, Major S. Strang

Churchman, Sir Arthur

Leigh, Sir John (Clapham)

Stewart, Gershom (Wirral)

Clayton, G. C.

Lloyd, Cyril E. (Dudley)

Stott, Lt.-Col. W. H.

Cobb, Sir Cyril

Lloyd-Greame, Rt. Hon. Sir P.

Stuart, Lord C. Crichton-

Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips

Lorden, John William

Sugden, Sir Wilfrid H.

Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale

Lorimer, H. D.

Sutcliffe, T.

Conway, Sir W. Martin

Lort-Williams, J.

Sykes, Major-Gen. Sir Frederick H.

Cope, Major William

Lougher, L.

Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley)

Craig, Capt. C. C. (Antrim, South)

Loyd, Arthur Thomas (Abingdon)

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry

Lumley, L. R.

Titchfield, Marquess of

Croft, Lieut.-Colonel Henry Page

Lynn, R. J.

Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement

Crook, C. W. (East Ham, North)

Macnaghten, Hon. Sir Malcolm

Tubbs, S. W.

Crooke, J. S. (Deritend)

McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury)

Vaughan-Morgan, Col. K. P.

Curzon, Captain Viscount

Maddocks, Henry

Wallace, Captain E.

Dalziel, Sir D. (Lambeth, Brixton)

Makins, Brigadier-General E.

Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull)

Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead)

Manville, Edward

Watts, Dr. T. (Man., Withington)

Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H.

Margesson, H. D. R.

Wells, S. R.

Davies, Thomas (Cirencester)

Mason, Lieut.-Col. C. K.

Weston, Colonel John Wakefield

Dawson, Sir Philip

Mitchell, W. F. (Saffron Walden)

Wheler, Col. Granville C. H.

Dixon, C. H. (Rutland)

Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham)

White, Lt.-Col. G. D. (Southport)

Du Pre, Colonel William Baring

Moles, Thomas

Whitla, Sir William

Edmondson, Major A. J.

Molloy, Major L. G. S.

Windsor, Viscount

Ednam, Viscount

Molson, Major John Elsdale

Winterton, Earl

Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark)

Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J.

Wise, Frederick

Ellis, R. G.

Morden, Col. W. Grant

Wolmer, Viscount

Erskine, Lord (Weston-super-Mare)

Moreing, Captain Algernon H.

Wood, Rt. Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon)

Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M.

Morrison, Hugh (Wilts, Salisbury)

Woodcock, Colonel H. C.

Falcon, Captain Michael

Murchison, C. K.

Yerburgh, R. D. T.

Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray

Nesbitt, J. C.

Fawkes, Major F. H.

Newson, Sir Percy Wilson

TELLERS FOR THE NOES. ——

Fermor-Hesketh, Major T.

Newton, Sir D. G. C. (Cambridge)

Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs.

Ford, Patrick Johnston

Nicholson, Brig.-Gen. J. (Westminster)

Proposed words there added.

Main Question, as amended, put, and agreed to.

Resolved,

"That, in the opinion of this House, the recommendation of the Departmental Com- mittee on Old Age Pensions in favour of the repeal of the provisions of the Old Age Pensions Acts as to calculation of means cannot at the present time be adopted, and that this House, while anxious to remove every hindrance to thrift, must have regard to the grave financial exigencies of the country and cannot, until more hopeful conditions arise, make such a heavy addition to the burdens already borne by the taxpayers."

House of Commons (Kitchen and Refreshment Rooms)

Ordered, That a Select Committee be appointed to control the arrangements for the Kitchen and Refreshment Rooms in the Department of the Serjeant-at-Arms attending this House.

Ordered, That the Committee do consist of Seventeen Members.

Mr. Adamson, Sir James Agg-Gardner, Mr. Barnes, Mr. Fildes, Sir Park Goff, Mr. Rupert Gwynne, Major Sir George Hamilton, Major Hennessy, Lieut. General Sir Aylmer Hunter-Weston, Major-General Sir Robert Hutchison, Mr. Lyle-Samuel, Sir Arthur Marshall, Mr. Murchison, Sir Herbert Nield, Captain O'Grady, Mr. Rawlinson, Mr. William Thorne nominated Members of the Committee.

Ordered, That the Committee have power to send for persons, papers, and records.

Ordered, That Three be the quorum.— [ .Colonel Gibbs.1

Public Accounts

Ordered, That the Committee of Public Accounts do consist of Fifteen Members.

Lieut.-Colonel Sir William Allen, Mr. Briggs, Sir Henry Craik, Mr. Ellis, Mr. Thomas Johnston, Mr. Frederick Jowett, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Pownall, Sir William Raeburn, Mr. Charles Roberts, Sir Thomas Robinson, Lieut.-Colonel Stephenson, Mr. Gershom Stewart, Mr. Webb, Mr. Wise, and Mr. Robert Young nominated Members of the Committee.

Ordered, That the Committee have power to send for persons, papers, and records.

Ordered, That Five be the quorum.— [ Colonel Gibbs. ]

Publications and Debates' Reports

Ordered, That a Select Committee be appointed to assist Mr. Speaker in the arrangements for the OFFICIAL REPORT of Debates, and to inquire into the expenditure on Stationery and Printing for this House and the public service generally.

Lieut.-Colonel Archer-Shee, Sir Rowland Blades, Mr. Bowerman, Mr. Collison, Captain Viscount Ednam, Lord Erskine, Mr. Gates, Mr. Lumley, Mr. Frederick Roberts, Mr. Saklatvala, and Mr. Sturrock nominated Members of the Committee.

Ordered, That the Committee have power to send for persons, papers, and records.

Ordered, That Three be the quorum.—[ Colonel Gibbs. ]

The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.

Gas (Carbon-Monoxide)

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House do now adjourn."— [ Colonel Leslie Wilson. ]

On Monday I gave notice that, on the Adjournment to-night, I would raise the question of water gas, in view of the reply I received to a question. I am going to endeavour to show, very briefly, that there is a real need for further inquiry into the supply of gas, and that the general nervousness of the public due to recent accidents makes the matter one of importance. I would remind the House that up to about 1898 gas undertakers disposed of their coal for fuel purposes, but since that date it has been found more profitable to the gas companies and undertakers to extract the by-products of the coal and coke, and in consequence they produce a large quantity of blue water gas. That blue water gas contains about 42 per cent. of carbon-monoxide, this being one of the most deadly poisons, being also odourless and colourless. A large percentage of that water gas comes into the ordinary coal gas that goes through the mains, and supplies our households for purposes of heating, lighting, etc. It is true that some of the companies have not followed that practice. For instance, the South Metropolitan Gas Company continue to sell the coke for firing purposes, and does not extract the by-products and does not manufacture the water gas. The advantage of that process I am describing—to be perfectly frank—is that it makes gas cheaper, and at the same time it gives our industries the benefit of cheap by-products. There have been two inquiries into this question as to whether it has been safe or wise to permit the unregulated addition of this most deadly poison into our ordinary domestic gas.

There was an inquiry in 1898 by a Water Gas Committee, and they recommended that there should be a Central Department to limit the proportion of carbon-monoxide in ordinary domestic gas. Although they recommended legislation, no action was taken by Parliament, and the only course that has been followed by the Local Government Board, and since by the Ministry of Health, is to make the condition to local authorities when they apply for loans that they should limit the percentage of carbon-monoxide in gas.

I think I am right in saying that this evil has increased since the War when it was found necessary to extract the byproducts. This Custom of manufacturing water gas has very largely increased, and undoubtedly there has been a very much larger quantity of carbon monoxide in the gas since that time. So important became this problem that a Departmental Committee was appointed in 1921. They had very elaborate statistics put before them by the Registrar-General. I do not attach too much importance to statistics, because they are often very misleading, but the Registrar-General did point out that the death rate of the towns where water gas was used was two and a-half times higher than where it was not supplied. He further stated that in two large neighbouring towns, in one case, where water gas was added to the ordinary coal gas, the percentage of deaths was 35, as against no deaths by gas poisoning in the other.

The Committee admitted the increased risk of having this most deadly poison in ordinary domestic use, but they recommended no action. On the other hand, they asked the department of the Board of Trade concerned to watch the situa- tion closely. I do contend that there has been recently a large increase in the number of fatal accidents caused by gas poisoning. The ordinary gas does not kill, but asphyxiates and stupefies, and you have to take a large quantity before you have any deadly effect, but if you have enough carbon monoxide mixed up with it, it means instant death. Only one-half of 1 per cent. of carbon monoxide in the air proves fatal. Several inquests have been held because of fatal accidents.

There was an unfortunate one not long ago in Bethnal Green, in Gale Gardens, where the house was not even connected with the gas main. The gas percolated under the crust of the earth from a broken gaspipe into the house, and it proved fatal to the inhabitants of one of the rooms in a very short time. All this suggests to the ordinary mind that there is greater danger in the gas supplied to our houses than there was before water gas was added. Dr. Smith, a very distinguished coroner, in the inquiry on this particular accident, stated that there had been a number of cases presenting the same features as the case on the 3rd January this year. Dr. Waldo, the City Coroner, a man of considerable experience, stated at an inquest in February that there had been very frequent cases since the mixture of water gas with coal gas in which gas poisoning had occurred. A considerable number of technical experts pointed out the same thing. There was the evidence of Dr. Haldane before the original Committee of Inquiry. Dr. Bone, another well-known scientist, pointed out the very serious danger of the absence of any limitation of the amount of carbon monoxide in gas, and he specially asked that there should be an impartial Committee to inquire into it. This, after all, is not a very serious problem for which to find a remedy, because at present there is an examination by gas examiners under the direction of the Gas Referee at the Board of Trade, and they take samples of the gas, from the point of view of its heating and lighting value. They do not necessarily test the gas for carbon-monoxide, because they have not the power to call the attention of the authorities or the Board of Trade to the increased danger. I suggest, however, there is machinery in existence by which the problem could be dealt with, and by which it could be decided whether or not it is advisable to impose any limitation. I suggest this is a subject for an inquiry by impartial experts, not entirely guided by gas engineers, who are naturally and unconsciously prejudiced persons. Gas engineers, of course, stand up for gas as an illuminating and heating agent, but the scientist would approach the subject purely from the scientific point of view and the point of view of the public safety.

In conclusion, I should like to point to the importance of a consideration of the suitability of our present roads. In passing, may I congratulate the Ministry on the prompt action they took in calling a representative conference at the Board of Trade? It was a very large conference, almost like a mass meeting and it represented a number of organisations throughout the country including gas companies and local authorities. The local authorities are very often gas owners and they are therefore not very likely to approach the subject from an altogether unprejudiced point of view. Most of our gas mains were laid down 40 years ago when the traffic was much lighter than it is to-day. Motors were unknown and the horse traffic was much lighter. Roads suitable to carry that light horse traffic certainly are not suitable to carry the very heavy motor lorries which now pass over the gas mains. The stress on our roads now is much greater and the vibration is greater than in the time of horse traffic. These pipes, I understand, are generally put only three feet below the surface of the road. I know that to have to relay all our gas mains is an appalling proposition, but we ought to know where we are. The expert committee should also consider whether it is necessary to have extra precautions in regard to our roads where there is this enormous amount of danger beneath the surface, so as to provide for the safety of the public. I am not going to prejudge the case; all I am going to ask the Minister is to have another inquiry. If it should be proved that the last Committee was right and that it is not necessary to fix the percentage of carbon monoxide, it will allay public suspicion and restore public confidence. If, on the other hand, it proves not to be right, the action will be justified. I ask the Government to appoint a Committee so that the whole subject may be revised in the light of our experience and with the advantage of more expert knowledge.

I am very glad that the hon. Member has raised this question, because it is one of considerable public interest, and I am glad of any opportunity of saying more than it is possible to say in reply to a question. As the House will remember, the provision which Parliament put into the Gas Regulation Act, 1920, was that a committee, of the kind described, should be appointed. It was an expert Committee, presided over by a very distinguished Member of this House, Sir William Pearce, and it included two very distinguished scientists. It was appointed to go into the question of whether there should or should not be a limitation upon the proportion of carbon-monoxide, and it is quite true that there were scientific witnesses who suggested that a limitation of 20 per cent. was possibly desirable. The Committee, however, after going very carefully into the whole matter and hearing all the evidence, recommended this: occurrence of this kind, and Mr. Butter-field, the well-known chemist and gas referee, is making a careful analysis of all these cases. I have not yet received his report, but when I receive it I shall be glad to lay it as a Parliamentary Paper, so that the expert analysis may be available. I also do not want to prejudge the case, and I do not say that it may not be desirable to set up again the expert Committee; but I should like the House to see the detailed report of Mr. Butterfield on the facts. Upon the statistics, however, so far as he has been able to have them analysed, this transpires. First of all, there has been, not a very great, but some increase on what would be expected, taking a purely mathematical calculation, would have been the number of fatal accidents, in proportion to the increase in the total consumption of gas. I think, taking 1920–1921, what you would have expected to be the number would be something like 95, whereas it is 110 or 111. But there are two further facts I should like to mention in that connection. You cannot make any deduction of great certainty from an increase in one year. I have had a look at what are the numbers of accidents taking place in one year compared with another, and it so happens that the number varies very greatly from year to year. For instance, in 1908 there were 39 fatal accidents. In 1909 the number rose suddenly to 65. In 1910 it had fallen to 27. I quote these figures, because you cannot make a certain deduction from the fact that there have been rather more accidents in one year than in another. [ .Interruption. ] Yes, but gas consumption had moved up, and in the very year when the accidents fell from 65 to 27 there was actually more consumption. There was a smaller number of accidents in that year than in the year before.

The next thing which is interesting is that the scientists whom the hon. Member quoted—Dr. Haldane, for instance, and Dr. Bone—had suggested a limitation of 20 per cent. From the material at my disposal, I find that in every single case where there has been a fatal accident in the past year the proportion of carbon-monoxide in gas was actually less than 20 per cent. I have not been content merely to wait for Mr. Butterfield's report, because I was satisfied that even if the report showed that there was not undue increase, and that there was nothing which would lead us to reverse the decision, yet the fact that accidents take place is a matter to guard against if we possibly can. For that reason I convened this conference of local authorities and the Ministries of Health and Transport and my own Department and the Gas Council. It is true there was a large number of persons there, but when you get the local authorities of England, Scotland and Wales it is very difficult to represent them by one person, and it would be unfair to the London County Council, for instance, and the Associations of County and Urban Councils, and the Association of Metropolitan Borough Councils to say that, though they may be interested in gas, some as producers, they are not also enormously and predominantly interested in the security of the people they represent. They made a number of what I think are useful and practical suggestions. These suggestions they have referred to their constituent assemblies, and they are going to send me their considered opinions upon them.

Therefore, whatever may be our view, when we get the full detailed consideration of statistics for 1922, I hope that provisions will be able to be carried out both with regard to making arrangements that the mains will be carefully inspected whenever a road is taken up, and that notification may be given to the public in the most prominent way possible, warning them of the necessity of communicating with the gas company as soon as there is an escape of gas, so that all possible precaution may be taken to ensure safety.

It being Half-past Eleven of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER Adjourned the House without Question put, pursuant to the Standing Order.

Adjourned at Half after Eleven o'Clock.