House of Commons
Monday, February 26, 1923
The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.
Private Business
Mersey Docks and Harbour Board Bill (by Order),
Mitcham Urban District Council Bill (by Order),
Second Reading deferred till To-morrow.
Potteries and North Staffordshire Tramways and Light Railways Bill (by Order),
Second Reading deferred till Monday next.
Rawmarsh Urban District Council Bill (by Order),
Second Reading deferred till Thursday.
Rugby Urban District Council Bill (by Order),
Second Reading deferred till Tomorrow.
Warrington Corporation Water Bill (by Order),
Second Reading deferred till Friday.
Oral Answers to Questions
India
Police (Allegations)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India what powers, since the repeal of the Press Act, are now possessed by the Government of India to put a stop to the allegations against the police, designed, as stated in the Indian Press, to stir up religious feeling and to inflame the passions of the multitude?
As I stated in my reply to my hon. and gallant Friend on the 14th December, if the attacks amount to offences under the law, the law can be applied and is applied by means of prosecutions.
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India what were the grounds of the refusal of improved conditions of service to the officers of the Indian police who presented their case on 4th February, 1922; and what was the total cost to the State of the refund to the Indian Civil Service of part of their contributions to pension sanctioned by the Secretary of State in September of the same year?
I am aware that a deputation of police officers waited on the Viceroy on the date named, but I have not received any report of the proceedings, which, I understand, were private. I am unable, therefore, to answer the first part of the question. As regards the second part, the capital cost of the measure referred to was estimated at about £270,000, the actual payments being spread over a considerable number of years.
National Congress Resolutions
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether the attention of the Secretary of State has been called to the speech of the Viceroy on the 8th January regarding what he termed the unfortunate resolutions passed by the Indian National Congress at Gaya, and assuring the members of the associated chambers of commence of India that the Government would use all its resources to combat and quell the forces of disorder if they became manifest; and whether steps will now be taken to combat and quell these forces of disorder before they become more manifest than they are at present rather than after?
Nothing that I could say in this House could give my hon. and gallant Friend a more definite assurance than is contained in the Viceroy's speech. Both my Noble Friend the Secretary of State and I rather deprecate my hon. and gallant Friend's repeated suggestions in his questions that the Governments and their officers in India are not doing their duty.
Is it not more advisable to take steps to quell these disturbances before they arise?
I do not think it would be very easy to quell a disturbance before it has arisen. In regard to what I believe to be the principal point of my hon. and gallant Friend's question, I would suggest to him that the great improvement in the conditions in India to-day compared with a year ago make it less necessary for my hon. and gallant Friend to interest himself to the extent that he does in the details of the administration. [HON. MEMBERS: "Withdraw!"]
Absolutely disgraceful!
I said, "in the details of administration." I do not suggest that my hon. and gallant Friend has not a perfect right to ask a question on the principle. I specifically said, "the details of administration."
Civil Services, Bombay Presidency
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether the attention of the Secretary of State has been drawn to the Memorial of 24th January, 1923, submitted by the Council of the Bombay Presidency Association of European Government Servants, published in the "Times" of 21st February, 1923; and, considering that the proposed Royal Commission to be appointed to inquire into the position, prospects, and grievances of the Indian Civil Services may not be able to report for some considerable time, will the Secretary of State take into consideration the question of the grant of some interim immediate relief owing to the difficulties these civil servants are placed in owing to the rise in the cost of living and the fall in exchange?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. As regards the second part, I am not prepared to make any statement until the Royal Commission has been formally constituted, and has had an opportunity of considering the materials that will be laid before it.
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether a Memorial addressed by the European Government servants in the Bombay Presidency to the Secretary of State has been received, setting forth the extreme financial straits in which these officials now find themselves; and, in view of much praise and many promises they have received, will he state if anything has yet been done to alleviate the distress which these Government servants, after many years of devoted service to the Empire, are suffering?
I would refer to the answer I have just given to the question on the same subject by the hon. and gallant Baronet the Member for Melton. Substantial improvements in pay and other conditions of service were effected in 1919–1920, and, as my hon. Friend is no doubt aware, a Royal Commission is about to be appointed, which will inquire into the financial conditions of Service among other matters.
Is the Noble Lord aware that these European officers out there are in a state of great distress, and anxious that some quicker tribunal than a Royal Commission should be appointed, as they are practically starving under present conditions? Will the Noble Lord try to see that something is done immediately to relieve the distress?
If when the Royal Commission does sit, will they take very great care to see that the Civil Service do not confiscate to themselves all the benefits that are likely to be conferred to the disadvantage of the British officers?
The points raised by both hon. Members will be taken into consideration. With regard to the specific point raised by the hon. Member for Eastbourne (Mr. Gwynne) I think that he and the House will realise that this Commission having been appointed, among other purposes, expressly to inquire into the grievances of civil servants, it will be inopportune to take any action until the Commission has reported. I hope the Report of the Commission will be available earlier than the hon. Member thinks.
Cannot some interim help be given to these unfortunate people?
I will convey both suggestions to my Noble Friend the Secretary of State.
Will it not be necessary for the Commission to go out to India in the cold season, and will not that postpone the whole inquiry?
It is quite true that the Commission will probably not now be able to go out until next cold weather; but I must not be taken as admitting that the seriousness of the situation is as great as it has been put by my hon. Friend. I will convey the suggestions made from various quarters to the Secretary of State.
Is the Noble Lord not aware, as it is a matter of common knowledge, that many of the civil servants are seriously embarrassed, and is not that likely to injure the Government of India administration?
Political Prisoners
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether he is aware that Sir Henry Wheeler, the Governor of Bihar and Orissa, has refused to release the political prisoners confined in the gaols of that province, while Sir William Marris, the Governor of the United Provinces, has taken a different course of action; and whether he can say what is the justification for such a divergence of policy in two adjoining provinces?
I have seen a Press report of the decision of the Government of Bihar, and of the reasons for that decision. I have not yet received the full statement of the reasons for the action taken in the United Provinces. In the exercise of their discretion in this matter local governments have evidently been guided mainly by their view of local conditions, but, as stated in my answer to the hon. and gallant Member for Melton on 15th February, the question of the exercise of this discretion on a general scale is being discussed by the authorities in India.
Is it not considered proper that these Governors, in exercising discretion, should consult the Government of India before they come to decisions on these matters?
In regard to the very important question of my right hon. Friend, that is a matter which, as I pointed out in this and in previous answers, is now under discussion between the Government of India and the Provincial Governments. I would point out that, by law, discretion is actually vested in the local Governor.
Does the Noble Lord not think that action such as this is liable to give rise in India to a widespread demand for the release of Ghandi?
I prefer to answer that question when the result of the discussion to which I have referred is known.
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether the prisoners recently released by the Governor of the United Provinces had been sentenced for taking part in a revolutionary movement common to many provinces; and, in view of the fact that a common policy in regard to offenders is desirable, did the Governor of the United Provinces consult the Government of India and the Secretary of State before taking action which will likely lead to demands for similar action in other provinces?
As regards some, at least, of the prisoners, the answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. As regards the second part, I must refer my hon. Friend to the answer already given on this subject.
Is the Noble Lord aware that he gave no answer the other day? He said he had not yet received any information. Will he say whether Ghandi's son is one of the persons released?
I will make inquiries in regard to the last part of the question as to Ghandi's son. In the answer referred to, I explained what was the constitutional position with regard to the discretion that is vested in the Governor, and I informed the hon. and gallant Member for Melton (Sir C. Yate) that discussions were going on on the question of the principle involved at the time between the Government of India and the local Governments.
Would it not have been better, if discussions are going on, for the Governor of the United Provinces to have waited until the discussions had taken place?
I explained that the Governor took action without previously conferring with the Government of India, in accordance with the discretion that is vested in him by law. I said that the consequences resulting from his action were the subject of discussion between the Government of India and the local Governments.
Are we to understand that it will then be within the province of the Governor to release Ghandi, should he think it is a good thing to do?
Cavalry Officers (Pay)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India if his attention has been called to the fact that under present Army instructions in India all cavalry officers are required to provide themselves with suitable chargers at their own expense; and, in view of the fact that officers serving in India have also to pay for their quarters, mess buildings, servants, stabling, etc., which are free in this country, and that, owing to the increased cost of living, cavalry officers serving in India are now worse off financially than they are at home, will he inquire into the matter and see what can be done to remedy this?
The cavalry officer in India has benefited from concessions introduced after the War to relieve officers of expense in connection with chargers, namely, an allowance in respect of the wages of grooms, free forage, and concessional rates for purchase of horses. I would observe generally that Indian rates of pay are designed to cover many expenses that under British Regulations are met by specific allowances or free provision. I do not think that any extension of the recent charger concessions is practicable.
Is the Noble Lord aware that, owing to the exchange, cavalry officers in India are really in a worse position than they are in this country? Will the Noble Lord have the matter inquired into?
Yes. I shall be pleased to ask that further inquiry be made into the matter. It is difficult to get an exact comparison between the conditions of pay of the British officer in India and in this country owing to the varying and different conditions in the two countries.
Is it not a fact that the recommendations of the Esher Committee have not been carried out?
I think the spirit, at any rate, of those recommendations has been carried out.
Elections (Candidates' Qualifications)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether he can hold out any hope of a revision of the rules made under the Government of India Act in connection with the residential qualification of candidates in Bombay and certain other provinces before the elections are held next December?
I cannot give any undertaking, but the point is being specially considered by the Government of India and the local governments concerned. Their recommendations when received will be fully considered by my Noble Friend before a decision is taken, as it will be before the next elections.
Riots, Chauri Chaura
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether his attention has been called to the verdict in the case of 172 men sentenced to death for action arising out of, and during, a riot at Chauri Chaura; whether, having regard to the fact that in evidence it was stated these men were carrying out the political policy of non-co-operation, and were provoked into resistance by violence through the conduct of local authorities and the talukdars, he will suggest to His Excellency the Viceroy of India the appointment of a committee of inquiry into the cause of the riot, composed of three representatives appointed by the Indian trade unions, three from the National Congress, and three from the Central Government, and that the enactment of the death sentences remain in abeyance until the committee's Report is presented?
It is true that the brutal massacre of 22 Indian policemen by a mob at Chauri Chaura was the direct outcome of the non-co-operation movement. It had no agrarian aspect. The death sentences passed by the Sessions Court must be reviewed by the High Court, after which it is open to the Executive Government to consider the mitigation of individual sentences. My Noble Friend will most certainly not suggest to the Viceroy that the functions of the Courts and the Executive should in any way be superseded by the appointment of a special committee with partisan elements.
Have the India Office in London and their advisers considered the effect of sentencing 172 men to death for the murder of these 22 policemen, and, if that be so, is not the suggestion made in the question a way out of the difficulty which will assuage the wrath of the whole of India in regard to these sentences?
As I have pointed out, this case is at present sub judice. The sentences must be reviewed, and meantime it would be most improper for me to make any comment on the sentences that have already been passed.
Coal Industry
Colliery Managers (Salaries)
asked the Secretary for Mines if he is aware that instances have occurred whereby colliery managers employed by firms have had their salaries advanced and sanctioned by his Department from £340 to £800, whilst the output from those collieries have dropped from 148,000 tons in 1914 to 60,000 tons in 1921; and, seeing that one person is thus being rewarded for decreased output and another person punished for increased output at the very time when his Department is asking for coal to be sent up, will he inquire into this matter and meet this person to discuss it?
I am aware that during control, the sanction of the Controller of Coal Mines was necessary to increases of the salaries of colliery employés and that he sanctioned increases if they were recommended by employers and justified by circumstances. I have no knowledge of the specific instances to which the hon. Member refers, but control ended on the 31st March, 1921, and since then my Department have had no powers whatever in such matters. In these circumstances, the last part of the question, so far as I understand it, does not appear to arise.
Will the hon. and gallant Gentleman make inquiry into the years which I have given, in Northumberland, Durham, Lancashire and Yorkshire?
I do not see any particular year in the question.
asked the Secretary for Mines if he is aware that a small colliery owner-manager in Rhondda Valley, South Wales, after very largely increasing his output of coal in response to urgent appeals from the Department, and under a written promise, as contained in a letter from his Department, dated 14th January, 1920, that such increase would be fairly considered when his accounts were presented, having got the coal from him and from the most remunerative part of his royalty, and when discussing his accounts afterwards, that letter has been repudiated by his Department, the effect being that this colliery owner-manager considers that he has been dishonourably treated; that this same person has not received one penny increase of salary from the first day of control to 31st March, 1919; and that in effect the same remark applies up to the end of control, viz., 31st March, 1921; and, seeing that he is the only one of 17 coal retailers in his district whose retail profits have been curtailed drastically by his Department, the others not having had their retail profits interfered with by his Department in any way, will he inquire into this?
I have inquired into this matter, and, if I have rightly identified the owner-manager to whom the hon. Member refers, I am satisfied that the suggestion of unfair treatment is quite without foundation. He has received his full legal rights under the provisions of the Coal Mines (Emergency) Acts, and the treatment of his retail business was on the lines agreed by him, and in accordance with principles generally applied, except that it was found possible to mate a special concession in his favour. I fear that my obligation of secrecy under the Coal Mines (Emergency) Act precludes me from going into further detail.
Could not the hon. and gallant Gentleman or a representative of the Department again meet this person and hold an inquiry?
I shall be quite prepared to go further into the whole thing, but I do not think that there is much use, as it has been gone into already very carefully and very fully.
Safety Lamp Committee
asked the Secretary for Mines whether he has received a Report from the Miners' Safety Lamp Committee; and, if so, whether it is his intention to publish the findings of the Committee?
Six memoranda presented by this Committee have been published by the Stationery Office, and also the Minutes of Evidence. A further Report from the Committee is expected shortly, and, when received, will be published without delay.
Electric Lamps
asked the Secretary for Mines whether his attention has been drawn to the investigations carried out by the Institute of Industrial Psychology as to the effect on coal production of increasing the lighting power of the miners' electric lamp; whether he is aware that the tests showed that an increase of nearly 15 per cent. in the output and a decrease of 22 per cent. in the amount of dirt sent away were obtained by increased illumination; and whether his Department has made any investigations into the matter?
Yes, Sir, the results of these experiments are being closely studied, but the results to which the hon. Member refers, though valuable, were obtained under experimental conditions with an electric lamp weighing about 30 lbs., and the experimenters do not suggest that it would be practicable for miners generally to use such a heavy lamp. There is no difference of opinion, however, but that better light would tend to improve production, and I have hopes that it will eventually be possible to produce an electric lamp of reasonable weight with far greater intensity of light than is now available. The Miners' Lamps Committee, who have been at work for the past two or three years, have already evolved two new types of electric lamp and published other valuable suggestions.
Questions
Lithuania and Poland
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether, seeing that hostilities have broken out between Poland and Lithuania, and that both sides have appealed to the League of Nations, His Majesty's Government have taken the necessary steps to bring about prompt intervention by the League?
His Majesty's Government have urged moderation on both sides, and it is hoped that further hostilities will now be avoided. It is for the League itself to decide what action to take in response to the appeal addressed to it.
Is it not necessary for some Power to take the initiative in putting the machinery of the League into motion?
That is not a question which arises out of this question. The fact is that the Lithuanian Government have already declined. In these circumstances, there is not much use in seeking to set the machinery of the League in motion.
Is it proposed to call a meeting of the Council of the League on the matter, or has Poland applied for a meeting?
No, because, as I have already indicated, there is now a hope that the difficulties are at an end.
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether the British military attaché in Poland has been arrested by the Lithuanians; and, if so, whether His Majesty's Government will take prompt steps to secure his release and fix responsibility upon those responsible?
The British military attaché in Poland was recently arrested by the Lithuanians, but has already been released. His Majesty's Government have demanded a full explanation of, and apology for, this incident from the Lithuanian Government.
Is it not a fact that General Carton de Wiart, accompanied by two Polish officers, went on to Lithuanian soil?
I do not think that it is all admitted.
Is there any reason why this very gallant officer should not go on to Lithuanian soil?
With two Polish officers!
He might even go to Newcastle-under-Lyme.
Russia
British Claims
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he will state what is the total of the Russian Government debt to this country, and the sum total of all claims registered with the Russian Claims Department against the Russian Government, and the sum total of any other claims for which His Majesty's Government, acting on their own behalf or on behalf of British nationals, regards the Russian Government as responsible; and whether the claims registered with the Russian Claims Department are open to the inspection of Members of this House?
The amount owed by the Russian Government to the British Government is about £656,000,000. I am unable to give the sterling total of the claims registered with the Russian Claims Department, as many of them are expressed in roubles. These claims have always been treated as confidential and are not open to inspection. I know of no other British claims for which the Russian Government are held responsible.
Is it not possible for this House to know the total value of the private claims against the Russian Government?
If the hon. Member can tell me the value of the rouble, perhaps I can answer the question.
Have these claims not been registered for the past three or four years?
All the claims are registered, and are awaiting payment by the Russian Government.
Have the claims submitted to the British Government been submitted in terms of roubles or of English pounds?
In terms of pounds.
Then why not answer the question as to the value?
Because I think that a great many of these claims are private claims, and a great many of the private claims are in roubles.
Is not the whole point that one of the facts which are delaying the resumption of normal relations between Russia and our Government is these private claims, and cannot we have accurate and definite information now about the nature of these claims?
If the hon. Member desires further information, I should be glad if he will put down a question.
What is the number of private claims compared with the total population of the British Isles?
British Fishermen (Arrests)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs what steps, if any, have been taken to secure the release of British fishermen arrested by the Soviet Government; and what is the present state of affairs?
I would refer the hon. and gallant Member to the reply which I gave to the hon. and gallant Member for Hull (South-West) on the 19th of February. No reply has yet been received from His Majesty's representative at Moscow to the latest instructions sent to him on the subject.
Soviet Government (Recognition)
asked the Prime Minister whether, seeing that the conditions on which His Majesty's Government have declared their willingness to grant de jure recognition to the Russian Government are liable to differing interpretations, that the World Conferences held at Genoa and the Hague failed to bring about a settlement between Russia and the non-Russian Powers, that the preamble of the Anglo-Russian Trade Agreement signed on 16th March, 1921, contemplated a formal general peace treaty between the Governments of Great Britain and Russia, and that the lack of normal diplomatic relations is a hindrance to the development of Anglo-Russian trade, His Majesty's Government is prepared to invite the Russian Government to send plenipotentiaries to meet representatives of the British Government in conference in London with a view to negotiating a full settlement of all the questions at present outstanding between the two Governments?
The points mentioned by the hon. Member have all been fully considered by His Majesty's Government, who are, nevertheless, not disposed to depart from the decision referred to in the answer given to the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy) by my right hon. Friend the President of the Board of Trade on the 27th November last.
Is it not laid down in the preamble to the Anglo-Russian Agreement that cessation of the propaganda against the British Empire should take place as a condition precedent to any formal conclusion of peace?
Questions
Ellis Island (Mrs. F. Thompson)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether his attention has been called to the treatment of Mrs. Frederick Thompson, of 68, Queen's Gate, South Kensington, by the immigration officials of New York; whether he is aware that Mrs. Thompson, a, first-class passenger on the "Olympic," who was going with several friends to pay a private visit in America, was separated from her friends and taken off in a barge to Ellis Island with 236 steerage aliens, notwithstanding the protests of her fellow-passengers and the officers of the "Olympic"; whether representations have been made to the Government of the United States on the matter; and with what result?
His Majesty's Ambassador at Washington was instructed to bring the incident to the attention of the United States Government, but before Sir Auckland Geddes could act on these instructions he received a letter from the Surgeon-General of the United States Public Health Service expressing regret at the occurrence and stating that a special investigation had been ordered. The United States authorities have been asked to communicate the result of this investigation at the earliest possible moment.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that this is not an isolated case, and will he consider the particulars of further cases if I send them to him?
The whole question of the conditions at Ellis Island has been under consideration for some time and representations are being made.
Housing
Advances to Builders
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department whether, in the Bill he introduced the week before last relating to the housing of the working classes and the acquisition of small dwellings, he proposes to insert a provision to enable local authorities to make advances to builders during the course of erection of approved dwellings for persons who desire to own and live in them?
Yes, Sir.
Women's Hostel, Eltham
asked the First Commissioner of Works what is the extent of the present housing accommodation at the women's hostel at Eltham; whether, in the event of the site being given up, any binding undertaking has been given that houses will be forthwith erected thereon; and whether he has any information as to the number and nature of the houses that are to be built?
The hostel was originally constructed for, approximately, 1,476 girls, and at the present moment only 120 are in residence. The answer to the second part is in the negative. As regards the third, I understand that the erection of permanent houses is contemplated in the immediate future, but the hon. Member can no doubt obtain full information on this point from the owner of the land.
Does not the right hon. Gentleman think it would be wiser of his Department to retain this accommodation for some 1,400 people in a district where the housing shortage is already very considerable, sooner than wait upon such an uncertainty as the right hon. Gentleman has indicated?
No, Sir. In the interest of the taxpayer, we think it right to economise the money, which we should have to pay if we retained this land after the Defence of the Realm Act Regulations came to an end. In the second place, this is an extremely valuable site, and so long as we remained on it there was no prospect of houses being erected.
May I suggest that sometimes the interests of housing might be the interests of the taxpayer?
Decontrol (Date of Cessation)
asked the Prime Minister what classes of houses the Government proposes to decontrol in June, 1924; whether the decontrol of these houses will take effect unconditionally or will be dependent on whether the shortage of such houses has come to an end?
It is the proposal of the Government that all control shall cease in June, 1925. As regards the higher rated houses it is proposed that, these shall be decontrolled in 1924, but the Bill will contain a Clause that this shall only take place in the absence of a Resolution to the contrary in either House of Parliament.
Will it be possible for Members of this House to have the Bill in their hands this week?
I made inquiries about that this morning. I do not think that the Bill can be circulated before the end of next week.
Government Assistance
asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the refusal of the Unemployed Grants Committee to make grants to local authorities in connection with the employment of unemployed labour on housing schemes, and of the refusal of the Ministry of Health to authorise the erection of any more State-assisted houses under the Housing and Town Planning Act, 1919, he will state what the Government are prepared to do to facilitate the erection of houses during the months which must elapse before building operations can commence under their new proposals which have yet to be passed into law?
The point raised by the hon. Member has been considered in connection with the Housing Bill.
Is the hon. Baronet aware that while the Government are considering it, no houses are being built, and cannot some definite pronouncement be made, so that local authorities may know where they stand in this matter?
The hon. Member cannot expect me to accept the statement that no houses are being built. Beyond that, I hope to be able to make a statement as soon as possible in regard to the matter, and the hon. Member will see the Housing Bill when it is in print.
Arising out of that indefinite reply, I beg to give notice that at the end of Questions I will ask leave to move the Adjournment of the House on a matter of definite public importance.
At the end of Questions—!
I desire to ask leave to move the Adjournment of the House to call attention to a definite matter of urgent public importance, namely, the refusal of the Government to make a definite pronouncement as to the position of local authorities with regard to the erection of more houses pending the enactment of the new Housing Bill, and the withholding of grants for this purpose from any other source, whereby all progress in State-assisted housebuilding is suspended, and large numbers of building operatives are kept out of employment.
The hon. Member's Motion wishes to anticipate the notice already given by the Government for the introduction of their Housing Bill. He is, therefore, precluded by the Rules of the House from putting forward this Motion.
May I put it to you that it is in the discretion of the Chair to decide whether the introduction of a Bill is not intended to be a block. I respectfully desire to remind you that the whole question of blocking was before the House some years ago. At that time the placing of a notice on the Paper was an absolute block. It was generally regarded as unfair to have a block on the Paper if there was any chance of having a discussion in reasonable time in the public interest. The question I now put to you is this: In view of the circumstances of the present Bill, in that notice was given on the first day of this Session that this Bill would be introduced, that it has been presented, that we have no security that it will be in the hands of the Members for at least another fortnight, while at the present time important issues are being decided elsewhere, on un-authorised statements of Government policy founded on this Bill, the notice of Motion is relevant? Furthermore, local authorities are being held up in a very serious way not only in respect to housing but in respect to unemployment. The local authorities were not inclined to take exception to the Government policy when it was announced that the Bill would be introduced, and—[ lnterruption ]—I am entitled to make my question as clear as I can—the local authorities were given the impression that this Bill would be proceeded with with all expedition, because, obviously, the grants had come to an end. In view of the fact that an alternative policy for bridging the transitional period has been offered to the Government and that has been turned down, I put it to you that an exceptional case has arisen and that this block ought not to be allowed to operate.
On a point of Order. Is it not a fact that a Bill still blocks a Motion unless, in your opinion, Mr. Speaker, there is no reasonable chance of the Bill being discussed?
May I also submit that my right hon. Friend is scarcely right in that interpretation in the change of order, or practice, of the House? Is is not really a matter for the Chair to consider whether on the whole, the convenience of the House will best be met by allowing a discussion to take place now rather than postponing it?
I am very much obliged to the three hon. Members for their assistance in this matter. I had in my mind, of course, the new Standing Order made a short time ago. The notice of a Bill is not in every case a block to discussion. It is put upon the occupant of the Chair to decide whether he considers there would be an opportunity within a reasonable period for discussion. In respect to the particular matter brought forward by the hon. Member, I cannot, at this stage of the Session, take the view that the Government gave notice of the introduction of the Housing Bill on the first day of the Session without any intention of proceeding with it.
With all respect, may I suggest that the passing of the Bill does not affect the question which I wish to raise, namely, the transitional period between to-day, when nothing further can be done, and the time when the Bill will become operative?
The hon. Member in his notice does not allege that there has been any departure in policy on the part of the Government from that which was announced last year as to the number of houses to be built under the old scheme. What he complains about is the delay in producing their new scheme, and the consequent gap, as I understand it, in the building operations. That is not a matter which can be brought up upon a Motion of this kind. Had there been a departure from the policy already announced to the House, the hon. Gentleman would have had some grounds for his Motion.
I was lately with a deputation from the local authorities to the Ministry of Health, and the Department said they had no more houses to give out. That was the answer we got—that the whole of the houses had been allocated. Will I be in order, Mr. Speaker, in giving notice to call attention to the matter on the Adjournment tomorrow night?
Notice has been given to raise more or less the same subject for to-morrow night, and I shall be pleased to look in the hon. Gentleman's direction on that occasion.
Small Dwellings Acquisition Act
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department, as representing the Ministry of Health, how many local authorities have adopted the Small Dwellings Acquisition Act of 1899?
My right hon. Friend has no information as to the number of local authorities who have adopted the Act, but 56 local authorities have obtained sanction to borrow money for the purpose of making advances under the Act.
Can the hon. Gentleman inquire as to how many local authorities have adopted the Act?
I am afraid that, without sending out a circular to every local authority in the country, it would be impossible to get the information.
It is a very important matter.
Is it not the fact that it is the duty of the Ministry of Health to keep in touch with important Acts that are adopted by local authorities?
It is fully their policy and duty to keep in touch, but this Act does not require local authorities to make these particular returns to the Ministry of Health, and I do not see, as at present advised, any particular advantage in sending the circular all round.
Cannot the hon. Gentleman give us some indication as to the total number of houses already erected under this Act? In answer to a question from me last week, we had the information that the total amount is less than three-quarters of a million. Why cannot—
The hon. Member will please put that question down.
Building
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department, as representing the Ministry of Health, whether he has obtained any estimates as to the probable number of houses that may be expected to be built in the two higher classes, under the Rent Restriction Act, between now and June, 1924?
The Government are of opinion that, if their policy is carried out, the supply of these houses in 1924 should approximate to the demand.
Can the hon. Gentleman say whether the Government scheme will apply to higher priced houses at all?
I have answered the question on the Paper. The opinion of the Ministry of Health is that by 1924 the supply of these houses will be equal to the demand.
Government Departments
Overseas Trade Department
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department what is the number of persons employed by his Department at home and abroad; what functions such persons perform that were not previously carried out by the Consular Service; and what is the increase in cost in providing commercial intelligence due to the formation of the Department?
The staff of the Department of Overseas Trade at home, exclusive of messengers and charwomen, is 369 persons. The staff abroad consists of 34 commercial diplomatic officers, 11 trade commissioners, and clerical staffs of approximately 120. The Department is also responsible for the Consular Department of the Foreign Office and for the administration of the Consular Service, which comprises 390 salaried officers.
As the remainder of the answer is necessarily very long, I will, with the hon. Member's permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
In the carrying out of this organisation, both at home and abroad, are the opinions of the commercial community sought?
Yes.
Is it not a fact that all the Chambers of Commerce in Britain have signified that they are very grateful for the work accomplished by this Department, which is very important to us manufacturers?
My Department is in constant touch with the Chambers of Commerce of the country, and we have a very large advisory committee composed of the heads of the banking, mercantile, and manufacturing firms of the country, whose advice is invariably sought.
Following is the remainder of the answer:
The commercial diplomatic officers, who form part of the staffs of the British Embassies and Legations in foreign countries, besides supervising the commercial work of the Consuls, assists the Ambassadors and Ministers in their commercial work and maintain a continuous supply to the Department of reports on the more important commercial and economic questions within their area. Consular officers furnish, either directly or through the commercial diplomatic officers, commercial intelligence of local interest on matters arising in their respective districts. The Trade Commissioners are stationed at various posts within the Empire, where, as the hon. Member is no doubt aware, no British consular service is maintained. The headquarters staff of the Department is engaged in directing the work of the overseas officers, in assisting British traders who wish to develop their export trade, and in disseminating commercial information. The functions of the Department also include the organisation of the British Industries Fair and of British participation in international exhibitions. The Department is also charged with the administration of the export credits scheme. As before the formation of the Department the expenditure on commercial intelligence was spread over several Votes, it is not possible to state what increase in cost has resulted from its creation.
Ministries of Labour and Pensions
asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been called to the transference of work from the Ministry of Labour at Kew to the Ministry of Pensions; whether this is due to the recent dismissal of ex-service civil servants from Kew; and whether he will implement the promises of the Government and order the reinstatement of the dismissed men?
I have been asked to reply. In connection with the consideration of various aspects of the unemployment question, a mass of statistical information was recently obtained. It was necessary to tabulate these statistics, which related to hundreds of thousands of cases, in a number of ways and in as short a time as possible, and for this purpose the use of particular tabulating machines was essential. These machines are not available in the Ministry of Labour, but they are installed in the Ministry of Pensions, and for this reason the tabulation was done at the latter Ministry. This fact is in no way connected with the recent reductions of staff at Kew.
Questions
British Empire Exhibition
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department if he will consider the abandonment of the project of holding the British Empire Exhibition, with a view to setting some limit to the loss which guarantors are likely to suffer?
The answer is in the negative. As regards the latter part of the question, I have no reason to anticipate ultimate loss to the guarantors. The action suggested by the hon. Member would inevitably involve them in immediate and heavy losses.
Agriculture
Produce (Prices)
asked the Minister of Agriculture when a Report of the findings of the Committee appointed to consider the difference between prices paid to the producer and prices paid by the consumer will be issued?
I would refer the hon. Member to my reply to the hon. and gallant Member for Kincardine and Western on the 19th instant.
Wages, Bedfordshire and Cambridgeshire
asked the Minister of Agriculture whether he is aware that, following on a reduction of wages from 24s. for a 48-hour week to 21s. 3d. for a 51-hour week, the agricultural labourers on a farm in Bedfordshire and Cambridgeshire have gone on strike; and whether he proposes to take any and, if so, what action in the matter?
I am aware of the dispute in question. One of my officers has already made inquiries into the case and I shall be pleased to place his services at the disposal of the parties with a view to assisting them in arriving at a settlement. I have no powers of compulsory intervention.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware whether the facts are correct? Is it a fact that 24s. was paid for a 48-hour week?
I believe that to be correct.
Does not such a case indicate the necessity for immediate legislation for the benefit of agriculture?
I beg to give notice that I will raise this question on the Adjournment this day week.
Kelham Sugar Factory
asked the Minister of Agriculture what was the production of sugar at the Kelham sugar factory last year; what was the profit or loss; and how many men were employed?
The Kelham sugar factory did not operate last season, all the beet crop being worked at the Cantley sugar factory; therefore the second part of the question does not arise. As I stated in the reply to my hon. Friend on the 19th instant, the Kelham factory will be re-opened this year, arrangements having been made by the directors of Home-grown Sugar, Ltd., for the provision of the capital required for the alteration and extension of the factory plant and for working the crop.
What extra capital is likely to be required this year?
I could not say without notice.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say who will supply the extra capital for this undertaking?
I could not say without notice.
It will not be the Government, I presume?
I must ask hon. Members not to debate every question. We have reached only Question No. 30, and time is getting on.
Rural Industries Intelligence Bureau
asked the Minister of Agriculture what is the amount of the grant made to the Rural Industries Intelligence Bureau as set up by the Development Commission; what does the director receive in payment for his services; what are the numbers and salaries of the other officials of the Bureau: and what are the exact duties of that body?
With the hon. Member's permission, I will circulate in the OFFICIAL REPORT a detailed reply, which will, I hope, afford all the information that he requires on the subject.
Following is the reply:
The grant sanctioned to the Rural Industries Intelligence Bureau for the year ending 30th September next is £2,875. There is now no director of the Bureau, the administrative work being in the hands of the secretary and the technical work in the hands of a technical adviser, both of whom are shown in the following list indicating the various officials of the Bureau and their salaries:
Secretary: Mr. J. Wedgwood (£250 per annum).
Technical Assistant: Mr. S. Bewsher (£260 per annum).
Correspondence Clerks: Miss B. M. Hastings (£200 per annum), Miss W. M. Cape (£175 per annum), Miss J. P. Handyside (£156 per annum).
These officers are reinforced by several unpaid voluntary workers. Moreover, Mr. W. T. Barker, has been lent part-time by the Ministry of Labour as technical adviser, more particularly in connection with certain schemes for the training and employment of disabled ex-service men; he is at present paid by the Ministry of Labour.
The object and duties of the Bureau are to advise generally on:
(a) The revival and extension of rural industries and crafts which, with proper organisation and improved methods, can be rendered sound and profitable.
(b) The establishment of new industries and of industries which up to now have not been carried on in this country, always provided that such activities are suitable to rural districts, and that there is reasonable prospect of their being conducted under economic conditions.
(c) Standard of workmanship, price, economical production, the use of waste material, training in various crafts and in such subjects as, for instance, dyeing, leather tooling, polishing, and in the use of the latest mechanical aids, etc.
The Bureau is prepared to give all possible assistance in the directions indicated above to the isolated handicraftsmen and to rural groups of workers direct or through their own associations, and no effort is being spared to obtain information and to give assistance of practical value.
Rabbits
asked the Minister of Agriculture whether he proposes to introduce legislation with the object of empowering farmers to wage a more effective campaign than is at present possible against the invasion of their crops by rabbits from adjoining land?
I do not consider that legislation of this character is sufficiently urgent to justify the introduction of a Government Bill at the present time.
Unemployment
asked the Minister of Agriculture whether he can give any figures showing the amount of unemployment now prevalent among agricultural workers?
No definite figures are available of the amount of unemployment amongst agricultural workers, but from the latest reports made by my officers in various parts of the country it appears that the number of regular agricultural workers unemployed is not abnormal, and that where unemployment exists it is mainly confined to unskilled and casual hands.
Poor Law Relief
asked the Minister of Agriculture whether agricultural workers in full work are in some counties in receipt of Poor Law out-door relief; and, if so, can he state the counties, the number of men so receiving relief, the rate of wages earned, and the amount of such relief?
Twenty-eight cases of this kind have been reported to my right hon. Friend. They have all arisen in the counties of Norfolk and Suffolk. The minimum agricultural rate of wages in these counties is understood to be 25s. per week, and the relief given varies from 2s. to 8s. per week. My right hon. Friend is sending the hon. Member a copy of a letter which he has addressed to the boards of guardians concerned in this connection.
Does the right hon. Gentleman think it is possible for a man, his wife and family to exist on 25s. per week?
That hardly arises out of the question. It is merely a matter of detail as to the amount that is paid.
Present Position
( by Private Notice )asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the very serious position of agriculture at the present time, and the very general desire of Members of this House representing agricultural constituencies to debate the question, he will be good enough to give an early day for discussion?
As my right hon. Friend knows, it will take us all our time to get through the necessary business before Easter. If he will put a question to me after Easter, I will give it careful consideration.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that there is a very general desire among agriculturists to get to the policy of the Government, and that there is extreme uneasiness as to that policy?
Before the right hon. Gentleman replies, may I ask him whether he is aware that this is just the time of the year when agricultural wages are being fixed for the summer, and it is for that reason that an early Debate should take place?
I am quite aware of all these facts, but that does not reduce the amount of business which, by Statute, we have to get through before Easter. I am afraid that it is impossible to have a Debate before that.
Questions
Afforestation, Devil's Jumps, Surrey
asked the Minister of Agriculture whether it is the intention of a Government Department to plant coniferous trees on the three sugar-loaf hills at Churt, near Farnham, called the Devil's Jumps, and to continue to burn the surrounding heather; and, if so, what is the reason for obliterating the contours of these hills which, with the stretch of purple heather, when in bloom, have for generations past constituted a well-known natural beauty spot?
I have been asked to reply to this question. It is the intention of the Forestry Commissioners to burn heather and plant coniferous trees on two of the three sugar-loaf hills at Churt, near Farnham, called the Devil's Jumps, with the exception of the top of Stony Jump; the third hill is not in their possession; by planting trees the land will be put to an economic use, employment will be provided in a district where at present there are many unemployed, the outline of the hills will not be obliterated and, it is believed, the beauty of the district will be enhanced when the plantations are established.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the action of the authorities is regarded as an act of vandalism by the whole of the countryside of West Surrey, and will he accept a suggestion as an alternative, namely, that if his Department has determined to plant these trees—
The hon. Member had better put that on the Paper as a further question.
Egypt (Police Raid, Cairo)
asked the Undersecretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he is aware that the head-quarters of the Wafd (Egyptian delegation) at Zaghloul Pasha's house in Cairo were raided by the police on 20th February; that the police were acting under orders from the British military authorities; that this course was taken because of the issue of a manifesto protesting against the attempt of the High Commissioner to obtain the premiership for Adly Pasha; whether there was any protest from the Wafd against the premiership of Nessim Pasha; and, seeing that the members of the Wafd who were opposed to the premiership of Sarwat Pasha are now exiled or imprisoned, whether, in view of the pledge given more than a year ago by the High Commissioner to suspend the exercise of martial law so far as it affected the free exercise of their political rights by all Egyptians, he will state what steps will be taken to prevent such action in the future?
The only information in my possession is that on 20th February the Wafd issued a manifesto which Lord Allenby considered to be of a nature to disturb public order. He therefore issued instructions that Zaghloul Pasha's house should be closed. The attitude of the Wafd to the late Ministry of Nessim Pasha may be inferred from the manifesto issued by it on 15th December, the tone of which was distinctly hostile. The partial suspension of martial law promised by Lord Allenby in his letter to the King on 28th February, 1922, was designed to facilitate the holding of elections, and when these take place the pledge will be fulfilled.
Passports and Visas
asked the Undersecretary of State for Foreign Affairs what are the objections to placing before the League of Nations the subject of the simplification of European travel which would be brought into being by the abolition of the visa; and, since the League would be the ideal body to approach each individual country for the purpose of attempting to remove these restrictions, will he agree to reconsider this question?
At a conference held in Paris in October, 1920, under the auspices of the League of Nations, recommendations were made for the establishment of a uniform practice in regard to the issue of passports, visas, the scale of visa fees, and other matters. As a number of the Powers represented at this conference have not yet adopted these recommendations, it is useless to invite the League to make suggestions for a further immediate total abolition of the visa. Moreover, while it was proper for the League to interest itself in the general question of restoring more normal conditions of travel and communication after the War, the question of the measures which individual Powers find it necessary to adopt for the control of alien immigration within their own territories is a matter of domestic concern. Any negotiations for the remission of such measures are therefore best conducted by direct communication between the Powers concerned as and when occasion arises.
Will the Government approach the other Governments and ask whether it is not possible to put into force the recommendations of the Paris Conference?
Is there no way of doing away with these wretched restrictions?
I think the hon. Member will find the reply in the answer to the previous question.
Admiralty Buildings (Huts)
asked the First Commissioner of Works when the unsightly huts, now situated upon the top of the Admiralty arch and the Admiralty buildings, are going to be removed?
The huts will be demolished as soon as other accommodation can be provided for the occupying staffs. A rearrangement of Admiralty accom- modation is at present under consideration with this object in view.
Can the right hon. Gentleman explain why the Admiralty staff requires more accommodation now than it did before 1914?
I am not responsible for the size of the Admiralty staff, but only for the housing of that staff?
Will the extra provision which is intended involve extra expense?
No, Sir; not so far as we are concerned.
Downing Street (Barrier)
asked the First Commissioner of Works if he will at once remove the wooden erection at the entrance to Downing Street, and substitute iron gates worthy of the historical importance of such a street?
Before the right hon. Gentleman answers that question, will he inform the House if he has considered the alternative policy of abolishing the barricade and returning to the condition of previous eras of tranquillity?
I regret that there are no funds available which could be devoted to the purpose which the hon. Member suggests. This is a matter which does not concern my Department, but is for the Home Office.
Royal Parks (Workmen)
asked the First Commissioner of Works whether men are now being employed at Greenwich Park and other royal parks to do regular and usual work at 75 per cent. of the trade union rate of wages; and whether he will have inquiry made as to whether these men are employed felling trees which are a danger to the public and doing painting which it is usual to do for the preservation of fabric and material?
The men in question are engaged on ordinary works which would have been carried out by the park staff had funds been available. It has only been possible to undertake them as unemployment relief works by the employment of men not specially fitted for this class of work. The men are employed on felling trees, but not painting.
Constitution Hill Arch
asked the First Commissioner of Works when it is proposed to remove the scaffolding surrounding the triumphal arch at Constitution Hill which was erected several months ago?
The scaffolding in question will be entirely removed in the course of the next few days.
Trade and Commerce
Dyestuffs
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that Messrs. Thomas H. Daniels and Company, of Belfast, were charged 2s. 6d. import licence under the Dyestuffs Act, 1920, on 120 lbs. diamine rose B extra at 14s. 6d. per lb., but 10s. on 240 lbs. of the same dye at the same price; and whether these charges are in accordance with the sliding scale?
The answer to both parts of the question is in the affirmative.
British-Made Morphia (Exports)
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he will give the amount and value of British-made morphia which was exported in the years 1920, 1921, and 1922, respectively, and the countries to which these exports were consigned?
I have been asked to reply to this question. The statistics of exports for 1922 are not yet ready, but I will circulate the information for 1920 and 1921, so far as it is available, in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
Following is the information promised:
Statement prepared by His Majesty's Customs and Excise, showing the quantity of morphia and morphia salts registered as exported from the United Kingdom during the year 1920, distinguishing the principal countries of destination.
Lbs. Ozs. Russia 331 = 5,296 Sweden 1,685 = 26,960 Germany 666 = 10,656 Belgium 1,943 = 31,088
Lbs. Ozs. France 9,547 = 152,752 Macao — — Japan (including Formosa, and Japanese leased territories in China) 1 = 16 United States of America 1,028 = 16,448 Other Foreign Countries 3,829 = 61,264 Total to Foreign Countries 19,030 = 304,480 Hong Kong 1 = 16 Canada 796 = 12,736 Other British Possessions 327 = 5,232 Total to British Possessions 1,124 = 17,984 TOTAL 20,154 = 322,464
N.B.—(1) These figures also include quantities of heroin and heroin salts, which cannot be given separately.
(2) These figures do not include exports by parcel post of which no record has been kept by the Customs Department, nor do they include exports of preparations containing the drug.
Statement of exports of morphine and morphine salts exported during 1921, distinguishing the countries of destination—prepared from returns rendered by exporters licensed under the Dangerous Drugs Act, 1920, to the Home Office:
Country. Amount. (Ozs.) Europe: Austria … … 976 Belgium … … 2,711·8 Channel Islands … … 26·47 Czecho-Slovakia … … 2,046·12 Denmark … … 1,409·08 Esthonia … … 1·76 Finland … … 370·34 France … … 36,007·33 Germany … … 3,600·39 Gibraltar … … 4·09 Greece … … 40·64 Holland … … 1,134·58 Italy … … 6,742·19 Malta … … 26·41 Monaco … … ·03 Poland … … 353·06
Country. Amount. (Ozs.) Portugal … … … 149·91 Russia … … … 4 Spain … … … 4,775·19 Sweden … … … ·76 Switzerland … … … 9·49 60,389·64
Asia: Aden … 1·12 Arabia … 1·84 British North Borneo … 21 Ceylon … 87·72 China … 1,101·41 Cyprus … 5·29 Dutch East Indies … 71·34 Federated Malay States … 180·73 Goa … 1·04 Hong Kong … 60·4 India … 1,319·79 Japan (Korea) … 320·07 Mesopotamia … 32·22 Palestine … 11·14 Persia … 117·76 Siam … 52·56 Siberia … 388·01 Straits Settlements … 27·32 Syria … 78·1 Turkey … 1·22 3,880·08
Africa: Algeria … 4·52 Angola … ·43 Basutoland … 2·28 Congo Belge … 4·71 Egypt … 340·34 Gold Coast Colony … 10·92 Kenya Colony … 14·91 Liberia … ·08 Madagascar … ·15 Mauritius … 27·88 Morocco … ·09 Nigeria … 19·67 Nyasaland … ·43 Rhodesia … 27·23 St. Helena … ·08 Sierra Leone … 4·76 Sudan … 48·47 Swaziland … 1·18 Tanganyika Territory … 18·19 Uganda … 1·56 Union of South Africa … 707·89 1,235·77
Country. Amount. (Ozs.) America: Argentine … … 865·37 Bolivia … … 1·06 Brazil … … 226·35 British Guiana … … 345·47 British West Indies … … 809·83 Canada … … 6,377·08 Chile … … 95·06 Dutch Guiana … … 14·42 Falkland Islands … … ·16 Guatemala … … 112·00 Mexico … … 35·27 Nicaragua … … ·16 Peru … … 30·86 Salvador … … 15·32 Uruguay … … 53·48 8,981·89
Australasia: Fiji Islands … … ·06 New South Wales … … 871·59 New Zealand … … 700·96 Queensland … … 58·43 South Australia … … 677·24 Tasmania … … 28·00 Victoria … … 348·12 Western Australia … … 192·71 2,877·10 Grand Total … … 77,364·48
N.B.—(1) These figures do not include heroin and salts of heroin.
(2) These figures include exports by parcel post and the morphine and salts exported in the form of preparations coming within the provisions of the Dangerous Drugs Act.
The value of the exports cannot be stated exactly, but from information supplied by the manufacturers it is considered that the average prices ruling in 1920 and 1921 may be taken at about 17–18 shillings for morphine and 14–15 shillings for morphine salts in 1920, and 12–14 shillings for morphine and 10–12 shillings for morphine salts in 1921.
British Traders' Licences (Germany)
asked the Prime Minister to whom British traders in Germany should apply for import and export licences; and whether they must obey the orders of the German Government or those of the Inter-Allied Rhineland High Commission?
Import and export licences are obtained by British traders in the unoccupied areas of Germany from the licensing offices established by the German Government. For the areas occupied by the Allies under the Rhineland Agreement annexed to the Treaty of Versailles, such licences are issued at Bad Ems by an Inter-Allied Office set up in 1921 and recognised by the German Government. For the area recently occupied by the French and Belgian troops and for the Dusseldorf and Duisberg bridge-heads, the French, Belgian and Italian Governments have set up a separate licence office at Essen. British traders within the area, subject to the Rhineland High Commission under the Rhineland Agreement and Article 428 of the Treaty of Versailles, are obliged to recognise all ordinances issued by that body in accordance with the legislative power conferred upon it by Article 3 of the Agreement. Orders of the Rhineland High Commission embodied in such ordinances must therefore within that area be obeyed to the exclusion of orders on the same subject issued by the German Government.
Then does it amount to this, that the British trader has to pay his taxes to the German Government and to the Franco-Belgian Government—both?
I cannot say.
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether his attention has been called to the referendum recently taken among all colour-users in Great Britain with regard to the Dye-stuffs Act, which resulted in a majority of four to one in favour of the repeal of the Act; and, if so, what action he proposes to take?
I am aware of a referendum recently taken by a newspaper on this subject, but I have no information as to the list of firms to which the questionnaire was sent or the manner in which that list was compiled, and I observe that only about 58 per cent. of the questionnaires were returned. I do not propose to take any action in the matter.
Is it not a fact that British goods are being sent to Belgium to be dyed, on account of expensive dyes in this country?
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he can state the terms upon which large quantities of alizarine red, 20 per cent. of which came from Germany as reparation deliveries, are handed over to the British Alizarine Company, Limited; whether these goods are sold outright to the British Alizarine Company and, if so, at what price; whether they are re-sold as German dyestuffs under the original description and marks or under the British Alizarine Company's own marks; and what proportion of this German alizarine red is sold for consumption in the United Kingdom and what proportion is exported?
Alizarine, requisitioned by way of reparation to meet the requirements of India, has been handed over to the British Alizarine Company, under an arrangement made between that company and the Government of India, for distribution in that country. I do not think it would be in the public interest for me to give details of that arrangement. No alizarine has been requisitioned for consumption in the United Kingdom.
Are we to understand that trading arrangements are made by certain companies on behalf of the Government, and that the public are not entitled to know the terms?
I think, under the particular circumstances of the dye industry, it is not desirable to publish the terms, at any rate, at the present time. [HON. MEMBERS: "Why?"]
Shipping (War Risks Insurance)
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether, in view of the success of the State War risks insurance scheme for shipping, which came to an end with the War, he would consider a Bill to make a similar scheme come automatically into existence on the outbreak of war, thereby simplifying the business of war insurance during peace?
The point relating to war insurance, to which my hon. and gallant Friend calls attention, is being considered.
Questions
Ministry of Defence
asked the Prime Minister if the Committee of Imperial Defence has reported on the suggested setting up of a Ministry of Defence, as advocated in the Geddes Report?
The question was referred by the late Government to the Committee of Imperial Defence which, before proceeding with the matter, is awaiting the Report of a Committee on the institution of a joint staff college. This latter inquiry is proceeding.
How long will it be before a decision is reached on this very important matter?
The Committee have not yet investigated it, for the reasons I have given. It will not be long before the Committee is dealing with it.
Royal Ordnance Factories, Woolwich
asked the Prime Minister whether the Government have come to any decision as to retaining the national factory at Woolwich?
I have been asked to answer this question. His Majesty's Government have decided not to pursue further at present the question of the removal of the Royal Ordnance Factories from Woolwich.
Peace Treaties
France and Ruhr District
asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware that the French or Belgian military authorities at Emmerich have stopped a consignment of oxide of tin from Germany to merchants in this country, who have paid for the same; whether this is now a common practice; and what steps he proposes to take in the matter?
This case has been brought to the notice of His Majesty's Government. Together with other reports concerning the alleged holding-up of British-owned goods on the Rhine by the French and Belgian authorities, it has been referred for investigation to the British authorities in the Rhineland, who have been instructed in all cases of this nature to take such action as may be possible in the circumstances to protect the interests of the British firms concerned.
What action will be possible in the circumstances, except to force the French to allow our goods to come through?
Before one can possibly decide that, one must ascertain exactly what are the facts, and the authorities in the Rhineland are being asked to supply the facts.
What is the British authority in the Rhineland—the High Commission?
Certainly, the High Commission.
Is that a British or an Allied authority?
It is an Allied authority, upon which there is British representation.
In that case, how can we expect to get justice?
asked the Prime Minister whether there is any provision in the Treaty of Versailles permitting France to charge the expenses of the Ruhr occupation against the Reparation Fund; and, if so, whether such expenses would have priority over other reparation demands?
asked the Prime Minister what effect French expenditure in the Ruhr will have on the ultimate payment by Germany to us of our share of reparations, in view of statements saying France will claim priority for payment of her Ruhr expenses in the same way as is done for the expenses of armies of occupation?
asked the Prime Minister whether the cost of the French occupation of the Ruhr will be a prior charge upon the reparations received from Germany?
asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware that the French Government are charging against reparations all their expenditure in connection with the Ruhr, including expenses involved in preventing trade between Germany and England; and whether His Majesty's Government agrees to these expenses to be a prior charge on reparation funds?
The costs of the armies of occupation, which have priority over reparations, were limited by the Inter-Allied Agreement of 11th March last to certain fixed sums, which could only be increased to meet the expenses of any measures decided upon by the Allied Powers. No increase could therefore be made in the cost on account of measures adopted by the French and Belgian Governments alone without the previous consent of the other Allied Powers, and any proposal in this sense would require to be carefully examined. Up to the present the question has not arisen.
Who is actually paying, or going to pay, the cost of the French occupation of the Ruhr? Is it to be the Reparation Account or the French taxpayer?
I cannot add anything to the answer.
Has the answer which the right hon. Gentleman has just given been communicated to the French Government, and are they aware that is the attitude which we take up?
No. It has not been communicated.
Have we any guarantee that this expenditure will not be in diminution of our own claims for reparation?
No, Sir. None.
No!
asked the Prime Minister whether the British authorities in Cologne are bound to observe ordinances passed by the Rhineland High Commission since the French occupied the Ruhr, seeing that the Commission is now a purely French and Belgian body, the British representative having no power to resist the passing of ordinances; and can he say if the authority of the Rhineland High Commission now extends to the Ruhr?
The authority of the Rhineland High Commission remains valid in the territory subject to it under the Rhineland Agreement and Article 428 of the Treaty of Versailles. It does not extend to the Ruhr.
Are we to understand that legislation passed by the Rhineland High Commission and applied to the occupied territory, on account of the occupation of the Ruhr, is applicable to the British area at Cologne?
As I say, the authority of the Rhineland Commission in the territory originally occupied has not been affected.
Does the authority of the Rhineland Commission cover the extension of the perimeter recently made by the French apart from the Ruhr?
Certainly, Sir. The authority of the Rhineland Commission extends over the same territory as it extended over before the occupation.
asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the unfortunate arrest of the president of the finance branch in Cologne by French soldiers and the taking of this man from British into the French area for trial, he will issue such instructions to the British Commander-in-Chief that similar departures from the policy of the Government may not take place?
On 24th January instructions were issued to His Majesty's High Commissioner at Coblenz that no further arrests in the British zone should take place without previous consultation with His Majesty's Government.
asked the Prime Minister whether conversations have taken place with any of the Allies relative to a treaty, supplementary to the Treaty of Versailles, between Germany and France and Belgium touching the control of the railways in the Rhineland and the Ruhr?
The answer is in the negative.
( by Private Notice ) asked the Prime Minister if he can now state to the House what is the present position of the negotiations between the French and the British Governments regarding matters arising out of the occupation of the Ruhr; whether there is any idea of removing our troops from Cologne, either by way of a complete withdrawal or of a transference elsewhere; and whether he proposes to consult the House again, and give it an opportunity of expressing its views on British policy?
There is really no change whatever in the situation since the last discussion in the House.
And as to the second part of the question?
That has not been raised.
International Treaty (German Proposal)
asked the Prime Minister whether he can make a full statement of the reported German proposal for an international treaty providing for a national plebiscite before a nation engages upon war; whether such a proposal has been considered by the Allies; and what was their attitude towards it?
For a full statement on this subject, I would refer the hon. and gallant Member to pages 68–71 of the White Paper which is being presented to Parliament this afternoon on the subject of reparations and Inter-Allied debts.
Questions
Palestine (British Troops)
asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the urgent necessity for economy, it is proposed to withdraw all the British troops from Palestine?
I do not think it practicable to give effect to my hon. Friend's suggestion. He will be glad to learn, however, that the question of reducing the garrison in Palestine is under active consideration. Arrangements have been made for the withdrawal in the immediate future of one of the two Indian infantry battalions now in the country. The Indian cavalry regiment is also being reduced in strength.
National Expenditure
asked the Prime Minister if he will place before the House, in the form of a White Paper, or otherwise, a statement of the economies recommended by the various Committees of the Government, so that the House can form a judgment on their general financial effect?
The Committees referred to were Sub-Committees of the Cabinet, and I regret that I cannot publish their recommendations. The results will appear in the Estimates.
May I make a serious appeal to the Prime Minister? Will the right hon. Gentleman endeavour to place before the House, in some form or other, a bird's-eye view of the total projected outlay, otherwise it is impossible to form a wise judgment?
Insurance by Industry
asked the Prime Minister whether he will consider the desirability of instituting an inquiry into the question of making industry responsible for its unemployed, sick, and aged by means of a contributory system of insurance in each industry, or group of industries, so that, if considered practicable, steps may be taken to prepare schemes in readiness to put into operation as trade again becomes normal?
I have been asked to reply. The question of placing unemployment insurance on the basis of insurance by industry is already the subject of inquiry. The hon. Member will no doubt be aware that on 28th November last a letter was addressed to the National Confederation of Employers' Organisations and the Trade Union Congress General Council, inviting their co-operation in the consideration of any steps that might be taken in this or any other direction, with a view to the establishment of an improved system of unemployment in- surance. It is desirable to await the considered replies of these bodies before deciding what, if any, further action shall be taken. The insurance of the aged and sick on the basis of industry involves many of the problems of unemployment insurance in addition to difficulties of its own, and the more convenient course will probably be not to undertake its special consideration while the inquiries referred to above are proceeding.
Will the replies to those inquiries be communicated to this House at the earliest possible opportunity?
In due course.
British Debt (United States)
asked the Prime Minister when the House of Commons will have an opportunity of discussing the proposed terms for repayment and interest of the American loan?
My hon. Friend will have an opportunity of discussing this matter when the finance of next year is being considered.
Does the right hon. Gentleman remember that the Prime Minister recently stated that were this loan to be paid without our indebtedness being paid to us, it would mean that the standard of living in this country would be reduced for a generation, and is it not desirable that an important matter of this kind should be discussed at once?
I have said it can be discussed under the finance of next year, and next year begins in a month.
Royal Navy
Pembroke Dockyard
asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware that both the Admiralty and the Geddes Committee have endeavoured to do away with the Pembroke dockyard as being in excess of the country's requirements; and whether he will state the nature of the obstacle to this economy being carried out?
I have been asked to reply. From the purely Admiralty point of view, it would be an economy to reduce Pembroke Dockyard. But from the national point of view, the distress and consequent cost of relief involved to the Exchequer, in the case of a community so absolutely dependent on the Dockyard for its existence have up to the present made it impossible to carry into effect this economy on Navy Votes. Endeavours to lease the Yard for commercial purposes have, so far, not proved successful.
May we understand from that that as soon as the unemployment problem is out of the way Pembroke Dockyard will be done away with?
May we understand from that reply that Pembroke Dockyard is simply a Poor Law institution?
Turret Guns (Elevation)
( by Private Notice ) asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether his attention has been called to a statement attributed to Mr. Secretary Hughes in the "New York Times" of 30 December, 1922, to the effect that Great Britain has increased the elevation of the turret guns in a number of her capital ships, and whether he will state what are the facts of the matter?
None of our capital ships have had the elevation of their main armament altered since their original fitting out.
Questions
League of Nations (British Representation)
asked the Prime Minister what arrangements have been made for the representation of this country on the Council of the League of Nations at its next meeting?
I cannot at present make the announcement asked for.
Inter-Allied Debts
asked the Prime Minister whether, having agreed to pay the British debt due to America, he will state what steps the Government is taking to collect the debts of the Allies and Germany due to Britain?
I would refer the right hon. Member to the answer which I gave on the 15th February in reply to questions by the hon. Members for St. George's (Mr. Erskine) and Mid Bedfordshire (Mr. Linfield).
Has the Prime Minister got it firmly fixed in his mind that this country is infinitely more heavily taxed than any other of the Allied countries or Germany?
Yes.
Government Bills
asked the Prime Minister whether he can indicate the date for the Second Reading Debate on the Trade Boards Bill, and that for the introduction of the Unemployment Insurance Bill?
I am not yet in a position to name a date.
Malicious Injuries, Compensation (Ireland)
asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been called to the terms of the Criminal and Malicious Injuries (Amendment) Bill, which has passed its Second Reading in the Irish Free State Parliament; whether this Bill implements the undertakings which have several times been announced to the House as to compensation for loss and damage to property and personal injury caused by disorders in Southern Ireland; and what action the Government proposes to take in this matter?
I have been asked to answer this question. Yes, Sir, I have seen the Bill to which the hon. Member refers. It would be improper for me to discuss in this House a Measure now before another Parliament and still subject to amendment in that Parliament, but I may say that His Majesty's Government regard the introduction of this Measure into the Parliament of the Irish Free State as designed to give effect to the representations made in their letter of 26th July, 1922, which formed the subject of a question put to me by the hon. and learned Member for York (Sir J. Butcher) on the 22nd instant.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that in this Bill it is provided that nothing beyond £2,000 would be paid in cash, and does that implement the assurances given to His Majesty's Government?
The Bill, as I have stated, is being amended, and I do not know in what form the Bill is likely to emerge from Committee. It would be very wrong for us to make any remarks on the details of the Bill while that process is going on.
Does the hon. Gentleman think the Government have got £2,000 in cash?
May I ask the Prime Minister what opportunity will be given to us in this House to discuss the question as to whether the Free State have or have not complied with their undertaking as to compensation?
I am afraid I cannot give an answer to that question now, but I think it would be wise to wait till we have seen the Bill after it has gone through all its stages.
Would the right hon. Gentleman consider the propriety of communicating with the Free State Government before they have definitely committed themselves by legislation?
That is rather a delicate operation.
Vaccination
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department, as representing the Ministry of Health, how many certificates of death were received in the year 1921 on which the word "vaccination" was mentioned; how have these deaths been classified in the Returns; and how many of them related to children under five years of age?
"Vaccination" was mentioned on seven certificates of death and "general vaccinia" on one.
These were classified as follows:
Three to vaccination.
Three to erysipelas.
Two to purulent infection, septicæmia.
The eight cases were all of children under one year.
Mental Hospitals (Visitation)
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department, as representing the Ministry of Health, whether, in view of the continued concealment from the friends and relatives of the inmates of asylums of the powers accorded them under Section 79 of the Lunacy Act, he will take steps to see that the recommendation of the Cobb Committee is carried out and Section 79 posted up in the waiting rooms where the friends come, so that the provisions of the Statute may be no longer evaded?
All mental hospital authorities have been requested to set out the effect of Section 79 of the Act in the regulations as to visitation which are sent to friends of patients. The Board of Control consider this preferable to putting up a notice in the waiting-room.
Is it not possible for notices to be posted up for people to see them without having to wait for them to be sent?
My hon. Friend, I am afraid, has not appreciated my answer. I said the regulations are sent by post to the relatives of all the patients, so that they shall see them, whereas they might not see them if they were posted up.
Night Baking
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether it is his intention to introduce during the present Session a Bill to secure the abolition of night baking?
My right hon. Friend has asked me to reply. I am afraid, in view of the fact that the subject has become a controversial one, I cannot hold out any hope of legislation this Session.
Ex-Service Men (Legal Proceedings, Scotland)
( by Private Notice ) asked whether the Government, through the Lord Advocate, has given its consent to proceedings for the imprisonment of a number of ex-service men for cultivating patches of land on the border of a deer forest in Strathaird, Skye, and on what grounds was this done before the men had been actually convicted for breach of interdict?
The hon. Member appears to be under some misapprehension as to the procedure in such cases. Where a breach of interdict is believed to have taken place, the procedure to bring the matter before the Court is by petition and complaint to the Court at the instance of the person in whose favour the interdict was granted. For this the formal concurrence of the Lord Advocate is required. It is then for the Court to decide whether a breach of interdict has taken place and, if so, what penalty should be imposed. In the present case the Lord Advocate's concurrence was given in the ordinary course and the matter is now before the Court.
Am I to understand that the men have been arrested?
The Lord Advocate has given his concurrence to the matter being brought before the Court, which has to decide whether a breach of interdict has taken place and, if so, what penalty should be imposed in the circumstances.
In view of the reply, I beg to give notice that I shall raise this question on the Adjournment to-night.
Salmon and Freshwater Fisheries Bill
"to consolidate and amend the enactments relating to salmon and freshwater fisheries in England and Wales," presented by Sir ROBERT SANDERS; to be read a Second time upon Monday next, and to be printed. [Bill 35.]
Selection (Standing Committees)
Sir SAMUEL ROBERTS reported from the Committee of Selection; That in pursuance of Section 1, Sub-section (3), of the Parliament Act, 1911, they had appointed Mr. John Henry Thomas and Mr. Turton from the Chairmen's Panel, with whom Mr. Speaker shall consult, if practicable, before giving his certificate to a Money Bill.
Sir SAMUEL ROBERTS further reported from the Committee; That they had agreed to the following Resolution, which they had directed him to report to the House:
That, after a Bill has been under consideration in Standing Committee, no application for changes in the composition of that Committee in respect of that Bill shall be entertained by the Committee of Selection.
Standing Committee A
Sir SAMUEL ROBERTS further reported from the Committee; That they had added the following Fifteen Members to Standing Committee A (in respect of the Rent Restrictions (Notices of Increase Bill): Mr. Attorney-General, Captain Elliot, Lieut.-Colonel Fremantle, Mr. William Graham, Sir Ernest Hiley, Mr. Hogge, Mr. William Hutchison, Mr. Kirkwood, Sir Francis Lowe, Sir Alfred Mond, Sir Herbert Nield, Mr. Short, Mr. Solicitor-General, Colonel Wedgwood, and Major Wheler.
Sir SAMUEL ROBERTS further reported from the Committee; That they had discharged the following Member from Standing Committee A: Mr. Jowett; and had appointed in substitution: Mr. Robertson.
Sir SAMUEL ROBERTS further reported from the Committee; That they had added the following Member to Standing Committee A: Mr. James Butler.
Unopposed Bill Committees (Panel)
Sir SAMUEL ROBERTS further reported from the Committee; That they had selected the following Eight Members to be the Panel to serve on Unopposed Bill Committees under Standing Order 105; Commander Bellairs, Brigadier-General Clifton Brown, Sir Leonard Brassey, Sir John Hewett, Sir Henry Norman, Mr. Parkinson, Mr. Robert Richardson, and Mr. George Thorne.
Reports to lie upon the Table.
Orders of the Day
Supply
Considered in Committee.
[Mr. JAMES HOPE in the Chair.]
Civil Services Supplementary Estimates, 1922–23
Class V
Diplomatic and Consular Services
Motion made, and Question proposed,
"That a Supplementary sum not exceeding £10, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1923, for the Expenses in connection with His Majesty's Embassies, Missions, and Consular Establishments abroad, and other Expenditure chargeable to the Consular Vote, including a Grant-in-Aid, certain special Grants, the transport and relief of refugees in the Near East, and the possible evacuation of British subjects from Constantinople."
4.0 P.M.
The sum asked for in this Vote is one of £10. I notice various hon. Members desire to reduce that sum of £10 by £100. First of all, I should like to bring to the notice of the Committee how exactly that sum is arrived at. The sum of £10 is really a Token Vote. If hon. Members will look at page 8 of the Estimates, they will see the amount of the anticipated savings under several subheads. The savings anticipated are rather larger than that, and would in fact be sufficient to cover the whole amount now asked for; but as a considerable amount affected by one of the sub-heads refers to new services, it was thought only right that the House should have the opportunity of discussing the services there mentioned. Consequently, only so much of those anticipated savings were on this occasion appropriated as to leave the balance of £10, which it is now necessary to lay before the Committee in order to give that opportunity for discussion. With one exception, as I have said, they are all new services. Therefore, it will be convenient if I say a word or two about the one which is not a new service, because all the others form a connected whole and are all related to one series of events. I will, therefore, take sub- head LL first. The Committee will see that that subhead is divided into two portions, A and B. As regards the first—the small sum—it arises in this way. During the War we had an arrangement—I do not think it was confined to the War—with the Government of India, by which expenditure on joint Indian and Imperial Account in Persia was divided between the two Governments, but during the War, instead of having the usual detailed accounts—owing to over-pressure of work it was found impossible to carry out that system in the usual way—we paid from time to time lump sums on account, leaving the matter to be adjusted subsequently. When these lump sums were paid to the Government of India, we were always careful in this country to keep a safe margin on our own side, and the result has been that now, when settling up the account, we find that a sum of £41,000—it is really a larger sum, about £60,000, but there are savings put against that, and the net sum is £41,000—is due to the Government of India on the account. The savings are due to services, such as lighting and buoying the Persian Gulf and the telegraph systems. That sum of £41,000 represents the sub-division of subhead LL.
The rest of that Vote is a different matter. It also arises entirely out of the War, and is a war service. During the War, as most Members are aware, and certainly those who were in the War Parliaments, Persia was a very vulnerable spot. It was a district that was seething with propaganda and intrigue of all sorts against the Allies, and Germany and Turkey, especially during the earlier years of the War, were aiming at striking a blow at British India, both through Persia and Mesopotamia, and by so doing forcing Great Britain to withdraw some part of her war strength from other areas in order to save the attack upon that very vulnerable portion of the Empire. In carrying out this work it came to our knowledge—it must have been known to many Members of both parties—that a great number of agents were being employed both by Turkey and Germany in all those countries, and especially Persia. They were very well supplied with arms and with money, and their object was to stir up strife and to put the case for the Central Powers as against that of the Allies, with a view to carrying out those war objects. The question arose as to how this dangerous state of affairs was to be met on the side of the Allies. It was very desirable, of course, that we should as long as possible avoid having to send a military expedition of any sort to those regions. If a military expedition had been necessary, it would have been a very costly affair.
Troops were eventually sent.
May I point out that we cannot hear a single word?
I am very sorry if my right hon. Friend did not hear me. I will endeavour to make myself more audible. I was explaining that in Persia during the War it was very necessary for us to carry out a policy to counter the system of intrigue and propaganda which was being carried on against us, and that in order to do that we had on our side to employ a number of agents who kept us informed of what was going on, who got in touch with various political movements in those countries, and who were a valuable aid to us in staving off the necessity of sending troops, which would have been a very much more costly matter. The hon. and gallant Gentleman opposite (Captain W. Benn) says, quite rightly, that troops did eventually have to be sent, but if they had been sent earlier the cost would have been enormously greater, and to that extent the system of trying to influence opinion, and, in fact, to carry on the war there by the same method as that used against us, was a very cheap method compared with the other. Those sums were paid by the Indian Government, and, under an arrangement with the Indian Government, we have to share the cost. On that head ( b ) there is a sum of£117,000, which, together with the £41,000 which I have mentioned, makes the total under that head (LL) £158,000.
I want to pass to the four heads on page 7, because those are all new service. They all practically refer to one subject matter, and they all arise out of recent events in the Near East. I see that a number of hon. Members have given notice of Motions to reduce these various items. I do not yet know whether they have done so on the ground that these sums are too large or too small. There have been questions put about these refugees which have indicated the two currents of opinion in the House. There are some hon. Members who think that nothing whatever should have been done by this country on behalf of these Christian minorities in the Near East. There are others who take quite an opposite view and who have indicated, in questions, that they think that we have been miserably niggardly and have acted far short of our duty in this matter. For the moment at all events, I will content myself by endeavouring to put the Committee in possession of the facts of the case. It will be for hon. Members, of course, to say which of those two lines of criticism they adopt.
It must be remembered by hon. Members who think that we ought not to have spent any of this money at all that Great Britain has always in the past prided itself upon its traditions—I think they are great traditions—and upon being the foremost nation in the world to respond to calls in the name of humanity when great calamities occur in other parts of the world. This whole question of the refugees in the Near East may, I think without any exaggeration whatever, be described as one of the really great tragedies in the history of the world, both in the scale and in the horrors of it. Differences of opinion have been expressed in the House and elsewhere as to the measure of guilt on one side or the other with regard to these transactions, but I am not going to attempt to apportion any blame, though I should not be doing my duty if I did not admit that the charges of callous cruelty which have been made cannot be confined to one side. Whether the greater guilt lies in one place or another is a different matter. The only thing with which I am for the moment asking the Committee to concern itself is the question of saving human life and alleviating, so far as is possible, the sufferings of people who, whatever the faults of their own Government may have been, are themselves entirely innocent.
The chief sufferers have been the Greek and Armenian subjects of Turkey. The Committee will remember that last September the Greek Army was decisively defeated by the Nationalist Turks, and, in consequence of that defeat, were driven in flight to the sea. When that débâcle of the Greek Army took place, practically the entire non-Turkish population of the country flocked down to the sea with the Greek Army, or, at all events, in front of the advancing Turks. Many of these people had already been refugees from other parts of Asia Minor, and they joined in this hurried exodus, because they had had experience which taught them that precipitate flight without carrying with them any of their chattels was the only possible chance of saving their lives. By the middle of September last some 200,000 or more of these panic-stricken and helpless people had collected at the port of Smyrna, and a good many more, though the numbers I could not give with any accuracy, had collected at other ports along the coast, all with the idea of getting away. They brought absolutely nothing with them, so sudden and hurried had been their flight, except the light summer clothing which they happened to be wearing at the time they left.
Of course, when the Greek Army arrived at the coast the first consideration of the Greek Government was to evacuate the Army. They did it in all possible haste, and, so near a shave was it, that the last of the Greek Army only got away, I think, within 24 hours of the arrival of the Turkish Army at Smyrna. Of course, this operation of evacuating overseas the entire Greek Army required the use of practically all the Greek tonnage that was available in those ports along the coast of Asia Minor. It must be fresh in the minds of many hon. Members how almost immediately after the arrival of the Turkish Army at Smyrna followed the horrors of the burning of that town. During the burning this immense crowd of destitute Greeks and Armenians were huddled together there without shelter and food and without provision of any kind, hoping they would be able to escape across the sea.
On the 18th September the Turks announced that none of those unhappy refugees would be allowed to leave the country after the last day of September. Imagine what that meant to this immense crowd, for whom no sort of provision had been made, and no means were available to take them away. Under these circumstances came the announcement that only 12 days' grace would be allowed, and that, within those 12 days, transport must be found for 250,000 people, and that number carried oversea under the penalty that those who remained would be shown very short shrift. For the operation of taking those people away there was absolutely no sort of preparation and no organisation whatever in existence. At the very same time that this proclamation was made by the Turks they also issued an order that no Greek vessel was to be allowed to enter the port of Smyrna, or to embark refugees from any other Turkish port, and that was the actual condition of affairs on the spot.
I should be astonished to find any hon. Member of this House who would be ready to say, under these circumstances, that what we and the other Christian Powers who had representatives on the spot, in order to save the money which I am asking the House to vote or for any other reason, ought to have stood entirely by and done nothing and said to these refugees "We cannot help you," or even suggest that we should have watched them die of starvation and pestilence for 12 days, and at the end of that period see those who survived massacred. I do not believe any hon. Member will raise such a point. The sole hope of these people getting away was by utilising such British ships as were there, and those which could be chartered by our Allies for this urgent service. The British Government—it was not this Government; I do not think any British Government could have acted differently to what was done at the time—the British Government immediately sanctioned the chartering of any ships that were available for the purpose of evacuating these refugees, and also for taking away the small British colony itself that was in Smyrna. In view of the very pressing urgency of the matter, the British authorities locally also chartered some vessels, because there really was no time to improvise organisation, or correspond with a view to obtaining sanction, and I think the local authorities on the spot were right in doing what they could to add to the efforts being made from home, and they chartered vessels out there, the cost of which was included in this Vote.
Considering the enormous numbers which had to be handled in the face of inadequate resources of tonnage and of embarkation facilities, the Committee will readily see how much need there was for any organising genius that could be found to deal with them, because everything had to be hastily improvised on the spot. It was a very happy circumstance that there did happen to be on the spot the handy man, who never fails in time of need. There were representatives of the British Navy there, and I think we may take a good deal of pride to ourselves that the British naval authorities on the spot took upon themselves the whole of the arrangements for the traffic control and embarkation, and they did it with marvellous speed and efficiency. I am glad to acknowledge that, in carrying out the arrangements, they received extremely valuable assistance from the Americans who were there, and both the French and Italians did their best by contributing shipping, thus enabling a very large number of refugees to get oversea.
Fortunately, after a little time, on urgent representations which were made to the Turkish authorities, the time limit for enabling the refugees to evacuate was extended for a few days, and a few days only, and early in the month of October the senior naval officer was able to report that over 200,000 refugees had been safely carried to destinations across the seas and had escaped the danger of massacre, although the question of their future still remains. So much for those who had to escape from Asia Minor, but that was not all.
As hon. Members will see from the Estimate, there were evacuations from Thrace, and I will explain how that came about. Hon. Members will bear in mind that in October, just before the change of Government in this country, it really looked as if we were on the point of war with Turkey. I need not recall the circumstances of that time more than to mention that that crisis was happily surmounted by the signature of the Armistice Convention at Mudania. It was a condition of the Armistice accepted by the Allies that Eastern Thrace, allotted to Greece, should be restored to the Turkish Empire. I need not comment upon the rights or the wrongs of this, but the fact is that the moment it became known that the Turkish Power was about to be established in Eastern Thrace, the Christian population of Eastern Thrace began to move out of it in a westerly direction, and although numbers of them happily managed to trek into Grecian territory by land, it became perfectly clear that it was of very great importance to assist this very large exodus by taking some across the sea.
There was one especial risk which I should like to impress upon the Committee. There was one feature, a very terrible feature, of the evacuation from Asia Minor, which it was most desirable should not be repeated in Europe. When the refugees were being embarked at Smyrna, they had to pass through lines of Turkish soldiers, and those soldiers stopped anyone whom they chose and allowed through only those whom they liked to let go, and those they chose to retain they did retain. The consequence was, owing to the action of the Turks in this matter, it was subsequently found that among the Asia Minor refugees in Greece there were practically no men of military age, and, what is of still more sinister significance, no women between the ages of 16 and 35. That meant that all this great body of refugees consisted of old men, old women and children of both sexes. In other words, they were as utterly helpless as it is possible to imagine. If the same action had taken place in Thrace, the same result would have followed.
It was therefore of the greatest possible importance that if these people were to leave their homes on the advent of the Turks, that they should get away in sufficient time and in a sufficiently orderly manner to avoid that terrible sifting which went on in Smyrna, and that both the middle-aged women and men who would be the able-bodied part of the refugees should be able to go with the others, and also that they should be able to take with them, to some extent, enough of their belongings to assist them in becoming self-supporting at the earliest possible time in whatever home they might make for themselves after arriving at their destination.
The strongest representations on these points were made to the Government here by his Majesty's representatives both at Constantinople and at Athens, and, recognising the great importance of avoiding the horrors of Smyrna as far as possible, the Government sanctioned the use of such British ships as were available to take these refugees from Eastern Thrace, as they had done from Asia Minor, and in doing so every possible effort was made, and I believe successfully made, to curtail as far as possible the expenditure upon this very necessary service. Great care was also taken to ensure that we should not be doing merely what it was somebody else's business to do, and every available ton of Greek shipping was employed. Under these circumstances, both as regards Asia Minor and Thrace, I respectfully submit to the Committee that a sum of £45,000 which stands in this Estimate cannot be considered a very extravagant charge for the services which were thus rendered by this country and to humanity as a whole. It was not only a question of moving these people. There was the frightful European problem involved as to their future. After all, there was no use in helping to move hundreds of thousands of people from one shore to another if, as soon as they got away, they were to be left to die either of disease or of starvation. If it were possible to save their lives, something must be done. There were 1,000,000 of these destitute refugees on Greek soil in October. The Greek people are not particularly wealthy and the Greek soil is not particularly rich, and a Greek Prime Minister, confronted with the problem of providing for a million destitute people landed on his shores, unprovided with either food, clothes or shelter, could not possibly be expected to grapple with the problem without assistance.
The League of Nations, knowing something of what was going on, asked Dr. Nansen to investigate the condition of these refugees, and he gave a most pitiable account of the condition they were in to the annual Assembly of the League of Nations in September. He earnestly appealed to the members of the League to contribute, as far as possible, to the relief of this distress. We had already, before that appeal was made, shown our willingness to make a contribution, at the Annual Assembly of the League at Geneva in September, when Lord Balfour, on behalf of the Government, had offered to contribute a sum of £50,000 if other Governments would contribute a like amount. That transaction has been before the House, I believe, in the form of questions, and it is one of the matters in which the Government were accused of giving in too niggardly a way. At any rate, up to the end of 1922, out of the sum of £50,000 which had been promised to be contributed pari passu with contributions from other Governments, only £19,208 had actually become payable, because that was the sum which had been contributed by the other Governments. This Government had paid over that sum up to the end of 1922. It paid it out of the Civil Contingencies Fund, and it is to make good that payment from the Civil Contingencies Fund that this Vote now appears in the Estimate. The question arises and may present itself to the minds of hin. Members whether having paid that £19,000 odd out of the £50,000 promised relieves this country of all moral obligation to make any further contribution. It became fairly clear, before the end of last year, that the condition would not be fulfilled by the other nations and that we should not be called upon under the promise we had given to pay the whole of the £50,000. Meantime most urgent appeals were being made to the Government from many quarters. There were, as hon. Members know, a number of very large and important charitable organisations in this country who were doing their best, and these in order to make themselves more efficient and to avoid overlapping had combined into one organisation known as the All-British Appeal. That organisation made earnest appeals to the Government to do something further. The Government, while realising the terrible and painful necessity which we all recognise, felt that they would not really be justified in going beyond what had already been done so far as the actual payment of money was concerned. But they did something which, perhaps, was scarcely less valuable. These unfortunate refugees were suffering terribly from sickness. I believe in one shipload there were 80 deaths from typhus alone, and of course the conditions in which the refugees found themselves all tended to produce epidemics and to reduce their resisting power. Under these circumstances there was scarcely anything more imperatively desired than medical stores, and it was fortunate that the Disposal Board in this country were in a position to supply at once a very valuable contribution of medical stores. It was accordingly authorised by the Government to hand over to the All-British Appeal for administration amongst the refugees £10,000 worth of medical stores, and these stores were dispatched in November to Athens by special arrangement.
I now wish to turn to another point which is closely related to the foregoing. I mentioned just now the fact that the Greek population of Eastern Thrace, at the time of the signing of the Mudania Armistice Convention, was in exactly the same position, and the local knowledge, which led to the exodus of Greeks from Eastern Thrace, caused the authorities at Constantinople and at home very grave anxiety as to what, in certain circumstances, would be the fate of the Christian minority in Constantinople itself. Especially were we under an obligation to the considerable colony of British subjects resident in Constantinople. Seeing that at this present moment we are all united in being extremely desirous that peace should be signed between Turkey and the Allies at the earliest possible moment, I think that perhaps the less I say with regard to the anxiety through which we have passed the better. Those anxieties are not yet over.
And is this money still piling up?
Yes, it is. No doubt the hon. and gallant Member will give us his views, but I would like to point out to him that there are responsibilities at Constantinople of which I do not think any British Government could possibly wash their hands.
Can the hon. Gentleman tell us approximately the size of the British colony in Constantinople?
I will give that information later. It was felt practically from the time of the Mudania Conference that it might prove imperatively necessary to evacuate from Constantinople the whole of the British colony. I may say it was not a very large colony. In regard to the provision we made, I would point out that at first, of course, nobody realised that the situation was going to be so prolonged as it has been. As usually happens in such cases, to begin with, before any definite policy was decided upon, the Board of Trade had made provision for certain vessels in the neighbourhood to be available in case of necessity for the purpose of evacuating the colony. But that sort of arrangement could not go on very long. It was only a hand-to-mouth arrangement, and by the second week in November it became clear that something more definite and more in the nature of a fixed policy would have to be adopted in this respect. Of course, it will be possible for hon. Members to say that the wisest thing would have been to have evacuated the colony at once.
Hear, hear.
On the other hand, if the hon. and gallant Gentleman will think the matter over, he will see that our doing so might have had very unfortunate results on the negotiations that were going on. It was certainly a course which everyone would agree it was desirable to avoid if we could. I think it is very likely, if it had been realised during the second week in November that we should reach the month of March before any definite peace had been signed, if we had had that before us, it is quite possible that the policy which the hon. and gallant Gentleman now favours might have been considered and perhaps followed. But no one realised that possibility. It was always thought that something decisive must happen one way or the other long before this, and, consequently, the only thing that could be done was to keep the ships prepared in case they were needed. In the second week of November the Board of Trade said it could no longer guarantee to have the ships there, and the Government were asked whether they were prepared to make any definite provision. Various schemes were put before them. One was to purchase a vessel. Another was to charter a vessel. These various alternatives were carefully considered. It was found it would be very expensive to buy a vessel at all suitable for the purpose. None was available, and any vessel acquired would have required considerable structural alterations, which would have proved a long and expensive job. Therefore the other alternative of chartering was had recourse to. A vessel happened to be available, a British India passenger steamer of 8,000 tons. The sanction of the Treasury was obtained for chartering it, and the charge for it is one which has not yet, of course, come to an end. The vessel is there and if, as I hope will not be the case, there is a necessity for the sudden evacuation of the colony, means will be at hand for doing it, and to that extent the Government will have discharged its responsibility. Bearing in mind all the anxieties of the last two or three months, the possibilities which might have occurred at Constantinople, and the lessons to be learned from what had taken place elsewhere, especially at Smyrna, I do not think it would have been possible for the Government to do otherwise than to make some provision for taking the British colony away.
I am now able to tell the hon. Member for Brightside (Mr. Ponsonby) that the colony at Constantinople is rather under 4,000; the number provided for is 3,400. I venture to submit that this charge for making provision for our own subjects, and also for the Greek and Armenian refugees, of whose pitable condition I have spoken, is a moderate one which ought not to excite opposition in this Committee. My hon. and gallant Friend (Captain W. Benn) was moved to hilarity when I said just now—I make no point of it—that the greater part of this charge would appear to be due to the policy of the late rather than the present Government. There would be no object in making that point, because, as I have said, it cannot be believed that any Government of this country, no matter how it was made up, could have faced the circumstances which I have mentioned and washed their hands of all responsibility to do something in the matter. As I began by saying, I wait with interest to discover whether the line of criticism will be that this country has been unnecessarily generous in this respect, or, on the other hand, that it has not been generous enough. I myself am much more disposed to admit the force of that criticism which says we have done too little, than of that which says we have done too much. I do not think we can be reproached on the ground of extravagant generosity in this matter, and it is only the urgent and pressing need, which everyone admits, for saving every shilling that we can, and the pressing want in which so many of our own people are, both at home and in other parts of the Empire, that would justify us—but I think it does justify us—in asking for a Vote the smallness of which would otherwise be open to very serious and severe reproach.
I beg to move, "That Item K3 be reduced by £5."
The hon. Gentleman has said that he is very interested to see whether we move this reduction in order that less money may be spent, or in order to emphasise the fact that more money should be spent, but really, in trying to impale us on the horns of that dilemma, he showed a singular disingenuousness, because it is a formal method of procedure in the House of Commons to move a reduction such as this in order to indicate that we disapprove entirely of the policy which has made this Vote necessary. The hon. Gentleman has, wisely, as I think, lumped together all the items in this vote—Persia as well as Smyrna and Constantinople. There is, indeed, one bond between all these subjects, and that is that in every case we are now asked to find money on account of the bankruptcy of the Curzon policy in the Near East. Persia is an admirable case in point of a one-man policy which has involved us in this expenditure. Lord Curzon's policy in Persia has all through been directed towards the absorption of Persia in the ambit of the British Empire, and he has followed throughout the method of large subventions to individual Persians whom he thought might be useful to the British Government. Throughout they have pocketed his money and laughed at his aims, and then, while the money was still unaccounted for in this country, we have seen the recipients of his generosity turning down his schemes and flying rather to the arms of the Bolshevists than to any assistance to the British Empire in the Near East. In fact, if there were one spot more than another where Lord Curzon's policy has failed—more than in Egypt, more than in India, more than in the Near East—I should say it was in Persia itself; and now we are asked to foot the bill. In the Near East, also, it has been the failure of Lord Curzon's policy that has not only made this Vote necessary but has caused all the horrors of the evacuation of which we have heard from the hon. Gentleman.
When the hon. Gentleman suggests that it was the last Government that was responsible for our policy in the Near East, I do not think it is realised that the policy of the late Government in the Near East was far more the present Foreign Secretary's policy than it was the policy of any other Minister in the late administration. The Peace of Sèvres was Lord Curzon's peace. I think it is worth while observing that the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs, the late Prime Minister, himself said:
Let us now consider some of these items. In the first place, we have this Vote for evacuating the people from Smyrna. I observe that £45,000 has been spent for that purpose, but I should like to have some more detailed figures than we have had at present as to the number of refugees evacuated from Smyrna and as to their condition to-day. I was under the impression that the number of these unfortunate refugees was much more like 600,000 than a quarter of a million. Are we to assume that it was only a quarter of a million who were evacuated from Smyrna, or that a larger number were saved from that holocaust, and could we be told, when the hon. Gentleman is replying, how many of them were women, how many were children, and how many of them were able-bodied? I do not think it can be true that all the able-bodied men and women were carried off by the Turks in the horrible débâcle of Smyrna. However, let us hear the facts, whatever they are. There is one point on which we can join with the hon. Gentleman in this discussion to-day. We are delighted to think that there was a British Fleet at Smyrna able to do something to save the situation. I can only wish that there had been more vessels there, and that they had been able to do more to save the people from that disastrous collapse. In regard to Constantinople also, why was it not deemed possible for the Fleet to render the same service as at Smyrna, and why was it that in November last, when everyone knew the danger of the situation, there was still such a large and helpless colony left at Constantinople? Were the women and children of the garrison in Constantinople warned, and were the colony warned, to come home before? Of these 4,000 who compose the English colony in Constantinople, how many are women and children, and why, if there are women and children, were they not evacuated when things became dangerous? Things are dangerous in Constantinople now; not only for the colony but for our troops themselves. They have been growing increasingly dangerous recently. Surely at some period we might have evacuated some portion of the colony, so that those left behind might be dealt with, if the moment came, by the very strong British Fleet that there is in those waters, without the somewhat extravagant method of reserving for four months a passenger liner at very considerable expense.
I do not propose, in making my speech this afternoon, to cover the whole of the ground that the hon. Gentleman has covered. He, naturally, would like to make his speech on the whole bad business and get it over; but we have to look into these items separately, and he will be aware that, in putting down Amendments to each of the items, we wish to be able to raise questions and elucidate individual Votes rather than deal with the whole matter together. I move this reduction in Item K3 in order that we may, first of all, discuss the Smyrna evacuation, before we get on to the larger question of the assistance given to the refugees under the League of Nations agreement, and why it is that the other Powers have not subscribed their quota. The position taken up by this country in connection with the League of Nations grant was, I think, the right one, but we should like to know why it is that only £19,000 out of the £50,000 has been called for, and what other countries have not come to the standard laid down by the League of Nations. I cannot believe that America is not subscribing her part, although she is not a member of the League of Nations. I should like to know whether any assistance has been received from America, and whether that sum could not have been taken into account in adjusting the amount that we were to pay. I think we should be in a better position to judge whether we have done the right thing if we knew what the proportion was that was being asked for from these other countries. Unfortunately, there is no doubt in the mind of anyone who has studied the foreign affairs of the last three or four years that a great deal of the blame for the Smyrna collapse rests upon His Majesty's Ministers, and that we must therefore be prepared to put our hand into our pocket more deeply than other countries would do.
For all these reasons we have to discuss these items seriatim, in order to get each one probed to the bottom. At present I want to confine myself to the case of the evacuation of Smyrna. I want to know how many were evacuated, what their condition is at the present time, and whether there is any information as to the position of those unfortunates who were left behind; and, further, what is the position at the present moment in regard to the possibility of restoring the British colony at Smyrna itself? I believe the whole British colony has gone from Smyrna, and that none have returned, but I understand that some of the French colony have returned. I should like to know, before we pass from this Item, what the possibilities are of the restoration of the British colony and of their trade and general interest in that country, so that we may know whether this, too, has got to go on waiting, and the losses have got to go on piling up indefinitely, until the Treaty of Lausanne is ultimately signed or forgotten.
5.0 P.M.
The Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs asked the Opposition whether they would object to this Vote on the ground that too much was asked or that too little was asked. I think that after doing so much for the promotion of war it is really surprising that they do so little to save its victims. The hon. and gallant Gentleman who has just sat down has moved a specific reduction on item K 3, which is a new service directly arising out of the policy pursued by the Government. The hon. Gentleman who introduced the Vote rather took the line that this was an inevitable expenditure, and that for some reason for which he could not account the English Government found itself engaged in a philanthropic undertaking in the Near East, and that they had no responsibility and no moral obligation of any kind to come to the assistance of these unfortunate people. What is the truth of the matter? We are in this Estimate faced with a little bill for the gambling debts of the late Government. It was the habit of the late Government to back the wrong horse. It was also their habit to back that horse with other people's money, and we are here called upon to pay the bill for their little gamble in support of the Greek military adventure in Asia. I have no desire to traverse this lamentable history at any length. I feel sure that will be adequately done in the course of the discussion. Hon. Members all have in mind the salient features of the policy which led up to this appalling catastrophe, far and away the greatest disaster which has afflicted mankind, with the possible exception of the Russian famine, since 1914.
Hon. Members will recollect that it was 22 months from the signing of the Armistice before the Treaty of Sèvres was presented to the Turks. They will remember that that 22 months enabled the prostrate Turks to arise and to reorganise their forces. They will remember that in May, 1919, the Supreme Council sent the Greek Army to Smyrna and thereby re-created and resurrected the prostrate Turkish national sentiment, and thus was directly responsible for the creation of the Kemalist forces. Hon. Members will also recollect that in May, 1920, the English Government and the Supreme Council gave a direct order to the Greek Army to attack the Turkish forces, and by that order relit the flames of war in Asia. They will remember the belated, panic-stricken, frenzied efforts to make peace in March, 1921, when at length, so late in the day, our statesmanship realised something of the dangers to which their reckless policy was committing, not only the East of Europe, but the fortunes of this country. This effort broke down. Then followed a still more ignoble period. Then came that beneficient, philanthropic decision of the Allied Powers to back both sides with arms and with material. Then an astonished world was confronted with the sublime spectacle of Britain backing Greece and France backing Turkey, like a couple of money-making promoters in a prize fight, sending arms, materials and finance just to make the fight a good fight. That was the policy which led up to the ultimate disaster that covered this country with disgrace and with loss of prestige throughout our Eastern Empire, and resulted in an expenditure of money on the unfortunate refugees for whom we have so direct a moral responsibility.
But I would not dwell on that policy. I would rather touch upon the actual handling of the situation when the crisis arose. I would rather ask whether this money need have been spent if wiser measures had been adopted, or whether it could not have been spent in a wiser and more provident fashion. We were told that the Government, in taking the action it did, that is, in threatening the Turks with war and thus assuming a responsibility for these populations, had two objects in view, to prevent war spreading into Europe and to preserve, in that blessed phrase which no one has ever explained, which if they do explain means nothing at all—the freedom of the Straits. The first object could have been achieved by holding the European Bank. It is evident that a military position is more easily defensible if you have the sea in front of you than if you have it behind you—a view which Marshal Foch is reported to have urged with some force upon the Governments of the Allied Powers. Further, if we had merely confined ourselves to preventing the war spreading into Europe we should have maintained the solidarity of the Allies. There would have been none of that disunion and disaccord which encouraged the Turks, which precipitated these atrocities in the Near East, and which nearly brought the whole of Eastern Europe into the catastrophe of war. If we had confined ourselves to holding that European Bank we should have run none of the risks of Allied disunion. We should, above all, not have risked a terrible conflict with the Turks in the Chanak district by putting our forces in their locality.
But we had another object, that great object which has been described in such glowing terms by the late Government, who were responsible for this Estimate. I submit that the separate and individual policy of the English Government in this respect was largely, if not entirely, responsible for a considerable portion of this expenditure in these Estimates. The English Government risked single-handed war with Turkey and incurred an immense moral obligation on their own individual shoulders to preserve and to protect these people for what is described as the freedom of the Straits. If I may quote that celebrated manifesto of 16th September: in a policy of common and bitter hostility to the policy of this country. There is no means that I can see of preserving the freedom of the Straits except in the manner I have indicated. Do not let us delude ourselves for a moment that we have preserved the freedom of the Straits even if the Treaty of Lausanne is signed—this Treaty for which we have threatened war and incurred these responsibilities. The Treaty of Lausanne provides for a demilitarised zone, encompassed on every side by large Turkish armies, and we have no force in the district. All that the Turks, or any army in the neighbourhood, have to do, at any moment they like, to close the Straits, is to march a force across the small demilitarised zone, place Howitzers behind the hills, which are immune from ship gun-fire, and allow mines to drift down the Straits from small boats, which can be sent out at night at any moment they like. These paper guarantees can be rendered entirely worthless—not worth the paper they are written on—and yet for this so-called freedom of the Straits, which has not been achieved by our diplomacy, which cannot be achieved except under impossible conditions, the Government were prepared to risk war in the East, they issued broadcast these inflammatory appeals and were ready to plunge mankind back into the holocaust of war.
But, apart from the impracticability of preserving the freedom of the Straits, why is it an especial interest of ours? Why is it so vital to this country? It is not a great commercial interest. Even before the War our trade with the Black Sea ports was negligible. To-day it amounts to nothing at all. The late Prime Minister, in a great rhetorical oration, said, "Are we to give up all the fruits of our victory? Are we to hand back to the Turks everything that we have won, everything for which the Anzacs and so many thousands of our countrymen laid down their lives? They were fighting to win the freedom of the Straits." Of course they were, but under the peculiar conditions of the late War, which are not likely to arise again. They fought to win the freedom of the Straits because we were allied with Russia against a central European Power and we desired to send supplies and ammunition through the Straits to reinforce Russia. Does the hon. Gentleman en- visage a condition where that is likely to arise again? Is the Conservative Government proposing to form an alliance with the Bolshevists against the friends of their French friends, the Poles, and even if that is the case do they think the Turks would then close the Straits against us? Why is it considered that in the future any vital interest of this county is bound up in the freedom of the Straits, this freedom of the Straits which means absolutely nothing at all and never can be secured until you have universal disarmament in this world? I shall be happy if the hon. Gentleman can do something to justify that portion of the policy which has resulted in this great expenditure. The freedom of the Straits under present conditions is of no more interest or importance to this country than the freedom of the canals in the moon. Certainly not worth the firing of a shot or the loss of a life.
But I am not concerned at this stage of our proceedings to assail in any greater detail the general and catastrophic policy of the late Government which has resulted in this expenditure and in this great disaster. I would suggest that if we are to curb this kind of thing in the future, this reckless gambling, not only with money, but with the lives of men, and if we are to induce some sense of responsibility in the statesmanship of this country, we must be prepared to vote against an Estimate of this sort, and to brand with contumely a policy which was pursued so disastrously and which ended with such loss of prestige and honour to this country. Let us, on this Estimate, take a practical step, and warn the statesmanship of the future against a policy of this kind, pursued and adopted without reference to the House of Commons, pursued to a point where not only this country, but the world was nearly flung back into an immense and inconceivable catastrophe. Let us, by voting against this Estimate, brand such a policy with the disapproval of the House of Commons, and set up a warning to the statesmanship of the future that they will not recklessly gamble with our resources, with lives, with money, with prestige and with honour.
The Near Eastern policy of this Government and of the late Government has been admirably characterised and most accurately condemned by the speeches to which we have just listened. I do not wish to take up the time of the Committee in repeating criticisms which I have uttered in previous Debates regarding that policy. I want to confine myself to the philanthropic side of the activities which are brought into discussion by this Vote, and I want to say that the policy which we on these benches would have pursued would never have raised the occasion for any such philanthropic expense and relief as that for which the Government is now asking our sanction. The more we condemn the policy of this Government and of the last Government, and the more we regard the fate of the Near Eastern victims of that policy as cruel, the more we are bound to hold that the Government which produced that fate is bound to do what it can to relieve the result of it. We are in the predicament in which the Government very often places its enemies, of having to support the sequel of a policy which we condemn. When we consider that in the last four years £150,000,000 have been spent in Mesopotamia, the Government which was responsible very largely for the miseries in the Near East has no reason to apologise to-day for doing the little for which it now asks the sanction of the House to the grant of £19,000.
The Government has not realised its responsibilities towards these unhappy victims in the Near East. The Near Eastern policy has led to the fall of two Governments, one in this country and one in Greece. That is a very insignificant thing as an historic event compared with what the Under-Secretary truly described as one of the greatest calamities in history which has resulted from that policy. The tragic thing about this terrible distress is that the victims of it have had absolutely no control over the events which have caused it. The Committee has become more familiar with the position by the statement of the Under-Secretary. I understand that something like 1,000,000 refugees are being relieved in Greece. The Greek Government is very poor. I should be the last to defend its policy, but in connection with this affair it is doing its duty. It provides about two dracmas a day for these people. It is not distinguishing between Greeks and non-Greeks. It is relieving a great many Armenians also. The Bulgarian Government is also, with impartiality, doing a very great deal for relief.
The hon. Member is now discussing K4. Strictly speaking, that is not in order, but I recognise the difficulty of separating these items in discussion. As a warning, I would suggest now that we cannot have the same discussion over again on each item. If hon. Members like to discuss these various questions of relief under K2, K4 and K5 now in one Debate, I shall not have to confine the discussion to K3. We cannot have the discussion twice over.
If I may be allowed briefly to deal with the philanthropic work under K3 and K4 I shall be glad. Both these items are covered by the question of what encouragement the Committee shall give to the Government to do more or to do less. What the Government has done has taken the form of a contribution to Dr. Nansen's fund. I want to urge that Dr. Nansen's fund is certainly the right agency to use, and that the Government ought to enable that fund to do a great deal more than it has done, because an appeal in these hard times to charity has not been responded to. There ought to be far greater help given to the work which Dr. Nansen has instituted in Western Thrace, which is being promoted by Colonel Proctor, a very able man who has collected in camp there several thousands, although a comparatively small number, of refugees. That work ought to be assisted. I do not know whether in connection with the relief work which has been instituted by Sir John Jackson's firm, there might not be another opportunity. I hope the Under-Secretary may be able to give us little more details as to the way in which the relief money has actually been spent and is being spent.
The need of action does not merely arise from the obligations of honour and humanity. The collection of enervated people is so great that there is a possibility that epidemics of a new and serious character will result, and Europe might, in its own self-interest, attempt to diminish these dangers. Another point on which I think more could be done, is in the removal of those who have fled from their homes in Anatolia and have come down to the Black Sea ports. I trust the Under-Secretary will be able to tell us whether the Government is preparing to remove them, as it was prepared to remove the British colony at Constantinople. The grant ought to be greater. There is another form in which help might be given. A suggestion has been put forward by the Near and Middle East Association that the loan which was to have been made to the Greek Government, which was withheld because of the news of King Constantine, might be very properly used for the purpose of relief. We should strongly support that if it were done. In these matters we have a national tradition to maintain, and I think that Dr. Nansen did not put it too strongly when he said, in his appeal for the relief funds:
It may be a relief for the Under-Secretary to find somebody who has little to say but praise for his speech this afternoon. I do not know that he has been criticised so much from the personal point of view this afternoon as from a desire to make him a sort of barrier through whose robust body some blows might penetrate to some other persons. I do not think anybody would blame the Under-Secretary for doing too much. Most of us will agree with my hon. Friend who has just spoken, that our complaint must be that he has done too little. I regret very much that he did not have a larger audience when he spoke, because I am sure that the story which he told, with all the frigidity and reserve of his office, of what happened in Asia Minor, would have been something of a shock to those who have not been attending to events in that part of the world. I had been told of them already. The picture which my hon. Friend drew, with a moderation which was quite worthy of the tradition and reserve of his office, as to what happened when we were trying to take the refugees away from Smyrna will, I hope, be perused and reflected upon by our people when they see it to-morrow.
When we read in the newspapers that a large number of people, amounting to tens of thousands of refugees, had been rescued by our vessels and the vessels of other countries from Smyrna, most people rushed to the conclusion that we had managed to save a large portion of the Christian population of Asia Minor from massacre. We who kept in touch with the facts know that all who have arrived in Greece are the old men, the old women, and by no means all the children of Asia Minor. To-day an account was brought to me by a friend, who heard it from an Englishman in a high position on a railroad in Asia Minor, that in the Armenian quarter of Smyrna not only were the men and the women but the children massacred by the entering forces of the Turks. But we have been told that all the able-bodied men and women, from 14 years up, were not rescued by our ships from Smyrna. These able-bodied men have been put into what are called labour battalions. I understand from those acquainted with the facts that these labour battalions are simply camouflage for overwork, under-nourishment, exposure to all kinds of climates, and that, in fact, they are a slow form of extermination. I gather that that is also the view of my hon. Friend. As to the women, we all know what happens to Christian women who fall a prey to Turkish cruelty.
If in face of that spectacle men, in a spirit of gentle rebuke, ask me why I am so drastic in my observations on the rule of the Turk, my answer is the treatment of the Christian population of Anatolia. I will not go into the general policy now in the Near East, but I take, and those acquainted with the Near East take, the most serious view of the situation. I hate even to mention or to contemplate war, but there are all the materials there for a new war, and it will require the most careful handling by the Government to avoid any such terrible catastrophe, and if there be war, owing to the events, including our compulsory abandonment of the Greeks, and their abandonment by other Powers and, above all, owing to the separate position of France, all the elements are against us. I think that my hon. Friend admitted that our garrison in Constantinople was not in a perfectly secure position in case hostilities should arise, and I beg the Committee, in spite of the great demands on their time, to devote some of their time to these conditions and towards counselling the Government to avoid this catastrophe. A suggestion has been made as to what more the Government could do. I would repeat the suggestion, though varying its form. What is the position of Greece as to these refugees? Greece is a country with its resources already drained. It has been 10 or 12 years at war; it has tried every possible and impossible means of raising revenue. It is bled white by the expenditure of war, and then comes this additional terrible demand of these refugees upon its resources. What can Greece do with them? There is no use talking of sending them to Macedonia; they have none of the able-bodied men to send to Macedonia. There is no use in sending old men and women and young children to become cultivators of Macedonia. Therefore this invasion of refugees is not an addition to the working population of Greece, but only an addition to those who have to live upon the resources of the country. I will not go into the question of general policy raised by my hon. Friends, but I regard these refugees, as well as the people who are massacred in Anatolia, as the victims not only of the policy of the late administration, but also as the victims of our European Allies, whose conduct in this matter has not been what anybody could call straightforward dealing, or a humane policy of which we can approve.
But there is one thing which we can do. We owe Greece a great deal of money. We made an agreement with Greece during the War, when we wanted her help very badly, that we would give a certain amount to her to cover the expenses of the War. The late Mr. Gounaris abated that claim, because he was led to hope that by abating that claim he could go into the market and get some money to carry on the affairs of Greece. The fact was that he could not raise a single drachma in the City of London. Therefore this sacrifice, having been made in vain, ought to be forgotten, and we ought to go back to our original obligation to Greece to help it to some money to enable it to carry on its affairs. It is in the highest interests of this Empire and of Christianity and humanity, as well as in the interests of Greece, that we should strengthen the position of Greece and scatter some of the clouds which at present hang over it owing to the irreconcilability of the Assembly at Angora.
I am sure that the Committee appreciate the spirit in which the hon. Member for the Scotland Division of Liverpool (Mr. O'Connor) always stands up for Greece, but I think that he would strengthen his case considerably if he would admit now and again that there are decent Turks. If, for example, in his catalogue of the horrors of recent events in the East, he would lighten that catalogue a little by referring to stories of another kind, if he would repeat, for instance, the very pathetic story of Turkish soldiers risking their own lives in order to defend Greek babies whom it was desired to get away from Smyrna; if the hon. Member would occasionally use a little more light in his shade his case would be very much stronger. I do not intend to go over the story of the folly of our own policy in the past. The hon. Member behind me said that he thought that the only way we could make an effective protest against all these criminal acts towards the Greek peoples in the Near East, on the part of the past British Government, would be to support an Amendment for a reduction in this Vote. I think the time has come, or will come very soon, when Ministers who conduct themselves as Ministers in the last Government did towards Greece ought to be impeached for their conduct.
The hon. Gentleman in his catalogue of folly omitted to mention that it was only some 10 days before the evacuation of Smyrna that the late Prime Minister was surreptitiously urging the Greek Army to fight on, at a time when the Greek Commander and the Greek Government knew that they were beaten. The Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, whom I, as a new Member, should like to compliment upon his comprehensive and explicit statement this afternoon, said that he did not know why some of us should table Amendments to this Vote. He asked, were we hostile to this money being voted for the refugees? I think that this money is the only Christian expenditure that this House has made in the Near East for many years. It has been made necessary as a result of British high policy by a governing class, one of whose representatives used to tour the country saying that it alone was fit to govern, while at the same time we have 900,000 human beings driven from their homes, their homes set in flames, their furniture destroyed, parents separated from their children, thousands starving to death, and over 100,000 of them at this moment a prey to typhus, cholera and other fevers, all as a direct inevitable result of an Imperialist policy carried out by the chief ruling Powers, including Great Britain. I would ask the hon. Gentleman when replying to say if the £45,000 asked for for the transport of refugees from Asia Minor to Greece includes an expenditure to the shipping companies like the Messageries Maritimes, which was reported at the time of the evacuation of Smyrna as taking extortionate charges from the poor refugees who were seeking evacuation at Smyrna. I would also like to know if this Vote covers the expenditure of £1,200 for bringing a Greek royal prince to Brindisi, and, if not, under what other Vote will that expenditure be charged?
I, for one, do not think that this expenditure is extravagant. We could spend £16,000,000 on Greece during the War in urging her into the War. Since the Armistice and the alleged peace, we have allowed the Government of Venizelos to draw another £6,500,000 and have supplied Greece with munitions of war. That is a total of at least £22,500,000, and surely we cannot grudge a few miserable thousand pounds to relieve the destitute, the unfortunate and the broken, who are as they are as a result of the alleged high policy conducted by the British Government. I would be obliged if the Under-Secretary would tell us frankly whether this policy of interference in Greek affairs is to continue, and whether Sir Basil Zaharoff and M. Venizelos still urges us to interfere in the affairs of Greece. Are we still endeavouring to use Greece as a pawn in Near Eastern policy? Have the British Government still got relationships with the higher Greek command? Do the Government still intend to use the peasantry and manhood of Greece as a pawn with which to oppose the Turkish Government at Angora? I have no blame whatever to attach to the Under-Secretary, after the very courteous and comprehensive and explicit statement he has made to the House, but I would like him to say frankly if the British still mix up in any way with that international financial gang which is at the bottom of all our troubles in the Near East, and to say to what expenditure the British Government is committed on the advice of men like Sir Basil Zaharoff and M. Venizelos.
I trust that those who, like myself, question the propriety of this Vote will not be thought lacking either in sympathy or in humanity. The miserable plight of people forced for dear life to fly from their homes, stripped of all their property, dependent for subsistence on precarious charity—that must appeal to everyone. But you do not have to go to Greece to find it; you find such cases here. I am not, therefore, questioning that the Greek refugees are entitled to sympathy. The point is whether the British taxpayer ought to provide for their needs. They are not British subjects. If they were British subjects there would be something to be said for the expenditure, for it would be part of the Imperial burden that the taxpayers of this country have to bear. Nor are they people who fought for this country in the War and are compelled to fly from their homes because they fought for us. There are people who fought for us and had to fly from their homes because they fought for us, and theirs is a case in which the British Treasury ought to provide compensation. But these Greek refugees have no such qualification. If their calamities had been due to the passing of some Act by this Parliament, and if in consequence of the passing of such an Act they were unable to remain in their native country, again a case might be made for providing for them out of the British Treasury. No such case is made here. Therefore I venture to question whether it is right, in the present state of our public finance, to pay even £19,000 or £45,000, whatever it is, for the relief of the necessities of these Greek refugees. I hope to hear from the Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs that he does not entirely disagree with the qualifications which I have suggested as the qualifications for assistance from the British Treasury. Although we may not discuss alternative methods of spending this money, there are those who hold that there are more deserving objects than the Greek refugees.
I do not sympathise entirely with the opinions of the last speaker. While I am in favour of making economies wherever possible, I think that in the one instance in which we can show a vote which displays some sort of disinterested generosity, it is the wrong moment to criticise the Government for spending too much. On the contrary, I welcome the expenditure under this Vote. However, the regrettable ineptitude of our policy in the Near East during the last 10 years is likely to bring many a bill of this sort to be paid, and I fear that this is only an instalment of many such Votes that we shall be asked to pass in the near future. We are suffering in this Parliament from the errors and misdeeds of the late Government, and I cannot help being sorry for the Under-Secretary that he should have to try to cover up the errors of his predecessors. But many of his present colleagues have a joint responsibility for the policy that was pursued by the last Administration. We must look back with something approaching indignation at the step that was taken, not so much by Lord Curzon as by the late Prime Minister, in his support and encouragement of Greece during the contest with Turkey. That always struck me as one of the most fatal errors, and I have tried to understand exactly what lay at the back of it. I am convinced that none of the advisers of the Foreign Secretary at the Foreign Office could possibly have advocated this insensate desire to stir up the Greeks against the Turks, for they know very well the relative values of the Turk and the Greek as soldiers.
I do not know what particular secret lay at the back of the late Prime Minister's support and encouragement of Greece in very critical times. That is one of the secrets, but, as we know nowadays, Foreign Office secrets are apt to be divulged in various parts of the world, and I believe that, one day, the true history of that extraordinary exploit of the late Prime Minister will be divulged to the world. Anyhow, the results of it have been so deplorable that we have, to-day, to accept the payment of the considerable sum of money required for the relief of the unfortunate refugees. I would like the Under-Secretary to tell us rather more in detail whether the transport of refugees is still continuing and whether it has been interfered with at all by the blockade which was declared by the local Nationalist authorities in Smyrna. The Under-Secretary was good enough to tell me the numbers of the British colony in Constantinople. I would like to know the approximate number of the British colony in Smyrna, and whether they have been removed or are still there. The hon. Gentleman also mentioned in his speech that £10,000 worth of medical stores had been handed over for the relief of the refugees. I believe that referred to the relief of refugees both from Thrace and from Asia Minor. Would he tell us exactly how these medical stores were handed over, whether they are in the hands of British authorities, or whether they were handed over wholesale to the Greeks to use as they thought fit?
I think I have said that they were given to the "All-British Appeal."
6.0 P.M.
The sum we are discussing is very small, but the principle behind the Estimates is very serious. We in this new Parliament have to pass Supplementary Estimates, the main Estimate and the principle at the back of it having been sanctioned by the last House of Commons. Very often we find ourselves in a very difficult position because we would not have sanctioned in any way the main Estimate. The Supplementary Estimate we have to approve by a side wind and very often it does not meet with our approval at all. This particular Vote gives us an opportunity of surveying the policy which led up to it, and we cannot help thinking not only of what led to this catastrophe and necessitated the relief, but of what led to the present attempt to settle the grave outstanding questions in the Near East. That has been dealt with in a speech from this side of the House and I am in entire agreement with what was said. This is a moment when we are justified in striking a note of warning that our policy now, while we are waiting for the reply from the Angora Government, must of necessity be one of tacit acceptance of the situation. A chance was missed at Lausanne of making friends with Turkey and with Russia. We have flaunted Turkey and insulted Russia and the result is that in the Near East our position is more precarious now than it has been hitherto. Situated as we are to-day, with our friendships on the Continent of Europe waning, it is indeed unfortunate that we should estrange ourselves unnecessarily from those who would be only too ready to hold out to us the hand of friendship in the Near East.
Before agreeing, for my own part, to this Vote of £123,000 for relief of refugees, I should like to ask the Minister in charge of the Estimates, following the lines of the speech made by the hon. and learned Member for Londonderry (Sir M. Macnaghten) if he can tell us whether this large Vote will in any way prejudice the voting of other sums for British citizens who are themselves refugees from their homes and who, as was pointed out by the hon. and learned Member, have a prior claim upon the generosity of this country. We all know the straitened times in which we live, and while we have the greatest sympathy with the hard case of these Greek refugees, still we must remember that charity begins at home. I suggest to the Committee that before passing this very large Estimate for the benefit of these people, for whom it is true we have every sympathy, we should consider whether the passing of this Estimate will leave us with sufficient means to enable us to deal with the equally hard case of British citizens, who have been driven from their homes in the same way as these unfortunate people in Asia Minor, and who have been driven from their homes only because they supported this country on the field of battle. I should like an assurance to the effect that the Government are keeping in mind their responsibility for these British refugees before passing a Vote to relieve foreign refugees.
I did not gather from what was said by the hon. Member for South Kensington (Sir W. Davison) whether he was supporting or opposing this Vote. It must be perfectly obvious to the hon. Gentleman that the Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs cannot tell him about other expenses and can merely defend his own in the present Estimate. I take it the hon. Gentleman is supporting the Vote, judging from the tone in which he spoke of the needs of the people for whose benefit it is being presented. The speech of the Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs was full of detail and was lucid in an excellent degree, but the Debate, in my opinion, has taken too much of a tone which might be expressed as follows: "Here are these poor people, and we must find the money for them. Some may think it too much, and some may think it too little, but their needs are urgent." The point should not be lost sight of in this Debate, that the Foreign Secretary is directly implicated in the policy which has caused these people to be refugees. It is useless for the Government to take up the popular attitude of saying they have nothing to do with the late Government. It is useless for them to say that because the name on the outside of the shop is changed it is a totally different affair. We know that, in certain Departments at any rate, it is the same Government, and it is only six months ago—on 6th July of last year—that the then Prime Minister said: rôle of a collector for a charity; his office is partly responsible for the policy which has contributed very largely to this ruin. At the time we pressed by questions for the publication of papers which would show us exactly how far the British Government were involved in the Greek collapse. We have never had them. We had to rely on the tittle-tattle in the newspapers, and in quite respectable newspapers statements were made that the Greek Ministers who were executed alleged that they had received encouragement from the British Foreign Office and the British Government. I do not know whether that is true or not; I hope it is not true. At least, the Government could exonerate themselves by publishing the papers. This they still decline to do on the ground that in some way—and I do not understand how—these papers are mixed up with the affairs of the Lausanne Conference. Some hon. Members have suggested that we are under no direct responsibility in reference to the Greeks and Armenians. I take the opportunity of putting a question to the Under-Secretary on the subject of the Armenians. As I understand, the Armenians, in effect, put themselves in revolt against the Turkish authority, on behalf of the Allies, basing themselves on the pledge which the Allies had given them that they would be given a national home. Is it a fact, as stated in the "Manchester Guardian," and as stated by Marechal Franchet d'Esperey, that the Government—and the policy has been continuous in the person of Lord Curzon—withdrew from the Armenians the arms with which they might have defended themselves and so not have become refugees, and gave those arms to the White generals who were fighting against Bolshevist Russia.
It has been stated on excellent authority that stores were depleted in order to assist one of those wild enterprises against the Bolshevist Government, and that arms were taken which would have enabled the Armenians to defend themselves for several years. That statement has been made on the authority I have named. We know now by a disclosure which was in the newspapers two days ago—in the "Times"—that at the very time our Prime Minister was meeting M. Briand at Cannes, an order was being given by which the French Government supplied French Government war stores to the Kemalist Turks. On the one hand we were supporting the Greeks in this mysterious manner, about which we can get no information, and on the other, the French Government were sending French Government stores to support the Kemalist Turks. These refugees have been driven from their country partly by means of arms supplied to the Turks by the French and partly by being deprived of the arms supplied by Mr. Churchill to assist Denikin and Koltchak. Is the Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs able to deny any of these statements? If not, it is useless to put this forward merely as an appeal by kind-hearted people for those in need. It is money which this House is voting to make some amends for a policy which in the past has been discreditable and disastrous.
I intervene in the Debate because, as far as I can judge, one or two mis-statements have been made which require to be cleared up. In the first place, I entirely agree with the Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs, that no Englishman or Scotchman can possibly object to the spending of this money.
Or Welshman.
No Englishman or Scotsman or Welshman either, could object to helping these unfortunate people, and although an hon. Member has stated that "charity begins at home," that charity ought, in my opinion, to be extended to all who are as unfortunate as were these people at Smyrna. This country as a whole would condemn any Government which did not do all it could to assist in alleviating sufferings of the kind which these people endured. As regards the statement of the hon. Member for the Brightside Division of Sheffield (Mr. Ponsonby), as to the real cause of the suffering, I suggest that the real cause of the disaster in Asia Minor lay with the Allies in the framing of the Treaty, which under pressure from M. Venizelos gave the valley of Smyrna to the Greeks. On that occasion the late Field-Marshal Sir Henry Wilson made a notable remark to M. Venizelos which he repeated to me. It was:
"Well, Sir, you have ruined your country now."
The real disaster was M. Venizelos' desire to get hold of the valley of Smyrna. Had he remained in Smyrna possibly this disaster would not have occurred, but the movement of the Greek Army had no connection with any policy of any British Government. Of that I am certain. It was only after the return of King Constantine to the Greek throne that this policy of aggression in Asia Minor was begun and persecuted, and the loose talk which has been indulged in, regarding responsibility for the Greek advance into Asia Minor and fixing it on the late Government, is entirely misleading and wrong. The Greeks went in there in order to re-establish, as they thought, Constantine on the throne in Athens. The result has been, as we have seen, the disastrous rout of the Greek Army in Asia Minor. The Under-Secretary may be able to tell the House that, as far as he knows, there is no responsibility for the Greek disaster resting on the late Government. Passing from that topic, I wish to touch on the amount of £158,000 which is being paid to the Indian Government. Is this being paid in rupees, and, if so, to what extent? The amount is put down here in sterling value, and it is just as well to clear up the question of whether that amount is owed in sterling or in rupees.
As one of the Members who put on the Order Paper a Motion for a reduction of this Vote, I feel that it is incumbent upon me to state my reasons for so doing. They were not so much a protest against the money which is to be voted to-day as against the policy responsible for this money having been spent. We have all listened with very great interest to the defence—I will not say able—of the hon. Member who represents the National and Constitutional party in Kirkcaldy (Sir R. Hutchison) of the late Government in connection with this question of the Greek débâcle. They say there is no smoke without fire, and it seems to me that we are justified in our demand that the papers on this question should be published. The very fact that when the fate that befell the Greek Ministers became known most of the ex-Ministers of the late Government immediately scuttled out of the country and went to the Mediterranean seems to me to lend colour to the charge that there was some implication on the part of the late Government in this matter. There is one point in connection with Vote K4, about which I am not quite clear. It says that our payments are conditional upon a like amount being provided collectively by other Governments. I am not quite sure whether, in regard to the additional sums which we are voting to-day, a like amount is to be provided by others, and, if not, whether we shall be liable for double the amount. Votes K4 and K5 are for practically the same purpose, but I suppose they are done up in small parcels in order to make the Committee swallow them more easily. Under K5 £10,000 is alluded to, but it is the £10,000 and the additional £3,208 under K4 in regard to which I am anxious to receive assurances from the Government that we are going to recover similar amounts from the other Governments concerned, as provided under the original offer of the League of Nations.
I am in the same position as the hon. Member for Westbury (Mr. Darbishire), who has just sat down, as I wish to justify the Motion which I have put on the Paper to reduce the Vote by £5. I did so with the intention of drawing attention to Vote LL, in regard to the refund to Indian revenues. This is the result of a policy initiated by Lord Curzon as Viceroy in 1900. In that year, when the Imperialist desires were at their height, Lord Curzon instituted a system of Persian consulates in order to increase the chances of British trade, although, in fact, it is possible that political considerations entered into the foundation of those consulates. At the time, the arrangement was made that half of the cost should fall on the British Exchequer, and I think it will interest the Committee to know that in the year 1905–06, when that arrangement had been in progress for five years, the cost to the British Exchequer was only £1,706. At that time the salaries offered to the Consuls and Consuls - General were nominal, but since then they have been increased very largely indeed. I have the figures here, but I do not wish to weary the Committee with them, and one or two instances must suffice. In Tabriz the Consul-General, who used to get £800, now gets £1,225; at Shiraz the figure has risen from £600 to £1,075; at Ispahan it has gone up from £800 to £1,600; and at Teheran the Vice-Consul now gets £670, as against £300. I would also point out that last year the contribution of the British Exchequer was £90,000, as against £1,706 in 1905–06, and this year, including this Vote, it is to be £326,550, or excluding the political item to which the Under-Secretary referred, it will be £210,000.
I think these facts merit the attention of this Committee. We do not know where this responsibility is going to cease. As far as I can make out from an examination of the Papers, the Government of India spends the money, and we are called upon to produce half. There seems to be no control from this side at all. I may be wrong in that statement, but, if there be control, I should like to know in what manner it is exercised. There is one evil connected with such an arrangement, and that is that it induces both sides to think the expenditure much smaller than it really is. The Indian Government says, "Let us spend it, because the British Government will pay half," and the British Government pays only half and does not realise what the total expenditure is. The total expenditure this year, of which we have paid half, is £653,000 on these consulates in Persia and China and Japan, and I should like to ask the Under-Secretary if he will kindly explain what the control is, how it is exercised, and why this expenditure is increasing at such a rapid rate, in view of the fact that the total Persian trade for the last 12 months has been only £33,000,000 with the whole world.
I was hoping the Committee might have some reply from the Under-Secretary to the speeches which have been delivered. The Committee this afternoon is placed in some difficulty in analysing this Estimate, for, as hon. Members know, the Papers on this subject have not yet been presented, and, secondly, this is a further Supplementary Estimate to clear up the situation which arose in the Near East last Autumn. In the Autumn Session of last year, the Chancellor of the Exchequer informed the House of Commons that a Supplementary Estimate of some £2,000,000 would be presented shortly for the services in that area, and I think it would have been for the convenience of the Committee if that Estimate had been presented at the same time as the present Estimate, so that the Committee could judge the situation as a whole. The Under-Secretary, in his lucid statement, if I may say so, in opening the Debate this afternoon, wondered why certain hon. Members had put down a reduction of the Vote. We do not question that the expenditure in this Estimate for the care and safety of the refugees would be accepted by the House of Commons. The humanitarian spirit of the British public would always demand that her Government should help these people, no matter to what nationality they might belong, and this afternoon, although we have approved not only of the amount but of the principle underlying the Estimate, we say that the policy which led up to these Estimates and created them is a policy of military adventure in the Near East, and as such we stand opposed to that policy.
The hon. Member for Greenock (Sir G. Collins) was not quite accurate, I think, when he quoted me as saying at the beginning of the Debate that I did not know why Motions for the reduction of the Vote had been put down. What I did say was that I knew there were two points of view from which they might have been put down, and that I did not know which was going to be put forward by the particular Members whose names appeared on the Paper. The Debate has shown that I was pretty accurate in that forecast, because, as a matter of fact, both points of view were represented. We had one or two hon. Members—for instance, my two hon. Friends the Members for Londonderry (Sir M. Macnaghten) and South Kensington (Sir W. Davison)—taking exception to the expenditure on the ground, as far as I followed them, that there was other expenditure which might be put before the House for which there was a still greater obligation. I do not question that point of view. I am entirely in sympathy with those two hon. Members, but all I can say, as the hon. and gallant Member for Leith (Captain W. Benn) said, is that I cannot, of course, give any undertaking whatever with regard to any expenditure except the one Estimate for which I am myself responsible. While there has been a considerable representation of those two points of view, that we have spent too much and that we have spent too little, there has also been from several hon. Members the contention that, although we may be under an obligation to spend this money, and although it was right to spend it in relief of the refugees, the existence of the evil which we had to remedy was due to the policy of the Government. That was very strongly put forward by the hon. and gallant Member for Newcastle - under - Lyme (Colonel Wedgwood) and others.
The great difficulty, of course, in dealing with a criticism of that sort is to know where to begin. It is very easy to say that such-and-such thing would not have happened if you had not done so-and-so in 1921, but the thing you did in 1921 was the inevitable result of what you did in 1920, and so you might trace back from effect to cause until you got lost in the dim and distant past. Although I am not at all concerned to deny that, looking closely into the history of the last eight years, I might be in thorough agreement with many hon. Members who take exception to various things that have been done by the Government—I ventured to criticise Governments myself before the present one, and, therefore, it would be absurd for me to stand here and say, because I am a Member, however humble and unimportant, of the present Government, that on that account everything that has been done by their predecessors was absolutely infallible—I think it is very difficult to fix exactly where the responsibility began. There has not been absolute agreement upon that point among hon. Members opposite. One hon. Member said that it was not so much the fault of Lord Curzon as the fault of the late Prime Minister, but, on the other hand, the hon. and gallant Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme said exactly the opposite. He said that the head and front of the offence was Lord Curzon, and that he was really responsible. The hon. Member for Taunton (Mr. Hope Simpson) illustrated my remark about the length to which you might be driven back when he said that the evil began with the policy of Lord Curzon, as Viceroy of India, in 1900. There you get back 23 years, and, that being so, I do not really suppose—
I was referring only to the Consular Service in Persia.
At any rate, some of the criticism goes to show that if something had not been done 23 years ago we should not be voting this money, or all of it, to-day. That may be true, but I am not going to make any attempt to give a detailed and reasoned defence of the foreign policy of this country for 23 years, or even for 23 months.
What about the Papers?
The hon. and gallant Member asked a question of the Prime Minister a day or two ago. It is not for me to give an answer overriding what my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister said. Therefore, I will refer my hon. and gallant Friend to the answer he got. Really, I do not know whether Papers on this particular part of the subject will be laid in the near future or not. The hon. and gallant Gentleman knows there is a promise of Papers, but what the Blue Book will contain, of course, I am not in a position to say at the present moment. But there is one thing I can say to the hon. and gallant Gentleman who put a very definite question to me. He asked me whether it is true that the Armenians had had arms, and that those arms had been taken from them. I do not know whether he suggests that they were taken from them by our Government?
The White generals had them, according to a statement in the "Manchester Guardian."
The Armenians are a people largely scattered through Asia Minor. Does the hon. and gallant Gentleman suggest that they gave up their arms to these White generals at the request of the British Government, or that we sent forces there to take them from them? How does he suggest that these Armenians parted with their arms? What was the power that made them do it? I should have thought the whole thing was ridiculous on the face of it. I have not seen the statement in the "Manchester Guardian," but I assure the hon. and gallant Gentleman it does not convince me. All I can say is that the first I heard of it was when he mentioned it, and I took steps immediately to ascertain whether it was correct or not. I found that they knew nothing about it in the Foreign Office, and the only suggestion I can make is that the hon. and gallant Gentleman should apply to the War Office. It is possible that they may have some explanation there. All I can say is I never heard of such a thing, and I do not believe there is a syllable of truth in it.
Does the hon. Gentleman deny that the Turks are armed with arms seized from the Armenians by the White generals, which arms are supplied?
I do not deny it, because I do not know. But that is a totally different question from that which the hon. and gallant Gentleman asked. Let me deal with what appears to me to be a much more irrelevant matter. A question was raised with regard to the freedom of the Straits, which was irrelevant, so far as I can see, to this particular matter. I do not intend to be drawn into a discussion on that subject, because I do not think the House wants a discussion of that sort at the moment, and if I were drawn in, I should find myself faced with the very unwelcome task of having to show the hon. Member (Mr. Mosley) who made that speech how little familiar he is with the facts. The hon. Member for Norfolk (Mr. Noel Buxton) put some questions to me which, I think, I ought to answer, because they really are relevant, and they are not matters which go back to ancient history. He is one of those who think that a great deal more ought to have been done than has been done. I freely say that I felt that the Vote was more vulnerable from that point of view than from any other, and I can only repeat that, while I have great sympathy with that standpoint, I think that the necessity of this country is a sufficient justification for our not spending all the money, under present circumstances, which we should have liked to spend if we had it, and probably would have spent. The hon. Member asked me how this £19,000 was expended. It is not, strictly speaking, under this Vote, but I understand that we may deal with it. The money was given to Dr. Nansen in answer to the appeal of the League of Nations. He did not render details of the expenditure to us, and we did not ask him for them. We thought that, as the League of Nations had made the appeal for this relief, and we made our contribution, we might trust them to spend it to the best advantage. I think, if hon. Members will consider the circumstances of the case, and how that administration was carried out, they will see that it would be impossible to expect that we could have had vouchers, or receipts, or detailed accounts of the expenditure.
Then an hon. Gentleman asked me as to the contributions that were made by other Governments, and it was suggested that probably a large share was contributed by the American Government. That is not the case. In point of fact, America made no contribution to this particular fund. America, not being a member of the League of Nations, presumably thought it would be better to stand aside, and make no contribution. But America has made very large contri- butions of her own, and has rendered immense assistance also to the whole question of refugees. I am, not in a position to give the Committee any account of it, except to say that if it had not been for what the Americans have done, the horrors and the tragedy of the whole question would be infinitely greater, bad enough as it is at the present time. They helped to take away refugees from Asia. They chartered shipping, they gave relief in various ways, and they have from first to last done, I think, as much as anyone could have expected or hoped towards the solution of this terrible question. The actual contributors to this fund were: Greece, £5,000; Canada, £5,500; Spain, £2,000; Sweden, £1,000; Norway, £1,000; Denmark, £1,000; Brazil, £2,000; Switzerland, £625; Japan, £1,083. One hon. Member asked whether it was a continuing liability—whether if further money were contributed, we should go on. We gave notice towards the end of last year that we could not keep this arrangement open any longer, and that any contributions which were not made before the end of the year could not be regarded as within the promise given. Therefore, so far as that is concerned, the matter is closed. I think the hon. Member for Norfolk asked another question which I do not remember at this moment.
I was particularly anxious for facts with regard to the transport of refugees from the Black Sea.
Yes, the hon. Member asked me a good deal about the Black Sea ports and the conditions there now. Also relevant to that was a question put to me by another hon. Member as to the total number brought away. As a matter of fact, about one million, so far as we know, who were brought away have become refugees in Greece. I think I have mentioned that before. Most of these came from Western Anatolia—600,000, or thereabouts, I believe, Then from Eastern Thrace a considerable number of the whole population, amounting to about 300,000. Some also fled from Constantinople, and a certain number from Eastern Anatolia. Those, presumably, would be the people about whom the hon. Member for Norfolk asked especially who would be likely to get away from the Euxine ports. All these figures, of course, must be largely conjectural, but, so far as we can judge, in Eastern Anatolia at present there are about half a million to 600,000 Greeks left, and between 100,000 and 300,000 Armenians—rather vague figures, I am afraid—who are the survivors of the population of that part of the country. So far as the Euxine ports are concerned, we ourselves have not taken any refugees away. We have left that to be done by Greek shipping, and I am not in position to say how many of them have been evacuated by the Greeks. I am afraid there must still be a great many left, and I can give the hon. Gentleman really very little information as to the conditions under which those refugees are there now. It was reported on the 1st of the present month that the Turks were still forcing the Christians to leave Trebizond, and that there were Italian ships and Jugo-Slav ships available for taking them away. I am afraid the condition of these refugees, so far as we know at these Euxine ports, is very terrible, but I have no precise information, nor can I say at the present moment whether there are any pending steps which will enable them to escape. One hon. Gentleman asked me whether payments made in respect of expenditure in Persia were in Indian or sterling currency. They are made in Indian rupees, but the value of the rupee is taken at a varying quantity according to the market value at the time the expenditure is incurred. Then he, or another hon. Member, complained that there was no proper control over the expenditure in India from this side, and he objected to the whole system, as I understood him, of dividing expenditure between India and this country, and gave it as his view that, under such a system, there could be no efficient control by one country over the other. I confess I have not got sufficient experience of such administration to say with any confidence whether his criticism was a sound one or not. All I can say is that, to the best of my belief, the Treasury here does exercise a good deal of effective control over the expenditure, and certainly in almost all cases they know on what the money is spent, and what value is got for it, before it is put before this House.
Are we entitled to refuse to pay our half if the Indian Government has actually expended the money?
I am not quite clear as to what the hon. Member means, wehther a specific payment or otherwise, but the matter is one of policy and consultation between the two Governments, and there cannot be much expenditure without the Treasury hearing of it. If the hon. Gentleman's inquiry is a suggestion that a specific payment has already been made, I am not in a position to say exactly how the matter stands.
There is only one other criticism with which I think I have not yet dealt; that was made by a member of the Labour party. The hon. Member (Mr. Johnston) made some very complimentary remarks about myself which I should like to acknowledge. He asked about two things. First, does this Vote include any payment to shipping companies for what he went on to describe as their iniquitous behaviour? I could not quite follow what he meant, nor can I say, but even supposing these shipping companies had done what he attributed to them it would not have been, I think, so very reprehensible. I cannot say whether some one or more of the particular ships that were employed and chartered to bring away the refugees may or may not have belonged to any particular company. But I can tell the hon. Member that there is nothing in this Vote for paying them for taking away Prince Andrew of Greece, which is apparently one transaction of which he strongly disapproved.
The same hon. Gentleman said: "Are we still interfering in the policy of the Greek Government?" I do not desire to be drawn into a historical discussion by way of replying to a criticism of the sort, but I think it would be relevant to the question to ask any hon. Member who knows anything about the history of Greece for the last 100 years how he can deprecate the interference of this country with the affairs of Greece ! There would not have been any Greece if it had not been for our interference. We are still by Treaty one of the protecting Powers of Greece, and entitled, and, in fact, bound, under certain circumstances to interfere for the benefit, as we believe, of Greece. If the hon. Member imagines that we are actually at the present time controlling the present Government of Greece, and that we are in any way shaping the policy, I can confidently say, "nothing of the sort." We are not exercising any such control, except, of course, in a general way, as, I think, we are bound to do. We are bound to use our influence with the Greek Government, as any other country, in the interests of European peace. I think the House will agree that influence in that direction is something which is not only permissible but our duty to do. I think I have answered most of the questions put to me on this particular Vote, and with your permission, Mr. Hope, have not only covered the ground on Page 3 of the Estimates but most of the other Votes, and have dealt with the refugees. I hope the Committee will now think that we might, at all events, come to a decision on the first of these Sub-head Votes. I am quite certain that those hon. Members who have followed the transactions with which this Vote is connected will not hesitate to give an affirmative Vote.
I beg to move, "That the Chairman do report Progress, and ask leave to sit again."
I do so because the Government have again refused to lay Papers in explanation of the policy which was responsible for this expenditure. The hon. Gentleman has just said that he himself is unable to give any defence of the Fund, and as the Government have given us no Papers, I submit to you it is treating this Committee with some lack of respect to ask it to come to a decision on this Vote in entire ignorance of the facts.
Do we understand—
Under the Standing Orders, I have put the Motion without debate.
Question put, "That the Chairman do report Progress, and ask leave to sit again."
The Committee divided: Ayes, 131; Noes, 243.
Division No. 12.] AYES. [6.52 p.m. Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Newbold, J. T. W. Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock) Groves, T. O'Grady, Captain James Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro') Grundy, T. W. Oliver, George Harold Attlee, C. R. Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil) Paling, W. Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland) Ponsonby, Arthur Barnes, A. Hancock, John George Potts, John S. Batey, Joseph Harris, Percy A. Riley, Ben Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Hastings, Patrick Robertson, J. (Lanark, Bothwell) Bonwick, A. Hay, Captain J. P. (Cathcart) Saklatvala, S. Bowdler, W. A. Hemmerde, E. G. Salter, Dr. A. Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (N'castle, E.) Scrymgeour, E. Briant, Frank Henderson, T. (Glasgow) Sexton, James Broad, F. A. Herriotts, J. Shaw, Hon. Alex. (Kilmarnock) Brotherton, J. Hirst, G. H. Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) Buchanan, G. Hodge, Lieut. Col. J. P. (Preston) Simon, Rt. Hon. Sir John Buckle, J. Irving, Dan Simpson, J. Hope Burgess, S. Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath) Smith, T. (Pontefract) Burnie, Major J. (Bootle) John, William (Rhondda, West) Snell, Harry Butler, J. R. M. (Cambridge Univ.) Johnston, Thomas (Stirling) Snowden, Philip Buxton, Charles (Accrington) Jonas, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown) Stephen, Campbell Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, North) Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly) Stewart, J. (St. Rollox) Cairns, John Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd) Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Cape, Thomas Jowett, F. W. (Bradford, East) Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow) Chapple, W. A. Jowitt, W. A. (The Hartlepools) Thornton, M. Charleton, H. C. Kirkwood, D. Trevelyan, C. P. Clarke, Sir E. C. Lambert, Rt. Hon. George Turner, Ben Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R. Lawson, John James Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince) Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock) Lee, F. Warne, G. H. Collins, Pat (Walsall) Lees-Smith, H. B. (Keighley) Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda) Collison, Levi Linfield, F. C. Webb, Sidney Darbishire, C. W. Lowth, T. Wedgwood, Colonel Josiah C. Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale) Lunn, William Weir, L. M. Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton) MacDonald, J. R. (Aberavon) White, H. G. (Birkenhead, E.) Dudgeon, Major C. R. M'Entee, V. L. Whiteley, W. Duffy, T. Gavan Maclean, Nell (Glasgow, Govan) Wignall, James Duncan, C. March, S. Williams, Dr. J. H. (Llanelly) Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Martin, F. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, E.) Williams, T. (York, Don Valley) Entwistle, Major C. F. Maxton, James Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe) Falconer, J. Middleton, G. Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Foot, Isaac Millar, J. D. Wright, W. Gosling, Harry Morel, E. D. Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central) Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.) Gray, Frank (Oxford) Mosley, Oswald TELLERS FOR THE AYES. —— Greenall, T. Muir, John W. Mr. Phillips and Sir A. Marshall. Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan) Murray, R. (Renfrew, Western)
NOES. Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Gates, Percy Newman, Colonel J. R. P. (Finchley) Alexander, E. E. (Leyton, East) Gaunt, Rear-Admiral Sir Guy R. Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Alexander, Col. M. (Southwark) George, Major G. L. (Pembroke) Newson, Sir Percy Wilson Apsley, Lord Gilbert, James Daniel Newton, Sir D. G. C. (Cambridge) Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin Gray, Harold (Cambridge) Nicholson, Brig.-Gen. J. (Westminster) Ashley, Lt.-Col. Wilfrid W. Greaves-Lord, Walter Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Baird, Rt. Hon. Sir John Lawrence Grenfell, Edward C. (City of London) Nield, Sir Herbert Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E. Parker, Owen (Kettering) Balfour, George (Hampstead) Guthrie, Thomas Maule Penny, Frederick George Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G. Gwynne, Rupert S. Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Barlow, Rt. Hon. Sir Montague Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Perkins, Colonel E. K. Barnett, Major Richard W. Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Barnston, Major Harry Halstead, Major D. Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Barrie, Sir Charles Coupar (Banff) Hamilton, Sir George C. (Altrincham) Rankin, Captain James Stuart Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Harmsworth, Hon. E. C. (Kent) Rawlinson, Rt. Hon. John Fredk. Peel Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Harrison, F. C. Rawson, Lieut.-Com. A. C. Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Harvey, Major S. E. Reid, Capt. A. S. C. (Warrington) Berry, Sir George Hawke, John Anthony Reid, D. D. (County Down) Betterton, Henry B. Hay, Major T. W. (Norfolk, South) Remer, J. R. Birchall, Major J. Dearman Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Remnant, Sir James Blades, Sir George Rowland Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Reynolds, W. G. W. Blundell, F. N. Herbert, S. (Scarborough) Richardson, Lt.-Col. Sir P. (Chertsey) Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W. Hewett, Sir J. P. Roberts, Rt. Hon. Sir S. (Ecclesall) Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank Robertson, J. D. (Islington, W.) Brass, Captain W. Hiley, Sir Ernest Robinson, Sir T. (Lancs., Stretford) Brassey, Sir Leonard Hoare, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir S. J. G. Roundell, Colonel R. F. Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (St. Marylebone) Ruggles-Brise, Major E. Brittain, Sir Harry Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth) Brown, Brig-Gen. Clifton (Newbury) Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Russell, William (Bolton) Bruford, R. Hood, Sir Joseph Russell-Wells, Sir Sydney Bruton, Sir James Hopkins, John W. W. Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Buckingham, Sir H. Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney) Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Houfton, John Plowright Sanders, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert A. Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Howard, Capt. D. (Cumberland, N.) Sanderson, Sir Frank B. Burn, Colonel Sir Charles Rosdew Howard-Bury, Lieut.-Col. C. K. Sandon, Lord Burney, Com. (Middx., Uxbridge) Hudson, Capt. A. Sheffield, Sir Berkeley Cadogan, Major Edward Hume, G. H. Shepperson, E. W. Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R. Hume-Williams, Sir W. Ellis Shipwright, Captain D. Cassels, J. D. Hurd, Percy A. Simpson-Hinchcliffe, W. A. Cautley, Henry Strother Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B. Sinclair, Sir A. Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City) Hutchison, G. A. C. (Peebles, N.) Singleton, J. E. Cecil, Rt. Hon. Sir Evelyn (Aston) Hutchison, Sir R. (Kirkcaldy) Skelton, A. N. Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord H. (Ox. Univ.) Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S. Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South) Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood) Jarrett, G. W. S. Somerville, A. A. (Windsor) Churchman, Sir Arthur Jephcott, A. R. Sparkes, H. W. Clarry, Reginald George Jodrell, Sir Neville Paul Spears, Brig.-Gen. E. L. Clayton, G. C. Johnson, Sir L. (Walthamstow, E.) Steel, Major S. Strang Cobb, Sir Cyril Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington) Stewart, Gershom (Wirral) Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Stott, Lt.-Col. W. H. Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Joynson-Hicks, Sir William Stuart, Lord C. Crichton- Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Kennedy, Captain M. S. Nigel Sturrock, J. Leng Conway, Sir W. Martin King, Captain Henry Douglas Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Craig, Captain C. C. (Antrim, South) Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement Sutcliffe, T. Craik Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Lamb, J. Q. Sykes, Major-Gen. Sir Frederick H. Crook, C. W. (East Ham, North) Lane-Fox, Lieut. Colonel G. R. Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley) Curzon, Captain Viscount Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.) Thomson, Luke (Sunderland) Dalziel, Sir D. (Lambeth, Brixton) Lloyd-Greame, Rt. Hon. Sir P. Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemal Hempstead) Lorden, John William Thorpe, Captain John Henry Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. Lorimer, H. D. Tubbs, S. W. Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) Loyd, Arthur Thomas (Abingdon) Turton, Edmund Russborough Dawson, Sir Philip Lumley, L. R. Vaughan-Morgan, Col. K. P. Doyle, N. Grattan Macdonald, Sir Murdoch (Inverness) Wallace, Captain E. Du Pre, Colonel William Baring Macnaghten, Hon. Sir Malcolm Watts, Dr. T. (Man., Withington) Edge, Captain Sir William McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Wells, S. R. Edmondson, Major A. J. Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Weston, Colonel John Wakefield Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Maddocks, Henry White, Lt.-Col. G. D. (Southport) Ellis, R. G. Maitland, Sir Arthur D. Steel- Whitla, Sir William Erskine, James Malcolm Monteith Makins, Brigadier-General E. Wilson, Col. M. J. (Richmond) Erskine, Lord (Weston-super-Mare) Manville, Edward Windsor, Viscount Erskine-Bolst, Captain C. Margesson, H. D. R. Winterton Earl Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Martin, A. E. (Essex, Romford) Wise, Frederick Falcon, Captain Michael Mercer, Colonel H. Wolmer, Viscount Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Milne, J. S. Wardlaw Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Ford, Patrick Johnston Mitchell, W. F. (Saffron Walden) Wood, Maj. Sir S. Hill- (High Peak) Forestler-Walker, L. Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham) Woodcock, Colonel H. C. Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Molson, Major John Elsdale Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward Fraser, Major Sir Keith Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Yerburgh, R. D. T. Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Morden, Col. W. Grant Young, Rt. Hon. E. H. (Norwich) Furness, G. J. Moreing, Captain Algernon H. Galbraith, J. F. W. Morris, Harold TELLERS FOR THE NOES. —— Ganzoni, Sir John Morrison, Hugh (Wilts, Salisbury) Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs. Gardiner, James Nesbitt, J. C. Garland, C. S.
Question, "That Item K3 be reduced by £5," put, and negatived.
Original Question put, and agreed to.
Unclassified Services
Miscellaneous War Services (Foreign Office)
Motion made, and Question proposed,
"That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £107,000, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1923, for the Cost of certain Miscellaneous War Services."
This Estimate is one into which I do not think I shall be required to go so fully as that with which we have just dealt. After the War, there were, of course, in Russia as elsewhere a number of British prisoners, and also British civilians, who were either imprisoned or interned. They were in a very deplorable condition. A great many questions were put in this House in the early part of 1919, and later, bringing to the attention of the Government the condition of those British subjects in Russia and urging the Government to do something for their repatriation. Amongst those who pressed the Government of that time was the right hon. Member for Deptford (Mr. Bowerman). The Government were only too glad to respond to the pressure being put on them, although they did not really require any pressure at all in order to do the best they could to obtain the repatriation of those military and civilian prisoners in Russia. Negotiations went on for a considerable time with the Russian Government, and in May, 1919, there was an exchange of a few civilians, but nothing more.
In June of that year, a proposal was made by the British Government for a much more comprehensive exchange of both prisoners of war and civilians. The Russian Government replied that they were unable to make an arrangement unless one of their representatives could meet a representative of His Majesty's Government and arrange matters. That did not seem an impossible thing to do; they might meet in a neutral country; and the British Government readily consented. With the approval of the Danish Government it was arranged that the negotiations should take place at Copenhagen. The delegate appointed by the British Government was the hon. Member for South- East Leeds (Captain O'Grady). The hon. Gentleman went out with one or two colleagues to negotiate an arrangement for the exchange, while the Russian Government was represented by M. Litvinoff. He and the hon. Member for South-East Leeds met in Copenhagen. The difficulty that first arose in the negotiations was that the Russian representative wanted to make the agreement on our side cover Russians who were outside Russia, and who were not in countries under our jurisdiction. The Government, of course, said it was impossible to make themselves in any way responsible for what might happen to Russians in countries outside their jurisdiction, and the negotiations at first broke down on that ground. They were broken off on 18th December, but almost immediately afterwards they were resumed and successfully concluded by my hon. Friend on behalf of the British Government.
I have in my hand the Agreement which the hon. Member signed. Article 5 of that Agreement made the British Government undertake to provide transport facilities
All these War accounts, I admit, are belated, for one reason or another. I suppose there was over-pressure of work at the time at the Shipping Liquidation Department. Lump sums were very often paid on account, and the actual final accounting stood over. We are now called to make this payment under Sub-Head B for carrying out the Agreement negotiated and signed by the hon. Member for South-East Leeds.
May I ask a question before the hon. Gentleman passes on? There is a revised Estimate. Do I understand that that revised Estimate, as we have it now, is the final payment for a single transaction? In the un-revised Estimate it was under the title of "Maintenance of Russian Refugees" as an increase on the original Estimate. I understand that it is a different transaction and not part of our general payment for the Russian refugees.
That is so. The mistake arose because when the account came in to be included in the Estimate it was wrongly described in the first instance, when the Paper was first printed. It was described at first as part of the general payment, but when it was more particularly examined it was found that it had been erroneously described. There has been no change whatever except in the description of the Sub-head. Those are the reasons why that money has to be asked for now. The next Sub-head is of very much the same character of expenditure. The House will remember that during the War every possible care was taken and every effort made to do something for our prisoners of war in different parts of the world. In Constantinople, especially, there was a necessity for having our prisoners of war looked after, if we could do so, by some neutral Power. At first, they were put in charge of the representative of the United States, and the sum of £10,000 appears under ( b ). This is almost entirely due to the American Embassy at Constantinople for comforts and various measures of relief, and for out-of-pocket expenses which they incurred for the purpose of alleviating the conditions "of our prisoners of war.
After America became a belligerent herself, of course, her representative could no longer take charge of belligerent interests in Constantinople. Our interests were then transferred to the Netherlands Ministry. The sum of £33,000, which appears on the Estimate, is for expenditure incurred by the Netherlands Minister for the benefit and comfort of our prisoners of war. In regard to the delay over that account, there has been no negligence or delay on the part of anyone for whom we are responsible. As a matter of fact, we only received the accounts from the Netherlands Minister in time to include them in the present Estimate, and I think the House will see no objection to passing them.
There only remains Sub-head E, which is a small sum. After the Armistice, at Mudros, all Turkish militant officers and men were, under an Article of that Con- vention, evacuated from the Yemen. That was a military matter. The necessary expenses connected with it were borne, no doubt, on some War Office Vote, which probably has been liquidated long ago, but of that I have no knowledge. There is a small sum included here because, after the Turkish military forces had evacuated those parts of Arabia, a number of political and civil administrative Turkish officials were left there after the Armistice. There was no further locus standi for those civilian officials and, like many people who had idle hands, they were becoming, not only useless, but? rather mischievous, and were attempting to stir up strife. I do not think they had any objection to being repatriated to Turkey. The sum of £10,000 has already been spent, and voted. There is, however, a small balance of £4,000 on account left over, and that is the sum which the Committee is now asked to vote. I do not think there can be any very serious objection to any of these items. I hope the Committee will let us have this Vote without any unnecessary expenditure of time. Of course, I will do my best to answer any questions which right hon. or hon. Gentleman may wish to put to me, if there is any matter which they would like elucidated.
Question put, and agreed to.
Class V
Colonial Services
Motion made, and Question proposed,
"That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £32,000, be granted to His Majesty to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1923, for sundry Colonial Services, including certain Grants in And."
I think we ought to have some explanation of this Vote from the Minister in charge.
I am not responsible for this Vote, but I quite realise that it is reasonable that my hon. and gallant Friend should desire that there should be some explanation of it. I know that the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies intends to be here, and I expect he anticipated that we should have had a longer Debate on the previous Vote. I do not know whether hon. Members think it is necessary that the Debate should be opened by the Under-Secretary of State, but, if some hon. Member likes to open the Debate, I will see that what is said is conveyed to my hon. and gallant Friend when he comes in, and then no time will be lost.
I beg to move "That the Chairman do report Progress, and ask leave to sit again."
The hon. Member opposite (Mr. R. McNeill) has always treated this Committee with every consideration, and his explanations have been full and ample. We are now being asked to vote another large sum of money for a distant part of the globe. Up to now the discussion has ranged round Persia, Asia and China, where we have been pouring out British money, and when another large sum is asked for I think it is the very least we can do is to demand that the Undersecretary of State for the Colonies should be present to submit his Estimate to the judgment of the Committee.
I presume the Government will accept this Motion, because it is obvious that an estimate of this kind cannot be passed without an explanation.
I am rather surprised that the hon. and gallant Gentleman opposite (Captain Benn) should presume that the Government will accept this Motion. I agree that it is quite proper to ask that the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies should be here, but I have already asked for the indulgence of the House on behalf of my hon. Friend.
In view of the appearance of the Under-Secretaty of State for the Colonies on the Treasury Bench, I beg to ask leave to withdraw the Motion.
Motion, by leave, withdrawn.
Original Question again proposed.
I apologise to the Committee for not being in my place. This Vote arises out of the War expenditure some time ago. In fact it arose between the years 1915 and 1919. At the beginning of the War there was an agreement that Nyasaland should bear the cost of her own local affairs. In 1915 the local Nyasaland forces had to be reinforced by British troops owing to the action necessary against the German forces in German East Africa. The General Imperial forces operated with Nyasaland as the base. On a date in 1915 when this offensive stage commenced the Nyasaland local force became part of a larger force and it now appears that from that date the British taxpayer—that is to say the War Office—pay for the ordinary costs of the local Nyasaland force in addition to the Imperial force. It now becomes necessary that Nyasaland should make a refund to the War Office in respect of her local forces which were paid for from the beginning of 1916 till the Armistice by the War Office.
Unfortunately at the present moment, Nyasaland in the present financial year has a slight deficit on its annual revenue, and in order to square the War Office accounts a loan in aid has to be voted by this House to Nyasaland to enable it to pay the War Office, and that is this Vote. Therefore, this is a sum of money to be voted by this House as a loan to Nyasaland to be paid off in future years in order to enable Nyasaland to repay during the current financial year a sum of money which she owes to the War Office. This is really an accounting transaction.
It would be out of order to go fully into the reason why Nyasaland cannot here and now pay back in cash the sum due to the War Office, but last year she had a very bad time. Owing to trade depression, the Nyasaland Government, which hitherto has had a small balance at the end of the year, has this year a deficit of something like £30,000. I hope that is only temporary. I am told that this is due to the fact that in part of Nyasaland there have been some cases of famine. I think it would be very wrong when a mistake of this kind has taken place suddenly to jump a special tax on to the native. Now that the Zambesi railway is through we hope that the moral and material welfare of Nyasaland will advance, and that they will not require grants in aid from the Imperial funds in the future.
It appears to me from the way money has just been voted that the pockets of the British taxpayers are unlimited. Money is being voted for all kinds of services in all parts of the world, for the maintenance of refugees in the Far East and in Russia, and for these objects we have been called upon to find large sums. On this occasion we are being asked to vote money for something which we know nothing about. It is now admitted by the hon. and gallant Gentleman opposite that this liability has only recently been discovered. I have heard a good deal respecting the power and the possibility of Labour being fit to govern, but I think, at any rate, we are entitled to ask why it is that this liability was not discovered before. Why is it that we did not know about it earlier? Was Parliament ever consulted in connection with the provision of this money which the War Office has apparently agreed to pay and which the hon. and gallant Gentleman is now asking us to vote? If we were not consulted, what is the explanation? Is it possible for any country or colony of ours simply to invest money or indulge in expenditure, and then demand payment from us and present the Bill to this House?
Now the hon. Gentleman, on behalf of the Government, in a cool and frank manner, asks us to vote this sum of money. We have been told that the Budget of Nyasaland shows a deficit of some £30,000. We all hope that it will indeed be a temporary deficit, but what guarantee have we that it will be temporary, or that we shall not be called upon next year to pay a similar bill? How do we know that this kind of thing is not going on for some time, mulcting the taxpayers of this country, increasing our taxation, and levying greater burdens on industry and, in the words of the Prime Minister, "high taxation resulting in a clog upon industry and the recovery of trade"? This expenditure is more important in these days when the provision of such sums involve increased taxation which falls upon the shoulders of the working people, and retards industrial development. I must confess I am surprised that the Government should ask us to foot a bill for something as to which we were never consulted. The hon. Gentleman in charge of the Vote admits in foot that the liability has only recently been discovered. Surely the Government had ample time to make discovery long ere this. At any rate, the previous Government, which was a conglomeration of all political talents and statesmanship, might have discovered it, and it is quite useless for the hon. Gentleman to continue to think that our relationship with these countries is going to be governed by political expediency or political exigencies—
I am afraid that the hon. Member is going rather wide of the somewhat narrow point at present before the Committee.
At any rate the inexorable law of economies and finance will finally bring that home to the people of this country. We are entitled to ask whether we were consulted in connection with the expenditure of this money and why it is said that the charge will only be a temporary one.
Of course, the House was consulted when war was begun against Germany in 1914, and none of this money represents expenditure other than war expenditure. It was incurred in view of the campaign in German East Africa, and the House was consulted whether the war with Germany should be carried on. This is not a charge on the taxpayer. It is a Vote in order to transfer the burden from the British taxpayer to the taxpayer of Nyasaland. We are asking hon. Members to enable Nyasaland by means of this loan to pay back to the British taxpayer money which should have been paid between the years 1914 and 1919 by Nyasaland.
I see there is a sum of £86,000 odd in the original Estimate in connection with the Zambesi railway. This sum of £42,000, we are now discussing, is for war services. Why should the two items be included in one Estimate? Again, we are told there is an anticipated saving of £10,000. Is that a saving on the railway? These are questions to which I would like an answer.
I beg to move to reduce the Vote by £100.
I think this estimate requires a little explanation. I have listened with great interest to the hon. Gentleman who is in charge of the Vote, but I think his lucid statement was very far from satisfactory. It seems peculiar to have this large amount on a revised estimate dealing with an extremely small Protectorate. The total population of this Protectorate is somewhat less than 1,250,000. We are told that this is a loan to be granted on terms to be approved by the Treasury in order to provide for certain war expenditure in connection with the local forces. I think it would be interesting to the Committee to know exactly in what direction this war expenditure was incurred. I would like to remind the Committee that on the 2nd May, 1921, the Secretary of State for the Colonies was asked whether any form of conscription had been instituted in Nyasaland, and if so, whether he had approved of it. The reply of the then Colonial Secretary was that the reorganisation of the Nyasaland Volunteer Reserve, and the provision for the defence of the Protectorate had been under consideration since the close of the War, and the draft of an ordinance providing for compulsory military service in the defence force of non-natives between the ages of 16 and 60 had been received.
How does the hon. Member connect our present policy in Nyasaland with war expenditure incurred between 1914 and 1919, or with a proposal that a loan be granted to enable the people of Nyasaland to repay this sum? It is impossible to discuss the general policy on this Vote.
I regret if I am transgressing the Rules of the House by going too deeply into the question of this particular loan. My object was to try and ascertain whether any portion of this loan had been used for a conscript army in Nyasaland, and surely it is cogent to the discussion to inquire if this Government is supplying a loan to the Government of the Protectorate to carry out conscription?
This Vote refers to past expenditure in the War. It would, I suggest, be in order to ask the hon. Gentleman whether at the time the grant was made there was conscription, but it is not possible to found on it an argument on the future conduct of matters in Nyasaland upon it.
I will adopt the suggestion, and ask the Government whether any portion of this loan has actually been used for the furtherance of conscription in the Protectorate of Nyasaland? Further, I would like to ask whether the form of conscription which has been in operation has been rendered necessary because of the fact that to some extent forced labour has been used on the Rhodesian railway? I think we are entitled to ask for information on those points, because if we have a combination of conscription backed up by the finances of this country for the purposes of forced and exploited labour—
The hon. Member has already been informed that the whole of the money was used for fighting the Germans, and I do not see how he can go behind that. I sympathise with him, because in years past I had similar-difficulties myself.
Then I will simply ask for details of the war expenditure under this Vote, and whether the military service thus provided for was considered necessary because of the use of forced labour in Africa?
I understood the Undersecretary to say that this debt had been incurred between the years 1914 and 1919, and was in connection with the War. Have not the Government of Nyasaland had an opportunity since 1919 to pay the debt back, and is it in order to enable them to pay that we now propose to let them contract another loan? I should like to ask, if they have not been able to pay during the last four years, why is the, hon. Gentleman so optimistic as to think they will be able to pay within the next four or forty years? What guarantee have we of that? Will we ever get this money back again, and, if not, is this thought to be the best way of getting over the difficulty?
The last question was certainly strictly in order. The reason why the money was not paid back in 1920 or 1921 was that, in a place like Nyasaland, the audit of accounts is a pretty slow business. Had the hon. Member been in my position at the Colonial Office he would have known that accounts from distant parts are still rolling in. There is very considerable difficulty in ascertaining the exact liability for various charges in these distant parts. What happened was that large Votes on Account were granted by Parliament for War purposes, and it was only after the War that matters could be gone into closely, and the audit authorities were able to investigate as to what money they might get back again. The reason why Nyasaland did not pay last year, when they had a small balance, was that it did not come to the knowledge of Nyasaland and of the Home Government that this debt was due until the current financial year. As I have said before, they had to spend £15,000 on famine relief and another £3,000 on medical relief. That upset their Budget, and, therefore, they could not balance it. With regard to the question of Conscription, although it is not strictly in order, I should like to mention that none of these forces are compulsory forces. These local forces in Nyasaland are, in the main, native forces, and are on an absolutely voluntary basis. As, however, the hon. Member asked me the question, I had better put his mind at rest. There is no conscription in Nyasaland at present. It was suggested that the Europeans, who are in numbers an insignificant minority —I believe there are 1,000 men and 500 women as compared with a total native African population of nearly 600,000— should have amongst themselves a volunteer reserve on a compulsory basis.
I am afraid that the hon. Gentleman himself is now out of order.
Yes, Sir, but I thought I had better put the hon. Member's qualms at rest as the matter has been raised. As to the capacity of the country to repay the money, I personally—I have been to its port, but have never actually been in the country itself—have every faith in the future of Nyasaland as one of the most promising of our Colonies in Central Africa, once its communications are opened up. The difficulty hitherto has been that it has had no railway communication with a port, and the first part of this proposal, which was approved by the House last year, was in connection with the connection of Nyasaland, which has no coast of its own, with the port of Beira. When that railway is finally opened up, and for the most part it has already been opened, the outlook in Nyasaland will be much more promising. With regard to the £10,000, that is a saving on the money voted by Parliament last July in connection with this connection of what used to be called British Central Africa, and is now called Nyasaland, with the coast.
Can the hon. Gentleman say whether any more unascertained items are likely to be brought up? We have been getting them time after time, and should like to know whether this is the last or not.
I think I can promise the hon. Member that, as far as any of the African Colonies connected with my Department are concerned, there will be no more of these past accounts. They are now all complete for the War period, and nothing further is likely to arise.
What guarantee have we, as a nation, for the payment of any of the moneys which have been thus lent?
Only the fact that the British government of this native Protectorate in the centre of Africa is an extremely good one, and that we have the good will of the African population of the country.
This is considered to be a better government than the one under discussion, and yet we have no guarantee that we shall not receive recurring Supplementary Estimates.
We now have £76,050 charged on this railway. Is the remainder to be charged on the whole of the assets?
I do not quite follow that
This money is really two loans, one a loan on the railway and the other a loan to the Government. I take it that the £76,050 is a direct charge on the railway, and that the £42,000 is a direct charge on the whole of the assets, so that we have a lien in respect of that on the assets of the whole Protectorate?
That is so.
Question, "That a sum, not exceeding £31,900, be granted for the said Service," put, and negatived.
Original Question put, and agreed to.
Class VI
Royal Commissions, Etc
Motion made, and Question proposed,
"That a supplementary sum, not exceeding £11,000, be granted to His Majesty to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1923, for the salaries and other expenses of Royal Commissions, Committees, and Special Inquiries, etc., including provision for shorthand."
This is the first Vote which has appeared in the House of Commons for what has hitherto been known as the Shaw Commission. The Shaw Commission was established in May, 1922, to inquire and report what compensation ought to be awarded in respect of destruction of, or injuries to, property in Southern Ireland during the period between 21st January, 1919, and the Truce, that is to say, 11th July, 1921. The Irish Estimates for this year, approved by the House of Commons last summer, were, of course, drawn up before the Shaw Commission was ever thought of or came into existence. As the Committee realises, Estimates for any financial year have to be approved by the Treasury before the 31st March. The Shaw Commission was not set up until May last, and, therefore, there was no provision' for it in the Estimates. This, therefore, is really a new service subsequent to the original Estimate. It could not possibly have been foreseen, and is a matter of the kind which is invariably the subject of a Supplementary Estimate. The expenses of this Commission will be borne, in the first instance, by the British Government, but, under agreement with the Free State Government, approximately half the expenses will be recoverable eventually from the Free State. The arrangement is that the salaries—for instance, the salary of the Chairman of the Commission—are halved between the two countries, and a similar arrangement will be carried out practically all through.
The number of claims received to date by the Commission is about 37,000, but as the terms of reference of the Commission limit its scope to the consideration of claims for destruction of or damage to property which would give rise to claims under the Criminal and Malicious Injuries Act in Ireland, and to destruction or injuries which were the result of action taken by order of the military authorities under martial law, and would, but for the existence of martial law, have been subject to such a claim as aforesaid, it is necessary to have a Vote of Parliament here and now. As I have said, the terms of reference were limited to property in the pre-Truce days. Up to November last the Commission consisted of Lord Shaw and two Commissioners, Mr. Howell Thomas, appointed by the British Government, and Mr. Dowdall, appointed by the then Provisional Government of Southern Ireland. In November last Lord Shaw resigned, as also did the Secretary of the Commission, Mr. Macpherson; and the British Government, finding that for various reasons the work of the Commission was proceeding less rapidly than was anticipated, took the following steps with a view to accelerating the issue of awards.
In the first instance, acting in agreement with the Provisional Government, they requested the Commission to review all the undefended decrees throughout the whale of the 26 counties in Southern Ireland. Applications or claims had come before the local County Courts, there had been no defence, and they had not been properly inquired into; and it became obvious that to centralise all those in Dublin before this one Commission of three, unless some new machinery were set up, would mean terrible delay, and the great thing is to get through the claims arising out of this unhappy period before the Truce. There are, of course, claims on both sides. There are claims by the supporters of Sinn Fein for damage done by the British military authorities, and there are claims of supporters of the British Crown for damage done by Sinn Fein.
Next, therefore, the Commission having been invited to review all these undefended decrees, it was decided to add to the Commission a panel of investigators up to a maximum of 52, that is to say, two for each county. It will be seen from the Supplementary Estimate that there is provision for 37, and these 37 are independent persons, partly resident in this country and partly resident in Ireland. Half the panel is appointed by the Irish Government, and half by the British Government. Altogether, 50 have been appointed, but only 37 appear under that particular head of the Vote, because the other 13 are permanent civil servants, six of whom have been lent by the Inland Revenue Department of the British Government, and seven have been lent by the Free State Government from the General Valuation Office in Dublin. The rapid growth of the work of the Commission, consequent upon this recent appointment of 50 investigators, has involved a considerable increase in the clerical stall at headquarters, and the British Treasury have sanctioned applications by the Commissioners for the appointment of additional staff from time to time, thus making an increase in this Vote. I may say that the total cost of the Commission this year will amount to £21,000, but there is a saving on the costs of other Royal Commissions amounting to £10,000, leaving a net deficit of £11,000, for which I now ask.
8.0 P.M.
Following Lord Shaw's resignation, there was considerable delay and difficulty in getting an adequate successor, but, as the House already knows, we have been extremely fortunate in getting Sir Alexander Wood Renton, ex-Chief Justice of Ceylon, who did similar work in connection with the destruction of property in Egypt in 1919, who is editor of the "Law Journal," and has many other suitable qualifications for this supremely onerous and difficult post. The chairman receives a salary of £1,100 a year, of which only £100, as hon. Members will see from the Estimate, is included for the current financial year. As a matter of fact, Sir Alexander Wood Renton's appointment is gazetted to-day and he draws pay from to-day. The Commission is at present disposing of cases at the rate of 400 a week. We hope that very soon it will be increased to 500 and will go even faster after that. Of the cases disposed of up to 13th February, 3087 were found to be outside the terms of reference and final awards for compensation have only been made in respect of 1226 cases. The aggregate amount awarded by the Commission is £1,763,722. It is too soon yet to give an exact estimate of the total amount of compensation legally due in respect of which the Commission will be called upon to make awards, but it is not likely to fall far short of £10,000,000. Similarly, it is not yet possible to ascertain how much of this sum will be due to be paid by the British taxpayer in respect of damage done, as in Cork, by the agents of the Crown and how much will be due to be paid out of Irish revenues in respect of damage done by Sinn Feiners.
Quite recently a new arrangement has been come to with the Free State Government with regard to how payments will be made. That I hope will expedite the working of the Commission. These new arrangements were effected by agreement with the Irish Ministers on their last visit to London with the Financial Secretary to the Treasury about three weeks ago. Under the previous agreement between the two Governments it was arranged that all the awards by this Commission should be paid in the first instance by the Free State and that the British Government should refund to the Free State Government so much of the total awards as the Commission might certify to be, in their opinion, attributable to damage inflicted by the agents of the Crown. It has now been arranged that the Commission should report in respect to awards made by them in any quarter in what shares the aggregate amount of these awards should be apportioned between the two Governments, and that on the basis of this report the British Government should refund at the beginning of each quarter their due proportion of the awards actually paid by the Free State Government during the preceding quarter. Let me make that quite clear. I know that hon. Members who have any connection with Ireland attach considerable importance to this, because the difficulty is that, both as regards damage done by the forces of the Crown and damage done by Sinn Feiners in the unhappy events which preceded the truce, where awards have been made there has been no money to pay, and we have now reached this arrangement, that at the end of each quarter the British share arising out of damage done by the forces of the Crown will be paid over quarterly to the Free State Government to be used in paying compensation. But we have arranged with the Free State Government that that should be subject to a very proper deduction, from the British taxpayers' point of view, of the share due by the Free State Government in respect of damage done by the Sinn Feiners in Great Britain, which has been provisionally assessed at £1,000,000, at Newcastle and various other places. It is proposed to spread that over a period of three years, so that the quarterly deductions will be £83,000.
I will now outline the actual methods of work of this reconstituted Commission, because virtually the machinery of the old Shaw Commission has been entirely superseded by a new machinery. In the first instance, the whole area of the Free State is mapped out and divided up between the investigators, who work in pairs, one investigator from the Irish Government panel and one from the British Government panel. On 13th February, which is the last date to which I have been able to collect any information, the work of these investigators had been begun in every county in Ireland, except Donegal, and I understand that in the last few days work has commenced in this the last county. Then the county investigators deal first with cases in which decrees have been granted by the County Courts in respect of which no defence appeared. These undefended decrees, as they are called, form the principal present task of the Commission. Cases in which no decree has yet been granted will be left as far as possible until these undefended decrees have been dealt with. All the cases in which undefended decrees have been granted, with a few exceptions, have now been disposed of in three counties—Longford, Wexford and Wicklow. Some progress has been made in Dublin City and County, Cork City, Kildare and Louth. Besides Donegal, the counties in which the least work has been done by the Commission are: Tipperary, Sligo, Waterford, Mayo, Leitrim, Kilkenny and Clare. These are the most disturbed areas in Southern Ireland to-day. The task before the central Commission and the travelling investigators is difficult, not to say hazardous. The conditions of the roads and railways render communication and travelling extremely difficult. I have received from time to time since I have been at the Colonial Office criticisms on the work of this Commission from hon. Members of this House. I went to the Colonial Office for the first time on 16th November, and I at once began to receive representations on the work of the Commission
I now confidently believe that, difficult as are the conditions under which the investigators will have to work, the machinery of these panels of investigators is the only means of expediting the determination of the awards due. It is obvious that if the Central Commission were to require everyone from all over Ireland to come up to one central tribunal in Dublin, we should be years getting rid of this work. I have been very carefully into the matter, and am satisfied that the assessors are all men of recognised technical and professional qualifications. Mr. Howell Thomas, who from the beginning has been the British representative on the Central Commission, has expressed himself to me as completely satisfied both with the qualifications and the fairness of these assessors. It will hardly be denied that the course which has been adopted by the Commission to settle claims, or where they are unable to do so to report to the Central Commission, is bound to give rise to certain suspicions. People having claims get into their heads the idea that unless they accept whatever the assessors offer them they will never get justice. That is an entirely wrong view to take. These investigators obviously do their duty and try to reach fair agreement. But no claimant need accept what these investigators offer. Every claimant still has an absolute right to demand a full hearing by Sir Alexander Wood Renton, Mr. Dowdall, and Mr. Howell Thomas. But the most serious criticism I have heard in connection with the working of this Commission arises out of the attachment to their awards of what are called reinstatement conditions. An analysis of the last 420 awards made by the Commission shows that reinstatement conditions were only attached in whole or in part to 52 out of the. 420. Of these 30 were business premises, seven were police barracks, and the remaining 15 private dwelling-houses. These reinstatement conditions were from the very beginning within the power and authority of the Commission. I have the warrant of appointment of the Commission, dated 8th May, 1922, by the then Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, Lord FitzAlan, which shows that they were authorised where they thought fit considered opinion of the late Government when the Commission was set up, and that we cannot go back on now. This condition obtained in almost identically the same words in the Commission that dealt with damage done in the Dublin Rebellion of 1916. It is obvious that where a shop, for instance, is destroyed, it is only fair and reasonable, affecting, as it does, the economic life of the locality, that, as far as possible, a certain sum of the award by way of compensation for that destruction should be spent upon furnishing to the locality which has sustained that loss, some reinstatement of the property so destroyed. In the last 420 cases only 52 have such attachments.
The next criticism I have heard is, I need hardly say, in connection with the payment of awards arising out of this Commission. It would not be in order to go very much into this, but as it is closely bound up with the work of the Commission and as a great deal of the smoother working of the Commission in the future depends on the payment of these awards, I must make some allusion to it. I think there was a good deal of misconception on this question. The British Government has not paid yet one penny piece towards the compensation awarded by this Commission, which now amounts to £760,000, and no payment will be made under the agreement recently come to until the next financial year. After the coming 31st March the new arrangement comes into force and certain advances each quarter will be made. The Free State have done something. On 13th February, which, again, in this connection is the last date for which I have definite information, the Free State Government have paid off in cash 116 awards, totalling £124,637. In addition to that they have purchased from various insurance companies advances made to claimants by the companies amounting to £552,000. So, in spite of the fact that their finances are in a very irregular state in some respects, they have found, up to the middle of last month and in respect of awards made by this Commission, a sum of approximately £700,000. At one time it was hoped to attach a pay department to the Commission, but on investigation we found that impracticable. In the first place the work of payment is enormously complicated by the fact that a considerable proportion of the decrees and claims are subject to mortgages, assignments, advances and charges of every sort, and the only machinery that can deal with that is the Finance Department of the Free State, working in conjunction with the Land Commission and various other Commissions established in Dublin. How far the complication goes is shown by the mere fact I have quoted, namely, that over £500,000 has been advanced at various times on decrees by insurance companies alone.
The Free State Government, whose newly formed Ministry of Finance is necessarily staffed to a considerable extent by officials without previous administrative experience, has made great efforts in the last few weeks to expedite this matter. When the Free State Ministers came over here we impressed upon them most emphatically the urgency of clearing away as soon as possible these questions arising out of pre-Truce compensation, and they expressed their readiness, and, in fact, their strong desire, in their own interest and from their own point of view, to get the matter cleared up as quickly as possible. I am quite sure that as far as Mr. Cosgrave is concerned he will do everything he can in this respect. They have their own difficulties—arrears of taxation which have to be collected, and virtually a state of civil war in the country—and it is obvious that in a matter of this kind we have to take a reasonable view, and to take into account the very disturbed conditions that still obtain in Ireland.
In addition to the payments on account of awards made by the Free State Government, the British Government has repeatedly announced its readiness—I wish to repeat this—to make advances on the security of decrees or claims awaiting hearing by the Commissioners in cases where delays in assessment and payment give rise to hardship. Up to 13th February the number of such advances made by the British Treasury was 89, and they totalled a sum of £36,425. As recently as last week it was decided that in view of the difficult position in which many claimants are placed, and the delay in assessing and paying compensation due to them, a somewhat wider discretion in dealing with such applications may, in future, be exercised by the Irish Department of the Colonial Office and the Treasury acting conjointly. I have arranged for a sum of £250,000 to meet such expenses, to be placed in the Estimates which will be introduced in the coming financial year. That is to be used to make advances in distressing cases of people who have lost everything in Ireland, many of them refugees in this country, who will eventually have a perfectly legal right to compensation under the Criminal and Malicious Injuries Act.
Finally, I would emphasise that this Commission, for which I am asking the Vote, deals only with injuries to property of the pre-Truce period. It has nothing to do, except in one small matter, with pre-Truce injuries to persons. All decrees granted in respect of persons killed or injured owing to the fact that they were supporters of the Crown before the Truce have now been paid in full, except in a very few cases in which decrees were awarded to minors, and the necessary consequential arrangements for creating a trust are not yet completed. We have that matter in hand. In the very small number of cases in which no decrease have yet been obtained in regard to personal injuries—they are only a handful— the Wood-Renton Compensation Commission has kindly agreed to assess the amount of compensation that ought to be paid. These cases are now going before the Commission and as each case is dealt with the amount is paid at once. A total of approximately £2,000,000 has been paid out in the past two years in respect of pre-Truce injuries to persons.
I have made a rather long and careful statement, because during the last week I have had such a large number of questions dealing with this Commission put on the Paper. This Commission is looked to by many persons, both Sinn Fein and supporters of the British Government in the pre-Truce period, to see that they get their legal rights and some compensation for the injuries they have suffered. I thought it necessary to give the Committee the full facts of the working of the Commission, as far as I am able at the Colonial Office to obtain those facts, and to make as frank a statement to the House as I can. We all hope that the condition of Ireland in the next few weeks may improve sufficiently to enable the Commissioners and their assistants to move about the various counties in Ireland and to bring to a close, I hope within one year, the pre-Truce claims for damage to property. It is a difficult matter, and it requires most sympathetic and expeditious handling. I hope the Committee will not grudge the rather high expenditure on this Commission. I admit that it is larger than was originally contemplated, but this was necessary if we were to get the thing done quickly instead of having a small Commission, without assistant investigators, carrying on for three, four or five years. If this Commission does its work in the spirit in which, I believe, it intends to do it the money will be well spent in the interests of peace and contentment among many sections of opinion and many schools of political thought who have suffered in recent years by reason of the troubles in Ireland.
I want to make one or two observations on the Supplementary Estimate, which has been so lucidly explained by the Under-Secretary for the Colonies. The hon. Gentleman has told us that already 4,313 cases have been dealt with and 3,087 of these have been found to be outside the scope of the Commission, but that the others, 1,226, were held to be justifiable cases, and were dealt with accordingly. He stated that he hoped that the remaining applications would be disposed of in about 12 months, but on the base of the first 11 months' work it would appear that nine years would be necessary to deal with all the applications that have been made. I hope that the hon. Gentleman will assure us that the speed in future is going to be much greater than it has been up to the present, as otherwise the £250,000 referred to for cases of hardship will not be nearly sufficient. We are told that certain payments will be made by the Irish Free State on such a proportion as may be agreed to. We would like to know what the proportions are going to be, and we ought to be satisfied that, not only are the proportions correct, but also that the Irish Free State have accepted the proportion allocated to them. We ought not to be left in doubt until the bill is presented and we are called on to pay.
Coming to the figures of the Commission, the travelling expenses are considerable, and perhaps the hon. Gentleman will make a statement. Out of £21,000, £8,500 is for travelling expenditure alone. That is a tall item. Then I would draw attention to the colossal expenditure of the cleaning department in which the fabulous sum of £1 a week is given to a cleaner. Examining these various payments, one wonders at the great difference between the items at the top as against the items for shorthand-typists who presumably will also be experts at clerical work with training. Those at the top are in receipt approximately of £22 per week as against the expert shorthand-typist who is in receipt of £2 3s. 10d., or the typist, obviously a first-class typist since she is working for a Government Department, who is in receipt of £1 9s. 1d. per week. The hon. Gentleman might make some statement in justification of the very great difference in the case of the people who do that work as compared with those people who head the list, and get all the money, and do a very small portion of the work.
We have been told from time to time that so much was to be allocated for cases of real hardship, but yet constantly we are brought face to face with the fact that only an infinitesimal number of these cases are dealt with. I hope that the hon. Gentleman will assure us that when this Supplementary Estimate has passed the cases will be disposed of much more quickly than they have been up to the present, and with them the applications that are being made to all Members of this House for assistance in cases where real hardship has cropped up. I hope that the hon. Gentleman will make reference, if only in a few words, to the travelling expenses of the Commission, the variation between the salaries and what obviously appear to be wages, what proportion we are likely to be called upon to pay as compared with the proportion of the Irish Free State Government and also with regard to the possibility of claims being taken up and dealt with as rapidly as possible.
I would ask the hon. Gentleman to give us more information as regards the 3,000 cases which he says were found to be outside the terms of reference, and to tell us approximately the total number of claims. I was not sure whether he said that he was unable to give that information.
Approximately there were 37,000 claims.
That leaves 34,000 claims, of which 1,200 have been settled. It seems to me that for the number to be dealt with the Commission is far too small if the work is to be finished within the 12 months mentioned, especially in view of the disturbed state of Ireland at present. However, as it may be out of order to propose more expenditure on the Commission, I would refer to the reinstatement conditions as to which the hon. Gentleman said that it would be impossible to go back on the warrant which set up the Commission. The hon. Gentleman justified these conditions on the ground that we had imposed such conditions in 1916 after the rebellion of that year. It seems to me that in a great many cases those reinstatement conditions are exceedingly unjust for the men who have been driven out of Ireland owing to their loyalty to the Union. These men may be utterly ruined and their houses burned. They are then awarded compensation, but they are told that they have got to rebuild their houses in the same place when they cannot go back to live there. Therefore it is a matter of common justice that those reinstatement conditions, at any rate, as regards people who are obliged to live out of Ireland, should be removed. I do not agree with my hon. Friend. I believe that the Royal Warrant must be altered, and that people who have been driven out of Ireland must be given due compensation clear of reinstatement conditions.
The Shaw Report has never been published. Why can it not be published? Surely there cannot be anything very detrimental to the interests of the Government in that Report. Considering that Lord Shaw was appointed by the last Government to inquire into this difficult matter, and did make a Report, and spent a great deal of time and energy on this Commission, the Report ought to be published and his views made known. I understand that he did sketch out a scheme in that Report by which these payments could be cleared up in less than the 10 years which a great many people think it will take to clear up the claims. If that is so, we ought to have the benefit of the Report, and I hope the Under-Secretary will see that the Govern- ment are asked to publish it. I was not much impressed with the fact that only 116 claims have been paid by the Free State Government, considering that this matter of compensation has been under consideration for at least a year. I hope the Under-Secretary will see that his Department keep a very strict eye upon this Commission, and that if they find that matters are not proceeding as fast as he, in a rather optimistic mood, stated they were, he will ask the Government to get the House to give further facilities for expediting their movements.
I join in the appeal that the Report of the late Chairman of the Royal Commission should be published. As the Under-Secretary knows, the Chairman of the Royal Commission was once a distinguished Member of this House. He is now serving in another capacity elsewhere, and his salary is paid by the House of Commons. In view of the fact that he is a public servant, with his salary on the Votes of this House, the Government ought to listen when a demand is put forward from various quarters that his Report should be published, and they ought to submit it for the consideration of the House. Lord Shaw and the members of the Commission have borne the brunt of this work since May, 1922.
He resigned in November.
The Committee would be interested to know why Lord Shaw resigned. Are we not entitled to know that in view of the large sum of public money which this Royal Commission is going to disburse during the next 12 or 18 months? The Committee appreciates the full and clear statement of the Under-Secretary. I would point out, if I understood him correctly, that claims amounting to about £2,000,000 have been settled and hat further claims will amount to £8,000,000, making a total of £10,000,000. Does that figure include the amount caused by the destruction of the Courts? The total liability on the tax payers of this country—
And of Ireland.
And of Ireland, if Ireland can bear it. A sum of £5,000,000 will fall upon the taxpayers of Ireland, and £5,000,000 upon the taxpayers of this country. Whether the overburdened taxpayers of Ireland, in view of the condition of that country during the last few years, will be able to carry that large burden is a matter of opinion. The Debate has revealed the fact that the policy or reprisals in Ireland has placed on the taxpayers of this country a sum of at least £5,000,000. In the hopeful spirit of the Under-Secretary, I trust that these claims will be settled within 12 months, and that the amount will not exceed the figure he mentioned.
I associate myself with what has been said as to the unbusinesslike way in which this Estimate has been presented, in that we are asked to vote £21,000 on a matter which is the joint concern of the British Parliament and of the Irish Free State Parliament, and all that we are told is that the contribution which will be made by the Irish Free State Parliament is: "Such proportion as may be agreed." We hear a great deal about the need of economy and of all expenditure being looked into. How can the House of Commons examine an Estimate when it contains such vague words as: "Such proportion as may be agreed." We are entitled to know what that proportion is. Before we vote this sum of money in respect of the salary of the late Chairman of the Commission (Lord Shaw), we ought to have the report which he has made.
There is only £100 on this Vote for his salary.
Some of the payments are in respect of persons in the service of the Commission over which Lord Shaw presided, and we are entitled, seeing that he was head of the Commission, to have his report on the work of that Commission. While I thank the Under-Secretary for the full statement which he has made, there are one or two questions upon which we ought to have further information. There is great dissatisfaction as to the delay in the payment of compensation to these unfortunate people who have been refugees from their own country for a period now running into years. Originally, there were claims which amounted, approximately, to £10,000,000 in the period between January, 1919, and the 11th July, 1921. Certain of these claims have been urged before the County Courts in Ireland. The claimant put in his claim, and the County Council, which was the body in accordance with Irish law responsible for making good the malicious damage, if it could be proved, made an appearance on the other side. With regard to all these claims it was mutually agreed between the Free State Government and the British Government that where an appearance had been put in by the County Council the claims should be paid. In respect to damage done by servants of the British Government, the claims were to be paid by the British Government, and where the damage was done by the servants or on behalf of the Free State the compensation was to be paid by the Free State Government. The British Government agreed to pay all personal claims of those who had supported them and who had been injured. Even in these cases where the County Council had put in an appearance, and in regard to which both parties were agreed, I understand that the compensation has not yet been paid in a large number of cases. With regard to the other claims, it was pointed out that it would not be fair either to the British Government or the Free State Government that in cases where, owing to the disturbed state of the country, the County Councils had not put in a defence, the claim put in by the injured person should be accepted at its face value. That was the origin of the Shaw Commission. It was then arranged that an independent Commission should be appointed to look into the cases where no defence had been made. As the Committee will see from the Estimate, there are no less than 37,000 of these claims. We have not been told how many have actually been heard, and I should like to know from the Under-Secretary for the Colonies how many have been heard and how many remain to be heard. Further, I should like to know the actual amount claimed in cash and the amount which has actually been paid.
In the defended or undefended cases?
I should like to know these particulars in regard to both classes, if it is in order. I certainly should like to know how much has been paid in respect of the defended decrees; I am informed it is only a comparatively small sum, although all parties were in agreement about them, and these unfortunate people, who are refugess from their homes, are unable to educate their families and are living on charity, because they cannot get the money from either the British Government or the Free State Government. I am not sure if it is in order to go into that, but perhaps the Committee will allow the Undersecretary to give that information and also the information for which I have asked, regarding the 37,000 claims before the Shaw Commission. We must remember that these claims date back to January, 1919. Everyone will sympathise with the Under-Secretary for the Colonies in asking the Committee to vote him the money in order to get the matter disposed of quickly. Our experience in the past, however, is against that prospect. Some procedure should be adopted which would enable substantial sums to' be paid in all cases where a decision has actually been arrived at, and in other cases where the only outstanding question is one of a few thousand pounds, more or less. A substantial sum should be paid on account in those cases, to enable people, who are refugees, to carry on temporarily. I should also like some information as to the exact position of this Commission. President Cosgrave recently stated in the Dail that the Commission was one over which neither Government had any control—that it was an international Commission—and I gather from the Undersecretary for the Colonies that is a correct statement. Has the British Government arrived at a definite agreement with the Free State Government, now that there has been a change in the procedure of the Commission and it has been reconstituted, under Sir Alexander Wood Renton, to secure that, when a decision has been come to and an award made, payment will follow the award promptly? Having an award if you are not paid upon it is not of much more use than having no award at all.
There is another point which has already been alluded to of vital importance to a great number of these refugees, and that is the question of imposing a reinstatement condition. The Undersecretary said that power was to be given to the tribunal to impose a condition of reinstatement where, if reinstatement did not occur, the economic life of the district would be affected. If that principle is to be carried out, it means that reinstatement should be required in every case. All the houses which are being burned down recklessly every day, houses of all kinds, from the palace down to the smallest homestead or shop, all are, to some extent, connected with the economic conditions of the district in which they are situated. If you burn down any house it means that people living in that house who bought food and necessaries of all kinds, and who employed labour and so forth, have to go elsewhere, and it means affecting the economic life of the district. To enforce such a condition here means that unfortunate people who have had their homes burned down, who have been driven out at the point of a revolver, will only become entitled to compensation under a condition of rebuilding. Any of us, however attached we were to our own homes, if we were driven out of them at the, point of the revolver, if we found that although we might be liked by a large number of the people, there were still a certain number of disaffected persons in the locality who would be likely to set our house on fire again, or to fire a shot at us—I do not think, in such circumstances, we would desire to return to that place. That applies especially in many of these cases where the people concerned have been exiles from their homes for two or three years and have been obliged to make new homes in this country or abroad.
I contend that when this arrangement was made between the British and the Free State Governments, the imposition of this condition was never contemplated except perhaps in the case of some street in a city, like Sackville Street in Dublin. In such a case as that, there might be some reason for requiring reinstatement, but in ordinary private cases where houses have been burned down, I do not think if was ever contemplated that the reinstatement clause should be imposed. Another vital matter, having regard to the long delays which have taken place, is the payment of interest. Are people who have lost all their possessions in many cases, and whose compensation has been delayed through no fault of their own, only to be paid the amount of decrees which they got, perhaps two years ago, without any interest whatever? If so it is a grave injustice. The British Government, which has accepted in some cases the legal, and in all cases the moral liability in connection with this matter, should see that this injustice is not carried into effect. Regarding the sub-Commissioners, or whatever they are called, who are going about the country, I understand there is considerable dissatisfaction with their methods. They have gone to small people who are urgently in need of money, and offered a sum very much less than the amount of the people's claims, and told the people, "If you do not accept this sum now, you may have to wait for years, before getting anything at all." That is a very unsatisfactory and unfair state of things, which I am told has occurred ins many cases.
Only a few days ago I had brought to my notice the case of two families who were unable to find the necessary money to the education of their children in the same way as they themselves had beer educated, simply because, although they were entitled to large sums of money under these decrees—and there are dozens of other cases of that kind, where great hardship has arisen—they could not get paid. The Under-Secretary said that advances had been made by the British Government to the extent of £36,000, but what is £36,000 out of £10,000,000? And £10,000,000 refers only to the pre-Truce claims; there are from £30,000,000 to £50,000,000 of post-Truce claims. Surely the British Government, if they have agreed to do so, as I understand the Under-Secretary says they have, where a decree has been obtained or where the claim is prima facie an honest one, and one where it is only a question of £1,000 or £2,000 more or less, should advance at once such sums as will enable these people to carry on until their full claim is met. I shall be much obliged if the hon. Gentleman will answer my questions, as to how many claims have been heard, how many are still to be heard, what is the total amount of the claims, and how much has actually been paid.
It is rather noticeable that all the gentlemen connected with the presentation of these Estimates are possessed of an unbounded optimism, as we see Estimates presented here, time after time, a proportion of which in nearly all cases we hope to get back. We have never had any real guarantee in any case as to the terms on which we are going to be paid back, or when, and this Estimate seems to me to be in the same category. The amount of damages which it is expected to pay is stated to be about £10,000,000, a half of which it is hoped to get back from the Irish Exchequer, and I would like the hon. Gentleman to give us an assurance as to the time in which he hopes to get that £5,000,000, and where, particularly as he was very careful to point out in his speech the very disturbed state of Ireland and, I believe, also hinted at the very disturbed state of her Exchequer. In regard to the Estimate for the appointment of the Commission, do I understand from the footnote that the proportion which each party to this Commission has to bear has not yet been agreed on? If so, is it not rather a pious hope to express that the Irish Free State will bear a proportion of it? Can the hon. Gentleman give us some guarantee as to whether they will really bear any proportion of it.
In addition, what does he mean by the term "inclusive" in the item, "1 Chairman (£1,100 inclusive)"? That word occurs five times. I ask, because the footnote refers also to several of the persons mentioned who are receiving salaries for other duties in addition, and the proportions set out in the right-hand column vary very much. Do I understand some of these people have been in this work much longer than others? The secretary seems to have received a very big amount in proportion to his salary. Does that mean that he has been the person longest employed, and as the Commission goes on, is this to be a continual thing, that the longer it sits the more persons we shall have to employ? That seems to have been the rule up to the present. Then there is the item of £8,500 for "Travelling and incidental expenses of Commissioner, Investigators, etc." It has already been pointed out that, in proportion to the whole sum of £21,000 that seems rather a big item. I suppose the disturbed state of Ireland again comes in there. Is it due to the fact that, owing to railway bridges having been blown up, the investigators have to travel in armoured cars? If so, I should like an explanation of it. In addition, I feel I must mention the item for "1 cleaner (£1 5s. a week inclusive)." Is that cleaner allowed to have any other job, the same as the higher-paid persons, or is the £1 5s. a full-time job, and, if so, will the hon. Gentleman assure me that this cleaner is getting trade union rates? Further, I should like to know, both in regard to the damages, which may cost anything up to £10,000,000, as estimated at present, and in regard to the payment for the work of the Commission in salaries, etc., have we as usual to find the money first entirely, and trust to getting it back at some future time from the other people?
9.0 P.M.
I should like to ask the Under-Secretary one or two questions, first of all, in regard to the procedure of this Commission. I am glad to say I am not personally interested, but as a trustee I have had some experience of the ways of the Commission. My hon. Friend the Member for South Kensington (Sir W. Davison) called some attention to this point, and I should like to tell the hon. Member not what I know personally, but what I have been told as to the procedure they adopt in the case in which I have some interest. I should like to call attention to the fact that there is absolutely no root distinction between contested and uncontested claims. There are quite honest people who put their claims before the Court in an honest way, supported by expert evidence, and it was not their fault that the claim was uncontested in the County Court. The claim of which I speak was one of those, properly made out and supported by expert evidence, and I believe it is a perfectly honest claim. There was a decree given for £8,000, but nothing, of course, happened. The Commissioners have been in touch with the people interested, but so far as I know no investigation whatsover of that claim was made. The Commission said, "Will you take £3,000?" I was asked whether I would advise the people to take £3,000, and I said," If you get the £3,000 into your hand at once, I advise you to take it, but if you are not going to be paid on the nail, I should not advise you to accept £3,000." That is the sort of thing that is happening all over the place, and I would like to ask the hon. Member what use this Commission is, if they are not giving the people entitled to damages some guarantee that they are going to be paid within a reasonable time. It is absolutely futile and useless.
Another question I would like to ask is this. Have the advances been made by way of loan, or are they payments on account? If they are advances on loan, I think it is a scandalous position into which to put the claimants, because the security offered by the Free State is of the most dubious description. If you offer these people sums which they may be called upon to repay, it is only putting off the day. I would like further to point out that the position of many of these people is of the most pathetic kind. I can give one instance after another of people who were living within their means in their own houses, including landowners and professional and commercial classes of all grades down to small farmers who have been driven out of their homes, thrown on the world penniless, and nothing has been done for them. We have been voting money this afternoon for Armenians, Greeks, Turks and Mahommedans. Why cannot we do something for these people? If you go to a shop in Orchard Street, you will see over the door "Sale of Property of Irish Refugees." I have been there. I have seen the things—a few valuables—collected by people before their hurried flight and sold to keep them from starvation. This House has some responsibility for all these things. When the damages were done which resulted in these claims, Ireland was being governed by the British Government, which was unable to afford those people the protection to which they were entitled, and the British Government should make compensation for the duty which they omitted to perform. There is one other question. Who is really the new Chairman of the Commission? Is he the author of the well-known book on the Law of Lunacy?
I do not think there is very much to cavil at in the very full, explanatory, and, on the whole, conciliatory speech made to-night by the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies. It seems to me that no party in this House, except, probably, a section very insignificant in numbers, is at all desirous of making any party capital out of the very unfortunate circumstances that have been transpiring in Ireland during the past few years. No one, I think, can look on anything that has been happening there with any sense of satisfaction, and, certainly, with no sense of joy. This House, however, after generations of consideration, decided definitely to give the people of Ireland freedom to govern themselves. Unexceptional circumstances, which no one could have perceived, have grown up in that country, and now that a stable Government is fighting for its existence, I do think this House, having conferred great administrative powers on that Government, ought to aid with its sympathy and help to smooth its way, and not hamper it with criticisms such as we have had to-night. The last speaker pointed out how difficult, after all, is the work that has to be done by this Commission which has been set up in Ireland. He told us of a claim which had been made for £8,000 and he said he advised—whether in a legal or friendly sense I do not know—
When I give legal advice I do not talk of it in this House.
The hon. Member never gives legal alvice without being paid for it. I am bound to say it is not worth very much then. At all events, the claim, he told us, was for £8,000, and he advised them that if they could touch £3,000, to get hold of it. Is not that an illustration of the enormous difficulties which this Commission, and which any similar Commission in any part of the world, has to encounter? Human nature being what it is, claims are made far in excess of what is reasonable or right, with the result that a claim may be made for £8,000, and £3,000 makes a very good settlement.
The hon. Gentleman has misunderstood me. I pointed out that the claim could be supported by evidence, and was not a loose claim. The Commission did not examine the claim, but simply came along and said to the people interested, "Will you take £3,000?" There was no evidence at all. That is my point. The claim was a proper one which could be supported by evidence, but there was no attempt to examine it.
I never knew a claim sustained without evidence. This claim only seemed to be worth about one-third of the amount asked for. I do think the statement by the Under-Secretary to-night really demonstrates that, so far as the Irish Free State is concerned, it has shown no disposition whatever to repudiate its bargain, or get away from the definite arrangement made with this Government. Up to now, we are told on the authority of the Under-Secretary, the Free State has already paid £700,000, and that is evidence that, in spite of the enormous difficulties with which they are daily and hourly confronted, they are doing their best. I feel perfectly sure that the honour of the men who are now in control of the Irish Free State will be sufficiently good to see that the whole bill is honoured in time. One hon. Member made a great point about not being able to bring about reinstatement conditions. He said it was utterly impossible that reinstatement conditions could be brought about. I think there are on the other side, and probably on this side of the House—not in this section of it—a large number of directors of insurance companies. If a man's house is burned down in an accidental kind of way or a malicious kind of way in this country, the insurance company will not pay the value of the house, but will reinstate it in the way it was at the time of the fire, and I do not see why exceptional demands should be made now in a case of this description. Reinstatement seems to be one thing in Southern Ireland, but another thing altogether in Northern France. We cannot understand what is right in one country is wrong in another.
The hon. Member opposite asked about the rate of interest. Interest is one of the props on which the British Empire rests. It has only three—rent, interest and profit—and interest is the most interesting of all, certainly to a considerable number of people. I do not think any honest man or any honest woman would desire to make profit unduly or unfairly out of these conditions. I am satisfied, now that the Irish Free State is tending towards permanent peace in that country, that whatever liability it may incur, that liability will be honoured, because, after all, if the people in Ireland will settle down to develop the industries of their country, it is a rich and a great country. If they all pull together in that spirit of brotherhood and manhood which ought to dictate the whole of our actions, then I venture to say that Ireland, after all, will ride the storm, and become an honour to the British Empire.
I am sure we all reecho that last wish of the hon. Gentleman who has just sat down, that Ireland should settle down in that spirit of brotherhood to which he refers, in which case no doubt the anticipations of the hon. Member will be realised. However, that aspect of the case is hardly relevant to the discussion, and I only refer to it because the hon. Member has done so. I take it for granted that everyone in this House, to whatever party he belongs, is earnestly desirous that those men who are entitled to compensation should have that amount of compensation as fairly and as quickly as possible. We are all, I think, agreed upon that. The question is, are we voting this money with the knowledge that that result will follow?
The first question I should like to ask the Under-Secretary for the Colonies is this: We know the late President of the Commission, Lord Shaw, made a Report. We know that Lord Shaw is a lawyer of the highest eminence, a man of affairs, and one who had had considerable experience in dealing with these claims in Ireland. Where is that Report? I have not seen it. I am given to understand that it contains most valuable suggestions as to how the assessments of this compensation should be made, how the cases could be got through as quickly as possible, with fair, square, and early payments, and that that Report was a very exhaustive and valuable one. I do think that we are entitled to see it. Until we have seen it we really do not know in what direction we are going, whether in the right or wrong direction. Personally, I should attach the greatest weight to the recommendations of Lord Shaw, as I am sure will every one in whatever quarter of the House he sits. I suggest that it is hardly reasonable to ask this House to vote so considerable a sum of money in the present state of the country, until we are more certain about the matter, and until we have knowledge, as we cannot have until we have seen the Report.
I do beg the Government to accede to the views that, I believe, are constantly urged upon them by questions and otherwise in this House, to produce that Report. What harm can it do? There are no State secrets in it! All we want is to get light so that we may go forward in the best way we can to deal with this very difficult question, this tragically difficult question! Here are a number of our men, loyal fellow subjects in Ireland, who through no fault of their own have had their property maliciously destroyed by gangs of rebels, their houses burnt down, their property seized, themselves thrown out, penniless exiles in many cases, into this country having had to leave homes in which they and their fathers have lived for generations and to seek refuge in this country in many cases in a state of absolute destitution. What we are trying to do now is to see that some compensation in money is made to them for the horrible outrages perpetrated upon them and the terrible injuries from which they have suffered.
A certain number of assessments were made by Lord Shaw. Since he left the Commission, I understand that what has been done is this: Certain investigators—I think they are called—have gone around with no power to make awards, and no capacity for making them, and they have gone to the men who have got decrees and have acted towards them in much the same fashion as the unjust steward in the parable. They have, in effect said to them: "We owe you £100; take your pen and write down quickly £50." That is what they are asked to do, accept £50 instead of £100 due to them. A case came before me only this morning. I give this as an illustration because it is one of these cases. In 1920 a man had his house burnt down. It was a convenient house, one of an advantageous description, with between 30 and 40 acres of land attached to it. He was awarded £4,000, not by the assessor, but by a judge of the High Court. What happened? Only recently an investigator, or perhaps two—I notice these gentlemen are paid £65 per month—these two investigators came along, looked at the place, and said to him: "You have been awarded £4,000 by a High Court judge; will you take £1,050?" What was done I do not know, but these investigators had the decency at the end of the letter to add, "We shall be glad to hear from you." The man is in this position: He will get £1,050 if he takes it now. If he does not take it, Heaven alone knows when he will get the £4,000. I put it to hon. Members: is that fair? Is it reasonable? His house was burnt down three years ago. That, I say, is the sort of pressure which it is not right to put upon a man who has a just claim for compensation.
I come now to the question of reinstatement to which the hon. Gentleman who last spoke referred. He gave what I venture to say, without undue exaggeration, was a misleading analogy. He took the case of a man living in England, in perfect peace and quietness, whose house was accidentally burnt down, and he said: "The insurance company comes along and they grant the man a sum of money or they rebuild the house." That, he urged, was perfectly fair. The man is living there and he wants the house rebuilt as soon as possible. What analogy has that got with the case of the unfortunate man who for some reason or the other—probably on account of his British connection—has incurred the deadly hostility of the rebels in Ireland, so deadly that his house is burnt to the ground and he is driven out of the country? Is he to be told: "We will reinstate you in a house?" How can he live there? Is he to go back at the danger of his life and live there amongst those who drove him out? That is the illustration of my hon. Friend opposite.
In the case of a house being destroyed by fire or otherwise in Ireland and the person who lived in the house migrating with his family to the Rocky Mountains or somewhere else, does the hon. and learned Gentleman suggest that he should be followed and his house rebuilt?
Of course I do not suggest anything so absurd. What I do suggest is that, if a man who has his home in Ireland is attacked by rebels, who maliciously burn that home to the ground, and if he is forced to come to this country—as men have been in hundreds of thousands of cases—to make a new home here, you should pay him reasonable compensation for that which he has lost in Ireland—his home. You cannot make compensation to him for driving him out in exile from the country which he loves, but you can make some small reasonable money compensation which will enable him to live in his new home and to avoid starvation. The proposal of reinstatement is this, that the man is to get not one farthing of the cost he incurred in coming over here and taking a new home and living in that new home, but you are to rebuild his house for him in a hostile country where he can never go again. Look at the absurdity of it? The probability is that that house will be burned down again. That is what reinstatement means. I ask my hon. Friend to say whether that is a proper condition to allow any Commission to impose. I think it is absolutely unknown in the history of the world that, in circumstances such as I have described, a man should not get his compensation in order to be enabled to live elsewhere. I beg my hon. Friend, if he has any influence with this Commission, to see that they do not impose this condition of a reconstruction of the house, except in those cases where it is possible for the man to go back and live there, and where he is willing to do so.
The only other point to which I wish to refer is that of accelerating these awards. There are about 30,000 outstanding. Some of these men have not received one farthing of their money since their houses were burnt down, perhaps two or three years ago. Had it not been for the divers charitable organisations which exist in this country, had it not been for the generosity of people living in England, who subscribed their money to rescue these people from starvation, and had it not been—I am glad—for the small sum of £20,000 in all, which was granted for the Special Commission in cases of extreme hardship by the Government, these people would have died of starvation. I ask hon. Members: Is it right that these victims, victims through no cause of their own, but owing to the paralysis of Government in Ireland, should have to go and ask for charity instead of asking for their legal rights? [HON. MEMBERS: "What about the unemployed?"] Is it right that these men, who admittedly are entitled to legal compensation, should, in order to drag out their existence and avoid starvation, have to rely on the charity of this country? I am sure no one would desire that. I therefore ask my hon. Friend to take every step in his power to bring these questions of compensation to a rapid decision and to obtain payment for these men who have suffered so greatly.
The hon. and learned Baronet who has just spoken compared the investigators borne on this Vote to the unjust steward. He said that the unjust steward said, "What is your debt—£100? Write down £50." I was going to point out that such a parody of scripture comes strangely from a gentleman who represents a Cathedral City.
It is only another kind of unjust steward.
I would point out that the unjust steward in question was commended. That is another point the hon. Baronet seems to have overlooked. We had better leave the unjust steward out of the argument, and devote ourselves to more relevant matters. We are very much interested in this, as British taxpayers, because, under an Agreement which was made by the late Government with the Irish Free State Government, the cost of the damages are divided. We pay for the damage done by our agents, and they pay for the damage done by their agents. Here, again, we meet in the Government with this tendency to pretend that they had nothing whatever to do with what the late Government did. As I glance along that Front Bench, however, I see at least three Members of the late Government. I do not see why the Government should adopt the Russian expedient of repudiating all the debts before the Revolution. The Prime Minister was one of the most ardent supporters of a policy which is going to run this country into very considerable expenditure.
That is one of the reasons we tried to get rid of him.
The right hon. Gentleman is mistaken. The present Prime Minister was one of the most ardent supporters of the reprisals policy which has landed us in enormous expense.
He was not in the Ministry.
The right hon. Gentleman's memory is betraying him. The present Prime Minister was the Leader of the House of Commons throughout the whole of the reprisals policy. It is no good the Government telling us that they had nothing to do with it. The leaders of the Government were responsible for this policy, and we know perfectly well that we shall have the Bill. The Commission is intended to say what amount will be due for payment later on for damage done by direction of the Government, and by the House of Commons, of which the present Prime Minister was the Leader. That is plain fact. Lord Shaw was appointed to be the first Chairman of this Commission, and I should like to reinforce what has already been said as to the desirability of publishing his comments. If he found a better way of dealing with these claims—I sympathise endirely with the hon. Baronet—both of what are called the Loyalists and the Irish people whose property was burned down by the agents of the British Government, surely we are entitled to have the advantage of whatever observations he made. Further, has this Commission got access to all the relevant documents? May I ask the hon. Gentleman whether that is so?
I believe so.
The hon. Gentleman believes so. Have they had access to the Strickland Report? At the time when the greatest of all the acts of arson was committed by the agents of the Irish Office—the burning of Cork City—a general in command made a Report on the question. We have every reason to believe that that Report showed that the city was burned by what are called "Black and Tans." I think the Chief Secretary for Ireland, at that time, told us that the Report would be published as soon as convenient. We have never seen it. It may be that the House of Commons does not matter, and is not entitled to have the Report, but certainly the Commission is entitled to have the Report. Therefore we ask for the production of the Report and for the publication of Lord Shaw's Report. The sooner these plans can be settled, and the most painful, tragic, and in some ways the most discreditable episode in the history of this country can be closed, the better.
I apologise, almost, for intervening in this Debate, because I am one of the victims whom the Committee are discussing to-night. As a certain number of hon. Members know, my house was burned down, something approaching two years ago. As I came into the Chamber, I heard an hon. Member from the Labour benches making a speech. In the first sentence I heard, he was arguing, apparently, that all we people who had had our houses burned down should have them built up again, in the same way, he said, as had been done in the devastated regions in France. Imagine my house being situated in Belgium or France and being burned down by the Germans. If the Belgian Government rebuilt it, then it would be rebuilt in a friendly country, which would be quite different to rebuilding my house in Ireland. I had a substantial award for my house with which I am satisfied, but there has been a condition imposed by the assessors that of the amount which has been awarded me the sum of £16,000 must be spent in rebuilding my house, which is an extremely large house. Therefore I have to rebuild that house. But what chance have I of living there again? There is a piece of land attached to the house which has been in my family for a great many years, and the buildings on it were devastated under the red flag. From that piece of land there comes the water supply to the house. That has been stopped, and only the other day a few of the houses which had not been burned down were set on fire. What prudent person would start rebuilding the house at a cost of £16,000 under these conditions? It would be like rebuilding it in a hostile country. Therefore the analogy which has been drawn between rebuilding my house in the South of Ireland and rebuilding the house of a Frenchman or a Belgian in the devastated regions of France or Belgium is not a correct one.
I want to ask the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies several questions. There is the case of those awards made in 1921 for property destroyed when the claimants went before the British Court of Justice and got an award from the County Court judge bearing interest at 5 per cent. In my case, of that very big sum which I was awarded and re-awarded the other day, I understand that 5 per cent. interest is the right sum. I did not follow the argument quite closely, but I understand that the Criminal and Malicious Injuries Act has been repealed by the Free State Government. Does that interest of 5 per cent. run in cases where the damage accrued before the truce in 1921? Obviously if it does, then all these large sums of money are bearing interest of 5 per cent. and somebody has got to pay, whether it be the Free State or the British Government. I think it is advisable to get these awards paid off as soon as possible. What the Free State Government get from Guinness's Brewery has to pay for this large Irish Army. Surely it would be advisable for the Free State Government to come to an arrangement with the British Treasury to get these claims settled.
I suggest the issuing to those who hold these awards bearing 5 per cent. interest of some kind of bonds, which the claimants need not be allowed to realise for a certain number of years, and let the Treasury make an arrangement with the Free State Government to take over those bonds after a certain period, and having, done that, allow us to cash them. On account of the damage which has been done many of these claimants are practically destitute. I am not pleading for myself, because I have another house, and I am told that the Free State Government would rather resign office than pay me. At any rate, there is a number of these claimants who are really in want of money, and under the arrangement I suggest they would be getting 5 per cent. on the value of their claim, and that would be something for them to go on with.
With regard to the assessors, they have been well chosen, and they are doing their work judiciously and are working well. Undoubtedly they have at the back of their mind the feeling that they must cut down people's claims as much as they can. The late Chief Secretary for Ireland told us that he expected all the claims would be cut down by 50 per cent., but these young gentlemen who are acting as assessors go to the man who has a claim and make him an offer which they know he will not accept, and naturally he refuses, and then they bargain with him, and if they cannot reduce the claim by 50 per cent. they try to get him to accept 75 per cent. I do not think they ought to pursue that course. These assessors ought to go round and investigate the awards and give their recommendations, and if such recommendations are not considered satisfactory, the claimants ought to have the right of appeal to the Commission. I am not going to say one word against Lord Shaw, because I am sure that he has our confidence. I would reinforce the appeal made by the hon. and learned Member for York on behalf of the smaller claimants. Let us try and get something for them. Either give them part of the money or do something else, but do not bring them over to this country with nothing to live upon. I make an appeal to the Government to do what it possibly can to help these very needy cases from the South and West of Ireland.
I have sympathy with all the victims of lawlessness in Ireland, both in the North and the South. In this discussion there has been a particular section of people singled out as the victims of the internecine warfare which is unfortunately taking place in my native country, but there are victims of racial antagonism and religious antagonism in the Belfast shipyards—
This Vote is in respect of a Commission appointed in May, 1922, to inquire into what compensation ought to be awarded with respect to the destruction of, and injury to, property in Ireland, exclusive of the Northern Counties, so I am afraid that the point now raised by the hon. Member does not arise.
I have got it in, and that is all I desired to do. I apologise for making the reference. I would congratulate the last speaker on the offer that has been made to him, and I would remind him that a bird in the hand is worth two in the bush—even if it is on fire. I sympathise with the mass of my fellow countrymen from the South of Ireland, to which I belong, whose property has been destroyed, by whomsoever it has been destroyed, and I ask that they shall be fairly treated. I ask also that the Irish Free State Government shall be fairly treated, in view of the difficulties with which they have to contend. We know that in every country violence grows by what it feeds on, and the men who are now trying to defy the Government in the South and West of Ireland have learned their lessons from the people you sent over. They are using exactly the same methods, believing they can terrorise the Government into their particular form of belief, and, as a consequence, you have murder, sudden death, and arson. How is it that Members of this House are asking that Ireland should pay straight off the reel? They do not ask France to pay straight off. They are not asking Belgium or Italy to pay. It is only Ireland. [An HON. MEMBER: "What about Germany?"] I want Germany to pay as strongly as you do, but not perhaps as much. We want all countries to pay their debts, and if some of you had paid yours, other people would be better off. As a matter of fact, there are thousands of men in this country who have left Ireland because of the political situation, and I have sufficient confidence in my countrymen to believe that eventually they will be welcomed back. Ireland, after all, is a funny country. We can forgive if we cannot forget, and we are on the road to forgiveness if rot to forgetfulness. I hope, as far as these matters are concerned, the Government will try as far as possible to give full consideration to the Irish Free State Government, in view of the difficulties with which they are contending. I believe Ireland will settle down, and I hope and believe, too, that North and South will eventually come together, and that people who have suffered as a consequence of the struggle will get a solution of their difficulties. There are troubles at both ends of Ireland. People have been burnt out in the North and have had their property destroyed—
I have already pointed out that that cannot be discussed on this particular Vote.
I have said all I want to say.
I hope the Committee will now be willing to take this Vote. We have had a pretty long discussion upon it. I dealt fully in my opening remarks with a good many of the subjects to which the speakers have referred. I gave all the figures that I had been able to obtain with regard to the claims, the awards made, the awards dealt with, and the amount actually paid. I hope that, possibly in a fortnight's time, I shall be able to give the House further figures. I have, therefore, nothing to add to my original statement. I explained, further, that, from the 31st March next, the first payment will be made by the British Government in respect of damage arising out of action by the Black and Tans, or other forces of the Crown, and that the money will be paid over to the Free State Government in accordance with an agreement come to between the Treasury and the Free State. On this point, too, I have really nothing to add. It is quite impossible at the present moment to tell exactly how it will work out. The sum of £10,000,000 is a rough estimate; it may be a little more or a little less. We have roughly estimated, too, that about half of it will eventually be paid by each Government. The Irish Government think that rather more than half will be due to be paid by us, but we are leaving that to be worked out by the Commission and we shall have a general settlement at the end of the year.
Let me get back to some of the points raised by the hon. and gallant Member for Finchley (Colonel Newman). Much misconception has arisen on this question of the 5 per cent. interest. In all cases where the Commission confirm an award by a County Court, interest at 5 per cent. runs, but where they vary an award they are instructed to give an award which is fair and reasonable at the time that it is made, and they have to take into consideration the time when the damage was done. No question of interest, therefore, can possibly arise where the award is varied. In the case, for instance, of an undefended decree, say for £10,000, where the Commission, on going into it fully, finds that fair and reasonable compensation, taking everything into consideration, is £8,000, that £8,000 takes into consideration the number of months, or it may be years, since the damage was done, and the Commission issue an award which is fair and reasonable on the date on which the award is made.
I am much obliged to the hon. Gentleman for his explanation. I take it that it really means that the British Government have acquiesced with the Free State in scrapping the Malicious Injuries (Ireland) Act, 1920?
Can the hon. Gentleman say what is the position of a tenant for life?
I am not a lawyer, and would rather have notice of that question. It is much too complicated for me to deal with I have to roam over the whole Empire. I have, however, given a great deal of attention to this particular question, although I still consider it most improper that the Colonial Office should have quite so much of this, as I call it, past Chief Secretary's work thrown upon it. I realise that the question of compensation, with all its difficulties, is one which it is essential should be properly settled and dealt with if there is to be justice done to many individuals, both Sinn Feiners and loyalists who are refugees over here, and if there are to be better relations between the two. I will go fully into the question, and see if there has been any repeal of the law, and will take that into consideration. I want to make it quite clear that from the beginning this Commission has been a judicial Commission, and that the executive authority cannot be perpetually interfering with its work. Otherwise, we shall only delay matters still further. The hon. Member for Down (Mr. D. Reid) quoted a case, but did not give either names or particulars. I think it is very important to report to the head of the Commission any conduct which the hon. Member considers to be improper, and if he will bring any cases to my notice and give me full particulars, I will guarantee that they are investigated, so that we may not have these general accusations of unfairness on the part of the investigators going on without every individual case being investigated.
I cannot give the hon. Member the name in the case to which I referred, because the family still holds some property in the neighbourhood, and if I gave the name that property would be gone the next day. I did not, however, make a general allegation, but gave a specific case within my own knowledge, and the hon. Baronet the Member for York (Sir J. Butcher) gave another. I suggest that the hon. Gentleman should look into the manner in which the investigators are doing their work.
10.0 P.M.
We in this country—I cannot speak for those appointed by the Irish Government—have been most careful to select men of approved position and qualifications, and I am most anxious to get to the bottom of the matter and see that they do act fairly and that justice is done. I want to emphasise, once and for all, that any idea that there is a threat that the central Commission will not be able to deal for years with cases in which the investigators are unable to come to a fair arrangement, must be removed. Undoubtedly, at the beginning there was great delay. Undoubtedly, the Report of Lord Shaw shows that, under the old constitution of the Commission, it could not deal with the cases, and that is why these appointments of investigators, further clerks, and so an, were made. As to the question of publishing the Report, it was a Report by Lord Shaw alone, not concurred in by his colleagues, and that is why the Government decided, before I came to the Colonial Office, that it would not be right to publish the Report without publishing also a counter Report by Lord Shaw's two colleagues. It was felt that that would not be desirable in the public interest, but that the Government should take all representations into consideration and do what they could immediately, jointly with the Free State Government, to increase the staff and accelerate the work of the Commission. If this is not sufficient, I will come to Parliament for more money and more authorisation to expedite the matter, because it is vital that we should get it through.
I hope that now, at this late hour, the Committee will agree to give me this Vote, but I want to make one more observation. I do not want hon. Members to be carried away by figures. The Commission, as I have said, has only actually dealt and finished with some 4,000 odd cases out of the 37,000 which are before them, but do not let the Committee misunderstand and think that there are 33,000 cases remaining to be dealt with. There are not. Many of the cases are in duplicate, having been sent up by two different channels. Many others are quite obviously outside the terms of reference, and have no connection with the Malicious Injuries Act or with the terms of reference of the Commission. I believe that with the new machinery and with the appointment of Sir Alexander Wood Renton—who personally got through quite as difficult cases in a remarkably short time, owing to his personal energy and attention in dealing with an exactly similar problem, in Egypt in 1919—we shall make headway in this matter.
I want also to refer to one or two of the definite points made by hon. Gentlemen opposite on the matter of expenses. With regard to salaries, in the case of a Commission of this kind you pay salaries to people on the scale on which you can get them. You cannot get people to carry out this work, much of which is dangerous, unless you pay them properly. [HON. MEMBERS: "What about the cleaner?"] I have no doubt that the cleaner's job is a part-time job, and necessarily he does not have the same qualifications as the Chairman of the Commission. I agree that this Estimate is swollen by large sums for travelling. That is due entirely to the present condition of the Irish railways. These investigators have to go about the country and make detailed local investigations, and they have to use cars to a very large extent in order to get about. They do go by train where and when they can, but it is well known, as we read in the papers every night and every day, that there are further and further disruptions on the Irish railways. In my part of the country the local line has been destroyed beyond repair for several years, and the conditions over there at this moment are terrific. These awards have only been coming in at any pace in the last few weeks, but they are increasing now. I think some weeks before Christmas there were only 30 or 40. Now we have dealt with 400, and next month we hope to reach 500. It is unfair to accuse the Free State Government of being unreasonable in delaying payment of awards actually made. They have paid up already over £700,000 without the British Government having paid over any money to them on account of the share of damage done by the agents of the British Crown. I have the assurance of the Irish Minister that they have got a staff which they have instructed to expedite payments. About Cork, I understand it is now commonly admitted that practically all the damage will fall to be paid by us. The Commission have aleady begun the investigation of the Cork cases, and that is one of the things on which they will report at the end of each quarter. They will report who, in the opinion of the Commission, was responsible for the damage, and they are entitled to get any evidence they like to enable them to form an opinion.
In view of that frank admission, can the hon. Gentleman find any means of communicating that answer to the right hon. Gentleman who was lately Member for Sunderland?
I have never had many dealings with that right hon. Gentleman. I used to be somewhat hostile to him. [HON. MEMBERS: "Shame!"] I was, and I must admit it. That was when I was a private Member. It is obviously my duty now to honour the pledges that he gave. Take this question of reinstatement. It was definitely put into the terms of reference to the Shaw Commission by the late Government, and it was put in on the authority of Sir Hamar Greenwood. It is absolutely impossible to go back on a thing of that kind. One Government has to carry on the work of another, whatever one's personal feelings may be. We have recently had discussions at the Treasury, and the Treasury have given a very specific undertaking that, if cases of hardship are brought to their attention, they will do their best to make advances either on decrees or against prospective awards, but the decision must be with the Treasury. The Treasury is ultimately responsible, and the Financial Secretary to the Treasury will answer further questions on that point rather than myself.
During the height of the Irish trouble a great many sailors employed in Ireland as Coastguards had their homes burned down over the heads of themselves and their families and lost everything in their houses. Could the hon. Gentleman do something to accelerate the compensation which has been awarded but not yet paid?
That is twenty times to-night—the same question.
Will the hon. Member allow me to proceed? These men have made claims, first to the English Government, then to the Irish Government, then back to the English Government again. All that happens is that nothing is paid to them. Could the hon. Gentleman do something to hurry things on?
Allusion has been made to the fact that this Government is very much the same as the late Government. At any rate, their treatment of the House seems to indicate a very close blood relationship. The sooner this Government learns that this is not the same House as the last House—
How does the hon. Gentleman connect this with the Vote?
I was introducing my point. The Government conceals all documents which could lead us to under- stand these Votes. We have had the Greek case. They will not publish the Papers before we have the Votes. Here we are asking whether this Report has been submitted to the Commission. We are told it has not, because the Majority Report is really a Minority Report, or for some vague reason of that kind. The Commission should have had Lord Shaw's Report submitted to them. At any rate, it ought to be laid on the Table of the House. As a protest against the cavalier and casual way in which we are treated by the Goverment I wish to move "That the Chairman do report Progress, and ask leave to sit again."
I cannot accept that Motion.
If you will not accept it, I wish to move a reduction of £1,000.
I wish to ask a short question, not by way of making a charge or of being facetious. The hon. Gentleman referred to a case of burning some years ago.
On a point of Order. Is not the hon. Member who has just resumed his seat entitled to move to report Progress?
He is entitled to move it, but I am not compelled to accept it.
Immediately on your refusing to accept it, he moved to reduce the Vote. Is that not in order?
Having moved to report Progress, the hon. Member for the moment exhausted his right to speak.
In dealing with cases that might arise the hon. Gentleman referred to a case where there had been a burning some time ago. That was followed by a judicial assessment, which means, I suppose, that a sum was arrived at which would be a proper compensation. I understand that judicial assessment will subsequently be confirmed by the Commission which is now sitting, and my hon. Friend said interest would run. Will interest run from the first judicial assessment or from the subsequent confirmation?
The case I alluded to was a case of an undefended decree. Where the County Council does not appear against a claim all the County Court judge does is to state that a claim has been put forward and no one has appeared to defend it, and therefore that stands until it is reviewed by the Commission. If the Commission vary the assessment, then, obviously, interest cannot run from the first assessment.
I suggest to my hon. Friend that a judicial claim in the County Court which is not defended becomes a judgment in default, and for all practical and legal purposes is a judicial assessment for a judicial judgment.
I will look into that.
Can the Under-Secretary assure the Committee that in cases where a defended decree has been obtained, and a decision has been arrived at, either by the Shaw or the Wood-Renton Commission, that the money will be paid? That is a vital point.
That question is out of Order, because the Shaw or the Wood-Renton Commission do not deal with defended cases. If a case has been defended in the County Court, it does not come before the Commission. Perhaps the hon. Member will put down a question.
As soon as a decision is arrived at by the Wood-Renton Commission, will the compensation be paid? In many cases where a decision has been arrived at, no money has come to hand.
I beg to move to reduce the Vote by £1,000.
Question, "That a sum, not exceeding £10,000, be granted for the said Service," put, and negatived.
Original Question put, and agreed to.
Class V
Treasury Chest Fund
Motion made, and Question proposed,
"That a sum, not exceeding £6,828, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1923, to make good the net loss on transactions connected with the raising of money for the various Treasury Chests abroad in the year 1921–22."
The Treasury Chest Fund, as the Committee is aware, is for the purpose of supplying funds for Public Services abroad in places where troops are stationed. No final expenditure can be charged to the Fund. Advances therefrom must be refunded from the Department on whose account they are made. The expenses of remittance, when incurred, together with loss by exchange, are debited in the profit and loss account of the Fund. Bank interest and gain by exchange are credited. There is sometimes a gain and sometimes a loss. The net loss or gain in each year is voted by Parliament in the following year or surrendered to the Exchequer, as the case may be. An annual account is laid before Parliament and is audited by the Comptroller and Auditor-General. In the Accounts for last year, 1921–2, there is a net loss of £6,828. That is due to a loss incurred in Hong Kong of £9,434 and in Colombo of £2,690. In all other places there was a profit made up mainly of interest on bank balances. The only other thing that I need say is that the last occasion on which an Estimate for the Treasury Chest Fund was necessary was in 1918–19 on account of a loss of £51,022 in 1917–18. The profits made in the intervening years were: in 1918–19, £5,530; in 1919–20, £346,063; and in 1920–21, £14,790.
After the very lucid explanation which we have had I regret that the Financial Secretary to the Treasury, whose real business it is, is not in his place on this occasion. I understand that the Treasury Chest Fund was instituted under the Act of 1877, and the balances which may be laid on that Fund are limited by that Act. I would like to know what is the present balance in the Treasury Chest Fund, and whether the right hon. Gentleman will give us some explanation of the figure for this year. I understand that this is the second year in which a loss has been incurred, because under the Act if any profit is made I understand that it is surrendered to the Exchequer, and there is no word spoken about it in Committee of Supply. If there is a loss, then a Supplementary Estimate has to be presented. There must be some special circumstances which have caused the loss, and I would like a little explanation of those special circumstances. I would also like to know what is the exact difference between the use of the Civil Contingencies Fund and the Treasury Chest Fund? I imagine that it is very wide.
I am afraid that I did not make my explanation as clear as I had hoped. However, the explanation is that the loss was caused owing to the fluctuations in the exchange. That accounts for a loss in Hong Kong of £9,434, owing to the fluctuation of the dollar, which varied from 2s. 4d. to 2s. 10½d., and at Colombo of £2,690, owing to similar fluctuations in the rupee, which varied from 1s. 3½d. to 1s. 5½d. Does that satisfy my hon. and gallant Friend?
In some way.
The other question was with regard to the nature of this Fund, and its relation to the Civil Contingencies Fund. May I relieve the hon. Member's anxiety? There is no connection between the two Funds. It would be no more relevant to enter into the character of the Civil Contingencies Fund than to enter into the character and origin of any other fund that is not connected with this Fund. Therefore the House would not desire me to waste its time on the subject. The Treasury Chest Fund, called in succession the Army Extra-ordinaries Fund and the Commissariat Chest Account, dates from 1st April, 1833. It is therefore a little older than the hon. and gallant Gentleman stated.
The Act governing the uses of this Fund was passed in 1877.
That is true, but its origin is very much older. The capital sum of the Fund was fixed in 1894 at £700,000, and that sum is kept constant. The Fund is used to supply money to the public services abroad, and when there is a loss due to fluctuations in the exchanges the difference has to be made up so that the capital of £700,000 remain intact.
Question put, and agreed to.
Unclassified Services
Prize Claims
Motion made, and Question proposed,
"That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £200,000, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1923, for Claims in connection with Ships or Cargoes condemned as Naval Prize or detained."
This is a much more complicated Vote than the last. The original Estimate contained two items. Under sub-head A was provision for meeting, on the recommendation of the Prize Claims Committee, claims by third parties against ships or cargoes condemned as naval prize, or detained. The sum provided was £25,000. Under sub-head B there were miscellaneous claims—such as claims by Dominion Governments for repayment of expenses incurred in connection with prize, claims by neutrals for damages for illegal detention, awarded by the Prize Court, and so forth. That accounted for £5,000. The expenditure which may have to be incurred in these two connections cannot be accurately foreseen when Estimates are presented. The House will recognise that it is a most difficult thing to estimate in a matter of this kind. It has turned out on the present occasion that the expenditure under sub-head A falls short of the original Estimate by £16,000. The expenditure under sub-head B in respect of the miscellaneous claims referred to will exceed the original Estimate by £7,000. I have accounted for the £16,000 anticipated savings under sub-head A, to which reference is made in the Supplementary Estimate.
Then comes the sum of £200,000 which is now required, and which calls for some detailed explanation. As the Committee is aware, naval prizes fall into two categories. There are Droits of the Crown—which do not go to the Crown at all, but to the Admiralty for the benefit of the Fleet—and there are Droits of Admiralty, which do not go to the Admiralty at all, but to the Crown. This is due to the fact that James II granted his Droits of the Crown to the Admiralty, to go to the Fleet of that day. Broadly speaking, Droits of the Admiralty are captures made in port and Droits of the Crown are captures made at sea. Owing, however, to the novel and complicated forms of blockade adopted in the recent War, it was very difficult to distinguish accurately between what was captured in port and what was captured at sea, and in order to have this difficult question cleared up the Naval Prize Act was passed in 1918. Under that Act a special tribunal is set up known as the Naval Prize Tribunal, and adjudications were made by this special tribunal upon each ship or cargo condemned and decisions arrived at as to whether the proceeds were Droits of the Admiralty which go to the Crown, that is to say, to the Exchequer, or were Droits of the Crown which go to the Naval Prize Fund and are distributed by the Admiralty. It is a complicated question, and I hope I have made it clear. This special tribunal did not, of course, begin its operations until after the passing of the Act of 1918, and as will be clear to the Committee, large sums had been received meanwhile and the Admiralty was doing the best it could to pay out naval prize money to the people to whom it was due. The net result of the provisional allocation made was that the Exchequer received or kept more than its proper share of prize receipts as settled by the special tribunal, to the extent of £146,000. That sum has to be paid over by the Exchequer to the Naval Prize Fund to be distributed to those who are entitled, and that is entirely due to the decisions reached by the Naval Prize Tribunal. Included in the sums paid into the Exchequer was a sum of £1,000,000 from the Alexandria Prize Court and it has been ascertained that under a judgment of the Privy Council, £63,000 of this sum must be paid over to the Custodian of Enemy Property in respect of cargoes on Egyptian detained ships. That is how these various items are accounted for. The whole thing arises out of the extreme difficulty of making an accurate estimate in a matter which could not be definitely ascertained until a special tribunal had been set up by the Naval Prize Act, 1918. Having regard to the large sums involved—approaching £13,500,000 for the Naval Prize Fund alone—the fact of the Estimate being out to the extent of £200,000 is not so grave a matter as would appear on the face of it, and I hope the Committee, having heard this explanation, will agree to the Vote.
I am sure the Committee is very grateful to the right hon. Gentleman for his very clear explanation of this very technical subject. If I understand him correctly, the Exchequer have captured a sum of £200,000, which they have diverted to the coffers of the State, while the State should have passed that sum to the Naval Prize Fund, and the object of this Supplementary Estimate is to make the Exchequer "fork out" the sum of £200,000, which will go to the benefit of the seamen in prize money. I will not argue whether prize money should be distributed in these days. To my mind, it is a relic of bygone days, but the Naval Prize Fund having been established, the only object this evening is for the Committee to consider whether this sum should be paid. I have risen to point out to the right hon. Gentleman what is, I am sure, the experience of hon. Members in every quarter of the House, that the distribution of Naval prize money is causing extreme dissatisfaction throughout the country. [HON. MEMBERS: "No."] I am constantly receiving letters from my constituents, pointing out that sums of prize money are due to them and unpaid, while at the same time their next-door neighbours have received large sums of money.
I do not see how the fact that certain money is or is not due from the Naval Prize Fund would make it in order to discuss the whole question now.
The money is now available for distribution as prize money, and the question I put to the right hon. Gentleman is this: Will he see that this money is distributed quickly and promptly to those who are entitled to it? So far as my experience of the Admiralty in the past goes—maybe it is not shared by hon. Members in other parts of the House—the distribution of this money has really caused extreme dissatisfaction. One man serving in the British Navy has received large sums of money, while those who have served maybe for a longer period have been denied payment. My only object is to ask the right hon. Gentleman whether he will see that this money is distributed promptly to those who are deserving of it.
There can be no two opinions about the desirability of making prompt payments. I will certainly draw the attention of the Admiralty to the hon. Gentleman's anxiety on this point.
I understand that a certain sum of money really due to the sailors as prize money was not paid, but was by accident diverted to the Treasury. Will the accruing sum, when paid, be calculated as from the date when it was due or only from the date when it was paid; in other words, will it bear interest as from the date when it was due? Many men who served in the War are very much interested in this question.
Perhaps, in the circumstances, if the hon. and gallant Member will put a question down, it will be more satisfactory. My impression is that a sum was paid on account. It was well known that it was quite impossible, as things were, until the special tribunal had given its decision, to know what the exact amount due to everybody would be. This was the nearest estimate which it was possible to make, but the hon. and gallant Member is quite within his rights in desiring an accurate answer on the exact point he put to me, and I think it would be more satisfactory if he would put a question on the Paper.
I am grateful to the right hon. Gentleman.
Question put, and agreed to.
Class VI
Emergency Services
Motion made, and Question proposed,
"That a sum, not exceeding £9,000, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1923, for certain Expenses incurred in connection with the purchase and importation of coal during the stoppage in the Coal Mining Industry in 1921."
This comparatively small sum is a matter of rather ancient history. It represents the balance of the account for the purchase of coal, which had to be made during the long coal stoppage in 1921. In order to maintain the necessary public utility services, special provision had to be made. At the end of the stoppage, there was naturally a stock of this coal on hand, and, owing to the competition of British coal, there was a loss of £238,000. The sum of £9,000 in this Estimate does not represent any additional loss, but whereas it was ex- pected that the whole transaction would be closed in the year 1921–22, certain claims could not come into the account for that year, and, therefore, this sum has to be voted. In view of the absolute necessity for the service in the first instance, I hope the Committee will agree to this Estimate.
The Estimate first called for £7,275,000, and now we are asked to give an additional £9,000. That gives us £7,284,000.
It is not additional. I explained that it is part of the total loss of £238,000.
That is right, and when you deduct the £6,496,000 from the total money, you have a balance of £788,000 That requires explanation. Why should there be any loss? I want to know how many tons of coal were bought, and who bought them. I want to know the class of coal that was bought, where the coal was used, how many tons of the coal were found useless, and how many tons were carted away as refuse when you were able to get your own coal? I want to know the amount of plant destroyed by trying to use a coal that was unsuited for your requirements in this country, and why it is, since you have an increase on your original Estimate, you did not ask for a larger sum? Those who had to pay for air instead of gas during the time you used this imported coal should be reimbursed.
I have two reasons for the Motion of reduction standing in my name, and in the names of one or two other hon. Members. In the first place, I think we are entitled to get more information from the hon. Gentleman than he really has given us. I think that some of the questions that have been asked by the hon. Member for Springburn (Mr. Hardie) are very important questions, and deserve an answer from the hon Gentleman. I should like to add to the questions asked by inquiring of the hon. Gentleman in charge of this Estimate if there is really to be any end to the Supplementary Estimates covering the period, and for the object for which this Estimate is asked? This is one of the very many Estimates which this House has been asked to pass in order to meet the expenditure occurred during the coal stoppage of 1921. These Estimates have covered the expenditure incurred by the Navy, the Army, and the Air Force—because it will be within the memory of hon. Members that there was a partial mobilisation of these forces. These Estimates also have covered the Civil Services. Very large sums of money have been asked for, and it shows at least that the action taken by the Government in 1921 was a very costly one. When Estimates of this kind are under consideration, hon. Members are entitled to ask for the fullest information that they can possibly get. I say that the action of the Government in decontrolling the industry—
The right hon. Gentleman, I think, anticipates what I am about to say, and that is that he will not be able to make a historical review of the coal dispute. All that we are dealing with on this Vote is the £9,000 left over.
I submit, Mr. Hope, that in respect of this £9,000 that we are entitled to discuss the reason for the expenditure, and to point out that the reason for the coal stoppage was the decontrol of the mining industry—
In the financial year there were Estimates presented, which could have been, and were, in fact, discussed. All that is left over is this little balance of £9,000. The right hon. Gentleman can inquire how it came to be left, over, and whether or not Parliament should honour that balance.
I have no alternative but to bow to your ruling, Sir, so far as the wider question is concerned. I did not, however, think of roaming at large over the period of the coal strike. [HON. MEMBERS: "Strike," "Stoppage," and "Withdraw!"] If that pleases hon. Members I make them a present of it—call it what you like, strike, lock-out, or stoppage. But you have ruled that I cannot make any reference to it.
I have not ruled that the hon. Member will be out of order in referring to that as a strike.
You ruled that I must confine myself to the question of the £9,000. I have already put one or two questions, and am going to finish by asking the hon. and gallant Gentleman if he can give us any reason why the payment of this sum of money has been left over for such a length of time? It seems to me that there is to be no end to the Supplementary Estimates covering this period and this stage in the coal trade. I should like to know, as well as other hon. Members, the reason why this sum of money is asked for?
I may be very dense—[HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"]. If hon. Members, look at the Estimate, they will laugh on the other side of their faces. When they look at the Estimate, they will not be quite so ready to come to a conclusion. Will the Secretary for Mines explain, if we are not to have a further call, how he accounts for the fact that the amount already paid out—I take it for the purchase of the coal—is £6,734,000, while the receipts paid over to the Exchequer are £6,496,000, showing a difference of £238,000? Where has he found the difference between £9,000 and £238,000? Has it already been met from some other source?
I have explained twice that the £9,000 is included in the £238,000.
Has the £238,000 already been estimated for?
Yes.
And paid?
Yes.
We did get a Vote of £7,250,000, roughly speaking, for the purchase of the coal. We got other Votes as well, but I have yet to learn that we have had an Estimate for an additional amount, apart from this Supplementry Estimate to-night, to wipe off the balance. Will the Secretary for Mines kindly explain what was done?
It really is desirable that the Committee should be put more clearly in possession of information. The statement made here is that the original sum voted by the House was £7,275,000. That was the full amount that the Government could have spent upon the purchase of coal for the necessary public services. The sum actually spent was £6,734,000. There is a difference between those two amounts of nearly £500,000. There is not a word as to how this sum of money has been accounted for. The disbursements are £238,000 greater than the receipts, and we are entitled to know when it was provided for, because no statement has been made. The way in which these scraps of paper are thrown at people's heads is not the slightest bit better than it was two years ago. Supplementary Votes in connection with the coal stoppage have appeared until their name is legion, and the sum of nearly £500,000 has disappeared leaving no trace at all behind. Surely we are entitled to more information. There has been no endeavour made to show the actual record of the whole transaction. The £9,000 has been brought forward, but the £238,000 has been lost. We are supposed to be performing our duty by voting this kind of Estimate at the whim of a Minister, but we are entitled to more information.
Really, the case is not half so serious as that which hon. Members have tried to make out. This is really only a book-keeping account. A settlement had not been arrived at by the end of the last financial year, and therefore it has to come over to this year. There is no extra or additional sum being voted, and it is simply carrying forward money which was not spent last year. I hope the Committee will agree to this Vote.
Will the hon. Gentleman state what has become of the £229,000, and when did you provide for it?
That amount was covered by the sum previously voted.
So far as I understood this question originally, there was no intention that the Government would have to find any part of the money, and it was to come from the de-control of coal—
It being Eleven of the Clock, the Chairman left the Chair to make his Report to the House.
Resolutions to be reported To-morrow.
Committee report Progress; to sit again To-morrow.
Report [21st February]
Resolutions reported:
Civil Service Supplementary Estimates, 1922–23
Class II
1. "That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £5,250, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1923, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Registry of Friendly Societies."
Class I
2. "That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £25,000, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1923, for Expenditure in respect of Royal Parks and Pleasure Gardens"
3. "That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £10, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1923, for Expenditure in respect of sundry Public Buildings in Great Britain, not provided for on other Votes."
First and second Resolutions agreed to.
Third Resolution read a Second time.
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House doth agree with the Committee in the said Resolution."
I wish to refer to a statement which I made on the Committee Stage in regard to this Vote. I do not want the House to be under any misapprehension. We are asking power to put this work in hand. I am not sure the House realised that at the time the Vote was passed.
Are we reopening the Debate on this Vote?
Question put, and agreed to.
The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.
Ex-Service Men (Skye)
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House do now adjourn."—[ Colonel Leslie Wilson. ]
I want to draw attention to the gross betrayal on the part of the Board of Agriculture for Scotland of promises made to ex-service men with regard to land settlement and small holdings in Scotland. When the War broke out, the beat of the drum was heard everywhere; but in no part of the country was the response to that call to arms more spontaneous and more immediate than "in the lone shieling in the misty island." These men counted not the cost; they did not stay to make a bargain; but they left their homes at once, for they believed their country was in dire peril and they hastened to be its bulwark against the enemy. When they were in France, or Mesopotamia, or Gallipoli, they learned that a grateful Government was going to give them all smallholdings if and when they returned. Smallholdings are a clamant need in the Highlands. It has become almost an obsession with the Highlander to have a piece of land that he can call his own. There have been land campaigns through the Highlands without end. We all know the great land campaign that was carried on by the late Prime Minister. It roused Scotland, and set the heather afire in the Highlands. The most popular song in the Highlands at that time was what was called the "Land Song"—
"God made the land for the people"—
and if you went to any part of the Highlands you heard them quote that song with great gusto. In fact, they could show you Bible warrant for the fact that the land belonged to the Highlanders. This was a sacred doctrine which they regarded with almost reverential devotion, and no name was more popular in the Highlands than that of the late Prime Minister.
He is a fraud.
We all believed him there. I believed him myself. I believed his promises in his land campaign to be sincere. In fact, I actually sent him some photographs for his ammunition belt. I believed that he meant what he said; but I confess, with bowed head and dejected mien, that he sold me a young dog. It is some consolation for me to know that the same right hon. Gentleman managed to dispose of a gold brick to many of my colleagues on the Labour Benches. However, as I have said, no name was regarded with more devotion than that of the late Prime Minister. Did not he denounce landlordism? Did not he propose to restore the ancient Highland régime, where the land was held as common property? The Highland soldier was to come back from the front to a new world, a world where he would have his own little plot to till at his leisure. Some did not return. They got small holdings in Flanders, Mesopotamia and Gallipoli. Some did return, to find their hopes betrayed. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs has said that deception is always mean, but deception of the poor is the meanest of all crimes. I wonder what vocabulary he would use for those who betrayed the hopes of men broken in the War? Highland soldiers had come back in full confidence in the pledged word of a British Prime Minister and in the honour of a British Government. Recalling the repeated assurances, they thought they just had to apply for land and that land would be forthcoming. In their simplicity they applied for small holdings, and they waited. That was four years ago, and they are waiting still. As the years have gone by, the state of these Highland ex-service men has gone from bad to worse. At last their patience has become exhausted, and they have been compelled to raid the land. In every part of the Hebrides at the present moment ex-service men are raiding land. The landlord promptly applies for an interdict against these men. Now, although a Government Department can hold up small holdings for four and five years and longer, yet, when a landlord applies for an interdict against these men, the law is immediately put into operation. That is the point I wish to make very strongly, that these men are promptly interdicted for taking land which had been promised them years before. The Under-Secretary for Health was in a very humiliating position to-day. He was not answering for himself. If he had been doing so, at least his answer would have been honest. He was reading an answer given him by another Department. He knew, and the whole House knew, he was hedging on the question. I asked is it the case that the Government has consented to proceedings for imprisonment for certain men who have raided land in the Highlands. The answer to that question is Yes. I am conversant with the legal technicalities. I know there are formalities to go through before imprisonment can follow, but these techni- calities will not be long delayed for the simple reason that the landlord is demanding them. These men have technically broken the law. The Government has also broken the law. The Small Landowners (Scotland) Act, 1911, created a Board of Agriculture for the express purpose of settling men on the land. In 1919 the Land Settlement Act was passed, and by Section 9 of that Act there were two conditions laid down, first where the Board is satisfied that there is a demand for small holdings, and secondly where suitable land is available then land was to be provided for settlers. No one who knows the Highlands can deny that the first condition is amply met. There is a great demand for land in the Highlands, and they know that the Board of Agriculture has itself scheduled land for small holdings. These two conditions have been fulfilled. What next? It says later on in this Act that it shall be the duty of the Board to provide schemes of small holdings. There are no discretionary powers given in the Board whatever. Is there land in the Highlands at present? Four million acres, a fifth of the whole area of Scotland, are given up to sport—to deer forests. A million and a half acres have actually been scheduled as suitable for small holdings. Why have these two Acts been shelved?
Because the English are in command.
It is because the landlords are in command. If one Department of the Government can ignore the law, why not the other party? For fifty years the cry in the Highlands has been for land, and now we are having the old story revived of the clearances, which afforded the late Prime Minister the opportunity of making some very picturesque speeches.
Will you buy my property? I will sell you 20,000 acres.
Have you got 20,000 acres? I am sure six feet will hold you at any time.
After Waterloo the process was to burn the people out of their homes. Now there is a new method adopted—transportation. The landless man has a three-fold option. He can either starve at home without land, or he can become an exile and go across the seas, or else he can raid his land. I will tell the story of a typical raid in the Highlands. I will choose the island of Tiree. I choose Tiree because its story is complete. Tiree is a small island, a jewel of the Western Sea. The people are industrious, law-abiding, frugal, patient, and God-fearing. There is no public-house in Tiree, consequently there are no police, no workhouses, no paupers in the whole of the island, and no jail.
Do they drink whisky there?
The people of that island are outstanding even in Scotland for ability and integrity. A distinguished Member of the last Parliament
"claimed kindred there, and had his claims allowed."
In 1914, land was scheduled in the island for small holdings, but the War came, and the men went to defend their country. In 1918, conditions were at their worst. At that time this country was encompassed by the submarines of the enemy, and some of these men raided land for the purpose of food cultivation. The food question was then a very serious matter. The island was practically cut off from the mainland. Then the landlord stepped in. What landlord? Let me say, with bowed head and with all due sufferance, that it was the Duke of Argyll.
Away with him!
"These dukes, how they harrass us!" said the late Prime Minister on an historical occasion. I used to be taught that the word "duke" came from the Latin duco, I lead, and that a duke was one who led his men in battle. This duke, however, resembled the Duke of Plazzo-Toro who
"Led his regiment from behind;
He found it less exciting."
He was a Campbell.
Had my hon. Friend opposite known anything about the Highlands, he would know that we say in that country:
"As long as there is a knot in wood, there will be deceit in a Campbell."
This duke did not lead his men into battle. He found enemies at home, and attacked them by proxy. At a time when the island of Tiree and the British Islands were in danger of famine, this duke actually hounded men to gaol for growing food. This condition of things cannot go on. We cannot have honest, law-abiding people dragged from their homes and put in gaol. These men went to gaol and served their time. When they left gaol they were met by a triumphal procession, and taken to the steamer to Tiree. They went straight to the land on which they had been arrested. At the present moment in the Highlands this is the process—first, to appeal for land; second, a land raid; third, gaol for the raiders; fourth, they get the land. Can any person say that this engenders a respect for the law when men know that after they have gone to gaol they get the land? The Government climb down invariably. Why is it that in this case the Government are endeavouring to make these men go through that very obnoxious process? Are we to keep silent when we see this injustice done before our eyes. Members opposite profess solicitude for the ex-soldier. The men for whom I am pleading fought well in the War. They fought in the 51st Division. There are men in this House who led these men in battle, and can bear testimony to their prowess. The story of their devotion is in the history books. Why should you ask these men to go through this course of imprisonment before you give them the land? They await arrest because they, in their simplicity, put their confidence in the pledges of British statesmen. No country can prosper and no Government can prosper which betrays the hopes of those who came to their aid at the time of the country's peril.
I agree in the main with what has been said by the hon. Member who has just sat down. I should like to see as much land settlement as possible take place in the Highlands, but I must disagree with much of what the hon. Gentleman has said. He said that the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) was in the past regarded with approval in the Highlands. The evidence in this House shows that he is still very highly thought of in that part of the world. I regret that the hon. Gentleman brought forward this particular case without my personal knowledge. Otherwise I should have been delighted to collaborate with him in considering what should be done in this matter. This island happens to be in my constituency and I have dealt with the matter at considerable length in correspondence. On this particular estate, I am informed, 2,000 acres have been settled by the Board of Agriculture and 21 settlers have been put on it at very great expense. But I think that they might have done more, and instead of animadverting on what the parties might possibly do regarding a breach of interdict, which it is probably out of the power of this House to deal with, what I would say is that if the hon. Member had dealt with the Board of Agriculture's dealings in the matter, it would have been very much more to the point. In this particular case the Board of Agriculture started to settle settlers there in the year 1912. They took until 1918 to place 21 settlers on the land. I have no doubt but that a great number more expected to be settled. The aggravation induced by the long-drawn-out waiting for holdings was such as, unfortunately, to make men break the law. I expect the Courts will, in some way, make them suffer for that. But I hope the Board of Agriculture, or rather the Government on behalf of the Board, will not adopt punitive measures in regard to these particular men. At the moment the possibility is that the men will be prevented from having holdings at any future time. I ask that that should not be done, and that the worst that be done, if anything at all, should be to put them further down the list than they were at the moment they had dealings with regard to the matter. I ask the Under-Secretary to request the Board of Agriculture to see that after these particular cases are settled by the Court, reasonable treatment be meted out to these or other men in the Island of Skye by providing more land for settlement as quickly as possible and that no further punitive measures be adopted against these men.
Owing to the length at which hon. Members have put their case, I have but a very short time in which to reply. I am not complaining of that, because, un- doubtedly, the hon. Member who raised the question wished to bring the point before the House, and the hon. Member who spoke last was speaking on a matter which affected his own constituency, and he had a right to be heard. I am sorry that the hon. Member for Stirling and Clackmannan (Mr. Weir) should have considered the answer I gave him this afternoon to be disingenuous. He asked a question about a legal point, and I understood it was a legal answer that he desired. What are the facts of this case? The facts are not entirely as one would believe from the statements of the hon. Member who raised the question. It is not correct to say that the Board of Agriculture has taken no action in regard to settling men on the land, that the men have eventually raided the land and have had portions given to them. In this area no fewer than 21 small holdings have been created, and the last land that was left to the proprietor was on this farm of Stratheard. There was a portion of arable land, near a mansion house excluded from the small holdings scheme. The Board agreed to that. In December that portion was seized by seven men, and they asked the Board to fence off the land. When this was not done they abandoned the land and seized part of some other land. That part, described by the hon. Gentleman in his question this afternoon as "patches of land on the border of a deer forest," while it marches with the deer forest, is the home farm of the estate, and a farm in active cultivation. My answer is that, in this particular case, 21 small holdings have been created, that the particular land which has been raided is not desolate land, or deer forest land, but part of a farm in full cultivation; and that, consequently, the men occupying this land have had an action for interdict raised against them. That action is under the consideration of the Court, and it is impossible for me, as representing the Scottish Office, to promise that we shall interfere in a matter which is in the jurisdiction of the Courts of Justice.
It being Half-past Eleven of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER adjourned the House without Question put, pursuant to the Standing Order.
Adjourned at Half after Eleven o'Clock.