House of Commons
Tuesday, February 27, 1923
The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.
Proletarian Sunday Schools
I beg to present a petition signed by 7,169 of the Natal Citizens Union and others deploring the existence of seditious and blasphemous teaching in Proletarian and Communist Sunday schools, and requesting and urging immediate legislation on the subject.
Private Business
Barnsley Corporation Bill (by Order),
Second Reading deferred till Tuesday next.
Chesterfield Corporation Bill (by Order),
Maidstone Corporation Bill (by Order),
Mersey Docks and Harbour Board Bill (by Order),
Mitcham Urban District Council Bill (by Order),
Nottingham Corporation Bill (by Order),
Rugby Urban District Council Fill (by Order),
Torquay Corporation Bill (by Order),
Second Reading deferred till Friday.
Oral Answers to Questions
Safeguarding of Industries Act
Hosiery Latch-Needles
asked the President of the Board of Trade if large quantities of German hosiery latch-needles are reaching Great Britain through Holland and other countries by parcels post, thus evading Reparations Duty and Safeguarding of Industries Act Duty; and, if so, what measures, if any, does he intend to adopt to protect this important key industry?
I have been asked to reply to this question. I think my hon. Friend is under a misapprehension. The duty imposed on hosiery latch-needles under Part I of the Safeguarding of Industries Act applies to all such needles, from whatever country imported, unless manufactured in and consigned from a part of the Empire. As regards Reparation levy, I may point out that this is not chargeable on all goods of German manufacture, but only on goods first consigned to this country from Germany. It will be appreciated that Reparation levy does not operate as a Protective duty, inasmuch as it should be deducted from the price paid by the British importer.
Aluminium Ware
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether aluminium spoons coming from Germany are subject to a duty of 33⅓ per cent. under the Safeguarding of Industries Act, whereas aluminium forks are imported free of duty?
It has been decided not to charge duty upon aluminium spoons as articles of hollow-ware.
The fork is hollow-ware while the spoon is not?
The fork is not, but I think it might very well be argued that the spoon was, but owing to the divorce of the spoon and the fork that would result, it is not proposed to charge on the spoon.
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he can state the amount of aluminium hollow-ware imported into this country during the last three months of 1922 and during the corresponding months of 1921, respectively; and the amount of British-made aluminium hollow-ware sold for the home trade during the same periods?
The imports of aluminium hollow-ware (domestic) into the United Kingdom, registered during the three months ended 31st December, 1922, amounted to 288 tons, valued at £43,318, and during the corresponding period of 1921 to 294 tons, valued at £43,550. Figures are not available which would enable me to answer the last part of the question.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer the amount of duty collected on aluminium ware as distinct from enamel ware?
The amount of duty collected under Part II of the Safeguarding of Industries Act in respect of aluminium hollow-ware up to and including the 23rd February was £9,690.
Trade and Commerce
Commercial Treaties
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he can state exactly what advantages we are now gaining by the most-favoured-nation clauses in our commercial treaties; and whether he will publish a statement comparing these gains with our losses in other ways?
The most favoured-nation clause in our commercial treaties is of substantial benefit to British commerce. Many foreign countries apply two or more different Customs rates to goods imported from different countries, and this clause secures for us the lowest of these rates. I am afraid I do not follow the last part of the question.
What are our gains under this arrangement?
Our gain is that wherever we have got a commercial treaty with a most-favoured-nation clause, we get charged the lowest duty charged to any country.
Mercantile Marine Offices
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether it is proposed to introduce legislation amending the Merchant Shipping Act affecting the administration of mercantile marine offices; and whether, before such step is taken, the various interests concerned will be consulted?
Apart from the question of increasing the fees charged, there is no proposal before the Board of Trade at the present moment for amending the provisions of the Merchant Shipping Acts relating to the administration of mercantile marine offices.
Having regard to the proposed imposition of further fees calculated to be a burden on the shipping industry, will the right hon. Gentleman consult the interests likely to be affected?
I have already been in full consultation with the interests likely to be affected.
German Brushes
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether, in view of the fact that the importation of German brushes into this country has increased from 686,570 dozens in 1914 to 1,263,011 dozens in 1922, and in view of the position of the brush industry in this country, he will introduce legislation making it compulsory for brushes to be indelibly marked with their country of origin before being landed in this country?
The question of the marking of imported goods is under consideration in connection with the Merchandise Marks Bill, which I hope to introduce this Session.
Lace Industry
asked the President of the Board of Trade what are the existing tariffs on British lace imported into France and Germany, respectively, and how do they compare with the duties in 1913; whether he has information showing that, owing to the steady depreciation of the franc, French lace now enters this country at less than the cost price in Great Britain; and whether the Government has any proposals for rectifying the exchanges between this country and France?
I will send the hon. and gallant Member a statement giving the information asked for with regard to the duties. I have received representations to the effect suggested in the second part of the question. I am sure the hon. Member will appreciate that it is not possible for this country to control the exchanges of other countries.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the depreciation of the franc acts as a bounty on French goods and is therefore a serious aggravation of unemployment at home, and what what steps does he propose to take?
As to the hon. Gentleman's question—what steps can be taken to rectify the exchange—I do not know of any steps.
I beg to give notice that I will raise this question on the Adjournment on this day week.
Seamen (Engagement)
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he has received reports from officials in his Department respecting the difficulty experienced by seamen in obtaining employment owing to the National Maritime decision that no seamen will be employed unless those associated with that body; whether he is aware that disturbances have taken place at mercantile marine offices and aboard vessels when crews are being engaged; and if he will hold an inquiry into the matter?
Representations have been made to the Board of Trade as to the system under which men are selected for employment on board ship, and these are being considered, but no reports have been received as to disturbances having taken place at mercantile marine offices.
Having regard to the fact that the Mercantile Marine Section of the right hon. Gentleman's Department are represented as custodians of shipping interests, will he consider the advisability of protecting the interests of seamen?
I am always protecting the interests of seamen, but I do not prejudge matters brought to my notice on ex-parte statements before I have looked into them.
Dyestuffs
asked the President of the Board of Trade, whether he can state which other British firms are being supplied with German reparation dyes for re-sale apart from the general scheme of distribution which is conducted by the reparation department of the British Dyestuffs Corporation; whether he will give the names and quantities of such German dyes; and whether these dyes are being sold under their original names and description or under the names of the English firms?
No reparation dyestuffs other than indigo are being sold to any firms for re-sale in this country, apart from the general scheme of distribution to which the hon. Member refers. The last two parts of the question consequently do not arise.
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he will state the terms upon which several hundred tons of German indigo, 20 per cent. sent to this country as reparations, have been handed over for re-sale to the British Dyestuffs Corporation; whether these goods have been sold outright to the British Dyestuffs Corporation, and, if so, at what price; whether the British Dyestuffs Corporation, in executing orders for their customers, are sending out approximately half the quantity ordered in German indigo and half in indigo of their own manufacture; and whether it is the policy of the Government to encourage the British Dyestuffs Corporation to devote its energies to the merchanting of German dyes and so to defeat the object of the policy of protection for the dye industry?
The supply of indigo to which the hon. Member refers was requisitioned from Germany in pursuance of an arrangement between the principal consumers of indigo in this country and the British Dyestuffs Corporation, who are the only British manufacturers of that product. The quantities received are sold to the Corporation at the prices credited to Germany (which vary with each consignment) plus expenses of importation. Under the terms of the arrangement the British Dyestuffs Corporation are delivering against all United Kingdom orders for synthetic indigo, two-thirds British make and one-third German make, at an equalised price. The answer to the last part of the question is in the negative.
Can the right hon. Gentleman state the amount of dyes purchased by genuine English companies from the date the control was taken off the German dye industry?
Obviously I cannot do that.
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether his attention has been called to the recent failure of K. H. Kabbur and Company, Manchester; whether the Central Importing Agency of the Board of Trade are creditors to the extent of £50,992 for dyestuffs; whether he is aware that it is a rule of the Board of Trade that no dye-stuffs should be delivered by the Central Importing Agency until cash has been first received; and whether he can explain why this rule, which has been strictly enforced in transactions with the largest buyers in Great Britain, has been relaxed in this case?
The question appears to be based on a misapprehension. The creditors of Messrs. Kabbur and Company for the sum mentioned are Messrs. Fairclough, Dodd and Jones, the principals of the Central Importing Agency, and not the Board of Trade, who were not in any way concerned in the transactions to which the debt relates. The remainder of the question consequently does not arise.
Government Departments
Food Control Board
asked the President of the Board of Trade what the present staff of the Food Control Board consists of; what is its cost; and when it is proposed to close this Department entirely?
The accounting and clerical staff of the Food Department, including the Royal Commission on Wheat Supplies, at present comprises 129 persons at a monthly cost of £3,194. The staff will be reduced to 73 in April, and the Department will be closed entirely as soon as a number of claims in which litigation is pending have been disposed of.
Cannot the right hon. Gentleman give us a more definite reply as to when the Department will be abolished?
I am afraid that I cannot give a more definite reply. It is impossible to say when the litigation will be over, and it would be very wrong at this stage to close down.
War Office
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War what was the number of officers employed at the War Office on 1st March, 1923; and what was the number on the 1st March, 1914?
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War if he can give the number of officers employed in the War Office on 1st February, 1914, and on 1st February, 1923, respectively, and, of the latter, the number employed in connection with the distribution of medals?
I will answer these two questions together, the comparison suggested in both being substantially the same. The number of officers at the War Office on the 1st March, 1923, will be 312, including 38 officers borrowed from their regiments. This number will be reduced to 297 by 1st April next, and the forthcoming Estimates allow for further considerable reductions in the course of the year. The number at present employed in connection with the distribution of medals is nine. The number of officers employed in 1914 was 174.
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War the number of finance officials employed in the War Office and in the commands of the United Kingdom, respectively, on the 1st February, 1914, and on the 1st February, 1923, respectively?
The number of officials employed in the War Office Finance Department at the dates named was
Disposal and Liquidation Commission
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if the whole of the £4,300,000 allowed for the cost of the Disposal and Liquidation Commission for the year 1922–23 will be required?
The answer is in the negative. The expenditure is likely to be about £500,000 less than the Estimate.
Questions
Bristol Channel (Oil Pollution)
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that during the last few weeks a large quantity of driftwood has been washed ashore and has been strewn about the coast line, roughly in the vicinity of Kenfig River and Southern-down; that, upon examination, the pieces of timber and seaweed were found to be for the most part covered with crude oil; that, after local investigation, it has been ascertained that the oil does not come from the local docks, but that oil steamers are in the habit of having their tanks cleaned somewhere in the Bristol Channel; and whether steps can be taken to prohibit oil tankers and other vessels from discharging crude oil inside certain areas?
I have no information as to the particular cases mentioned in the question, and should be glad if the hon. and gallant Member will send me particulars. The Oil in Navigable Waters Act, 1922, which came into operation at the beginning of this year, prohibits the discharge of oil or oily water within territorial limits.
Will the right hon. Gentleman make inquiry, not only in South Wales, but also in Somerset, especially at the watering places, as to the effect of this oil discharge?
If my hon. Friend will send me particulars as to where I can best make inquiry, I will see that inquiry is made.
Will the right hon. Gentleman inquire from the Swansea Corporation?
If the hon. Member sends me particulars of anything which he considers a breach of the law, I will have inquiry made.
Enemy Action Claims
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he can state the total number of British merchant seamen who were on vessels torpedoed in the late War; how this total compares with the number who have put forward claims for reparation; whether he will analyse the claims received by the Reparations Claims Department to show how many of them have been sent in by merchant seamen; if he will state for how long the fact was advertised, and how and where; if and when time for sending in claims has expired; and how many applications he has received from merchant seamen who learned of the announcement too late to be of use.
As the answer is rather long, I will, with the permission of the hon. Member, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
Following is the answer:
Many merchant seamen serving on British vessels during the War were aliens, and it is not possible, without detailed examination of the Board of Trade records, to say how many of the seamen on torpedoed vessels were British nationals. In the circumstances the desired comparison cannot be made.
32,589 notifications of claim by merchant seamen have been received by the Reparation Claims Department, and in 26,140 of these cases, including cases of alien seamen, completed forms have been received.
The time for sending in claims not previously notified to some Government Department expired on 15th February, 1922, and the time for sending in claims notified to some Government Department prior to 15th February, 1922, expired on 30th December, 1922. An advertisement relating to the 15th February was inserted in newspapers published in different parts of the United Kingdom on the 24th December, 1921, and an advertisement relating to the 30th December, 1922, was inserted in similar newspapers on the 1st December, 1922.
Some 3,400 belated notifications of claim have been received in the Reparation Claims Department, mostly in respect of damage to merchant seamen.
British Empire Exhibition
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is able to assure the House that all outstanding difficulties with regard to the management of the British Empire Exhibition have been removed, and that there is every prospect of co-operation from all quarters to ensure the success of this exhibition?
I hope and believe that the steps which have been taken to give effect to the recommendations contained in the Report of the Secretary of the Overseas Trade Department have removed all difficulties in regard to the management of the exhibition, and that there is every prospect of whole-hearted support from all quarters for this great project. May I add that I think all concerned are indebted to my hon. Friend for his thorough investigation and Report.
British Army
7/9th Royal Scots (Uniform)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that a pledge was given that the half battalion of the 7/9th Royal Scots should be permitted to retain the old uniform of the old 7th; and why this pledge has not been fulfilled?
I am aware that permission was originally given for the companies of the amalgamated battalion which respectively represented the two former battalions to continue to wear the distinctive uniforms of those battalions. I understand, however, that the 32 members of the old 7th Battalion who joined the amalgamated battalion have each individually expressed a preference to adopt the kilted uniform of the 9th Battalion, and this course has been followed accordingly.
Is the hon. and gallant Gentleman aware that the late Secretary for War gave a specific pledge, on the occasion of the amalgamation of these battalions, that the old uniform would be continued?
I took only the terms of the hon. and gallant Member's question, which mentions that the men should be "permitted" to wear the uniform. They have been "permitted," because they have been asked. The pledge was not that they would be forced to adopt that uniform against their will.
Was not the pledge that they should retain the distinctive uniform of the 7th Battalion?
I replied to the terms of the hon. and gallant Member's question, but I will look into the matter again. I must say that, however much weight I attach to the hon. and gallant Member's views, I am forced to attach even more weight to the opinions of the people who have to wear these uniforms.
Aldershot Command (Officers)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War if he will state the total number of officers on the strength of the Aldershot Command now and in 1913?
I regret that this information was inadvertently omitted from my answer of 19th instant. The figures, exclusive in both cases of the officers on the staff, are, in 1913, 1,008, now 957. These two figures were included in and the staff figures were excluded from, the figures of total strength which I gave on 19th instant.
Signalling Centre, Maresfield Park
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether the signal training centre is still located at Maresfield Park, Sussex; what is the cost of maintaining the centre at that place; and whether more suitable and economical quarters will be looked for?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. With regard to the second part, I would refer the hon. Member to pages 50 and 51 of the current Army Estimates. In reply to the third part, I can only say at present that the question of the future permanent location of the school of signals is closely engaging attention from the point of view which the hon. Member suggests.
Military Attaché Office, Paris
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War if he will state the total number of officers, non-commissioned officers, and men in the office of the British Military Attaché in Paris; the ranks and total pay and allowances of the above; the corresponding figures for 1913; and the total number of officers, non-commissioned officers, and men at present employed in France and on what duties?
There are now, including the Military Attaché and his assistant, nine officers and nine other ranks and civilian subordinates in France. Before the War there was one Military Attaché.
As the details of the full reply make it rather long, I will, with the hon. and gallant Member's permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
What are the warlike operations in contemplation in France which justify the maintenance of so large a staff?
Following are the details supplied:
The number of officers employed in the office of the Military Attaché in Paris is two, namely, the Military Attaché, a major-general, and the Assistant Military Attaché, a brevet lieutenant-colonel. No other ranks are employed. The total pay and allowances of the two officers amount to £4,168 per annum at the present time, and amounted to £1,165 in 1913, when there was one Military Attaché only. The greater part of the Military Attaché's time is taken up with his duties as Chief of the British Section of the Allied Military Committee of Versailles. The reply to the last part of the question is that, excluding the Military Attaché's office, there are three officers and three other ranks with the Allied Military Committee. One of the officers and one soldier leave at the end of March. There are also four officers and six civilian clerks with the Claims Commission.
Small-Arms Ammunition (Destruction)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War what was the age of the bulk of the small-arms ammunition thrown up for destruction since the Armistice; what were the principal defects; and whether it is anticipated that small-arms ammunition at present in stock is likely to deteriorate in a similar manner and become unserviceable wihin a similar period of time?
Most of the ammunition in question was made during the War. Its principal defects were imperfections in the metal of the cases, and deterioration due to damp. These defects are inseparable from the conditions of manufacture and storage respectively, which necessarily obtained during the War. With regard to the last part of the question, it is probable that some of the present stocks, most of which were manufactured and stored during the War, will become unserviceable before they can be used for training purposes, but there is no reason to suppose that the small arms ammunition which is now being manufactured and stored under peace conditions will do so.
Will the hon. Gentleman consider, before ammunition is destroyed, the question of whether it might not be issued to rifle associations throughout the country?
The difficulty is that it is impossible to say if ammunition is going wrong until tests, climatic and otherwise, show that it has become dangerous.
Retired Non-Commissioned Officers (War Pensions)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War if he is aware that under Army Order 325, of 1919, retired warrant and non-commissioned officers of the Army who volunteered for service during the Great War and subsequently attained commissioned rank were not assessed for pension on the commissioned officers' scale; that retired warrant and non-commissioned officers of the Royal Marines, under exactly similar circumstances, in virtue of an Admiralty Regulation, received the pension of the commissioned rank subsequently attained; and will the necessary steps be taken to have this anomaly adjusted and this grievance removed?
Yes, Sir; I am aware of the circumstances, but I am unable to hold out the hope of action in the matter. In settling the new scales for Army and Navy, regard was paid to the general desirability of assimilation. As, however, the circumstances of the two Services differ so much, complete identity cannot be expected.
Troops, Cologne (Payment)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether British troops in Cologne are now paid in sterling; and what has been the loss to the British Exchequer during the year 1922 on account of the payment of these troops in German marks?
The British troops on the Rhine are paid in the local German currency, in accordance with the usual rule for troops at stations abroad. After very full consideration of the question in all its bearings, the balance of advantage has been found to lie in maintaining the rule. Until August, 1922, marks were requisitioned from the German Government without payment. The net loss on purchased marks from that date to 31st December last, owing to the difference between the rates of purchase and the rates at which they were issued to the troops, was £3,300. It is proposed to resume the requisitioning of marks.
Is it legal to pay our troops in German marks and debit their balances in this country in sterling; and should it not be at the option of the soldier to receive his pay either in sterling or in marks, as is the case in the French and American Armies?
I must have notice of a question dealing with the legal position with regard to that matter.
Peace Treaties
Occupied Territory, Germany
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether his attention has been drawn to a statement in Signor Nitti's Decadence of Europe that the municipalities in the occupied territory are compelled to supply German women, to maintain brothels, and to cover the expenses appertaining to them; and whether any such arrangements are made in the British occupied territory?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative and to the latter part in the negative. All brothels in the occupied territory are out of bounds to the troops.
Can the hon. and gallant Gentleman give me an equally explicit denial in regard to the whole of the occupied territory, or does his denial refer specifically to our area?
I have no knowledge of the rest of the area.
asked the Prime Minister under what agreement the occupied territory in Germany is divided between the Allies; and whether he can publish the document laying down the boundaries?
The occupied territory in Germany was divided between the Allies by Marshal Foch in his capacity as Commander-in-Chief, the Allied Armies on the Western Front. In making this division Marshal Foch took due account of the wishes of the Allied Governments concerned. The original distribution of Allied troops has since been amended from time to time. The answer to the last part of the question is in the negative.
Is it true that we have conceded another small railway to the French since the answer given by the Prime Minister the other day?
No.
France and Ruhr District
asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been called to a speech by the French Ambassador on 14th February last in which he publicly opposed the policy of the Government of the country to which he has been accredited; and whether he has taken, or proposes to take, any steps in the matter?
I presume the hon. Member is referring to the speech delivered by the French Ambassador at a luncheon given by the Birmingham Chamber of Commerce on the 14th instant. His Excellency on that occasion explained and defended in a perfectly correct and courteous manner the policy of the country which he represents. I am aware of no grounds for taking objection to the speech or for His Majesty's Government intervening in the matter.
( by Private Notice ) asked the Prime Minister whether his attention—[HON. MEMBERS: "Speak up!"]—has been called to the declaration of the President of the French Republic at the end of last week in reference to the French invasion of the Ruhr district, that France will allow nothing to turn her from her object; and the declaration of the French Prime Minister that France will not leave her hold until the debt has been met; and whether His Majesty's Government has ascertained from the French Government what is the object of France in continuing to invade the Ruhr district, and what is the amount of her debt which France requires to be met as a condition of her withdrawal?
What about our debt to Austria?
There is not, I think, anything new in either of these statements, and I have nothing to add to what I have already stated in debate on this subject.
May I ask the Prime Minister whether he has on any occasion asked France what is the amount of the debt which France requires to be met as a condition of her withdrawal, and whether he has ever made any statement to the House on the subject?
Yes. I have. In answer to a question some weeks ago, I stated what the French stated as their reason for going into the Ruhr. The amount of the debt presumably is the figures arranged in 1921.
Are the figures referred to—
£6,600,000,000!
—the figures which the Prime Minister has declared to be impossible of collection?
Yes, Sir.
German Reparation
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer the total amount and value of the reparations made by Germany to this country up to the present time, distinguishing between the amount paid in cash and the value of the ships, etc., handed over?
With the hon. Member's permission, I will circulate the answer to this question, which is a long one, in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
Following is the answer:
As at 30th April, 1922, the main items stood as follows:
Million gold marks. Receipts in cash 637 Value of paper marks paid directly to British Army of Occupation 103 Deliveries in kind, including receipts under Reparation Recovery Act 413 Total 1,153
Territorial Army
Cadet Corps (Camp Equipment)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War if he is aware of the very valuable help given to the country during the late War by the cadet organisations in all parts of the country, as, for example, the second cadet battalion of the Essex regiment, which sent into the Army nearly 800 trained Essex lads during the course of the War; and is he prepared to reconsider the decision to abolish the cadet grant, which would certainly have the effect of disbanding many of the cadet corps?
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether he has received communications from the Monmouthshire Territorial Army Association with reference to the withdrawal of assistance to cadet organisations from the 31st March next; whether he is aware that this withdrawal will entail the disbandment of territorial cadets in the county; and whether he will withdraw such Regulation?
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether, in view of the withdrawal of the grant of 6s. per annum per cadet of the Territorial Army, the War Office will continue the loan of camp equipment to the cadet force; is he aware that cadet units pay transport to and fro for such equipment and are liable to make good all deficiencies; and whether, in consequence, the only expense to the taxpayer is the time employed in issuing and taking in such equipment?
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether, in view of the very small per capita allowance granted by the War Office to cadet organisations and the practical impossibility of units securing efficient camp equipment except at prohibitive cost, he will reconsider the decision to withdraw the free issue of equipment for summer camps?
In view of the need of confining Army expenditure to actual military necessities, I can hold out no expectation that the decision referred to in the questions can be varied. I hope, however, that this decision, which has been arrived at with the greatest regret, will not result in the disbanding of cadet corps, to whose valuable work I gladly bear testimony, and in order to assist them in their present difficult situation a loan of Army camp equipment will be made to a limited number of units for the camping season of 1923. I will circulate in the OFFICIAL REPORT a statement of the conditions of this loan, which it should be understood is strictly limited to the present year. These conditions involve no charges on the cadet units other than for transport and insurance, but I would observe, regarding Question No. 36, that the cost of issue and receipt of the equipment is not the only charge borne by Army funds in the matter. The cost of washing, repairs and general depreciation will also be borne by Army funds, and will, I am advised, amount to an appreciable sum.
Would the hon. and gallant Gentleman say what he means by a limited number of cadets?
The hon. and gallant Gentleman will see the details in the statement that is being circulated. The units which received camp equipment last year, provided they send in a certificate that they are not less than thirty in numbers, will be allowed the same privileges.
Will the hon. and gallant Gentleman consider that the interests both of economy and efficiency would be better served if the cut were made from the top instead of from the bottom?
We cannot argue the question now.
What economy does the hon. and gallant Gentleman expect?
An economy of over £40,000.
Following in the statement promised:
The following special conditions have been laid down for the issue on loan of Army camp equipment to certain cadet units for 1923 only:
( a ) The cadet unit must have held a camp during 1922, and must certify at the time of forwarding the indent for camp equipment that its strength is not less than thirty cadets.
( b ) A cadet unit wishing to draw camp equipment must at its own expense cover all equipment drawn by them under an insurance policy covering all losses from fire, storm, transit, handling, accidental damage, to be taken out by the cadet unit in the name of the Secretary of State for
( c ) Cadet units will be permitted to draw camp equipment up to the scale laid down in Appendix I, Cadet Regulations, and should forward indents to Chief Ordnance Officer of area at least two months before the date of the camp. That officer will price the equipment indented for at full vocabulary rates, for the purpose of enabling the Officer Commanding unit to effect the insurance policy referred to in ( b ) above. All indents must be accompanied by the certificate mentioned under ( a ).
( d ) (i) As a further condition, Officer Commanding cadet unit will lodge with the Command Paymaster, as security, cash or banker's guarantee equivalent to 1 per cent. of the total value of equipment indented for as priced by the Chief Ordnance Officer of area.
( d ) (ii) This deposit will be held as guarantee for payment in full of any charges arising by reason of losses or damage not caused by fair wear and tear (as laid down in paragraph 20 ( b ) Cadet Regulations), which prove to be irrecoverable under the insurance policy.
( d ) (iii) This deposit will be refunded in full on the Chief Ordnance Officer of area certifying to the Command Pay-master that there are no charges against the unit under paragraph 20 ( b ), Cadet Regulations.
( e ) Chief Ordnance Officers of areas will ensure that no equipment is issued to any cadet unit until they are informed by Command Paymasters concerned that the insurance policy under paragraph ( b ), and the deposit under ( d )(i), have been received for that unit.
West Lancashire Association (Headquarters)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that the West Lancashire Territorial Force Association is at present seeking permission from the War Office to acquire headquarters office accommodation in Liverpool, that the said association holds an option on the premises in Lime Street, Liverpool, at present occupied by the Hotel St. George Company; that the building occupied by the said hotel contains over 100 rooms and is held on lease from the Corporation of Liverpool, with only 30 years to run; that the Corporation of Liverpool have stated that in no circumstances will they agree to put the property in full lease, as the site is scheduled for street improvement as soon as the lease expires; and that the office accommodation required by the Territorial Force Association is at most about a dozen rooms; and whether the Secretary of State for War will take steps to prevent the purchase of a building of this size and with the above-mentioned short lease, considering the very limited use for which it is really required?
I am aware of this proposal, but the West Lancashire Territorial Association have more in view than the provision of association offices. The scheme includes extensive social accommodation for territorials in Liverpool and also accommodation for the staff of the West Lancashire Territorial Division and West Lancashire Area. The Association are satisfied that the scheme can be financed without additional cost to Army funds, and I see no reason to take the steps suggested by the hon. Member.
Is the hon. and gallant Gentleman aware of the fact that this is one of only two residential hotels resorted to by middle-class business men who cannot afford to pay the fees of the higher hotels, and that the street is wider than any street anticipated in Liverpool? In view of the circumstances, will he reconsider the matter?
I am afraid I have considered the matter only from the point of view of Army votes, and from that point of view, and that alone, I say that we have every reason to think that this scheme will be a benefit.
Questions
Royal Arsenal, Woolwich (Discharges)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether he will state the number of men of over 60 and 65 years of age, and of more than 20 years' service, who have been dis- charged from the Royal Arsenal, Woolwich, since the date of the Armistice?
The figures in question are:
Navy and Army Canteen Board
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether it is intended to reappoint at an early date the Select Committee to inquire into the trading of the Navy and Army Canteen Board and the circumstances under which the Board conducted the liquidation of the business of the Expeditionary Force canteens, and the losses occasioned by the operations of the Board?
I will endeavour to ascertain whether there is any general desire for the re-appointment of this Committee. If there is, my Noble Friend the Secretary of State will readily agree so far as the War Office is concerned.
United Services Fund
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War if he is aware that a resolution has been passed by the Penmaenmawr Urban District Council urging that a real, thorough and satisfactory investigation of the United Services Fund in the Welsh area, as far as the Penmaenmawr district is concerned, be at once undertaken; and if he will extend the inquiry so that it may comprise the whole administration of the fund?
No, Sir; I cannot ascertain that any such petition has reached the War Office. But, as has been explained to the House before, the United Services Fund was formed by Royal Charter and its council of management is not accountable to the War Office. It is not, therefore, in my power, in any event, to promise the inquiry suggested.
Am I to understand that, in spite of the widespread anxiety as to the administration of this fund, the Government will accept no responsibility in the matter at all?
Parliament has handed over, by an Act passed last Session, considerable funds from the surplus of the canteens' profits to this organisation. Under present arrangements the War Office has no control.
Is it not within the power of His Majesty to order an inquiry into any institution formed by Royal Charter, at any time?
Of course, it is within the power of His Majesty, but it is not a Departmental matter, and if there is any general dissatisfaction—of which we have so far no evidence—the proper course is to put down a question to the Prime Minister.
Would not the hon. and gallant Gentleman approach the Prime Minister on the subject with a view to having an inquiry held?
Not until I get evidence that there is any dissatisfaction. This is the first time it has been brought to my notice.
Scotland
Illegal Trawling
asked the Under-Secretary to the Scottish Board of Health whether he is aware that on 15th February last a trawler was working inside the three-mile limit about four miles east from St. Abb's Head and that the boat crossed the nets of a drifter, doing considerable damage; and what steps does he propose to take to prevent trawling within the three-mile limit?
I am informed by the Fishery Board for Scotland that no complaint regarding the case referred to has so far been made to them or to the District Fishery Officer by the drift-net fishermen concerned. As regards the second part of the question, I would refer to the reply given to a question by the hon. and gallant Member for Caithness and Sutherland on 14th December last in which it was stated that six vessels are already employed in fishery protection duties and that the funds available do not permit of any addition to the number. It would assist the Fishery Board and the commanders of the fishery cruisers in carrying out the patrol of the inshore waters if all such complaints were reported direct to them without delay.
Is the hon. Gentleman satisfied that the speed of the vessels employed on fishery protection duty is sufficient, and if not, will he make recommendations accordingly?
It is obviously the case that, if a report is made in the first place to Members of this House it subsequently has to be sent back to the commanders of these patrol vessels, which makes the speed desired much greater than if cases were reported direct to the commander of the vessel concerned.
Is it not a fact that the Secretary for Scotland contemplated an inquiry into the question of illegal trawling all round the coast of Scotland? When is that inquiry to be instituted?
I do not think that arises out of this question, which concerns a specific case of trawling—a specific case not reported to the officers concerned.
Is the hon. and gallant Gentleman aware that illegal trawling is taking place all round the coast of Scotand, and that the fishermen of Scotland are not by any means satisfied that the patrol against illegal trawling is sufficient?
Unemployment (Port Seton)
asked the Under-Secretary to the Scottish Board of Health what are the boundaries of the district covered by the application of the Port Seton Harbour trustees in which the volume of unemployment is deemed insufficient to warrant the issue of a certificate; whether the neighbouring town of Musselburgh is included; and, if not, will he, should the volume of unemployment in that town prove to be sufficient, cause the decision of the Unemployment Grants Committee to be reconsidered?
I am informed that the Minister of Labour, in declining to issue a certificate that a state of serious unemployment existed at Cockenzie, which was the site of the works proposed by the Port Seton Harbour trustees, had regard not only to the unemployment in Cockenzie itself, but also to the volume of unemployment in Musselburgh. The last part of the question does not therefore arise.
Fishing Industry (Loans)
asked the Under-Secretary to the Scottish Board of Health whether, in view of the increasing unemployment in the fishing industry due to the inability of fishermen to replace without financial assistance their damaged gear, the Government will consider the advisability of making loans for this purpose under Section 32 of the Crofters' Holdings (Scotland) Act, 1886?
In view of the necessity for restricting Government expenditure, my Noble Friend regrets that he can hold out no hope of loans for the purpose referred to being made under the powers contained in the Act mentioned.
Seeing that the distress among fishermen is admitted and that the Scottish Office is unable to move in the direction of securing a grant, through the Unemployment Grants Committee, is there no other way in which they are prepared to help?
I am afraid the question comes down to a matter of the funds available. That, as my hon. Friend will realise, is not a matter solely for the Scottish Office; other Departments have to be considered.
Does not the hon. and gallant Gentleman think he could provide an answer to that question by granting Home Rule to Scotland?
Small Holdings (Resumption)
asked the Under-Secretary to the Scottish Board of Health whether he is aware that certain small-holders in the Highlands of Scotland who are unable to purchase their holdings are threatened with eviction within the next few months; that many more resumption orders are likely to be granted by the Land Court before the beginning of next Session; that feelings of alarm and insecurity are consequently spreading throughout the Highlands; and whether an assurance can yet be given that the Government will take action without delay with the object of securing these families in the possession of their homes?
My Noble Friend is aware that in a limited number of cases applications for resumption of the kind referred to in the first part of the question have been made to the Land Court. He is not aware of the foundation for the suggestion made in the second part of the question, but he recognises that anxiety is felt and while he cannot at this stage give any assurance as to the introduction of legislation, he hopes to reach an early decision with regard to the difficult questions involved.
Was not the Act of 1911 meant to give these men security of tenure and, seeing that the Act has failed in that direction, will not the Government consider some legislation to enable this object to be achieved now?
The answer I gave to the hon. Member for Caithness and Sutherland (Sir A. Sinclair) was that the Secretary for Scotland was considering the matter and hoped to be able to give a decision on the difficult questions involved. There are many questions involved and they are not as simple as the query of the hon. and gallant Member for Aberdeen and Kincardine (Major M. Wood) would seem to indicate.
When are we likely to get the result of this investigation? Is the hon. and gallant Gentleman aware that the question of security of tenure lies at the base of the whole system of land holding in North Scotland?
That raises another question which it is difficult to answer.
Small Landholders (Loan Charges)
asked the Under-Secretary to the Scottish Board of Health in what classes of cases of small landholders in Scotland the Treasury have agreed to the revision of the charges for interest and repayment of loans for build- ings; and under what procedure and terms of reference the questions is to be referred to the Scottish Land Court?
Review will be offered, generally speaking, in the case of holders who were settled by the Board of Agriculture during the period from Martinmas, 1918, to Martinmas, 1922, inclusive, and for whom buildings were erected by the Board during the period of high prices then prevailing. The procedure and terms of reference have not yet been finally settled, but they will be made known as soon as practicable.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware of the extreme urgency of this matter, which has been under consideration now for several months, and is it not possible to have the terms of reference to the Land Court adjusted immediately?
Licensing Administration
asked the Under-Secretary to the Scottish Board of Health whether it is proposed, in pursuance of the Licensing (Scotland) Act, 1903, to transfer the powers of the burgh licensing court to the county court; and whether the powers vested in the Secretary for Scotland are likely to be exercised shortly?
There is, of course, no question of a general transfer of the powers of burgh licensing courts to county licensing courts. An Order will shortly be made under Section 10 (2) of the Licensing (Scotland) Act, 1903, declaring the population of each county, burgh and licensing district according to the Census of 1921. This Order will take effect on and after the day of the general half-yearly meetings of licensing courts in April, 1923. Certain alterations in licensing courts and courts of appeal, consequential on increase or decrease of population, will then fall to be made in accordance with the provisions of the Act. In some cases owing to changes in population figures burghs which have hitherto had separate licensing courts will cease to have them, while in other cases burghs will gain separate licensing courts.
Relief Work (Cost)
asked the Under-Secretary to the Scottish Board of Health the total amount now being paid weekly to unemployed building trade workers by parish councils on able-bodied relief at the present time?
I regret that the Scottish Board of Health have no information in their possession relating to the weekly amount of relief being paid by parish councils in Scotland to any particular class of able-bodied unemployed. In order to obtain the relative figures for building trade operatives, it would be necessary to call for a special return, but the hon. Member will no doubt recognise that, having regard to the present pressure of work on parish councils and their staffs, it is desirable to restrict the number of special returns as far as possible.
In view of the fact that the parish councils have tabulated the occupation and work of each individual who receives relief from this fund, will the hon. and gallant Gentleman not, in view of the need of housing, ask for a return of the expense?
It is, as the hon. Member must realise, one of the complaints of the local authorities that they are being continually bombarded by requests for returns from the central authority. If the hon. Member desires to press it, I will be very pleased to discuss it with him afterwards.
As these figures would bring home the need for building trade workers being employed, and so relieve the parish of the expense, the local authorities would be only too pleased to supply this information.
Prison Offences
asked the Under-Secretary for the Scottish Board of Health if a prisoner in Scotland, who has been sentenced to any punishment while in prison for an offence while serving his term of imprisonment, is entitled to any appeal beyond the governor of the prison; and, if he has, what court of appeal has the prisoner?
Any prisoner is entitled to appeal to the Prison Commissioners or to the Secretary for Scotland against a punishment awarded by the prison governor.
In view of the fact that the local authorities and the county authorities appoint visiting committees, will the hon. and gallant Gentleman not undertake to give a right to the prisoner to appeal to the visiting committee?
That is an entirely new point. The question is simply to what court of appeal the prisoner has the right to appeal at present, and I have answered that point.
Whaling Licences
asked the Under-Secretary to the Scottish Board of Health whether, in view of the approaching herring fishing season in Shetland, the Secretary for Scotland can give an early decision on the application now before him for the cancellation of whaling licences?
My Noble Friend hopes to give his decision at an early date.
Jurors (Expenses)
asked the Under-Secretary to the Scottish Board of Health if he is aware that persons who are called upon to serve as jurors in Scotland have to pay their own expenses in the performance of this important public duty and, if they are wage-earners, are forced to lose wages during the period of their service; that there is power under the existing law to authorise payment of such expenses and to make good such loss of wages; and will he take steps to put these powers into operation?
I am aware that service on a jury may cause expense and loss of wages. In civil cases a fixed allowance is paid to each juror under Statute, at the expense of litigants, and in the case of fatal accident inquiries, jurors receive out of public funds a fee of 5s. per day and travelling expenses. There is no authority for any payment in criminal cases.
Is the hon. and gallant Gentleman not aware that these jurors suffer a financial loss? Cannot he take steps by Order or otherwise to have this corrected?
I have just given the answer that these are fixed allowances which my Noble Friend has no power to vary.
I am not doubting that they are fixed allowances, but is there not power to have them altered?
That would require legislation.
Questions
Inter-Allied Debts
asked the Prime Minister the total sum owing by the French Government to this country, including all loans and merchandise, munitions, and supplies of all kinds furnished by the British Government to the French Government?
The total sum, including accrued interest, is approximately £610,000,000 sterling.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether the United States has received any interest on the French indebtedness?
I believe some payments were made in 1919 in respect of War Debt, and that interest is being paid on certain obligations in respect of surplus war material bought by France. So far as I am aware, interest has not been paid on French War Debt to the United States Government in the last three years.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether interest is being paid on the debt due to this country from Czechoslovakia; and whether any arrangements have been made for its redemption?
Interest is being paid on the Relief Bonds for £461,564 issued by the Government of Czechoslovakia to this country and on the advance, originally £1,901,081, for the purchase of flour. The Relief Bonds are repayable on 1st January, 1925. Of the advance for the purchase of flour, the sum of £1,000,000 has already been repaid, and the balance will be repaid in 1923–24.
British Debt (United States)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what the aggregate payments by Great Britain for interest and sinking fund will amount to at the end of 62 years if the projected arrangement for interest and sinking fund on its American debt is carried out at an average exchange of 4·68 dollars and at 4·86 dollars?
On the basis of a 62 year term, the payments would be an immediate cash payment of $4,128,085, an annuity of $161,000,000 for 10 years, an annuity of $184,000,000 for 50 years, and a final payment of $118,481,330. These would aggregate £2,246,000,000 at par and 4 per cent. more at 4·68. But these figures have no meaning except as relating to a 62 year term; if we use the option to pay more speedily the aggregate is reduced.
Will the right hon. Gentleman say what form these payments will take?
That is just one of the points I have to consider.
With regard to the latter part of the question in reference to the interest, can the right hon. Gentleman tell us the amount of accumulated interest on the debt due to America?
If the hon. Member will put a question down, I will be very glad to give him that information.
May I ask the right hon. Gentleman if, in relation to the dollar, the interest is to fluctuate with the value of the dollar as between sterling and the dollar?
No; it is the dollar that fluctuates.
Ireland
Free State Government (Finance)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, having regard to the depleted condition of both the British and Free State Treasuries and to the fact that the Irish Free State is commencing its existence with no national debt or contribution to the Imperial Exchequer, he was able to arrange with the President of Dail Eireann during his recent visit that a loan should be raised by the Government of the Irish Free State secured on Free State Customs and Excise for the purpose of restoring solvency to the Free State Government, and also enabling it to pay the awards for compensation held by British subjects domiciled in the Free State?
No, Sir. I did not think it necessary or desirable to propose any such arrangement as that suggested in the question, which appears to be based upon assumptions which I cannot accept. I understand that the Free State Government have, so far, been able to meet their expenditure out of revenue. Whether they will find it necessary to raise a loan to provide for compensation payments or for any other purposes, and, if so, on what terms, I am not in a position to say.
Does that mean that the right hon. Gentleman had no conversation with the President of the Dail on the question of finance when he came over here recently?
I think it means nothing but what is in the answer.
Imperial Services (Contribution, Northern Ireland)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether it is proposed to make any alteration in the statutory contribution of Northern Ireland to Imperial Services in consequence of the establishment of the Irish Free State?
By agreement with the Government of Northern Ireland a Committee has been appointed under the chairmanship of Lord Colwyn to advise whether in view of the ratification of the Free State Constitution any alteration is needed in the present scale of contribution of Northern Ireland to the cost of Imperial Services.
Malicious Injuries (Awards)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he has in his possession the total amount awarded by British courts of justice for damage to property in Ireland prior to 11th July, 1921; whether he is aware that of this large sum less than £600,000 has been paid to date, and that in consequence British subjects domiciled in the Irish Free State have, in some cases, been without the compensation to which they are entitled for as much as five years; and will he say what pressure has been brought on the Free State Government to settle promptly such awards when they have been re-investigated, in view of the hardship which the delay is entailing on these British subjects domiciled iin the Irish Free State?
In reply to the first two parts of the question, I would refer the hon. and gallant Member to the reply which I gave to a question addressed to me by him on the 20th instant. In reply to the third part, I have no reason to suppose that there is now undue delay on the part of the Free State Government in paying the awards of the Compensation (Ireland) Commission, taking into account the great complexity arising out of the assignments and charges on and other dealings with the decrees or claims giving rise to the awards. Representations were made to the Free State Governor on this question at the recent Treasury Conference with Free State Ministers. I would remind the House that it is open to any person having a valid award for compensation who is suffering hardship owing to delay in dealing therewith to apply to the Colonial Office for an advance on the security of his award.
Will the hon. Gentleman tell me this: Why has the Free State Government paid the rich insurance companies the sum of £500,000 and has not paid the smaller awards?
I have no knowledge of that.
Housing
Public Utility Societies (Loans)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is aware that the Treasury Minute issued on 26th June, 1922, regarding the repayment of loans to the Local Loans Fund will compel public utility (housing) societies who are selling their houses to the tenants, in accordance with the recommendations of the Committee on National Economy, to repay the loan at a heavy premium and not at par, as was the plain intention of the Public Utility (Housing) Societies (Sale of Houses) Regulations, 1920; and whether the matter will be reconsidered?
In the special cases of sales made by public utility societies with the approval of the Ministry of Health, while the full price of the stock cancelled by the repayment has to be made good to the Local Loans Fund, the societies themselves are only called upon to repay the cash advanced to them.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is aware that public utility (housing) societies who built at the time when the cost of building was highest, have been charged 6½ per cent. interest on first mortgage loan from the Public Works Loan Commissioners, and that in consequence of this and other provisions such scoieties are in danger of liquidation and consequent loss to the Exchequer; and will he look into this matter?
The rate of interest charged to public utility societies borrowing from the Public Works Loan Commissioners is based on the market rate at the time the loan is contracted. I am aware that certain societies who borrowed in 1921 are in a difficult position, but I cannot undertake to lend money at a loss to the Local Loans Fund.
Does the right hon. Gentleman realise that public utility soceities were at the time given to understand that they were to have loans at 5½ per cent.?
I do not know about that.
Scotland
asked the Under-Secretary to the Scottish Board of Health what has been the total number of houses which have been stated by the local authorities as necessary to satisfy their needs under the Housing (Scotland) Act, 1919; and how many have been built since that time?
According to the estimates of local authorities submitted in terms of Section 1 of the Housing, Town Planning, etc. (Scotland), Act, 1919, the number of houses required was 131,101. Of this number, the local authorities themselves contemplated the building of 115,574 houses. Up to the present 15,302 houses have been completed, and 5,982 are in course of construction under schemes of local authorities and public utility societies. In addition, 2,223 houses have been provided under the Private Builders' Subsidy Scheme, and plans have been approved for the erection under the Crofters' Subsidy Schemes of 131 houses, of which 11 have been completed at this date.
Southern Rhodesia
Responsible Government
45 and 46.
asked the Prime Minister (1) whether His Majesty's Government is about to annex Southern Rhodesia and grant responsible government to the people of that country; whether it is proposed to submit a Bill to the House to give effect to that purpose;
(2) whether it is proposed to grant responsible government to the people of Rhodesia by means of Letters Patent; and, if so, what opportunity will be provided for Members to discuss the Constitution which it is proposed to offer to the people of Rhodesia?
It is the intention of His Majesty's Government to give effect to the result of the recent referendum by granting responsible government to the people of Southern Rhodesia at the earliest practicable date. The procedure proposed is by way of Order in Council annexing the territory and by Letters Patent providing for the Constitution. Drafts of these instruments have already been published in Cmd. 1573. The House will be afforded the fullest opportunity of discussing the subject before these Letters Patent are completed.
Is it correct to say that this House will be granted the fullest opportunity for discussing this Constitution if the grant is made by Letters Patent? In that case, is it not a fact that the Constitution will not be amendable by this House, and would it not be possible to adopt the system adopted in the case of India, of allowing the Constitution to be amended in detail as this House thinks fit?
No, I do not think that would be a wise procedure, but the House will have every opportunity of dealing with it.
Will not the Constitution be made suitable to the wishes of the people of Southern Rhodesia?
Black or white?
Both.
Questions
Empire Settlement
asked the Prime Minister whether he will place one Minister, responsible to the Cabinet, in charge of all questions arising on overseas settlement?
The Secretary of State for the Colonies is charged by Statute with the responsibility of carrying out the Empire Settlement Act.
Is my right hon. Friend aware of the delay which is apparent on all sides in connection with emigration generally?
That question does not arise here.
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies what proposals for the benefit of ex-service men wishing to settle overseas have been put before the Government by Major E. J. Ashton, of the Canadian Government Soldier Settlement Board, who is now in England?
The visit of Major Ashton is both opportune and welcome, but the object of his visit is to ascertain and report to the Government of Canada the views of His Majesty's Government rather than to put forward definite proposals on behalf of the Dominion Government. I have already seen Major Ashton. Ex-service officers and men from this country, who qualify as settlers under the Soldier Settlement Act of Canada, 1919, may be given similar financial assistance, as is accorded to ex-soldiers of the Dominion Forces.
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies the number of boys who, under the Government Juvenile Emigration Scheme, have gone to Australia from England, from Wales, and from Scotland, respectively, and from what port or ports the Scottish boys sailed?
The number of juveniles who have been granted assisted passages to Australia under the Empire Settlement Act, 1922, is as follows:—
Deceased Sovereigns (Wills)
asked the Prime Minister whether he will introduce legislation to repeal the provisions which prevent the wills of deceased Sovereigns being made public?
I am not clear as to what provisions the hon. Member has in mind, but I know of no reason for introducing legislation on the subject of the wills in question.
What I have in mind is this—[HON. MEMBERS: "Order, order!"]—I understood that the reply given by the Prime Minister was that he did not understand what was in my mind from my question, and I wish to tell him what is in my mind.
That cannot be done at Question Time. No doubt the Prime Minister will make arrangements for it, but it cannot be done now. It would prevent other hon. Members from putting their questions.
Is the Prime Minister aware that the wills of deceased sovereigns are not made public, and that I desire them to be made public? Will he take steps to see that they are made public in this country?
That is the question that has just been answered.
French Army
asked the Prime Minister the total number of troops now mobilised in France; and what is the annual cost of maintenance of French Army and Air organisation in sterling based on the average per capita cost of mobilised British troops?
I have been asked to reply. I am not aware that France has at present any troops mobilised, but the total strength of the French Army now serving in France and in occupied German territory is about 433,000 all ranks. In regard to the last part of the question, I regret that I cannot undertake to estimate the cost of the French Army on the hypothetical basis suggested.
Can the hon. and gallant Member give the answer in regard to the air organisation part of the question?
Was it not put forward in the French Senate less than a month ago that the French Army was 659,000 strong?
Old Age Pensions
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if any figures have ever been compiled to show what would be the cost to the national revenue of full old age pensions for all people over 70 years of age whose maximum means were not greater than 20s. a week?
The answer is in the negative.
asked the Under-Secretary to the Scottish Board of Health on what grounds Mr. Peter Cowden, Pulinken, Drumore, Wigtownshire, has been repeatedly refused an old age pension?
The grounds on which this applicant was refused an old age pension were that his yearly means, calculated in accordance with the provisions of the Old Age Pensions Acts, exceeded the statutory limit which disqualifies a person for receipt of pension. It is open to him to make a fresh application if he considers that his present circumstances are such as to entitle him to receive a pension.
House of Commons (Official Report)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he will arrange that a limited number of copies of the OFFICIAL REPORT shall be placed unbound in the Vote Office so that Members might obtain, on application, the particular page on which the answer to a question which they have addressed to a Minister is printed without having to obtain the whole printed proceedings for the day, whereby considerable expense would be saved?
I am having this suggestion examined, and will communicate further with my hon. Friend.
Taxation (France, Italy, and Great Britain)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he will give figures showing what is the per capita taxation in France, Italy, and Great Britain based upon the Budgets of the current financial year?
The taxation per head in Great Britain and Northern Ireland for the current financial year is £16 12s. In Italy it is 275 lire. The French Budget for 1923 has not yet been voted, but the taxation per head in France in 1922 was 435 francs. I need hardly remind my hon. Friend that, in view of the widely differing financial systems of different countries, inferences drawn from central Government tax statistics as to the comparative burden on nationals may be very misleading.
Taxation (Over-Payment)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is aware that the Inland Revenue authorities have refused to refund to Mrs. G. M. Street (now Mrs. Gardner) a sum of £764 8s., which was paid by her in error; that the said sum was not legally payable, and, if not paid in error, could not have been recovered; and that the Inland Revenue authorities are declining to refund the said sum merely on the technical ground that notice of appeal should have been given in the usual manner; and whether, under these circumstances, he will give instructions for the technical plea which has been set out to be withdrawn and the money refunded?
I would refer my hon. Friend to the reply I gave him on the 22nd February, of which I am sending him a copy.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the answer prepared for him which he gave was both evasive and disingenuous, and did not answer the question?
I hardly think that is the way to put a supplementary question.
The question I asked was whether the amount stated on the Paper was not paid in error? I have never had a reply to that. A very grave injustice has been done to this lady, and I would like your ruling as to how I can raise this if I cannot get a reply to my question. I want an answer to the question whether it was legally payable.
If the hon. Gentleman will confine himself to the point, which the first question did not, he is entitled to put it.
That was exactly the point.
The hon. Member began by putting in rather offensive adjectives.
May I ask whether it is a fact that this sum was not legally payable, but was paid in error, and that the Inland Revenue are retaining it on a technicality; and will the right hon. Gentleman direct that that technicality be not pressed, so that the lady may have back the money which was paid in error?
I think that the answer I gave on the 22nd was very explicit, and this case was very fully examined by the Financial Secretary to the Treasury in the last Government (Mr. Hilton Young). If my hon. Friend desires it, I have no objection to looking personally into the case, though I have such confidence in my hon. Friend who sits opposite that it seems scarcely necessary.
Motor Car Taxation
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether the Report of the Committee set up to inquire into the alteration of the present unfair incidence of taxation upon motorists will be ready in time to be incorporated in this year's Budget; and whether a full Report of the proceedings of the Committee will be laid upon the Table of the House and Members given an opportunity to debate the whole question?
I have been asked to reply to this question. I hope that the Report of the Departmental Committee will be available for consideration by the Government before the introduction of the next Finance Bill, and I will see that a copy of the Report is laid upon the Table in due course.
Kenya Colony (Indian Franchise)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he is prepared to make a statement as to the present position of the Indian franchise question in Kenya and, in particular, whether the legislation postponing the election has yet been enacted; and, if not, for what reason?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative. The Bill to extend the life of the Legislative Council passed its second reading on 8th February, and its third reading was to be taken on 19th February.
In view of the disquieting rumours from Kenya, why is the hon. Gentleman not able to make a statement?
We are expecting telegrams any day; I may be able to reply later.
This day week?
Ashanti (Ex-King Prempeh)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether any decision has yet been reached which will permit of the early return to West Africa of Prempeh, the ex-King of Ashanti?
The Secretary of State is in communication with the Governor of the Gold Coast on this question, but no decision has yet been reached.
Is it not the fact that this man has never been charged with any crime, nor at any time has been given the opportunity of trial during his 25 years' exile?
I believe that exile followed on a war.
British South Africa Company
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether the legal advisers of the Crown were asked, more than a year ago, to formulate as soon as possible the precise points upon which the claim of the British South Africa Company was inadmissible to the commercial ownership of land in Northern Rhodesia; whether the legal advisers of the Crown have carried out this request; and when His Majesty's Government hopes to be in a position to submit, without further delay, a case for reference to the Judicial Committee?
As regards the first two parts of the question, the position is, that a list of the proposed points of reference has been drafted and submitted to the British South Africa Company, but that His Majesty's Government are advised that it is not desirable that the Crown should formulate its contentions until the appropriate stage in the proceedings has been reached. I cannot yet make any definite statement with reference to the last part of the question.
Iraq
British Troops (Deaths from Disease)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies how many British troops, officers and men, have died from disease contracted while serving in Iraq since 11th November, 1918?"
Exact figures are not available and could not be obtained without elaborate inquiry. War Office figures of deaths from all causes in Iraq from 11th November, 1918, to 31st December, 1920, are 617, no separate record being available for that period of deaths from disease. For the remainder of the period War Office figures of deaths from disease is 141. Air Ministry figures for the whole period are 2 officers, 29 airmen.
In the opinion of this Government, is Iraq worth 600 lives?
Arab Rulers
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies what amount of money is now being paid to Arab rulers in Iraq in the form of subsidies and allowances?
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies what amount of money is now being paid to Arab rulers in Iraq in the form of subsidies and allowances?
No subsidies or allowances are paid by the British Exchequer to Arab rulers in Iraq.
Arab Forces
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies what is the strength in officers and men of the Arab forces in Iraq; and how much is contributed, either directly or indirectly, towards their maintenance by the British Treasury?
I have been asked to reply. As regards the first part of the question, I would refer my hon. Friend to my reply to the hon. Members for Luton and Kidderminster on the 20th instant. In reply to the second part, the Iraq forces are composed of the levies, for whom the sum of £600,000 is taken in the Middle East Estimate for the current year, and of the Iraq army, the cost of which is borne by the Iraq Government.
Business of the House
May I ask the Prime Minister, in reference to the business to-morrow and Thursday, whether, in the event of the business already announced being completed, it is the intention to take other questions, and if so, what questions?
Yes, Sir; if the business announced is completed, we propose to take the Second Reading of the Dangerous Drugs and Poisons (Amendment) Bill.
Is the Middle East Estimate to be taken on Thursday?
Yes, Sir.
Notices of Motion
Empire Trade
On this day fortnight, to call attention to Empire Trade, and to move a Resolution.—[ Mr. Doyle .]
Civil Service (Arbitration)
On this day fortnight, to call attention to Arbitration in the Civil Service, and to move a Resolution.—[ Mr. James Stewart .]
Empire Settlement
On this day fortnight, to call attention to Population and Empire Settlement, and to move a Resolution.—[ Lieut.-Colonel Croft .]
Accidents in Mines
On this day fortnight, to call attention to Accidents in Mines, and to move a Resolution.—[ Mr. T. Williams .]
Standing Committees (Chairmen's Panel)
Mr. WILLIAM NICHOLSON reported from the Chairmen's Panel: That they had appointed him to act as Chairman of Standing Committee A (in respect of the Rent Restrictions (Notices of Increase) Bill.
Mr. WILLIAM NICHOLSON further reported from the Chairmen's Panel: That they had agreed to the following Resolutions:—
That any Member of the Chairmen's Panel may and he is hereby empowered to ask any other Member of the Chairmen's Panel to take his place temporarily in case of necessity.
That, in the absence of the Chairman of the Chairmen's Panel, the Panel may be convened at the request of any two Members of the Panel.
That it is the undoubted and established right of the Chairman who is appointed to a Standing Committee for the consideration of a particular Bill to name the day and hour on which the consideration of the Bill shall begin.
Reports to lie upon the Table.
Orders of the Day
Indian States (Protection Against Disaffection) Act, 1922
I beg to move,
The particular legislation passed is one to which in any case this House should turn its attention. It concerns the relations with and our responsibilities for those people in India who are not British subjects, but subjects of the native Princes in India. The native Princes in India belong to very various categories. There are in fact over 700 of them varying in power and distinction from one end of the scale from the Nizaam to the Lord of a Pari, which is more comparable to the lord of the manor in England than to anything else of which I know. Great and small are all affected by this Act, and in civilisation they vary from a polished English gentleman, such as the Gackwar of Pudducotta, to the mere mediæval robber chief. All these Chiefs, and there are over 700 of them, have this in common, that they are independent of His Majesty's Government, and they are controlled more or less by the presence of a British resident at their Court or a British resident in some district. They have wide powers over their subjects and almost absolute power. There is no Habeas Corpus Act and they have the power of imprisoning, and indeed have almost absolute power over the property, liberty and the lives of these Indians who live within their territory. It is admitted by the Indian Civil Service, and it was admitted by Mr. Thomson himself, who was the prime mover in this Bill, that,
We remove them sometimes.
4.0 P.M.
I was coming to that point. One check we preserve is the position of the Residents at the Court, who can report if things are too bad, and then you get them removed. The position of the Residents in these Courts is an extremely difficult one. He knows intimately the Chief. He receives every sort of token of friendship at these Courts. He hunts with the Rajah. His whole life is bound up with the life of the Rajah. Very often the Resident knows perfectly well that it is his business to keep things moving smoothly, so that there shall be no scandal and no public criticism of what goes on. His business is principally to have no history rather than definitely to look after the interests of the subjects of the native State. Indeed, his position is more that of keeping the peace between the British Raj and the native Rajah than looking after and protecting the subjects of the native Rajah, so that the Resident is not a very liable protection for the natives in these States. Indeed, it must be obvious that, as in other parts of the world, the best, and, indeed, the only, safeguard against oppression is publicity. The fear of publicity, the possibility of publicity, and the knowledge that what is done may find its way into the Press, and so to the ears of either the Legislative Assembly at Delhi or of the British public is, and has always been realised to be, the most efficient check upon any oppression. That being so, there has been a constant effort to keep that safety valve working, and there has been a constant effort on the part of those who benefited by the autocracy to get that safety valve closed.
In the period 1823 to 1835 there was a time when we had rules which prevented any native newspaper or any native outside the native State from criticising safely the action of the rulers inside those States. Those rules were finally repealed under conditions, according to Sir William Vincent, that even such a stalwart Conservative as Mr. Thompson would scarcely think of defending those rules now in this or any other Council. These rules were repealed in 1835, and from 1835 to 1910 there was no question whatever of penalising newspapers in British India for publishing criticism of what went on inside the native States. But in 1910 the Press Act was passed, and I am always glad to think that it was opposed in this House by Mr. Keir Hardie and myself. We were almost alone in this House against that repressive legislation. It was passed then, and we shall be grateful for the repeal of that iniquitous Measure. The freedom of the Press has been the safeguard of this country just as in India. The Press Act was repealed because we turned over a new leaf in our relations with India. The Reforms came, and the Government of India Act was passed inaugurating, as we hoped, a period of co-operation between India and England. When that Act was passed it was realised, not only here in the India Office, but also in India, that the time had come to repeal the Press Act also. They appointed a Committee to consider whether the Act could safely be repealed. That Committee took evidence on this very question of whether it was safe to repeal the Press Act so far as the interests of native princes were concerned. They took the evidence of the officer concerned, and the officer concerned, Mr. Rushbrook Williams, said: idea of removing the Press Act from the princes was immediately reconsidered. The first step was to ask the views of all the local legislatures, and of the nine local legislatures who were consulted in the matter it is interesting to see that they got support for their new policy of preserving the censorship only from the executives of the Punjab, the United Provinces, and, I think, Madras. They got no support whatever from the great Province of Bengal, presided over by Lord Lytton; and they got no support from the Central Provinces, under whose aegis come most of these native rulers. Nor did they get support from Sir George Lloyd, the Governor of Bombay, who, in his area, has perhaps the most important of these native rulers. The support of the Punjab and the United Provinces, however, was enough to go on with. The Government of India, face to face with the Ghandi agitation, wanted friends. The alternative was to make friends with the people or friends with the princes. They chose the princes. In fact, bureaucracy and autocracy came together to support each other against democracy—a thing which has often been done before. This is Mr. Thompson on the situation, and it exactly illustrates the new orientation of the Government in India:
Who says so?
Mr. Thompson suggested that, as these States have interpreted their obligations to us to include that sort of thing, we ought to reciprocate and deal with their interests in the same way.
The hon. and gallant Gentleman said just now that this Bill was carried through by Mr. Thompson. He is quite inaccurate.
I never said anything of the sort. I said that Mr. Thompson had taken the place of Sir William Vincent as the power behind the Throne in India.
The hon. and gallant Gentleman said that this Bill synchronised with the departure of Sir William Vincent.
Of course, nobody reading this could suppose that Sir William Vincent had gone. The whole point is that Sir William Vincent, who is a Conservative influence with a sound, democratic English instinct behind him, has been replaced in the Government of India by Mr. Thompson. Indeed, the whole of these debates is really one long struggle between Mr. Thompson and Sir William Vincent. But, having decided that it was our duty to scrap the recommendations of the Press Act Committee and come to the rescue of the Princes, the Government of India discovered that they were under a pledge and bound in honour to the Princes to support them and that no other course was open to them. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] I thought that remark would be cheered, but, if that was felt, why did the Press Act Committee, with the Law Member and the Home Member upon it, not report in that sense? If that was felt before, how is it that before 1910, when these pledges which have been going on for 100 years were perfectly well known, no attempt was made to carry them out, and how is it, when they consulted the local governments, that it was not suggested that there was a pledge? What was the point of consulting anybody if the Government were bound in honour to do the thing in any case? If you come to study the pledges themselves, what sort of pledges are they? This is one of the pledges, as given by Mr. Thompson. I cannot discover the Treaty from which he quotes, though I suppose he is quoting from one:
"We are to permit no diminution of the honour and reputation of the Maharajah at the hands of others."
Really, if we are going to take on that sort of job, we shall have our work cut out. So far as I can see from the Treaties that are quoted, the best justification for the attitude of the Government is as follows. It is a sort of common form Clause, which occurs in a great many of the Treaties:
"The friends and enemies of one, shall be the friends and enemies of both."
Does that mean that we are to treat their enemies as they treat our enemies in every respect? Is it possible that hon. Members can really consider that, which is the most extreme Clause in any of these Treaties, to be a binding pledge upon this Government at this time to prevent criticism in British Indian newspapers of what goes on in the native States? It was on the strength of these Treaties that we read:
"We, the Indian Government have decided that we are bound in honour to afford the Princes the same measure of protection as they previously enjoyed under the Press Act."
That is during the 12 years. The pledge, which was unrealised 12 years ago and which was unheard of, is now to be binding, not only on the Government of India, but upon this House. I say that the only term that can be applied to such an argument is that it is arrant humbug, and they know it. What we want to know in this House is how far the home Government has been responsible for this change of front. Above all, seeing that we have had so many papers published on this question, may we also have published the private telegrams which constitute so large a part of Indian administration? It is well known that the public telegrams between India and the Government of India here are few, whereas the private telegram constitutes a very large proportion of the direction of the Indian Government. Can we have these published, so as to see how far this new movement came from this end and how far it was inspired by the Viceroy or Mr. Thompson. That being the case, the Indian Government having changed its mind, it introduced this Bill. It brought it into the Legislative Assembly at Delhi and that Assembly turned it down by 45 votes to 41. It was brought in under the 10 minutes rule, there was very little discussion upon it, and it was rejected. The rejection was felt to be a slur on the Government, consequently the Measure was introduced into the Council of State, where they have an official majority, and there it was carried through without a Division and without allowing a single Amend- ment. The Bill under these circumstances comes to us for consideration.
May I point out there is no such thing as an official majority?
It is usual, when an hon. Member desires to correct another hon. Member who is speaking, to ask the leave of that hon. Member to intervene.
I am obliged to the hon. Gentleman for his interruption. I should have said an official and nominated majority. None the less, the Bill was carried through the Council of State and no one was allowed to amend it. Now it comes before this House for consideration. I want the House to appreciate the wording of one Clause, which is to the effect that whoever prints any document which is intended to excite disaffection—and disaffection includes disloyalty and all violence—whoever prints any document intended to excite disaffection towards any Prince or Chief or Government shall be punishable with, five years' imprisonment, or fine, or both. That, I suggest, is a very stiff Clause.
Will the hon. and gallant Gentleman read the remainder of the Clause?
Sub-section (2) I suppose the Noble Lord means. From that, one is to understand you can express disapprobation quite safely if you can express it without exciting contempt or disaffection. How difficult it would be for an editor to draw a line between right criticism and wrong criticism!
Will the hon. and gallant Gentleman read the whole of the Sub-section?
You can read it yourself, but I will do so. It runs:
"No person shall be deemed to commit an offence under this Section-in respect of any book, newspaper or other document which, without exciting or being intended to excite hatred, contempt or disaffection, contains comments expressing disapprobation of the Measures of any such Prince, Chief, Government or Administration as aforesaid with a view to obtain their alteration by lawful means, or disapprobation of the administrative or other action of any such Prince, Chief, Government or Administration."
What is meant by "alteration by lawful means"? There are no Legislative Assemblies, and no lawful means. What does the Noble Lord mean by "lawful means"? There are no means whatever for the subjects of these States to secure any alteration in the law. They have no representation.
They have representative Government, as in the case of Mysore and Bikanir.
If they were all like Mysore, possibly there would be no opposition to this Bill. Mysore has better education than British India. If hon. Members think it easy to criticise without exciting enmity, I wish they would try it in a Conservative newspaper without inciting enmity against the Labour party. How much more difficult it is for the Indian to do that can be judged from the Viceroy's own description. In the last year he has found no less than 170 cases of hostile criticism in the Indian Press. Yet the Press Act has only been used in three cases. Therefore, according to the Viceroy, in his estimation this new legislation is going to stop 167 cases of hostle criticism which it was not proposed to proceed against under the old Act. Again, under the old Press Act, you could be warned and your deposit confiscated. Under this new Act you go to prison for five years. There is no warning, no notification, no confiscation; you just go to prison. I should like the House to understand this beautiful touch, which even I did not appreciate before, that is, even if your criticism is based on fact, if you are merely detailing the truth, that does not alter the fact that you are inciting to sedition. The truth of your accusation is no defence against a charge of sedition. I think we in this country may legitimately, in accordance with our best traditions, turn down any such legislation.
I should like to give one or two examples which were quoted in support of this Act. No doubt the speaker who used them chose the most terrible examples he could find. Here is one of them. An Indian ruler is given a year's notice that if he does not set up responsible Government he will be ejected. Is not that terrible? Another is a warning to used by Mr. Thompson. One was that we should do nothing to antagonise the rulers of two-fifths of the country. Why cannot we trust the people of the country?
Did not the Princes suffer any losses?
Not one of them was even wounded, but the common people lost hundreds of thousands. And the common people of India did a good deal more. Hon. Members who have read the Mesopotamia Report will know the conditions under which they fought and died in Mesopotamia, and I say that to use the patriotic action of the Princes and people of India in the War as an excuse for sacrificing the interests of the people of India to the Princes of India—
They were from native States.
They were Imperial Service troops drawn from the native States.
Considering all that the Princes lost in the War, the hon. and gallant Member's statement is a most disgraceful one.
I think the hon. and gallant Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme might be allowed to continue his speech without interruption. Hon. Members will have their opportunity of replying.
The subjects of the native States are our responsibility all the more because they took part in the War, and the part they took in the War is used as an excuse and as a reason, apparently, by Mr. Thompson for sacrificing their interests to the interests of their rulers—their good rulers. Bikanir is quoted, but is it to be imagined that the sort of things that go on in these minor native States go on in Bikanir or Baroda? The best of the Indian Princes are quoted, but let the worst be quoted, because it is there that criticism is necessary, it is there that it is desirable that the light of publicity should spread—not in States which are well managed. Hon. Members know the native Princes who come here, but they are the civilised ones. It is not in their States that the difficulty arises; it is in the little hill States up beyond Simla, where there is not even a resident on the spot. Those are the places where the injustice occurs, and it is to protect the subjects of these States that we want this Motion. When I see Mr. Thompson quoting the fact that the Princes helped in the War as a reason for depriving their subjects of ordinary opportunities of resistance to oppression, I think the limit has been reached in hypocritical humbug. This is Mr. Thompson's peroration: record, and they will not forget him. They are still less likely to forget that at this moment we are sacrificing their interests in the interests, really, of this combine of autocracy and bureaucracy against the people. The fact of the matter is that we have taken the wrong turn in India. Two years ago we decided to try and make the Indian people our friends. Then, very unfortunately, the Non-co-operation movement spread in India, and made the new task of the Indian Government extremely difficult. Instead of co-operation and work towards real Dominion Home Rule in India, the opposition of the Non-cooperation movement made that process difficult, and gave that part of the administration in India which was against the reforms their opportunity of attempting to put an end to those reforms. The struggle with Gandhi, the struggle with Non-co-operation, became more and more difficult, and the Government of India, instead of widening the scope of the reforms, instead of trusting in democracy, turned round and attempted to ally themselves with the old-fashioned powers of the Princes of India.
I do not think that that move is likely to be successful. Some of the Princes of India, the best of them, are already giving some form of democratic government in their States. The Princes of India are, most of them, patriotic Indians who are as anxious for Indian rule in India as any other sort of Indians. Any attempt such as this to bind them to our chariot wheel will be resented as much by the Princes of India, the thinking ones, as by the people of India themselves. I am certain that, when this question comes to be re-judged, when the next step in democratic development in India takes place, the Princes of India and the people of India will be found working together for a democratic extension, and resenting the fact that this attempt has been made to separate them and create this quite unnecessary cleavage. I am certain, too, that we on this side of the House are right in protesting against this change, that we are right in insisting that the best remedy is publicity, that the old English traditions are preferable to new-fangled ones taken from the old charters of the autocracy, and that' we are right in asking this House to refuse its sanction to the action of the Viceroy in overriding the Assembly of India, and in begging His Majesty to withhold his. sanction to this Act.
I understand that on these matters, while the Labour, party is united, the Liberal party has not yet made up its mind, and it is to those Liberals who used to be my colleagues that I would address my concluding remarks. Surely those who have been civil servants in Crown Colonies rather than in India must realise that the whole of British administration is at the turning point of the ways. Either we can go down the autocratic channel, and continue to maintain our dominion by force, by autocracy, by bureaucratic rule, or we can take the new road that has been pointed out to us lately, opening up, as I think, a brighter-future for the British Empire even than our history of the past has disclosed, leading to the democratic development throughout the Empire of a large number of Dominions united in interest, united in sympathy, self-governing in fact. In that direction we may found a British Empire which will be the nucleus of a new world. Along the other road other States have attempted to travel in the past. The Roman Empire, the French Empire under Napoleon, the German Empire—all those Empires of the past have attempted to control their dominions by force. Let the Liberals in this House themselves show clearly that at this turning point they wish the British Empire to march on the road to democracy, and get away from those old-world empires that were based on force.
I beg to second the Motion.
In doing so, I wish very earnestly that no words of mine shall add to the difficulties and embarrassment of those who have the great responsibility of the government of India on their hands. In any matter of administration, where it was a question of the mere adjustment of means to ends, it would be the duty of Members of this House to accord to those who are on the spot, who have a closer knowledge of the difficulties that are to be met, their very fullest support; but the Act which is before the House, and to which we are asked to give our assent, is not one dealing with a mere administrative matter; it deals with a matter of fundamental importance affecting the general principles of right and. wrong, of human liberty, about which even those who have but a very limited experience of India are, perhaps, as capable of judging as may be the Viceroy himself. It is with this question of giving assent to a Measure which very seriously limits human freedom, that this House, as it seems to me, has to concern itself. We are asked to consent to this Act, which imposes penalties upon Indian subjects for the expression of opinions which, however wrong they may be, are sincerely held; and I trust that the day will never come when a Measure of that kind will pass this House without being very seriously challenged. What does this Act really propose? It imposes a penalty of five years' imprisonment, with or without a fine, upon anyone who may due allowance for an embroidered Oriental style; he might be incapable, too, of discounting a great deal of the vehement rhetoric that is used East of Suez. My hon. and gallant Friend, in introducing the Motion, gave one or two illustrations of the words complained of, and it would be fair, as he said, to assume that, of all the expressions that have been used, the most excessive have been chosen for the purpose of influencing this House. Let us take as an example the words,
In my judgment, to pass an Act of this kind would be a real danger to our position in India, and would do a great deal more harm than it could possibly do good. It may be inferred by the natives of India, if this Act be passed, that the British Government has given up all hope or intention of endeavouring to rule India along the lines of developing progressive Government and freedom. They may feel that the Government has determined to fall back upon a policy of force. I think I may say on behalf of everyone on these benches that in our judgment a rule cannot be based upon force in the long run. In the end it must be based on the good will prevailing between the two peoples. The way to promote good will, if that is the basis of just government, is not by repressive Acts, not by limiting speech or writing, but rather by a kindly tolerance of differences of opinion that they may have about our rule. It may be possible to justify severe action in the case of rioting or sabotage or violent revolution, but it is not and never will be justifiable that we should stifle free criticism of any Government in India or anywhere else. It seems to me that we are proposing in this Act to give the Princes of India a protection which is not given to the King Emperor himself, and I believe that it is against the first principles of sound Government. It may be one of those dangerous steps, if we take it, from which we cannot possibly retreat. There are steps that we take in life that involve other steps being taken in consequence. I believe this Act is really against the foundation of our rule in India. As I understand the famous Proclamation issued in 1858, which was the Magna Charta of Indian liberties, we undertook to concede the same rights and principles to the Indian people as to British subjects born elsewhere. That means that in the fundamental principles of Government they are entitled, as far as is possible, to the same liberties and privileges as ourselves, and our own experience has been that it is never safe, never wise, and scarcely ever right to attempt to interfere with the free expression of opinion, because in the end you do not suppress it, you merely drive underground to work in subterranean ways what ought to be above ground and before the eyes of all men.
It would seem, too, that the Government is growing nervous about the general unrest which is taking place in India and elsewhere. Unrest needs to be considered with infinite patience and with a great deal of care. The Indian, for example, sees himself excluded, in spite of the Proclamation of 1858, from other parts of the British Empire, from Australia, New Zealand and Africa, whilst at the same time he notices that people from these Colonies have free access to India. Then we have to remember that the symptom of unrest which we see in India is general throughout the East. The East is awakening from her long sleep, and in attempting to become articulate it sometimes uses futile and fierce invective which does not merit, at all events, repressive Acts. I should say that the unrest in India is first of all not a reaction specifically against British rule, but a reaction against Western civilisation as a whole due to a revival of race consciousness, and the way to deal with that awakening is to express a trust in the Indian people and to encourage them along the way to self-government, paying little attention to specific and entirely futile comments of the kind which have been recited to the House.
Our experience in England through many centuries has been that liberty pays best in the end and not repression. The only reprisal that you get from giving freedom is that of good will. Therefore, in the interests of British civilisation and its rule in India, the right thing to do is to let the Indian people alone, at any rate until they transgress much further than has been suggested in this House. I am one of those who believe ultimately in what we call a British Commonwealth of Nations, a set of sister peoples, with equal privileges and responsibilities and each managing its own affairs, living contentedly under the general principles of the British Constitution, and I feel that if we are to attain that desirable end one of the very worst things to do is to introduce repressive legislation such as has been suggested. Our history in India has not been without faults or free from incidents which many of us would deplore, but, at any rate, I believe our rule on the whole has been for the good of the Indian people. Do not let us, in the 20th century, do something which is unworthy of our record in India, and may prejudice British rule there in the future.
This is a direct Motion for the cancellation of legislation which the Government of India, in the person of the Viceroy, the Council of the State and the India Office, declare both necessary and incumbent upon them in honour bound to put forward. A good deal has been said to the effect that this legislation is going to interfere with free criticism of what goes on in the Indian States. That is not the case because the Measure penalises only those publications which bring or are intended to bring into hatred or contempt, or to excite disaffection against, any Princes or Chiefs of States in India or the Governments or administrations in such States. It does not touch either legitimate criticism or practical journalism. It follows closely the principles of English law and the practice of all civilised countries. A point made great use of by the hon. and gallant Member is the fact that the Committee that recommended the repeal of the Press Act of 1910 included the legal member of the Council of the Governor-General and the hon. Member in charge of Home Affairs on the Council, Sir William Vincent, but certainly as far as Sir William Vincent is concerned he states definitely,
5.0 P.M.
We need to go back to a period somewhere in the days of the East India Company—away to 1823. At that time it became necessary for the Government of the day to introduce legislation in this matter, and an Act was passed which remained in force until 1835. We do not know what reasons prompted the Government of that day to repeal it, but presumably the trouble which brought about the necessity for the Act had passed away. We now go right away to the end of the 'nineties, and those in this House—and there are a good many here who have served many years in India—can well remember the trouble that ensued in the early 'nineties and, say, from 1900 to 1910. I was at that time in Bengal, in the lower provinces, and also for part of the time in Eastern Bengal and Assam, and I can testify from personal knowledge as to the amount of harm that these seditious articles in the Press created in the minds of the Indians at that time. We know that the partition of Bengal contributed in some we to the trouble that ensued, but that was really only made an excuse. What had brought about the real trouble was the incitement directly offered in the Indian Press. In 1910, owing to the trouble that had existed during the period from 1890 to 1910, the Government felt constrained to bring in a new Press Act, known as the Press Act, 1910. That Act applied to the Governments under our own direct rule, as well as to the Indian States which were more or less on their own. From 1910 to 1922 this Press Act remained in force. In 1922, owing to changed conditions and altered circumstances, the Government were prompted to appoint a Committee to consider the repeal of the Act. On that Committee both the home member of the Council and the legal member of the Governor-General's Council sat. The report of that Committee was in favour of the repeal of the Act, and in due course the Act was repealed. The Viceroy has stated, however, that at the time the report of the Committee was issued the members of the Committee had not got all the necessary evidence before them. That fact is stated very definitely in the White Paper. Sir William Vincent has also stated that he was not aware of certain circumstances when he voted on the Committee in favour of the repeal of the Act. Further, the Viceroy has stated that certain matters were brought to his notice subsequent to the repeal of the Press Act. In consequence of these circumstances, we have before us to-day the Act now under discussion.
The Act does not penalise in any shape or form any fair criticism. It is only intended to deal with articles which incite to public disorder or to sedition. In regard to these matters, it is very necessary that the Indian Princes should be protected. They must be protected from seditious writing in territories of Governments under our control, and from seditions writings which are directed against these rulers in the native States. Roughly, the native States comprise? something like 72,000,000 of people, so that by this Act we are dealing with Princes and Chiefs of India who rule? over no fewer than 72,000,000 people. It is important that the House should remember that, when the Press Act of 1910 was repealed in 1922, so far as the Governments under our own direct administration were concerned, we still had some protection under Section 124 ( a ) of the Indian Penal Code. That Section does not apply to the ruling Princes. Therefore, the direct effect of the repeal of the Act was that whereas we ourselves in the territory administered by us were protected, although we had repealed the Act, the native princes, who also were covered by the Press Act, which had been in force for 12 years, were not covered by Section 124 ( a ) of the Indian Penal Code, under which we still remained covered. That brought about a very dangerous position, and it was to remedy that position that the Government of India, no doubt, promoted the Act with which we are dealing to-day.
The Viceroy has stated that, since the Report was issued, information has come into the possession of the Government of India which revealed the fact that complaints of attack had been received from certain important Princes, and other evidence began to accumulate, which is certified on the statement of the Viceroy himself. The Government of India then cam to the decision that the question of substituting some form of protection other than that given by the Press Act required further consideration. About that time a resolution was passed unanimously by the Chamber of Princes asking that the Indian Government should consider the urgent necessity of providing and adopting measures to safeguard the Princes and Chiefs of States.
I would now like to turn to some of the objections that have been raised to the Act It is suggested that the Act will stifle legitimate criticism and deprive the subjects of such States of the opportunity of ventilating their grievances and protesting against repression. It is obvious that all possible safeguards have been provided in the Measure. Safeguards have been added, providing that no prosecution instituted without the sanction of she Governor-General in Council may proceed Therefore, it does not become a question of the Resident of a native State, or a magistrate or a collector or any person of that sort instituting a prosecution. They have to refer in each and every case to the supreme authority in India It is incumbent upon them to make reference to the Governor-General in Council. In each individual case they have to get the sanction of the Governor-General in Council before any prosecution can be entered upon. It is absurd to suggest that the Viceroy and the Governor-General in Council are going to lend their names to a prosecution unless it is justified. They are just as keen on the administration of justice and fairplay between subject and ruler and between ruler and subject as anyone could be. Moreover, it must be remembered that the present Viceroy of India, Lord Reading, is a lawyer of the highest eminence.
The Legislative Council flung this Act back in the face of the Government. When the Legislative Council did that, it seems to me that that act on their part implied that in their view State contracts and agreements were mere scraps of paper, and that they declined in any way to recognise them. We have the word of the Viceroy himself, that we are under definite pledges and obligations to the ruling Princes of India to protect them in this matter. That will be found in the White Paper. It is stated in the White Paper very definitely what the pledges are, and that we are in honour bound to redeem them. That being so, I do not see what alternative there was but for the Government to introduce this Measure. I ask the House to remember that the Viceroy himself has stated that India, undoubtedly, was bound by solemn obligations to the native States in this matter. Further, he considers this Bill essential for the interests of British India, and we are convinced that the carrying out of promises and the honouring of pledges is one of the basic principles on which all civilised government must rest. The Viceroy has further stated that for the year ending May, 1922, no fewer than 170 separate attacks were made upon ruling Chiefs by newspapers published in India.
A certain amount of criticism was directed in India, particularly in the Council of State, to the fact that only two days had been given for consideration of the Measure. The Act is a very short one, comprising only five Clauses, and I do not think there is very much in that contention. I want to call the attention of the House to the important fact that the ruling Chiefs at a meeting of the? Chamber of Princes asked the Government of India to provide them with this armour to protect themselves against attacks in the public Press. The further criticism has been made that there is a good deal of oppression and misrule in the Native States. Even granted that there is, how would the matter be improved by refusing to accept this Bill. The Act has specific safeguards against oppression. It is less than two years since the Moplah rebellion in Southern India. It was quite obvious that that rebellion was due to direct incitements in the Press. There is a word in India known as "Izzat." Those who have been to India know what that word means. It is a word most difficult to translate into the English language, and I do not think that any word that I could use would convey the full meaning of it. For the Indian Prince, Izzat is everything; it is as the breath of life. If you touch the Izzat of the Princes, you touch a great deal. In the Council of State, another criticism was that the wrong method had been introduced in getting the Act certified by the Viceroy. It was suggested that the proper way would have been to have sent the Bill back to the Legislative Assembly again. Whether it would have been accepted a second time we do not know, but we do know that procedure of that kind would have entailed a delay of probably 12 months, and time was the essence of the Act itself.
This is the first time that the Government of India have had recourse to Procedure under Section 67B. I doubt very much if this will be the last occasion. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh!"] Well, we have only just commenced these reforms, and unless it was intended that Section 67B should be put into operation under certain given circumstances, what was the object in putting the Section in at all? We have to remember, and hon. Members opposite must remember, that we have only just introduced these reforms in India, and that they will take time to work out. The men who have to work them have to be trained. To say that the Viceroy, by introducing this Bill, is weakening the authority of the Legislative Assembly is not accurate.
Supposing that the House accepts this Motion, it would imply necessarily the resignation of the Viceroy. He has taken a certain line of action. He has stated in no indefinite terms that that action is necessary, and he was bound in honour to introduce legislation. Therefore, if the House accepts this Motion, it would necessarily mean the resignation of the Viceroy, and, I imagine also, of the Secretary of State. I would ask the House to remember that a certain section of the Indian Press makes a point, almost daily, of indulging in very cleverly-veiled suggestions of rebellion and disturbance. The House must also remember that the Indian mind is more prone than we are in this country to be influenced by these suggestions. You are dealing with people who have been unaccustomed to this kind of action in the past, and there is not the slightest doubt that the result is to incite to crime. Those of us who have been out there can bear testimony to that fact. The need for this legislation is emphasised not merely by the Government but by all the Indian Princes, who, I maintain, are entitled to the protection given to them by the authorities. They have appealed to us for action, and we are bound to respond to their request. We are seeking to protect men who have shown themselves to be loyal and who deserve the very best consideration which we can show to them, with due regard to the interest of India as a whole and of their own subjects. They are men who rely on us not to permit a malevolent campaign to be carried on against them.
This Motion is a vote of censure on the Viceroy of India. Lord Reading is one of the greatest lawyers whom we possess. His view is that this Bill is needed, that it does not err against the practice of civilised countries, that we are bound in honour to the native Princes to introduce it and that it is required by Imperial needs. Are we going to tell him that it is not? If so, what sort of administrators are we going to get? The Labour Motion asks the House to allow freedom for writings to bring the native Princes into hatred and contempt. Do not be under any illusion as to what this means. It might mean anything to revolution in the long run, and possibly the employment of our own troops. There is, I trust, a higher regard for our pledged word than to take this step against the supporters of our rule in India. This is a proposal which, if you adopt it, will add vastly to the difficulties in these transition days in India, and I trust that the House will decline to entertain a Motion which has nothing to recommend it.
I am sorry that the House wears the ordinary aspect, which it almost invariably wears, when Indian questions are being discussed. This Motion proceeds from the Labour party and the condition of their benches this evening shows the scanty attendance which, unfortunately, always prevails when Indian questions are discussed. [HON. MEMBERS: "And your party, too!"] The whole House does not give, in my view, sufficient attention to these Indian questions, and the Labour party is no exception. Therefore I do not find fault with my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme (Colonel Wedgwood) for drawing attention to this question. He is clearly within his rights, for the whole of these documents, ay is provided, lie upon the Table of this House to enable hon. Members to raise any question in reference to them, But I think that my hon. and gallant Friend will allow mo to say that he was hardly acting according to the traditions of this House in his attacks upon Indian civil servants. The tradi- tion of this House is that we do not attack and find fault with those who are doing their duty to the Empire in conditions which make it impossible for them to reply to attacks made on them. It may be that he may know, either from private information or published documents, that the personal politics of some of these gentlemen may differ from ours, but I think that it would be better to confine our criticism to the Government which is responsible, and to the Viceroy whose action is called in question to-day, and not deal with men who bear the burden and heat of the day in difficult conditions in India.
That is a most excellent rule to keep so long as the civil servants keep it, but when a civil servant takes part in debate it is absolutely essential that one should be able to deal with the remarks which he makes in debate. Otherwise we cannot form any judgment on the question at issue. This Debate was carried on by Mr. Thompson, and therefore it is impossible to deal with this subject without criticising Mr. Thompson's view.
I think that the whole procedure from that point of view is very difficult. We are not in a position to consider this Act as though it were being introduced for the first time in this House. In my view it would be more generous not to attack men who cannot answer for themselves, but to deal with the arguments and not to use the personal note which my hon. and gallant Friend introduced. But it is not really the question of this Act which we have got to discuss this afternoon. That may be formally within the terms of this Motion, but what we have got to discuss is the action which has brought this Act under the cognisance of the House. My hon. and gallant Friend did not challenge the fact that the Governor-General is acting within the limits of his undoubted powers. He is not acting in virtue of any antiquated, obsolete powers dug up from some musty armoury of prerogative. He is using a power deliberately given by this House not four years ago when the Government of India Act was passing through this House.
I was not in the House then, but my hon. Friend was. He did not agree with the Bill entirely. He wished it to go much further, but in the final summing up he waxed positively lyrical in his congratulations to Mr. Montagu for the conduct of this great Act. He said that he had never succeeded in carrying any of his Measures through Parliament. He had never done anything more than speak a few cheering words to a few rebels, but Mr. Montagu had done this great thing. But as an integral and indispensable part of this great thing there is this power which the Viceroy has used. The existence of this power was recommended in the Montagu-Chelmsford Report. Anyone who looks back to that Report will see a paragraph which anticipates exactly what has occurred to-day, namely, that the Legislative Assembly might throw out or refuse to give liberty to introduce a Bill, and it was laid down that in that case it would be legitimate for the Viceroy to pursue the exact policy which he has adopted. That power was deliberately granted. I had some part, both in India and in this country, in the discussions of the reform scheme, but I do not know who invented this power. I think that it would puzzle the author of those reforms, which were the result of the most elaborate criticism and discussion by Indian politicians and civil servants and the India Office, both in India and in this country, to know how any particular provision originated.
It was advised by the Joint Committee.
As the Under-Secretary reminds me, it was advised by the Joint Committee, and it was deliberately devised because in the circumstances which we had to envisage you could not get on without this power. Otherwise you led up to a constitutional deadlock, out of which there was no possible issue except either the breakdown of the reforms or the shattering of the authority of the Government of India. It was seen that it would be required in the working of these reforms that you should grant to the Viceroy of India not merely a veto on legislation which he might regard as harmful legislation but a positive power of carrying, by a process of certification, legislation which he thought essential in the interests of India. My hon. Friend did not challenge the existence of that power. He moved many Amendments, but he did not propose any Amendment to cut this power out. He never divided the House against it. It was explained to him by Mr. Montagu, who said that in the reforms which were being introduced, you were abolishing what was known as the official block, and if the official block in the Legislative Council were abolished you must give the Viceroy and the Governor-General the power of initiating legislation. My hon. Friend said, after that explanation, "I quite agree that the Viceroy ought not to be deprived of the opportunity of passing legislation which he thinks is essential for the safety of India or the British Empire." He agrees. Therefore, so far as this power is concerned, it is agreed that it is a recent power and that it is the exercise of a power deliberately devised and intended to be used.
The only real question is whether this is an appropriate case for the use of the power. It, of course, should not be used recklessly or oppressively, but when you get the exercise of this power, an exceptional privilege put in the hands of the Viceroy, and when it comes up in this House for review, I am bound to say that the question is not entirely fresh, and we have to regard it from the standpoint that we have entrusted the Viceroy with a special privilege and power which in this particular case he has thought fit to use. My hon. Friend seemed to think that it marked a turning point, that the new Secretary of State for India had deviated from the policy which was pursued by Mr. Montagu. I do not know whether that is so, but I certainly do not think that in this particular case there is any evidence of any great deviation of policy. I am judging merely from the published documents. My hon. and gallant Friend should not overlook the fact that Mr. Montagu, as well as the present Secretary of State, thought that there was a real case to be met. He sent a telegram on 5th August, 1921: to suggest to the Government of India that there was a case which should be met, and the only question is whether it has been met properly in this instance. We are dealing with a matter which is not often discussed in this House, namely, the relations of the Government of India to these Princes and Chiefs in India. There are many Members in this House who are, no doubt, intimately acquainted with the subject. I do not for a moment suggest that the House is not fully competent to express an opinion, but it is a matter which falls somewhat out of the ordinary purview of the House, and when the Viceroy comes forward and says that he is bound in honour and in justice to a particular course, when he certifies that a Measure is essential for the interests of India, I think we have to decide that it would have to be a very strong case indeed for the House of Commons to use its ultimate power of overriding such action. I entirely agree with the hon. Member who has just spoken. It is not for me to suggest what the consequences? of such a course would be, but it is open to anyone to imagine that they could not fail to be serious.
One has to find whether there is or is not an arguable case for the Measure. If there is, and if the Viceroy has adopted this action in reference to it, it would be very unwise for the House of Commons to intervene and override his action. There is a fairly arguable case. The matter has been spoken of as though the only point at issue was whether we should stifle criticism of the measures of these Princes. The hon. Member has ignored, though it turns up more than once in the papers, that the offences against which this particular Act is levied are not merely political criticisms, but, to some extent at all events, blackmail. That is admitted; the existence of that practice is admitted by Mr. Montagu and also by several Indian Members who spoke in India.
No one likes this kind of legislation, but there are safeguards in this Measure which were not in the Press Act. I was very much surprised to hear my hon. and gallant Friend say that he preferred the action of Executive officers under the Press Act, with their premonitory warnings, to action through the Courts under this Act. There are very distinct and definite safeguards in the Act. It does not stifle criticism. The spoken word is not interfered with. So far as I can see, there is nothing in this Act which will prevent meetings being held up and down India denouncing the misdeeds and the misconduct of the Princes. It is only the written word which is attacked. Disapprobation of the political measures of these Princes does not fall within the purview of the Act. There are appeals to the High Court, and no prosecution can be entered upon except with the assent of the Governor-General in Council. It is a better procedure than the Press Act, which has been in force up till now. But the real defence of it is this: One must remember that the territories of these Princes, or at least the most important of them, are not, technically, British territory at all.
I know how difficult it must be for the Labour party in any way to restrict or curtail its feeling of universal benevolence towards India. But, after all, these territories are technically not British territory at all, and hitherto we have proceeded on the principle of mutual abstention from interfering with each other's domestic concerns. It may be that abstention can no longer be maintained. It may be that you cannot keep these States any longer in watertight compartments. Many of them are delightful and picturesque survivals of an obsolete rule, which no doubt is quite out of touch with modern ideas. The Princes have absolute personal rule. The best of them will tell you in sincerity that they hold their rule as a trust from God. Not all of them, perhaps, live up to that ideal. I imagine that even the casual visitor, going to some of the most archaic and old-fashioned of these States, does not find much difficulty in discerning beneath the smooth surface some of the leaven of unrest which is at work all over the East. But, even so, this movement of reform or unrest must come from the peoples of these States and should not be whipped up from outside.
Interference with the liberty of the Press is, of course, unsuitable to our own more progressive administration in British India. That is agreed. But if you are going to leave these States to work out their own salvation, if they choose and the inhabitants of the State wish to maintain a system of Government which we should not like, but which, after all, is the indigenous Indian system, then we cannot very well expect that there will not be measures and proceedings which seem inconsistent with our ideas. But if you are to have personal government, you must have the incidents of personal government. It is no use imagining that you can combine all the apparatus of a full self-governing democracy with maintenance of the rule of these ancient and picturesque States. I think we should be well advised to leave the States to work out their own salvation, and when their Princes and Chiefs ask unanimously that there should be maintained, with additional safeguards that were not in existence before, some protection, I think they have some claim on us. My hon. and gallant Friend made very light indeed of their services during the War. That was not the view of himself or of this House during that time. They gave not inconsiderable material help. They gave us, also, the great moral help of their support at a critical moment in the War. I think they surprised foreign nations who did not appreciate the strength of our appeal. In these circumstances, while I do not object to the matter being brought to the attention of the House of Commons, I do not think we can ask the House to override the authority of the Viceroy in using powers which have been deliberately? entrusted to him, and I hope when my hon. and gallant Friend receives the satisfaction which he will doubtless receive from the Under-Secretary for India, he will be able to see his way to withdraw this Motion.
As I have on many occasions criticised the administration of the Government of India and of the Viceroy, I am happy to think that on the present occasion I can give them, for what it is worth, my whole-hearted support against this Motion. The hon. Member for Derby (Mr. C. Roberts) who has just sat down, appears to have been a sort of political Balaam so far as the hon. and gallant Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme (Colonel Wedgwood) is concerned. The hon. and gallant Gentleman called upon his former colleague of the Liberal party to support his Motion, and he evidently expected the hon. Member for Derby would get up and curse this Measure, instead of which the hon. Member for Derby has blessed it and has indeed justified it to such an extent that very little remains to be said in the way of argument against this Motion. I was rather sorry, but not altogether surprised, to hear the hon. and gallant Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme moving this Motion in the terms which he employed. I wish he had displayed the same moderation as was shown by the Seconder. However, those of us who have been for some time in this House do not take too seriously the enthusiastic attacks of the hon. and gallant Member. I have heard him on many occasions revelling in being a rebel. I remember one particular Debate upon India, in the course of which he said one of the proudest moments of his life was when Mr. Montagu compared him to Mr. Gandhi, and he went on to say that Mr. Gandhi was regarded as a saint in India. I do not know whether the hon. and gallant Gentleman considered that we in this House thought the same of him. At any rate, I hope the newer Members of the House will not take too seriously, coming from the hon. and gallant Gentleman, what in most people would be a very unfortunate, if not disgraceful attack on the Indian Princes. The hon. and gallant Member said this Bill did not deal with British subjects but with the subjects of native States. I think he is mistaken there. This is a Bill which does deal with British subjects in British India and has nothing to do with native States. He went on to say that before 1910 nothing whatever was done in regard to the protection of the native Princes from attacks in the Press. If the White Paper be correct the hon. and gallant Member is wrong, because according to it the Viceroy distinctly says:
"Long prior to the passing of the Press Act, it had been found necessary to take certain measures for the protection of the Princes."
He does not say that measures were actually taken before then.
I am quoting what the Viceroy himself says, and the hon. and gallant Member will excuse me if I take the Viceroy's word rather than his. The Viceroy says it was found necessary to take measures.
They did take them under the Press Act, when it was found necessary.
They had been taken before 1910. In any case the real point is this, that the hon. and gallant Member has a grievance in this particular case against the Viceroy for having exercised his authority. It is quite clear, however, that the Viceroy was expected to use the power which had been given to him, as the hon. and gallant Member will see if he will read the finding of the Joint Select Committee.
"It is not, however, within the scheme of the Bill to introduce at the present stage any measure of responsible government into the central administration and a power must be reserved to the Governor-General in Council of treating as sanctioned any expenditure which the Assembly may have refused to vote, if he considers the expenditure to be necessary for the fulfilment of his responsibilities for the good government of the country. It should be understood from the beginning that this power of the Governor-General in Council is real, and that it is meant to be used if and when necessary."
It cannot be questioned that the Governor-General is acting within his rights. It cannot be questioned that the Bill was almost passed without the necessity arising for the exercise of those powers. It was introduced under the ten minutes rule, and was only defeated by four votes in the lower Assembly while it passed by an overwhelming majority in the upper House. The Mover of the Motion made a very unfair attack on Mr. Thompson. As a matter of fact, Mr. Thompson did not speak at all when this Bill was first introduced in the lower Assembly, and when he did speak on the second occasion, he carried it with only one dissentient, snowing at any rate what was thought by the people in India.
He never spoke in the Assembly at all, but only in the Council of State.
The hon. and gallant Member seemed to infer that Mr. Thompson was entirely responsible and put all the blame upon him. It seemed to me that the hon. and gallant Member tried to lead the House to believe that it was Mr. Thompson who moved the Bill under the ten minutes rule and failed. I agree with the last speaker that the attack on Mr. Thompson was very unfortunate. This is really a matter in which the- Viceroy and the Secretary of State are entirely and directly responsible, and if this Motion be pressed to a Division and carried it will be a Vote of Censure on the Government. What does the Mover of the Motion want? The main point in his speech was that he disliked the present system of government in the native States. He referred to arbitrary rule and to the want of freedom which natives living under native Princes have to undergo. I am bound to say if I were given my choice, I would rather live under the beneficent rule of one of the native Princes, although it might be an autocracy, than under the so-called democracy of Lenin and Trotsky which the hon. and gallant Member so much admires.
"So-called democracy" everywhere.
I think the hon. and gallant Member would have more freedom under a native Prince and more chance of retaining anything he has—especially his head. What does he actually suggest? He is perfectly entitled to say he does not like this old-fashioned system, but does he suggest that we are to allow, in British India, a propaganda to go on for the vilification of the Princes?
He suggested nothing of the sort.
Then why does he try to prevent us from stopping these attacks being made on the Indian Princes?
It is all a parlour game.
He denies that we are in honour bound in this matter, but what exactly are the pledges which have been given to the Indian Princes? For the last hundred years they have been promised that their rights shall be conserved so far as we are concerned. In Queen Victoria's time a Proclamation was issued which stated that
"We shall respect the rights, dignity and honour of India's Princes as Our own."
As recently as 1921 there was a Royal Proclamation, in which the Sovereign says:
"In My former Proclamation I repeated the assurance given on many occasions by My Royal predecessor and Myself of My determination to maintain unimpaired the privileges, rights and dignities of the Princes of India. The Princes may rest assured that this pledge remains inviolate-and inviolable."
Can anybody maintain, after that pledge, that we should allow seditious attacks to be made on the ruling Princes of the native States from British India, and allow British India to be made a jumping-off ground for such attacks. In view of that pledge, it would be positively intolerable to do so, and what might be the result? The Mover of the Motion wants tranquillity and a new era of peace in India. If we are to allow sedition to be preached from British India against the ruling Princes, and if the ruling Princes were to allow sedition to be peached in the native States against our rule in British India, would that bring about tranquillity? Is that the way to inaugurate a new era? No, Sir, I think it is perfectly clear we are bound to support the Princes, more especially when we, consider what they have done for us. The hon. and gallant Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme tried to make a point against the Indian Princes in regard to what they did during the War. He said it was really the men of India and not the Princes who rendered us aid, and he tried to hold the Princes up to ridicule. But, after all, the people whom he is supporting now are the agitators who took no part whatever in the War. When the people and the Princes were helping this country in the War, the agitators were preaching sedition, and it is those people whom the hon. and gallant Member now favours. It is to those people he wishes to give a free field and a free hand to spread their pernicious propaganda disregarding the loyalty and the help which the Princes gave us at that time. I hope I shall not be out of order in pointing out to the House the great assistance which we received from the ruling Princes in India. The Mover of the Motion said he did not refer to two or three of the States—that some of them were enlightened, and he was only dealing with the small ones. But let me point out that even the bigger ones have been attacked freely and scurrilously. There are 27 States in India, and I will not be expected to go through the whole list.
There are 700.
6.0 P.M.
There are 27 States which maintain Imperial Service troops, and it is those to which I refer. These States placed all their troops at our disposal and not only that, but increased the number of their troops in order to help us. Further, we received countless gifts from the ruling Chiefs. The personal and voluntary gifts amounted to £2,500,000. His Highness the Nizam of Haidarabad paid £20,000 a month towards general war expenditure from September, 1914. Early in the War His Highness the Maharaja of Mysore made a gift of £333,000, which was increased in 1917 to £400,000. They kept up hospital ships, they equipped hospitals, they gave aeroplanes, they gave staff motor cars, they contributed to the Ministry of Munitions, and in every way they possibly could they helped. The Nizam even sent £100,000 to the Admiralty for the anti-submarine campaign, and these are the people whom we are to allow now, if the hon. and gallant Member has his way, to be vilified, while the agitators are to be excused and pampered. I am only too delighted that the Viceroy has shown that he means to deal a little less tenderly with these agitators. Already, since firm action was taken with regard to Gandhi, we have had more peace and tranquillity in India, and if such a course had been pursued before it would have been much better, but now that we are going to show that we intend to govern and to back up the Government of India, do not let us be turned from that path. Let us support them in every way if they are going to show more backbone and more strength, and I for one am very glad to think there is going to be a change, and believe that it is much more likely to bring about tranquillity in India.
I suppose I shall be pardoned for saying that I cannot tear myself away from the feeling that we are conducting a mock Debate, with a foregone conclusion. I want all my colleagues here to-night to remember that for these few hours they are not the same Parliament which they imagine they are, and which they were up to 4 o'clock this afternoon. Up till 4 o'clock this was a Parliament that believed in the representation of the people, in the supreme right, above the Sovereign right, of the elected representatives of the people. After 4 o'clock Parliament has reversed its engines, and it believes in a dictatorship over a foreign people through a man whom they have sent out and in whose selection 300,000,000 of people had no voice whatever. The Parliament which here wants to give speed and growth to democratic institutions, desires to extend the franchise, and pretends to give further and further rights to the enfranchised people, is at the same time spreading itself over thousands and thousands of more miles further away in other parts of the world, where this very Parliament demands that the people of those countries shall have no voice in the administration and governing of their affairs. This Parliament, as it now considers the Bill, is not the advocate of the right of the representation of the people, but of the dictatorship of somebody outside to other peoples of the world, and this is an entirely different Assembly.
There is a danger in this sort of Debate having, perhaps, a misguiding effect. By our very effort to save the Government from rushing into a mad act, we are liable here on the Labour Benches to be surreptitiously drawn into an Imperial policy, as if we wanted Imperialism to be run more correctly than they desire, but though there is such a danger, there is no reality in it. The Labour party is asking the Government not to do something ridiculous and silly, which would betray their own aims and efforts, but by so doing it does not give a pledge to the other side that the Labour party desires a more correct form of Imperialism to be observed than the Government desire. There is also a danger, on the part of our Indian friends that, by this kind of struggle, by this kind of tug-of-war with the Imperialist, foreign, dominating power, they are tacitly accepting the right of this country to send a Viceroy at all. That is not the position from the Indian point of view, and we do not want to be snared into the false Imperialism which, after the War, the whole world, barring the Liberals and Conservatives of Great Britain, have cast to the winds. I am glad that on this occasion our friends, the Liberal party, are openly associating themselves with the Government so far as we have heard their speakers. We do not wish to have, on such Imperial questions, the idea that there are three groups in this House. There are only two groups. The one group is the group of Conservatives and Liberals combined that believes in the supreme right of this country and this Parliament in exploiting, and dominating over the countries that do not belong to them and that never sent forth men here in their country to disturb them at all; and opposed to them there is only one group that does not believe in such Imperialist domination, but believes in the co-operation of all nations on terms of equality and equal rights.
The real difficulty with regard to the Viceroy's position arises from the system which he has got to maintain. After the War the whole of the world, civilised as far as you may call yourselves, or uncivilised as far as others may think, has come to realise that political Imperialism is mere barbarity, however nicely you put it. The world has also come to realise that no country and no nation can now live at peace and in prosperity by crushing other nations economically. If there was no Viceroy in India to represent this political domination of Britain, but if there were dozens of Britishers to represent the fraternal co-operation of the working classes of Britain, this Bill and this question and this Debate would not have arisen at all, and the result would have been far better than that at which the Government or the present Viceroy may be aiming. I myself realise the position. You send out a Viceroy, and you tell three hundred millions of people that they have got nothing to do in selecting the head of their administration. You have only got to send out a certain person for a number of years to rule over the people—not to consult them, not to serve—to govern them in the interests that are not known to the people as the people's interests. I quite imagine that that Viceroy should more than once run away with the idea that he can only be doing his duty to the Mother Country whenever he defies the wishes of the people in whose midst he has got to live his life. That being the position, the Viceroy runs to this House and asks that we should back him up, and in order to preserve Imperialism as such, you are going to back him up.
May I ask this House to consider the effects upon the sections of the Indian population? The new Act dared to enfranchise 6 per cent. of the population of India, most of whom laughed at the artificial right of franchise given to them by a foreign dominator, and 85 percent. of those who were given that franchise scorned it, and said they would have nothing to do with it. As the balance, there is just 1 per cent. of the population of India that is hanging on to the Viceroy and his Councils and is keeping faith in British administration as it now stands. It is 1 per cent., but I know the men and the women that are in it. They are worthy of everybody's consider action: they are good men and good women, and they deserve well of any body's consideration, but above all, I want the Government to realise that here is this 1 per cent. volunteering to keep faith in British institutions, volunteering to come forward to back up the Viceroy and the British Councils and the British mode of administering the country—
This is not the occasion on which to review the Government of India Act or the present system of Government in India. The only question that arises here is whether the right judgment has been exercised within the law now existing in India.
I was going to make the point, Mr. Speaker, of drawing the attention of the Government to the people whom they are hurting by rejecting the Motion of the Labour party. The people who are now protesting against the Viceroy's action, and the people whom the Labour party is now trying to back up, are the people who have dared to become the laughing-stock of 99 per cent. of their own countrymen in their effort to stand by the British institutions, and the Viceroy and the Government here are now throwing them over. They are telling these people that there is no reality in the Councils, that they have believed in something that was a sham, and they are further telling these people, who the other day sent in a petition, which was duly sent forward, asking this House to consider their position, that this House does not exist in reality as a protector of representation and popular freedom. This will be the effect if the Government persist in their policy and do not take the warning that is offered to them from these Labour Benches.
The action of the Viceroy has another side, which I will ask the Government to bear in mind, and that is this: The people of India do not believe that the Viceroy is taking this measure for the protection of the Princes as such. The people of India knew that, up to the end of the reign of Lord Curzon, the I Princes of India were driven by a whip by the Viceroys of India, and it was the Indian papers and the Indian public organisations that were always protecting them and protesting against the action of the Government. The people of India have now begun to believe—they may be right or they may be wrong—that the Government are now adopting a policy of quietly influencing, and even, where possible, of indirectly coercing, the Indian Princes to maintain a very reactionary policy in the Native States, and that the Government of India are now afraid of their silent and secret influence at the back of what is known in India as Imperialism, which is being exposed by honest criticism in the Indian Press, on which account they are out to pass this Act over the heads of the people of India. It was said by Members on both sides in the Debate that there is a pledge. Who gave the pledge? The Viceroy, whom the people had never elected. He gave the pledge, and he wants the representatives of the people to stand by his pledge. That is the unnatural position of Imperialism. There is no constitutional position in such a pledge, and there is no obligation on the people of India to maintain such a pledge. They are not parties to it.
The representatives of the Government, in justifying the action of the Viceroy, remind the people that the position is that the friends of the British Government are the friends of the Indian Princes; the enemies of the British Government are now the enemies of the Indian Princes. But does the House realise that at this very moment the Government of India are saying to the public of India that the public of India are their friends, and that no Press Act is necessary? If the Government of India are satisfied in calling the journalists in India their friends, or, at least, not their open and avowed enemies, whom they must fear and dread, and whom they must suppress before they commit any crime, why does the Government not remain satisfied on its own showing and tell the Princes of India that they are not exposing them to any special attack of the Press? Now that the Government of India is becoming more and more civilised, and is beginning to believe that Press criticism is not their enemy but their friend, the Indian Princes should also be made to believe that Press criticism is their friend also, so far as, and so long as, it is the friend of the Government.
The whole position, as it appears to me, is that, taking Imperialism as it exists, I, individually, should be very sorry if some common sense dawned upon the Government, and they refrained from taking this action, and advised the Viceroy to come to an amicable settlement with the people and the representatives of the people, which, according to petitions sent from Bombay, they are quite ready to do just now. If by any chance they did so, it might be a very great act of justice to those people in India who still seem to be keeping faith in British promises, British administration, the right of the British to be in India at all, although, individually, I should be sorry. I should also like very greatly the so-called Liberal party to associate itself with that Measure, so that the people of India may know that their belief in popular representation, and their faith in the administration of that country as you administer yours, is a mere sham and hollow talk. I should be extremely pleased if the Government rejected the Motion of the Labour party, because that is the only way by which this last lingering vestige of Imperialism in this world will go to its grave. If by any chance you began to show common sense, and if by any chance you began to retrace your steps, it would be somewhat calamitous, because it would still enable Imperialism to continue to exist, and I am quite ready to take sides with the Motion of the Labour party, because it is quite obvious that the Labour party can never advocate the principle that one individual should have autocratic power over the representatives of the people. At the same time, I hope that, after the action of the Government in defying the Labour party, the Labour party will begin now to discriminate between the existence and non-existence of Imperialism.
Before concluding, I may just add one word as to the Indian Civil Service, about which there was some argument on account of some remarks offered by the hon. and gallant Member who moved the Labour Motion. I do not believe that it is the intention to attack personalities or Members with regard to this particular Bill. What we do feel is that it is not so much the individual desire of the Viceroy to push it through over the heads of quite a new assembly, as it is the traditional practice of the Indian Civil Service, and not because the individuals who form the Indian Civil Service are themselves particularly selected wrong men. That is not the idea, but that the whole system and machinery has got its own faults. The Indian Civil Service is not Indian. It has no reputation for being civil, and it is a domination and a usurpation. Barring these three great defects, they are all right. I, therefore, say to the Government that if they wish to destroy Imperialism, as they should, they should go on with their autocratic programme. If they wish to give an extended lease to British Imperialism, they may tell the Viceroy to retrace his steps, to climb down and find some other camouflage to rule the Indian people.
I find myself at some disadvantage after the wonderful rhetorical efforts to which we have just listened with such enjoyment. I wish, in the first place, that the Mover of the Motion were in his seat, because, as I warned him, there are one or two matters of fact on which I wish to attack his speech. In the first place, he undoubtedly led us to believe that the wicked fairy was Mr. J. P. Thompson and the kind godfather was Sir William Vincent, and that had it been in Sir William Vincent's power, the present action by the Viceroy would never have been taken. All Members of the House, doubtless, have read the White Book, and they will have seen clearly that Sir William Vincent not only introduced the Bill in the Lower House, but supported it in the Upper House, in which it was passed, and he explained that, although he was on the Press Act Committee, he signed the report of that Committee in ignorance of the actual facts. Had he know the facts, one can gather from his speech, he would not have signed that report.
This is the first time the Governor-General in Council has used his power.
Before we proceed to examine what actually happened, I think it would be well for the House to understand what the present legislative constitution of the Government of India actually is, because with regard to one of the Houses we have been misinformed. For legislative purposes the Government of India consists of two Houses—the Legislative Council, the Upper House, consisting of 60 members, of whom 27 are nominated and 33 are elected. In other words, if all the members vote, the elected members have a majority of 6. In the Legislative Assembly there are 140 members, of whom 100 are elected and 40 are appointed—a clear majority of 60. The hon. and gallant Member who moved the Motion informed us that the Legislative Council which passed the Bill, not by a large majority, but without a division at all, consisted of a majority of appointed members. That statement is not according to the facts, and I may say that no hon. Member, in my opinion, has a right to make a statement like that in this House without verifying it.
In the Legislative Assembly this Bill was introduced under the 10 minutes rule. The 10 minutes' rule acts in this way. A member applying for leave to introduce a Government Bill is entitled to make a speech of 10 minutes in its support. If there is any opposition, one member is allowed to oppose the Bill, and the House at once goes to a division. There is no opportunity of discussing the details of the Bill at all, so that, especially in an assembly like that, where all the proceedings are in English, and I doubt whether all the members understand the language, it is quite easy to believe that there may be misapprehension. In this case, the majority in favour of the rejection of the Bill, or rather of refusing leave to introduce the Bill, was 45 against a minority of 41. That is to say, out of a House of 140 members, only 45 voted that the Bill should not be introduced. That is the normal procedure of introducing a Government Bill.
Now the powers of the Governor-general are to be found in the Government of India Act. I refer to this because the question of the Governor-General's power has actually been the subject of debate. It is true that the real subject of debate at present is not the power of the Governor-General, but whether in this particular instance the Governor-General exercised that power wisely. The power of the Governor-General to certify a Bill was first suggested under the halo of Mr. Montagu. In the Montagu-Chelmsford Report, not only did they suggest that the Viceroy should have the power to certify a Bill, but they suggested the manner in which he could do it, and they were prepared to retain an official bloc which should have a majority in the Council, and that bloc should be employed for pushing Bills through the House against the unofficial minority. This was considered by the Joint Committee of the two Houses of Parliament which sat upon the Bill, and they decided that if the Viceroy disagreed with his Council, it was only right that he should say so, and so the Joint Select Committee of the Houses of Parliament themselves put this provision into the Bill. In their Report in six places they insisted on the fact that this power is meant to be used. They also pointed out that the Governor-General in Council is responsible. not to the electors of India at all, but to the Parliament of Great Britain. That fact is rather liable to be overlooked nowadays, when we are so impressed by the elective principle at present in force in India.
When the Government of India Bill came into Parliament, this very Section, as was pointed out by the hon. Member for Derby, was discussed, on an Amendment by Mr. MacCallum Scott, which did not go the whole way, but only suggested really the elimination of the word "interests" in the Section. The hon. and gallant Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme (Colonel Wedgwood), in supporting the Amendment, agreed that the power was essential to the Governor-General, and had no objection to the Governor-General having the power to certify a Bill. His objection was to the wide word "interests," which was used in the Section. That Clause was accepted in Parliament without a Division.
In this case there are special considerations and it is these special considerations which will doubtless weigh with the House in its decision as to whether to accept or reject the Resolution. The hon. and gallant Member who moved the Resolution did not venture to insist upon the protection of similar nature which is given to the Government of India itself. In the Indian Penal Code there is a section which says: of the House. There are Sannads on this matter, to which I do not think anybody has so far referred. There is one of 1860 mentioned in the White Book. It say the British Government
But why has the Government of India really initiated this legislation? We are fortunate in England in that we have no experience of a kind of newspaper which in India is exceedingly common. In Bombay Presidency at the present time there are 36 newspapers regularly appearing with a circulation of under 500 copies. In the United Provinces there are 50 such newspapers regularly appearing. It must be clear to any gentleman connected with the Press who may be present that it is quite impossible for any journalist to run a newspaper with a circulation of less than 500 copies at a profit. What does that point to? Every Indian administrator knows perfectly well that many of these papers are started simply in order to obtain blackmail from the native Chiefs and Princes. They need a very small circulation for that purpose. They only need to start the paper, and a little later it is well known that, after attacks upon the Chief or Prince, or relations, a letter comes asking how much is required in order that the paper may stop its attacks, and the circulation cease. The proprietor gets the money and the circulation ceases until the money is spent; then the practice is liable to commence again. That is a practice against which the native Chiefs at the present time have no protection whatever, and it is against that practice that the Indian Government to-day intends to take action.
An hon. Member has mentioned the word "Izzat." He said it was an untranslatable word. It is untranslatable. It means that a man has a very, very keen sense of honour. "Izzat" is a sort of glorified honour. The Indian in this respect would rather sacrifice his life any day than sacrifice his honour, because the sacrifice of honour is not personal to himself, but it goes down to his sons, his grandsons, and his great-grandsons. It is a very curious type of honour. Let me give an instance. Suppose two natives of India have a quarrel and one of them gets hold of a knife and cuts the nose of the enemy with whom he is quarrelling. The dishonour does not rest upon the man who has cut the other, but upon the man whose nose is cut, and for generations the family will be remembered as the family of the man whose nose was cut. Generation after generation that will be remembered against the man and his family. That sounds all very curious to our ears, and we do not understand it. There, however, it is; that is the fact; they have this extraordinary sense of honour which is very easily offended, and, once offended, can never be repaired. For that reason also the Indian Princes and Indian Chiefs require very special protection. The Governor-General is morally bound to afford protection, even were there no promises and treaties.
There is one point which has not been raised, but on which I wish an assurance from the Under-Secretary of State. This certifying section of the Government of India Act refers to British India and the section is as follows:
I feel very strongly in this matter for more reasons than one. When the reform scheme was introduced in India nobody hailed it with greater welcome than I myself did. I was convinced: that the Government of India and the Home Government were proceeding on right lines. Since then I, in common, doubtless, with other Members of this House, have watched with great anxiety the progress of the new Constitution. We have feared that it might fail. We have rejoiced that it has not failed. It seems peculiarly unsuitable that the party which doubtless rejoiced as keenly as any other party in the success of the new Constitution of India should raise a Motion which necessarily separates those who believe in Constitutional Government as it stands at present from those who wish Constitutional Government to advance more rapidly. We believe that the Constitution of India is well advanced. We believe it is bound to advance. We think that given time India will undoubtedly be a self-governing Dominion, but we do not think it is possible that that stage can be reached in the next two or three years. This difference of opinion between the Labour party and ourselves is doubtless the cause of the Resolution. Those Indians who are watching this House will, see, and will presume that the Labour party is prepared to help their interests more actively than the Liberal party. They will be wrong, but they will believe it. They will believe the opinions that the hon. Member for North Battersea (Mr. Saklatvala) has put before us so clearly and so strongly. Even though we must disapprove of this Resolution we—with humility I think I may speak for other members of the party to which I belong—trust that the Government of India will advance, that liberty will be preserved, that avenues will be opened, and in time, and in a short time, it may well be that India will be a self-governing Dominion.
We are thankful to the hon. and gallant Gentleman, though we may not entirely agree with him, for having tabled his Motion, because it gives us an opportunity of seeing at work one of the very vital parts in the constitutional scheme that has been recently put into operation. It is an advantage that a Measure like that should be brought before the House. I hope that whenever a similar matter is raised about India, and papers are laid upon the Table of the House, that they will be challenged, if for no other reason than that we shall have a free and frank discussion upon them, and so keep alive the vital connection between the Government of India and this House. If I might suggest it, I hope that Motions of this kind will not always come from the Labour Benches or even from the Liberal Benches. The House is indebted to the hon. and gallant Gentleman, but he has left out at least two very important factors in this problem, and one is this: He has concentrated all his attention and all his sympathy upon the honest journalist and other honest persons, the man who desires to do good to the subjects of the native States, and he has not given a thought to the blackmailer, who is really the central object in this Bill.
But cannot the blackmailer be proceeded against under the ordinary law in India as in England? And are we not to be allowed, as in this case, to offer criticism on the present system of Government?
I will deal with that question later. What I am dealing with at the moment is the blackmailer. My hon. Friend who has just sat down pointed to the existence of the blackmailer. Let me quote these two passages (White Paper, page 26) in the Debate in the Council of State. In one instance, the Rajah of Kollengode—I gather from the name that he is not a ruling Chief, but a Zemindar—says: Another member of the Council stated practically the same thing. A number of people actually live on the State by journalistic blackmailing and that important factor seems to have been entirely forgotten on the Labour benches. Some hon. Members who have spoken have been using beautiful platitudes about liberty of speech and criticism, and the unwisdom of driving discontent under the surface. I assure hon. Members that all those noble sentiments have no relation whatever to this problem. We are not dealing with criticisms but with blackmailing, and there is not an hon. Member opposite who, I am sure in his heart, will apologise for or still less defend the blackmailer.
May I refer to what has been said about the word "Izzat"? It means prestige as well as honour, and it is a matter of political disadvantage when the prestige of the ruler of a native State is lowered by attacks in the Press. Some of us know how to measure the criticisms which appear in the Press, but in India everything that appears in printers' ink is taken as gospel truth, and if they read in the newspapers attacks on the honour, integrity and justice of the ruler, and see it in black and white, then they believe it. I know there are some people in this country who are quite as stupid as that. My hon. and gallant Friend opposite (Colonel Wedgwood) seemed to think that the attacks made upon the Princes, of which he said there were about 120, were not sufficiently strong. I do not know what it takes to please him, but at any rate, if you take those attacks, the points of which have been summarised very well by Mr. Thompson, hon. Members will see that they are all directed against the personal honour of the Chief, his people and his womenfolk, and there is nothing more dangerous in India than to attack the womenfolk of anybody, still less the womenfolk of a Chief.
I think hon. Members who have spoken are in error in thinking that the Princes of India had to wait until the Press Act was passed before any protection was given to them. I know there were regulations made eighty or ninety years ago which did give protection to the Princes, but even in our own days there must have been something of that kind, because I have a distinct recollection that more than 30 years ago in a cantonment in Central India a magistrate condemned trying a blackmailer for a scandalous attack on a Maharajah. Blackmailers are mean men and this particular blackmailer had taken shelter under British jurisdiction and I know the magistrate gave him a pretty stiff sentence.
It was shortly afterwards that an Order was issued that no newspapers should be started in a British cantonment without a licence from the Resident, and I think that was a very wise condition. Some kind of protection is obviously necessary, and I think it was no great credit to members of the Legislative Assembly who refused leave to introduce the Bill to do that, because the Viceroy had twice before stated that it was necessary in the interests of India that some protection of the kind suggested in the Bill should be given to the Princes.
A special reason seems to me to operate in this case. The Government of India is pledged to give protection in cases of the kind which we are considering. A pledge is at all times serious, but never was there a time when we could less afford to allow the people of India to think that we do not value our pledges. I spent a very happy holiday in India last winter, but I had sad moments, and they were when honest and loyal Indians came to me and said "there was a time when we believed in the word of English statesmen, but we do not know." I hope that time is passing away and that that feeling has disappeared, but we shall hear of it again if by any chance we refuse to implement the promises we have given through the Viceroy. The Viceroy regards this matter as one of honour and contractual obligation. We have made treaties, and they are regarded as a pledge and protection to the Princes of that country. We are bound to honour those pledges, and I am sure this House will do nothing that will indicate its indifference to the sanctity of pledges and undertakings of that kind.
A good deal has been said about criticisms. I assure hon. Members from my own experience of journalism in India, that either in criticising the British Government or the native State no journalist need be hampered in the pursuit of his journalistic duty. I have often in newspapers with which I have been connected criticised the policy of the native States, and I have sometimes criticised the conduct of the rulers when it has been a fit subject for discussion. I know on one occasion I published a criticism about the revenue administration of a particular State, and all that happened to me was that I afterwards received an invitation from him to go cheetah hunting. What was more important was that the things. I complained of were remedied. I see no reason why the Indian journalists should not criticise in a legitimate way, and I should be no party to hinder criticism. I know that many of the native States are very well governed, in fact some are excellently governed and their system of government will bear comparison with some of the best districts in India. I know there are States of which nothing like that can be said, and I know two or three States where things are happening which should merit the attention of the Government, and should attract the criticism and condemnation of courageous journalists whether English or native. The Bill which has come under criticism will do nothing to hamper those men. One thing that is a safeguard against any undue or hasty prosecution is the condition that the sanction of the Viceroy should be given. I think if we consider how deliberately the present Viceroy proceeded before he laid hands on Mr. Gandhi hon. Members will agree that there is not much chance of any hasty arrests under the Bill we are discussing, and therefore that objection seems to me to be a somewhat unreal one. I think there is every reason why this Bill should be accepted by the House. I join with my hon Friend opposite in urging that the hon. and gallant Member (Colonel Wedgwood) should withdraw his Motion, because it may go out to the people of India that the House of Commons is determined that the pledges given by its statesmen and rulers shall be honoured, and nothing could make a better impression in India than the message that this House was willing to support a Bill which would really be a redemption of solemn promises given in Treaty after Treaty and Proclamation after Proclamation. We have to honour our bond, and in doing that we shall re-establish that confidence in the integrity and honour of British statesmen which has been somewhat eclipsed in recent years.
7.0 P.M.
We have had some eight or nine speeches from all quarters of the House on this Motion, and there- fore I think this is an appropriate moment for me to intervene. May I say at the outset that I do not wholly agree with the hon. Gentleman the Member for Derby (Mr. C. Roberts), whose speech I listened to with very great interest, who said that on this occasion, as on many previous occasions, the House is not taking a very great interest in Indian subjects. On the contrary, I think there is a gratifying interest being taken in this Debate, and the speeches delivered have been of great value and importance. This is the first occasion during the present Parliament that the affairs of India have come under review in this House, and I am very grateful indeed to the hon. and gallant Member (Colonel Wedgwood) for the opportunity which he has given me this afternoon. But I am afraid I am not grateful to him for anything else which he said in his speech. I should like the House to realise what is the effect of the action taken by the hon. and gallant Gentleman in moving his Motion this afternoon. I suppose every well-disposed person in this country—not only, I hope, practically every hon. Member of this House—is anxious to see removed the mist—I will not call it a fog, because it is not so thick as a fog—of slight doubt and misunderstanding between this House and the Legislative Assembly in India—doubt which arises in the case of some Members of this House as to the good intentions towards the Empire as a whole of Indian non-official members; doubt which has arisen equally, I think, among some members of the Assembly in India, as to the intention of Parliament to fulfil the pledge contained in the Act passed in 1919. I believe that on both sides this is a misapprehension which is unfounded, and I hope the cleansing wind of a closer understanding will sweep those mists away. I think the hon. and gallant Gentleman who moved the Motion shares in that hope. At any rate, I have heard him express his interest in and desire to help the new Legislative Assembly in India. I do not think he has done very much by his speech this afternoon to lighten the atmosphere. What, in fact, has he done? He calls attention, by his Motion, to an action by the Viceroy which was the result, as I think, of an injudicious decision of the Assembly.
The House of Commons, this afternoon, so world-famous, so powerful, so rich in tradition, is to be asked, in effect, to support a Legislative body, virile and enthusiastic certainly, but essentially youthful and as yet inexperienced, against the head of its Government in a matter of grave constitutional moment. I do not think it is an action that is going to help matters. It is not a matter in which Parliament ought to interfere at all, though it has an undoubted right to do so; and, if it does interfere, it should not be in the direction of giving the bad advice which the hon. and gallant Gentle-suggests. What are the facts? My task in going over them has been greatly lightened by the admirable expositions which we have had, not merely from hon. Gentlemen speaking on this side of the House, but from hon. Members opposite and, in fact, from representatives of all parties in this House, except one. Let me, in the first place, very shortly give the Government's reasons why this Act is necessary. I use the word "Act" advisedly, because it is an Act, though it does not actually operate until the Royal Assent is given. My Noble Friend is not going to ask for the Royal Assent until this Motion, which we are now discussing, has been disposed of. I need not go at length into that, because the reasons for the Act are very clearly brought out in the Command Paper. It should be remembered, in the first place, that the Viceroy is in a position of particular responsibility in relation to the feudatory Princes and Rulers as the representative of His Majesty in India. He is bound to see that the treaties and obligations entered into by himself or his predecessors on behalf of the Crown are rigidly observed. As the House is aware, the Princes place much reliance upon the fact that they have at all times direct access to the Viceroy and, through the Viceroy, to the Crown, under whose suzerainty they are. Therefore, the Viceroy's duties in this respect are in a sense, distinct from, though not in conflict with, his duties as Governor-General of British India. No one would deny, I think, that that is the constitutional position. As is very clearly brought out in the White Paper, and especially in the report of the speech made by Mr. Thompson in the Council of State, these pledges fall into three classes. I am going to deal later on with the attack which the hon. and gallant Gentleman thought fit to make on Mr. Thompson.
May I say, with the greatest emphasis, that there are treaty engagements which have been concluded with the States? There are distinct pledges which have been given to the States. Some of them take the form of actual treaty engagements made with the States; others are contained in Proclamations made by the Sovereign from time to time in India. Thirdly, there are pledges which are contained in the speeches made by His Excellency the present Viceroy, on different occasions, and by his predecessors, when the giving of protection to the Princes has come up. I think it necessary to go for a moment into the question of the nature of those pledges, because the hon. and gallant Gentleman, to my amazement, speaking with responsibility as a Whip of the Labour party and having a seat on the Front Bench, appeared to make light of the provisions of those pledges. He referred in almost—if he will pardon the term, it is not intended to be offensive—sneering terms to one or other of those pledges. The question is not whether the hon. and gallant Gentleman or even the House disagrees with the wording of these pledges, but that these pledges have be given in the most solemn way.
They have nothing whatever to do with the Bill before this House.
That is not the point. I was dealing with the hon. and gallant Gentleman's sneer at the pledges. Let me quote one, to see whether that criterion applies to all of them. This is an engagement made many years ago it is true, but not the less binding because of that. It is in the White Paper, on page 63, and it was quoted by either Sir Wm. Vincent or by Mr. Thompson. The pledge was given, it is true, many years ago, by the British Government to the Maharajah of Jodhpur— honour and reputation of the Maharajah by a subject of British India is not to be punished by law, and is it suggested that that particular Treaty is not a most binding pledge on the Government of India to pass this Bill? I could give many other examples, which are quoted in the White Paper. There is an example of the second form of pledge, given on page 63 of the White Paper, in a speech of Mr. Thompson. The words are taken from the great Proclamation of Queen Victoria, in 1858:
Throughout my remarks I wish to refrain, as far as it is possible to do, from criticising the action of the Assembly. I shall only criticise that action in so far as it is necessary to build up the case I am trying to present to the House. I do not think it can be suggested, as it was by some speakers in the Assembly, that the House never had any clear notification of the Viceroy's intention to proceed. Nothing could be clearer than those words. I do not think that the hon. and gallant Gentleman, the Mover, was quite clear in his own mind as to what the operation of the Act is. It has nothing whatever to do with attacks made in the States themselves against the Princes. The Princes can deal with those under their own law. The hon. and gallant Gentleman devoted the first portion of his speech to a criticism of the administration of the States themselves. We are not really concerned with that in this Motion. We are concerned with the action of people in British India who attempt to cause disaffection against the rulers. All that the Act does is to ensure that the Princes and rulers of the Indian States are not attacked in British India in a manner which, if the attack were directed against the British Government, that Government would be able to penalise, and which the penal laws of the State would, in many cases, punish if the attacks were made against the British Government. The fact was brought out very clearly in one of the speeches made this afternoon, that we have power in British India to punish similar attacks directed against the Government there. Now I come to what I think is the gist of the whole affair. There may be some in this House who, while accepting the position that we are bound in honour to protect the rulers of Indian States against seditious attacks, still consider that the ordinary law of libel should suffice for the purpose. I do not think it can really be seriously suggested that if an Indian ruler in Northern India is attacked, say, for example, by a Madras newspaper in the scandalous and scurrilous way rulers have been attacked in some little miserable local rag in Southern India, he should be compelled to journey the whole distance from Northern India in order to give evidence in a Court of Law against a man who possibly is only the tool of others. My point is that, even if it were practicable for the Prince in the imaginary case I have mentioned to take the journey, we are bound up to the hilt by pledges and proclamations, and by the speeches of our representatives, to afford protection to these Princes, and being so bound we are also bound to provide means by which a person guilty of spreading sedition and disaffection can be prosecuted without the rulers attacked having recourse to the Law Courts. That would involve that we should be able to proceed against the offender without the ruler of the State having to go into Court to give evidence.
I will not trouble the House by giving instances of the sort of attacks which have been made and examples of which can be found in the White Paper. I will refer to only one which was quoted by the hon. and gallant Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme in his speech. He was endeavouring to prove that these attacks were not of a very serious nature, and he quoted one which had been mentioned in a speech by Mr. Thompson in the Council of State, in which warning was given to I am sure will not agree with his view, and I therefore accept the issue he has raised, and shall venture to ask the House to vote against his Resolution on that score as well as on others.
The Viceroy, in his despatch, shows that during the year which ended in May, 1922, alone, 23 personal attacks of the kind were made in British India on ruling princes. During a great part of that time the previous Act was in operation, and that Act, although it did carry penalties for infringing the Law of Sedition, clearly was not sufficient to prevent these attacks being made. What would be the result in British India if this Act were not passed and if there were not any fresh law under which the Princes could be protected? I submit that the abusive attacks would surpass anything that had been published hitherto. I quite admit that many of these attacks are couched in terms so absurdly abusive that in this country they would have had little effect, but in India the population is more easily influenced and the attacks might much more easily lead to the gravest consequences and might even endanger the lives of the rulers against whom they are directed. Attacks of this kind, which might be laughed at in this country—although I do not believe they would be, in India might have grievous effects, and under such circumstances I cannot think that any but a small minority of hon. Gentlemen can take any other view than that the Viceroy was amply justified in the action he took.
It is very regrettable when one has at this time of day to pass an Act which, in effect, strengthens the law in regard to sedition, because such as Act always renders the Government liable to accusations, however false, of endeavouring to stifle legitimate criticism. But it would be cowardly to refuse to face the issue on that line. In connection with legitimate criticism, may I say one word on the question of penalties. The hon. and gallant Gentleman and his supporters spoke as if necessarily under the Act everyone who was prosecuted was going to be subjected to five years' imprisonment. It is a very common trick by speakers who are endeavouring to prove a bad case to always quote the maximum penalty. It is a kind of trick which succeeds only with a new House of Commons. The hon. and gallant Member was singularly unfortunate in the efforts he made to state the facts, and in this case he quoted the maximum and not the minimum, and if the Act is put into operation the maximum penalty, in many cases, will not be imposed. What are the safeguards for legitimate criticism under this Act? It has been pointed out clearly by nearly all the previous speakers, except those on the Labour Benches, that in the first place this Act contains, in Sub-section (2) of Clause 3, a qualification of Sub-section (1), which takes away from the whole Clause any suspicion that it is intended to stifle legitimate criticism. The hon. and gallant Gentleman, who was quoting this in a very rhetorical period of his speech, laid great emphasis on the first Sub-section of the Clause in question, and somewhat reluctantly, when I requested him to do so, quoted the second Sub-section, and then he endeavoured to prove that it did not in any way qualify the first Sub-section. Of course it does so qualify it, for it reads: to the full Council—as it almost certainly would—no order would be passed without the personal knowledge and concurrence of the Governor-General. I am glad no one, except perhaps the hon. Member for North Battersea, whose speech was mainly directed to attacking the whole system, suggested that any Viceroy would be likely to in any way fail to act up to his responsibility in this matter to consider carefully the fact for and against prosecution. So much for the reasons for the Act.
In conclusion, I should like to say a word as to the action of the Viceroy which has been attacked. I am glad that, with the single exception of the hon. Member for North Battersea, everyone has refrained from any criticism which could in any sense be considered to suggest improper action on the part of the Viceroy himself. What was the action he took? A Motion for leave to introduce the Bill was put forward in the Assembly in September last. After speeches by the Viceroy at the opening of the Legislature in September and by Sir William Vincent in this particular Debate which had made it clear that they considered they were in honour bound to introduce the Bill in order to fulfil their treaty and other obligations, the Assembly took what I venture to characterise as a grave and most extraordinary step in refusing leave to introduce the Bill. Attempts were made by certain leaders of the Assembly to come to an agreement with the Viceroy, but they failed for the reason, as the Viceroy explained, that no agreement could be effected, and the Viceroy then, after taking the views of his Council, used his power under Section (67B) of the Government of India Act. What are those powers? They are clearly set out in the section, and they were put into the Act of Parliament to be used. It would be out of Order here to discuss the reason why they were put in, but, at any rate, they were recommended by the Joint Committee of this House with another place and they gave a power which certainly it was intended by Parliament at the time should be exercised if necessary. The hon. Member for Taunton (Mr. Hope Simpson) asked me in that connection whether the Government of India, or my Noble Friend the Secretary of State, had taken legal advice as to whether Sub-section 1 of this Clause did cover that particular action. The words, I think, to which the hon. Member referred are these:
No one will deny, or at any rate I hope not, after the explanation I have given, that the Viceroy had the legal power to enact the Act as he did. This Motion is, in effect, a Vote of Censure on him for abusing his powers, and also on the Secretary of State for approving of his action, and I am bound to say that I have not heard any argument which would justify the House in accepting that Vote of Censure. The hon. and gallant Gentleman made a good deal of the fact that the Committee which was originally appointed to inquire into the working of the 1910 Press Act did not find that protection for the Princes was necessary; but, as the Viceroy very clearly points out in his despatch, that finding was not a finding that no protection was required, but merely that the evidence before the Committee did not show that such protection was necessary; and, as was pointed out by Sir William Vincent, who was himself a member of the Committee, when he spoke in the Assembly, further evidence, which was not available at the time the Committee sat, came to the knowledge of the Government of India after the Committee had made their recommendations, clearly showing that such protection was necessary, and I have quoted some of the reasons. It has also been pointed out during the Debate—the hon. and gallant Gentleman himself was out of the House at the time and may not have heard the correction—that his statement was incorrect that the Council of State has a nominated official majority. It has nothing of the kind. It has 33 elected members and 27 nominated members, of whom not more than 19 are official.
I accept that correction. I did not know the exact figures, and I have no doubt that those given by the Noble Lord are correct; but, of the 33 elected members, many are elected from European constituencies or by chambers of commerce.
I do not wish to be led into a, personal controversy on the matter, but I am sure that any hon. Members who were in the House at the time will agree that that was not what the hon. and gallant Gentleman said. He suggested that the Council of State was a subservient, almost servile, body, which would accept anything that was put before it. That certainly was the impression that his speech gave me, though I hope I am wrong in that impression. What the hon. and gallant Gentleman certainly did say was that the Council of State has an official nominated majority. I say it has nothing of the kind, but has 33 elected members. If the hon. and gallant Gentleman is going to tell us that a European member of the Council, elected by a popular vote in a European constituency, is merely a nominee of the Government, I repudiate it with the greatest warmth and emphasis. They are just as free as any hon. Member of this House. Just as it would be out of Order to suggest that any hon. Member of this House was actuated by such a motive, so it is most unfair to make such an attack upon the Council of State, and to suggest that they are in that way in the pocket of the Government. I now come to the most painful portion of the hon. and gallant Gentleman's speech, in which he saw fit, speaking with all the authority that he has, to make an attack upon a distinguished Government servant in India, Mr. Thompson, who moved the First Reading of the Bill in the Council of State. It has already been very well pointed out by the hon. Member for Derby (Mr. C. Roberts) that it is unusual, or at any rate used to be unusual, to attack a civil servant who could not answer. The hon. and gallant Gentleman answered that point by saying that it had been the rule before the Civil Service occupied the position in India of being the spokesmen of the Government in the Legislative Assembly. I do not believe, however, that had Mr. Thompson been a Member of this House instead of the Council of State, the hon. and gallant Gentleman would have been allowed by you, Mr. Speaker, to make the personal attack, imputing motives, that he did; and I am certain that if the hon. and gallant Gentleman had been a member of the Council of State in India, not only would he not have been allowed by the President to make the sort of attack that he has made on Mr. Thompson this afternoon, but that Mr. Thompson would have given him an answer that he would have remembered for quite a long time. Mr. Thompson has had a very distinguished career in India, but the hon. and gallant Gentleman thought it right, in referring to him, to bring in a wholly irrelevant reference to his connection with the occurrences in the Punjab some years ago, stating, I think, that Mr. Thompson was the power behind the Throne there just as he is the power behind the Government of India to-day. I am not prepared to follow the hon. and gallant Gentleman over that period of past history, but it is obvious that he only made that reference in order to create prejudice against Mr. Thompson, and I repudiate as strongly as I can the suggestions he has made that this servant of the Government of India did anything but his duty to his Government and his duty as a member of the Council of State. His speech, which is given at length in the White Paper, is one which I have no hesitation in describing as most statesmanlike in character. Mr. Thompson has behind him a very fine record of service to India and the Empire, and I profoundly regret that the hon. and gallant Gentleman should have said that about him.
I have carefully refrained from criticism of the action of the Assembly in refusing to agree to the introduction of the Bill, except in so far as I have had to do so in order to prove my case for the rejection of this Motion. I regard it as an unforunate episode in the short but honourable and useful career of that body. I regret the action they have taken in refusing protection to the Princes against attempts to blackmail and insult them in British India—because it is blackmail, as has already been pointed out. In conclusion, I should like to ask the House one question. Apart from our pledges to these rulers, and our Treaties with them, what have these same Princes done to merit our regard? I feel that it is necessary that, as Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, representing the Secretary of State in this House, I should say a word on that subject, because I have never listened to a speech, at any rate, from the Front Bench, more critical of any body of men than that which the hon. and gallant Gentleman made this afternoon, with the assent and cheers of those behind him, in regard to the Princes and hereditary rulers of India. I think it is necessary that the point of view of others besides the hon. and gallant Gentleman—the point of view of the Government, and, as I believe, of the vast majority of people in this country and in India—on that subject should be put to the House. What did they do? What has been their record? The majority of them have been our firm friends in dark times and in good times. During the very worst days of the War they not only gave to the common cause troops, horses, munitions, money, aid of every kind, lavishly and of their own volition, but they themselves and their sons served in person in France and elsewhere.
The hon. and gallant Gentleman made a point against these men which I really thought was somewhat unworthy of him. He said, "Yes, they have sent their men to fight in France, but what did they do themselves? Not a single one of them was wounded." Perhaps he is unaware of the fact that many of them served, not merely as soldiers, but actually in the front trenches. At least one of the ruling Princes served in the front trenches. Many of them were over age and could not so serve. Many members of their families who served with the Forces were killed, including the son of Maharajah Sir Pertab Singh. What would be the feeling of these men if any of them should hear of the kind of argument that the hon. and gallant Gentleman has used this afternoon? I do not mind his using actual trench fighting in the War as a criterion. I am very glad to hear him use that criterion, and I know that he himself has a splendid record in that respect. He served splendidly in the War himself, and I hope he will apply that criterion in everything.
I really think the Noble Lord is overdrawing the point that I made. It was quite a clear point, and the whole House recognised it at the time. It was that we must not only consider the Princes who helped in the War, but their men who helped in the War also, and for whose interests we are responsible; and that, if they were oppressed, we ought to take no steps which should prevent that oppression being made public in their interests.
I am well aware that the hon. and gallant Gentleman said that, and I was coming to it in a moment. That, if I may say so, is a perfectly clear representation of what he said. But I think he cannot deny, indeed it was patent to everyone, that he made an attack on these rulers on the score that their war service was not real; and I should be a poor sort of Minister if I allowed that charge to be made without replying to it with the greatest possible emphasis and warmth. I say definitely that it is not true. I myself served in Palestine in a brigade one unit of which was formed from Imperial Service troops, and I myself know that the Maharajah from whose State they came took a most honourable part in the War. As regards the hon. and gallant Gentleman's other point, he said that the mere fact that they gave us good service in the War is no reason for giving them protection to which they are not entitled. I agree, but my point is that they are entitled to it.
Why drag that in?
I drag it in because the hon. and gallant Gentleman himself used it in this Debate. He used the argument that those who really did the gallant service were the men. I am not going to draw invidious comparisons between them and the rulers, because they all did gallant service; but there is nothing in the Act which is going to do any harm to their interests. Does the hon. and gallant Gentleman suppose that the private soldiers who served in the Bikanir Camel Corps, who were comrades of mine in my brigade, will like to see their beloved Maharajah attacked by the little guttersnipes of the Press in British India? Of course not; and if left to themselves they would have a very effective way of dealing with them. The one thing which they would desire is to see their rulers protected from attacks of this kind which have been made upon them. The House would indeed do an ill-service to the Empire if it accepted this Motion. I hope its rejection will be carried by a large majority. That will be a proof, if indeed proof be needed, of the respect and admiration with which the Indian Princes of His Majesty the King Emperor are regarded in this country.
The Under-Secretary for India is a very able debater, and he has drawn the House off what really is the main issue. The main issue is not even the merits of the legislation which we are discussing. It is the wisdom or otherwise of over-riding the decision of the legislative assembly of India. I gathered from one phrase that the Noble Lord used that this Government, like its predecessor, regards the new Constitution which we gave to India as the inauguration of constitutional Government and as an intermediate step from the absolute Government of our people in India in the past to a condition of self-government for the Indian people in the future. That, of course, would not be accepted by certain hon. Members in this House, but I gather from what the Noble Lord has said it is still the view of His Majesty's Government. The question which is really at issue is this. India is watching the experiment which is being made, and there are two sections of native opinion in India. There is one section which regards the Constitution we have given to India with real hope that it is going to lead eventually to political freedom. That is, I believe, the official view of the Government. It is certainly the view of the Opposition here, and it is the view of a large part of the people of India. But there is another section of opinion in India which has to be regarded in these days of unrest which says all this constitutional offer to India is a sham. It is dictated by fear on the part of the British, and they do not really mean it. It is in the light of its effect upon opinion in India that we wish this question to be judged. What has happened? For two years there have been all these new Indian assemblies. I am not quite certain whether this is the first time the Indian Assembly has voted on a Measure hostilely to the Government. I believe there was one other occasion, but I am not sure. At any rate, this is the first notorious occasion on which the Indian Assembly has voted against the Government. A great deal has been made of the very small majority. It is said it is only 45 to 41. Surely in Parliaments we do not count by the size of majorities? The time may come when this Government will be very glad of a small majority.
The point is that the Assembly expressed its view against the Government of India. The question is whether it was statesmanship at once to turn round on the Assembly and say, "We will use these full powers which we are given." We are not challenging the powers. It would not be in order to challenge the powers. We are not wanting to challenge the powers. We are agreeing with them. We are only saying it was an unwise use of these powers. The powers were surely given for a great emergency, because if they are to be used every day on comparatively small questions where does the self-government of India go to? That is the real issue. I quite agree that it has some relevance to the question whether this Press Act is very necessary, but, after all, even if the Government are right it is a comparatively thin case—I say comparatively thin because, after all, the Committee which is set up by the Government cannot find enough evidence to return any verdict except that this legislation is absolutely unnecessary. And even if the Government after a few months find a different verdict, that there is some necessity for it, all I say is that if you are going to use this tremendous weapon against the Indian Assembly it is a very small thing you have used it for. The margin is so fine on the main question which the House has to decide. On the one side you have the apparent desire of the Princes, you have the opinion of only three out of eight of the great Governments which we control. On the other side you have the elected Chamber of the Indian people, and you have on their side three out of eight of the British Governments, and two are neutral. There is not much to choose. What you are doing when you have that nice balance is practically to inform the Indian people that the self-government which you offered them is a sham, because the moment they do a thing which the Governor-General does not like he comes down with his full force just as if the Indian Raj were in danger.
I could not allow the statement to go out that this is the first occasion on which the Assembly has by vote taken action hostile to the Government. It has happened on many occasions. They passed a Resolution commenting upon the action of the late Prime Minister, and they have taken action upon the Estimates.
That is not legislation. This is, I believe, the second occasion on which they have taken legislative action against the Government. However that may be, I still maintain that the Indian Government have been very unwise in using these extraordinarily great powers in a case where the balance was so evenly divided as it was on this occasion.
May I congratulate the Under-Secretary on the very able speech he has just made and the spirit in which he has defended the character of the great Indian Chiefs and ruling Princes. I have spent the best part of my life in Rajpootana and Central India and I have the greatest affection and respect for them. They are writing to me and I am writing to them. I fully appreciate their feelings, and it was with the greatest indignation and the most violent resentment that I had to sit still and listen to-day to the most uncalled for attacks upon them made by the hon. and gallant Gentleman who moved the Resolution. I never heard a speech which showed such utter and absolute ignorance of the facts of the case. Not only did the hon. and gallant Gentleman attack the chiefs but he also attacked Mr. Thompson, an admirable servant of the Government, whom I was glad to hear the Under-Secretary so ably defend. I have looked through the speeches in the Legislative Council on this occasion. We had various reports in the English papers on that. In one of them there was a telegram which read as follows:
"As is his wont, Mr. Thompson in introducing the Measure before the Legislative Council said what he conceived to be the bare truth, and the Council was subsequently afforded the amazing spectacle of Sir William Vincent, the chief exponent of Government procedure and defender of the conciliatory policy of the past five years, engaged in wrathfully rebuking his colleague in public."
Another telegram says:
"Sir William Vincent's speech was remarkable for a perfect exemplification of the weakness and the unconstitutional attitude which are responsible for so many of the Indian Government's difficulties."
The weakness of Sir William Vincent is notorious, and the invariable habit of the Indian Government of sacrificing their friends in trying to placate their enemies has made many difficulties throughout India. I congratulate the Under-Secretary.
I have intervened at this late stage of the Debate to make a point which has not been made before. It is more of an appeal to the Mover of the Motion than anything else. We are constantly saying in this House of Commons that with regard to foreign affairs we ought not to consider the party point of view. I think with regard to Imperial affairs we ought to adopt the same wholesome rule. My hon. Friends above the Gangway are the second largest elected party in the country, and there is no reason to suppose that within a reasonable number of years they may not quite possibly be sitting on the other side of the House. I should like them to consider that as a possibility. I want them to ask themselves if, in putting forward a Motion of this kind, they are acting with the caution which their position of being the second largest party in the country ought to impress upon them. I should like to ask if certain action may not quite possibly create a precedent which may embarrass them in the future in the carrying on of the Government of the country? After all, if you look at the merits of the question—and that is really what my hon. Friends ought to look at—this is a perfectly proper Bill. No one can possibly contend that it is an improper use of the powers of Government to bring in a Bill to limit the activities of the scurrilous part of the Press. I should be perfectly prepared, if the Press in this country degenerated into the kind of despicable attack which has been prevalent in India, to support a Bill to control the Press here. Attacks of this kind, either upon Ministers, upon Members or anybody else, ought to be dealt with.
8.0 P.M.
The points that were made by the Mover and Seconder of the Motion were that this Act would operate as a handicap on the expression of sincere opinion. Surely, sincere opinion can be expressed with moderation. Writers in the Press have a duty towards society. I do not think, if I may say so with all respect to the Under-Secretary, that the defence of this Act rests upon pledges and treaties. In regard to these, for what my opinion is worth, I am rather inclined to agree with the Mover of the Motion that they were never meant to apply to this kind of thing at all. They seem to me to apply far more to action by an outside hostile State. I can only see one of them which could have been intended to cover the case of calumny, and that is one where it says:
I ask my hon. and gallant Friend not to withdraw the Motion. The arguments against the Motion appear to be that you must give power to the Government of India to prosecuting people for preaching sedition or attacking the Princes in British India. The defence all the time has been that the Viceroy will have to sanction a prosecution. In this House I had some experience of the present Viceroy of India. He ordered a prosecution of a Labour leader in this country for circulating a most inoffensive pamphlet, which if it had been followed by the working people of this country would have prevented the last War, an eventuality which I should have been very glad to see. This attempt to stifle public opinion, or to prevent people saying what they think of princes or kings, has never really achieved its object.
In our own country, the Radicals, who preceded the last spokesman and his friends—the real Radicals who founded the party which hon. Members below the Gangway always honour by abusing all the principles for which they stood, attacked the monarchy of this country very much worse than anything in the document that has been quoted to-night. If hon. Members do not believe me, let them turn to "Reynolds Newspaper" for the years 1860–1880. The writers in that newspaper pictured royalty in this country in what would be considered a much more disgraceful manner than anything that has been quoted in the White Paper. That was allowed to go on. No one interfered, and the extraordinary thing—not that I approved of it; I do not want to be taken as approving of it—has been that the monarchy in this country which, when I was a boy, people thought could not possibly last a generation, has become rather more firmly fixed than ever. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] Yes, but why is that so? It is simply because you allowed people to say what they like, simply because you refused to use the power of suppressing free speech and a free Press. I am certain that the only way to make any person popular is to first persecute or prosecute him. The more personal attacks that are made upon Members on these benches, the stronger we shall become.
If you attempt to put down in India free criticism of the ruling Princes, you will defeat the object you have in view. I do not need to go back to ancient history to prove that statement. The history of my own lifetime proves it. The history of this House during the last 50 years proves it. There are men as old as I am who have sat in this House many years longer than I have, who must have heard exactly the same kind of speech in regard to Ireland and other places that we have heard to-night from the Under-Secretary in regard to India, namely, that you must have this extraordinary kind of legislation in order to defend the sort of thing you want to do in India. I am not sure whether this legislation is needed simply to put down scandal. [HON. MEMBERS: "Divide!"] If hon. Members opposite think that they will stop me by interruptions, I may tell them that I am much too old for that. In the end, you have had to concede to Ireland everything that people speaking from the Treasury Box said never could be conceded. [HON. MEMBERS: "What has been the result?"] The result that we see to-day is because the concession was delayed too long, and in the end you did not do it as graciously as you might have done. I do not want to drag in Ireland; I want to stick to the subject of India. You have given India the beginning of self-government. If I had had the honour of being a Member of this House when the Government of India Act was passed, I should have welcomed it. Small and miserably mean though it was, I would have welcomed it as the first step. It was a fine thing that the Press Act was repealed afterwards, so far as British India was concerned. I know how the Press Act was administered. People say that the Viceroy will not do this and will not do the other, but the Viceroy is pushed along by his officials, and I know that during the operation of the Press Act a woman like Mrs. Besant was punished and put into prison, although she was one of the most determined defenders of the British connection in the world. If that is so, it is a pity that you should now put the power into the hands of one man to pass legislation
of this kind against the opinion of the Indian Legislature, and ask the House of Commons to sanction it.
If it is a mere question of scandal there ought to be a special Act about it, but if it is sedition I am certain that coercive legislation will defeat you in the end. One hon. Member spoke about journalism and he said that certain journals lived on blackmail. I am astonished that we should discuss that subject as though it were something that only happened in India. No man in this House has been more violently attacked in the Press than I have been, but I have never cared two-pence about it.
"They say. What do they say? Let them say!"
is a very good motto for any man in public life, and I should have thought that the Princes of India would never have dreamed that it was worth while to have special legislation to protect them from newspapers with a circulation of 500. If it had been to put down some big newspaper circulating by the million one could have understood it, although I should have been against it then. You defeat your own case when you tell us that this sort of legislation is necessary in order to deal with a newspaper with a circulation of 500. It is perfectly ridiculous to set up all this machinery in a case like that. No one has attempted to answer the statement of the hon. Member for North Battersea (Mr. Saklatvala). No one has attempted to answer the statement that the people of India number 300,000,000, and that one man has the right to say, and this House is going to back him up in that right, that this kind of legislation shall be imposed upon them. We talk about democracy and what we are giving to the people of India. One of these days they will take it, and not ask for it.
Question put,
"That an humble Address be presented to His Majesty praying that he withhold his assent to the Indian States (Protection against Disaffection) Act, 1922."
The House divided: Ayes, 120; Noes, 279.
Division No. 13.] AYES. [8.15 p.m. Adams, D. Batey, Joseph Buxton, Charles (Accrington) Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Bromfield, William Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, North) Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock) Brotherton, J. Cairns, John Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro') Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Charleton, H. C. Attlee, C. R. Buchanan, G. Collison, Levi Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Buckle, J. Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale) Barnes, A. Burgess, S. Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton) Duffy, T. Gavan Lansbury, George Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) Duncan, C. Lawson, John James Smith, T. (Pontefract) Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Lee, F. Snell, Harry Foot, Isaac Lees-Smith, H. B. (Keighley) Snowden, Philip Gosling, Harry Lowth, T. Stephen, Campbell Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central) M'Entee, V. L. Stewart, J. (St. Rollox) Greenall, T. Maclean, Nell (Glasgow, Govan) Sullivan, J. Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan) March, S. Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Maxton, James Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow) Groves, T. Middleton, G. Tillett, Benjamin Grundy, T. W. Morel, E. D. Trevelyan, C. P. Guest, J. (York, W. R., Hemsworth) Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.) Turner, Ben Hall, F. (York. W.R., Normanton) Muir, John W. Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince) Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil) Murnin, H. Warne, G. H. Hancock, John George Murray, R. (Renfrew, Western) Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline) Hardie, George D. Nichol, Robert Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda) Hastings, Patrick O'Grady, Captain James Wedgwood, Colonel Josiah C. Hay, Captain J. P. (Cathcart) Oliver, George Harold Weir, L. M. Hemmerde, E. G. Paling, W. Welsh, J. C. Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (N'castle, E.) Parker, H. (Hanley) Westwood, J. Henderson, T. (Glasgow) Ponsonby, Arthur Wheatley, J. Herriotts, J. Potts, John S. Whiteley, W. Hill, A. Pringle, W. M. R. Wignall, James Hirst, G. H. Richards, R. Williams, David (Swansea, E.) Hodge, Lieut.-Col. J. P. (Preston) Riley, Ben Williams, Dr. J. H. (Llanelly) Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath) Ritson, J. Williams, T. (York, Don Valley) John, William (Rhondda, West) Robertson, J. (Lanark, Bothwell) Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe) Johnston, Thomas (Stirling) Robinson, W. C. (York, Elland) Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow) Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown) Rose, Frank H. Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly) Royce, William Stapleton Wright, W. Jones, R. T. (Carnarvon) Saklatvala, S. Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd) Salter, Dr. A. Jowett, F. W. (Bradford, East) Scrymgeour, E. TELLERS FOR THE AYES .—.— Kirkwood, D. Shinwell, Emanuel Mr. Ammon and Mr. Lunn.
NOES. Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Clarke, Sir E. C. Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Ainsworth, Captain Charles Clarry, Reginald George Fraser, Major Sir Keith Alexander, E. E. (Leyton, East) Clayton, G. C. Furness, G. J. Alexander, Col. M. (Southwark) Cobb, Sir Cyril Galbraith, J. F. W. Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S. Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Ganzoni, Sir John Apsley, Lord Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Gardiner, James Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Gaunt, Rear-Admiral Sir Guy R. Ashley, Lt.-Col. Wilfrid W. Conway, Sir W. Martin George, Major G. L. (Pembroke) Astbury, Lieut.-Com. Frederick W. Cope, Major William Goff, Sir R. Park Astor, J. J. (Kent, Dover) Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South) Gray, Harold (Cambridge) Astor, Viscountess Craig, Captain C. C. (Antrim, South) Greaves-Lord, Walter Balfour, George (Hampstead) Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Grenfell, Edward C. (City of London) Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G. Croft, Lieut.-Colonel Henry Page Gretton, Colonel John Banks, Mitchell Crook, C. W. (East Ham, North) Guest, Hon. C. H. (Bristol, N.) Barlow, Rt. Hon. Sir Montague Crooke, J. S. (Deritend) Gwynne, Rupert S. Barnett, Major Richard W. Curzon, Captain Viscount Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Barnston, Major Harry Darbishire, C. W. Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Barrie, Sir Charles Coupar (Banff) Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead) Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W. (Liv'p'l, W. D'by) Becker, Harry Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. Halstead, Major D. Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln) Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Davies, David (Montgomery) Harney, E. A. Bennett, Sir T. J. (Sevenoaks) Davies, J. C. (Denbigh, Denbigh) Harrison, F. C. Berkeley, Captain Reginald Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Harvey, Major S. E. Berry, Sir George Dawson, Sir Philip Hawke, John Anthony Betterton, Henry B. Dixon, C. H. (Rutland) Hay, Major T. W. (Norfolk, South) Birchall, Major J. Dearman Doyle, N. Grattan Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Blundell, F. N. Dudgeon, Major C. R. Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W. Du Pre, Colonel William Baring Herbert, S. (Scarborough) Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Edge, Captain Sir William Hewett, Sir J. P. Brass, Captain W. Edmondson, Major A. J. Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank Brassey, Sir Leonard Ednam, Viscount Hiley, Sir Ernest Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Hinds, John Brown, Major D. C. (Hexham) Ellis, R. G. Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D.(St. Marylebone) Brown, Brig.-Gen. Clifton (Newbury) England, Lieut.-Colonel A. Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy Bruford, R. Erskine, James Malcolm Monteith Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Buckingham, Sir H. Erskine, Lord (Weston-super-Mare) Hood, Sir Joseph Buckley. Lieut.-Colonel A. Erskine-Bolst, Captain C. Hopkins, John W. W. Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Evans, Capt. H. Arthur (Leicester, E.) Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Burn, Colonel Sir Charles Rosdew Evans, Ernest (Cardigan) Howard, Capt. D. (Cumberland, N.) Burnie, Major J. (Bootle) Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Howard-Bury, Lieut.-Col. C. K. Butler, J. R. M. (Cambridge Univ.) Falcon, Captain Michael Hudson, Capt. A Cadogan, Major Edward Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Hunter-Weston, Lt.-Gen. Sir Aylmer Cautley, Henry Strother Fawkes, Major F. H. Hurd, Percy A. Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City) Fermor-Hesketh, Major T. Hutchison, G. A. C. (Midlothian, N.) Cecil, Rt. Hon. Sir Evelyn (Aston) Flanagan, W. H. Hutchison, Sir R. (Kirkcaldy) Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood) Ford, Patrick Johnston Hutchison, W. (Kelvingrove) Churchman, Sir Arthur Forestier-Walker, L. Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H. Jarrett, G. W. S. Oman, Sir Charles William C. Somerville, A. A. (Windsor) Jenkins, W. A. (Brecon and Radnor) Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Somerville, Daniel (Barrow-in-Furness) Jephcott, A. R. Paget, T. G. Sparkes, H. W. Johnson, Sir L. (Walthamstow, E.) Parker, Owen (Kettering) Spender-Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H. Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington) Pattinson, S. (Horncastle) Stanley, Lord Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Penny, Frederick George Steel, Major S. Strang Joynson-Hicks, Sir William Perkins, Colonel E. K. Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K. Kennedy, Captain M. S. Nigel Peto, Basil E. Stewart, Gershom (Wirral) King, Captain Henry Douglas Philipson, H. H. Stockton, Sir Edwin Forsyth Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement Pielou, D. P. Stott, Lt.-Col. W. H. Lamb, J. Q. Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Stuart, Lord C. Crichton- Lambert, Rt. Hon. George Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Sturrock, J. Leng Lane-Fox, Lieut.-Colonel G. R. Price, E. G. Sugden, Sir Wilfrid H. Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.) Privett, F. J. Sutcliffe, T. Lloyd, Cyril E. (Dudley) Raine, W. Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley) Lloyd-Greame, Rt. Hon. Sir P. Rankin, Captain James Stuart Thomson, Luke (Sunderland) Lorden, John William Reid, Capt. A. S. C. (Warrington) Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Lorimer, H. D. Remer, J. R. Thornton, M. Lort-Williams, J. Remnant, Sir James Titchfield, Marquess of Lougher, L. Rentoul, G. S. Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement Loyd, Arthur Thomas (Abingdon) Reynolds, W. G. W. Tubbs, S. W. Lumley, L. R. Richardson, Sir Alex. (Gravesend) Turton, Edmund Russborough Macdonald, Sir Murdoch (Inverness) Richardson, Lt.-Col. Sir P. (Chertsey) Vaughan-Morgan, Col. K. P. Macnaghten, Hon. Sir Malcolm Roberts, C. H. (Derby) Wallace, Captain E. McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford) Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull) Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Robertson, J. D. (Islington, W.) Waring, Major Walter Maddocks, Henry Rothschild, Lionel de Warner, Sir T. Courtenay T. Makins, Brigadier-General E. Roundell, Colonel R. F. Watts, Dr. T. (Man., Withington) Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Ruggles-Brise, Major E. Wells, S. R. Marks, Sir George Croydon Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth) Weston, Colonel John Wakefield Mason, Lieut.-Col. C. K. Russell, William (Bolton) Wheler, Col. Granville C. H. Mercer, Colonel H. Russell-Wells, Sir Sydney White, Lt.-Col. G. D. (Southport) Milne, J. S. Wardlaw Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Whitla, Sir William Mitchell, W. F. (Saffron Walden) Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney) Willey, Arthur Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham) Sanders, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert A. Wilson, Col. M. J. (Richmond) Molson, Major John Elsdale Sanderson, Sir Frank B. Windsor, Viscount Morrison, Hugh (Wilts, Salisbury) Shaw, Hon. Alex. (Kilmarnock) Winterton, Earl Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. (Honiton) Sheffield, Sir Berkeley Wise, Frederick Murchison, C. K. Shepperson, E. W. Wolmer, Viscount Murray, Hon. A. C. (Aberdeen) Shipwright, Captain D. Wood, Rt. Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Nall, Major Joseph Simms, Dr. John M. (Co. Down) Wood, Major Sir S. Hill- (High Peak) Newman, Colonel J. R. P. (Finchley) Simpson, J. Hope Woodcock, Colonel H. C. Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Simpson-Hinchcliffe, W. A. Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward Newson, Sir Percy Wilson Sinclair, Sir A. Yerburgh, R. D. T. Newton, Sir D. G. C. (Cambridge) Singleton, J. E. Nicholson, Brig.-Gen. J. (Westminster) Skelton, A. N. TELLERS FOR THE NOES .—.— Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South) Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs.
Country Roads
I beg to move, roads. I can only hope to do my best and leave it to later speakers to make good any failure in my argument. We have to recognise that the rural road is a part of the essential machinery of the country. Our present road system is, in a sense, taxing that machinery unfairly. The farmer who rents a farm has to sign a lease whereby he guarantees to maintain his land in good condition during the whole of his tenancy. Yet the owners of motor vehicles are not called upon to give any such guarantee. I think that is very hard upon the farmer.
Hon. Members know that there is a Road Fund, which receives the proceeds of the taxation on motor vehicles. This money was formerly raised from the tax on petrol, motor and horse-drawn vehicles; but since 1st January, 1921, the petrol tax has been abolished and the tax on motor vehicles has been the main source of revenue. It is from this Road Fund that the Ministry of Transport assists local authorities in the maintenance and improvement of certain roads. This money amounts to about £11,000,000, and less than £9,000,000 is devoted to road grants, which, of course, includes bridges. In 1914, on the recommendation of the Departmental Committee on Local Taxation, the Minister of Transport, with the approval of the Treasury, made grants during the financial year 1921–22 of 50 per cent. of the approved cost of class I roads and bridges, and 25 per cent. of the approved cost of class II roads and bridges. Nothing was given to the rural roads. This classification was based on the amount and nature of through traffic as distinguished from local traffic. The farmers' roads were left without any grant, and in sparsely populated districts, where the highway rates were highest, the increasing heavy traffic of a non-local character is a burden upon the highway authorities. These highway authorities found it very difficult to continue to carry on even when they received the class I or the class II grants.
It may be of interest to hon. Members to know that in Great Britain the total expenses that the local authorities were called upon to pay were in 1914–15, £19,000,000; in 1919–20, £28,500,000; and in 1922–23 it is estimated that the total may come out somewhere between £50,000,000 and £60,000,000. This has nothing to do with the increased expenditure which will accrue on the new roads when they have been made. I want the House to consider the estimate of the expense as between roads suitable for horses and roads suitable for motor traffic. This is for a typical stretch of road, pre-War and post-War. In the pre-War days the estimate for a piece of road suitable for the traffic of pre-War times was £270 per mile. Post-War, the estimated cost is £960 per mile. This is not a classified road, but if it were classified it would mean an additional £240 grant. Added to the £270 which makes £510, leaves £450 increased cost upon the local ratepayer. In pre-War days it was seldom that in the country one came across heavy motor vehicles. But in the post-War days it is not an uncommon thing to find heavy commercial vehicles travelling on the roads in almost every part of the country. Hon. Members may sometimes be fortunate enough to come up behind such vehicles on rather narrow roads. The driver, generally, is aware that he is entitled to half the road, but, unfortunately, he prefers that half in the centre. I am not going to say that the farmers do not derive any benefit from the increased introduction of motor traffic, but I must say that the money which comes, much of it out of the rates, is spent mostly on the main roads, which is not altogether pleasing to the farmer. Let me read a letter, which I received yesterday, from a farmer in my own constituency. He says:
County rates?
Yes. The net cost of roads per mile was £185 in 1910, £204 in 1915, and £618 in 1922. The net cost of roads per head of population was 3s. 7½d. in 1910, 3s. 3d. in 1915, and 10s. 7½d. in 1922. When you consider that this is on a mileage of 152,409 miles in England and Wales, and in that mileage there are of Class I roads 18,032 miles, which is 11·8 per cent., and of Class II roads 11,340 miles, or 7·4 per cent., it will be seen that 20 per cent. only of these roads are classified, which means that there are 80 per cent. unclassified, and therefore not entitled to grants. Scotland is a little better off, but I will leave some of my hon. Friends from the north of the Tweed to deal with the situation in that country, contenting myself with pointing out that roads extending to about 120,000 miles out of 152,409 in England and Wales are entitled to no grant at all The reason given is that motors only use the main roads. We all know this is not a fact. Every day one can see heavy motors going about the country on various errands and using practically every road—even roads which are unfit for that class of traffic. If all roads are used in this way, then all should share in the motor tax instead of only 20 per cent. On the ground that users should pay for the road, the old toll gate system was a very good one, and, to say the least of it, was fair. I do not wish to trespass further on the time of the House, and therefore will not deal with the question of motor taxation in proportion to use, or with the question of giving encouragement to British industry by differentiating between British and foreign made motors. I will close by apologising for having occupied so much time; I fear I have but inadequately dealt with a very important subject, but I hope some measure of justice will be done to those whose very existence is at stake in connection with this matter, and I hope the Government and the House will see their way to accept this Motion.
I beg to second the Motion.
My hon. and gallant Friend the Mover of this Motion has covered the ground generally, and I wish to apply myself to the question more particularly from the point of view of the rural ratepayer. Not only the agriculturists, but all who pay rates in the country, are affected by this matter. The Mover of the Motion has explained to the House that roads are classified by the Roads Board as first class, second class, and unclassified roads. Those who pay rates in the country districts are more apt to look upon roads as falling into two classes, namely, the county council roads and the rural district council roads. This does not quite correspond to the Roads Board's grouping, but, roughly speaking, all the first-class roads are county council roads, and all the unclassified roads district council roads. The second-class roads are divided between the two, the greater part belonging to the sphere of the county councils. In the country districts the county councils get a considerable subvention, though in our opinion an insufficient one, whereas the district councils get practically no subvention at all, or the amount is so small as to be negligible in the case of many district councils.
My hon. and gallant Friend is making a very modest demand in this Motion, as far as county council rates are concerned, because a very good case could be made out in favour of the view that the whole cost of main roads—which are national thoroughfares—should be removed from the local rates. There is not only a great deal of fairness in this contention but there is good precedent for it. As regards fairness, anybody who has been along main roads will admit that mechanical transport has practically driven every other form of traffic off the main road. As far as agricultural traffic is concerned, most of the roads are now made up for mechanical transport, and it has become impossible for any agricultural transport other than mechanical to use them. Anybody who has ever ridden or driven a horse along a tarred road will know what I mean, and will know with what great satisfaction one is able to get off such a road on to the grass or on to a bye-road. I believe I am correct in saying that over 90 per cent. of the traffic along main roads is mechanically propelled. Whether it is national traffic or local traffic is really beside the question, because if it is local traffic, as long as it is mechanical, it will pay its proportion should our proposals be carried out. As I have said, it is not only a matter of fairness, but there is a precedent. In former days, before the railways were introduced, the main roads of this country were highways of national traffic, and were not supported by the localities through which they passed, but, very properly, by the people who used them, and that was secured, as my hon. and gallant Friend has pointed out, by the toll-gate system. No one would wish to see the toll-gates reintroduced, but there is a precedent for raising taxation by the licensing of mechanical transport, or, if you prefer it, there is much to be said for the taxing of petrol or some other means. At all events, there is, as I have shown, both justice and good precedent for the view that national traffic is not a local charge, and that the cost should be borne in some other way. I should prefer to see it borne by the user rather than by taxation, because that seems to me only fair and right.
I should like to give a few examples as to the actual increase of cost in different counties, more especially because by this means I hope to show how very hardly the poorer agricultural counties are hit in comparison with the others. The figures to which I have had access are figures prepared by the County Councils Association. They do not refer to every county in the country; the figures for only about 17 counties were given, but they were fairly typical counties, and I think counties of every sort, both in England and Wales, were represented. My only regret is that the pre-War figures refer to 1912–13, which is really not a fair year to take, because mechanical transport had already before that caused a great increase in the cost of roads, as I shall hope to show in some other figures that I propose to give with reference to district council roads. The general figure for the 17 counties works out as a rate, because I do not think that to give a great mass of figures is so interesting or so easy to follow, as all of us in our personal capacity are more inclined to look at these things when they are presented to us as a rate. In 1913–14, in the 17 counties, the rate for county council roads was an average of 9½d., and for the same counties in the year 1921–22 that rate was 1s. 6d., while the estimate for next year is 1s. 7d., so that it has not only risen to double what it was before, but it is still rising.
I am well aware that some people will say, "Although your contention that the extra charge should be borne by motor transport is fair, the cost of everything has risen nearly double since the War, and therefore you must expect to pay double rates in respect of your share, the local share, of the taxation." But if hon. Members were to examine these figures a little more closely, they would see that the increase has been very much less than 100 per cent. in the rich counties, the strong industrial or residential counties, with a high assessable value, while in the poorer agricultural counties the increase, both in proportion and in actual amount, is very greatly in excess of the average. In the county of Middlesex in 1913 the county council highway rate was about 4¼d. in the £, and in 1921–22 it had risen to 7d.; in the county of Surrey it rose from 5¼d. to 9½d.; in the county of Lancashire, another rich industrial county, it rose from just under 4d. to 7¼d. All those rises were considerably less than 100 per cent., and in themselves of small amounts, with the totals remaining at small amounts, but let us take the figures for agricultural counties. In Somersetshire the rate rose from 10½d. to 1s. 11d., in Gloucestershire from 10¼d. to 1s. 11½d.; in Essex from 10d. to 2s. 1½d., and in Herefordshire from 1s. 2d. to 3s. 1d. I think that last figure is very significant, because anyone who knows Herefordshire will be aware that it is perhaps one of the counties most dependent on agriculture in England, as there are practically no other industries in Herefordshire than agriculture. Even my own county of Wiltshire, which is very agricultural, has at least one industrial town, Swindon, with about 50,000 inhabitants, and a cloth industry in the western part of the county. Therefore, it is very remarkable that the most agricultural county, Herefordshire, shows the worst figures.
Turning from county roads to district roads, I should like to make a few remarks about them. District roads are in the main unclassified, and it is sometimes held, by those who have not studied the subject very deeply, that whatever claims the main roads may have on the Road Board, and upon money raised by taxation of mechanical transport, unclassified district roads bear only local transport, and are, therefore, properly supported by local taxation. As a matter of fact, that is not at all correct. Nowadays, there are a great many roads upon which censuses of traffic are taken, because if you wish to get an unclassified road raised to the rank of a classified road, among the various information with which you have to furnish the Ministry of Transport is a census of traffic, and I am now going to give certain instances of censuses of traffic which have taken place in different districts, which will show how wrong is the idea that little or no motor traffic is carried on unclassified roads. In my own division of Wiltshire I will give two—one at Worton, and another at a place called Horton. The census at the first place shows that out of 227 tons, 170 tons were mechanical transport, an average of 75 per cent.
On an unclassified road?
Yes, on an unclassified road. On another unclassified road in the same rural district, out of 204 tons, 147 tons were mechanical transport, an average of 72 per cent. I will take another road in an entirely different part of the country, namely, the district referred to by the hon. and gallant Member for South-East Essex, who gave us some figures about that particular road, and I find from the census of transport on that road that out of 260 tons, 190 tons were mechanical transport, or 73 per cent.
How did the hon. and gallant Member arrive at those figures?
I obtained them from the local surveyors. [An HON. MEMBER: "How much was through traffic?"] No doubt a great deal of it was not through traffic, but even if it were local traffic, if the taxation is on mechanical transport it will pay its proper share. Further than that, it is held by road experts, which I am not, that the destruction wrought upon the roads by a ton of mechanical transport is about twice that done by the same amount of horse transport, and if you make your calculations on that basis, you will find that on the roads to which I have referred the proportion of destructive effect caused by mechanical transport is over 80 per cent. in each case.
I should like, before sitting down, to give a few figures with regard to the rise in the cost of these rural district roads. I have here mostly figures from my own county, and they are not brought together in a very satisfactory manner, because in some cases it is the amount and in some the rate. Here is the Devizes Rural District. In 1912–13 their total expenditure on roads was £5,455; in 1921–22 it had risen to £16,000 odd, or more than two and a half times as much. Here I have some better figures, and it so happens that they are from the district in which my own home is situated. I took them for that reason, so that nobody could say that I have picked out figures particularly favourable to my argument. In this case the figures go back to 1907, which was about the time when the growth of mechanical transport was beginning, because by 1912 already the cost of the roads had been very greatly increased. In this small rural district in 1907 the cost of the roads was £19 per mile and the rate was about 3¼d.; in 1912 the cost of the roads had risen to £47 per mile, and in 1921 to £125 per mile; in 1922, owing to the fall in wages and the cost of materials, it had dropped to £121 per mile. That is six times as much as it was in 1907, and the rates show a corresponding figure. In 1907 they were 3¼d., and to-day they are 2s. 2¼d. I think that figures like those bring out the strength of the case we are putting forward.
I would like to put it before the House in a rather different way, from the point of view of its burden upon the agricultural industry. Of course, it is very difficult, unless one gets out an average figure, which I have not been able to do. The rates in each county and rural district vary, but it is not unfair to say that, generally speaking, in the agricultural communities—the figures I have already given bear that out—before the advent of motor transport, the county rate was below 1s. in the £, and the rural district rate 3s. 6¼d.—in some cases more, and in some less—but I suppose 1s. 6d. would have covered both the highway rates in agricultural counties, and now I suppose they are from 5s. to 6s. I ask what that means to agriculture. If you take 100 acres, on which there is an increase of rates of 4s. in the £, then, allowing for the reduction on agricultural land and an assessment of £1 per acre, that is £10 upon 100 acres. Everyone in this House, whether agriculturist or not, knows, I think, that agriculture is not in the position of so many industries which can pass the costs of production on to the consumer. The costs of production, in the case of agriculture, have to come out of something else. They have to come out of the profits of agriculture, if there are any, which there are not, or out of the wage fund of agriculture, and to-day, when so much land is owned by the cultivator, the farmer, there is no landlord to lower the rents. When a farmer, therefore, is not making a profit, that extra cost due to highways simply comes out of the funds available for wages, and if anyone works it out, I should say that it comes to a tax of at least 1s. a week per man employed in agriculture. So that if the proper people paid for their roads, it might increase the wages by that amount. I ask hon. Members on both sides to think of it from that point of view as well as from the point of view of the roads. We hear a great deal to-day about the desire of everyone to do something for agriculture. Much sentiment is given vent to as to the needs of agriculture. In the last Parliament we heard a great deal about the impropriety of subsidising any industry, and a great deal with regard to agriculture in that connection. A large majority decided that they could not give that subsidy. I have no doubt a majority of the present House would say the same. That may be right or wrong, but I cannot understand why the agricultural industry should be called upon to subsidise another industry to the extent it does. I feel great confidence that the House will agree with me on this point.
9.0 P.M.
In anything I say, I do not want anybody to think that I am in any way unsympathetic to what is undoubtedly a very hard case that has been put forward by the two hon. Members who have preceded me in the Debate, but they look at it, of course, from the point of view solely of agriculture. I look upon it from the point of view, perhaps, of the fellow interested in mechanical transport. I speak to-night in circumstances somewhat of difficulty. I have around me all the massed formation of the agricultural Members of the House, and I expect that what I have to say will not be altogether popular with them. At the same time, I am rather at a loss to understand what this Motion really means. The Motion begins:
So far as I can see, that can only be met in one way, and that is by definitely increasing the amount of taxation which mechanically-propelled transport of every kind now has to pay. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] I am glad that I have hit the nail on the head so far as that is concerned. If more money is required, more taxation will be required upon mechanical transport. One of the things to-day that is often overlooked is that those who use mechanical transport are also ratepayers themselves, and that the rates press upon them just as hardly as they do upon those who do not make the same use of mechanical transport. Therefore, you cannot altogether separate the interest of the farmer or factory owner, or whatever he is, in mechanical transport from the ratepayer himself. Another point I should like to ask is, what is it that really causes the damage to the roads? There are many things. First of all, this question of speed for weight. It is a question entirely of combination of speed for weight that causes the damage so far as mechanical transport is concerned. That is not the only thing. Take traction engines. I have many a time followed traction engines—[An HON. MEMBER: "Not for long!"]—drawing large circuses about the country, and any hon. Member who has seen one of these large travelling circuses going along a road, however constructed, when there has been a thaw just after a frost, will know what I mean when I say that a traction engine under those circumstances going along a modern highway will do more damage in half an hour or an hour than the whole of the traffic passing along that road for the rest of the year.
What is invited in this Motion to-day is not quite clear. I understand that the Motion is to induce the Government to increase the taxation upon motor vehicles. That would be all right provided the agricultural community were in no way concerned with the use of mechanical transport themselves. I would like to ask those who are so interested in the agricultural community, whether one of the things of which they often complain in this House is not the high railway rates, I have often heard agricultural Members complaining of them, probably with great reason. I should like, to put this to them, now that we have no longer a Ministry of Transport in effective control of the railways: Surely is it not obvious that the one hold you have over the railways is the control and operations of mechanical transport, which is the foremost competitor of the railways? If goods can be carried by means of mechanical transport along the roads cheaper and quicker than on the railways mechanical transport has it every time, and if you increase taxation upon mechanical transport, then the agriculturists will again find themselves at the mercy of the railway monopolists, by whatever name they are called—a company or a group. Would this not be like cutting off their nose to spite their face? I suggest that to increase the taxation on mechanical transport is to do this.
There is another point of view I should like to put to the agricultural Members of the House in respect to this invitation of theirs to the Government to attend to the upkeep of the various roads under whatever head they are classified. If the Government of the day do that, what is going to happen to the road surveyors? If the Government are going to take over the main roads of the country, is it not quite obvious that the Government will at once be able to say, "If we are going to pay for the roads, we are going to say exactly how they are to be made." Will the Government then employ the present road surveyors, and how many of them? These, as anyone knows who goes over the roads of the country, vary very much. Some of these surveyors are excellent men. Some of them are not so good. There is no doubt that if the Government take over class I roads of the country they at once will claim to appoint the road surveyors, and I would ask hon. Members, the agricultural Members, whether they have really considered that point? The hon. Member for South-Eastern Essex (Lieut.-Colonel Hilder) who moved the Motion, said that the users of the roads ought to pay. I do not know whether it is realised in the country as a whole—certainly those who use mechanical transport realise it—that they are for all practical purposes the only people who do pay for using the roads to-day. Other forms of traffic pay no portion of the cost of the roads whatever. Most of us who are mechanical transport users already pay in the capacity of ratepayers. Therefore the mechanical transport user pays twice over for the use he makes of the roads. By all means make the user pay. But I wonder what the hon. and gallant Member for South-Eastern Essex really means when he says that he wants to make the user pay? Does he want to put a tax on bicycles? Or on farm carts and such like vehicles? Or on all horse drawn vehicles? If you are to put a tax on the users of the roads—and by all means do it—be consistent in your advocacy. The hon. and gallant Gentleman the Member for Devizes (Lieut-Colonel Bell) said he would like to see the cost of the roads paid by the user.
The whole thing conies to this: It seems to me to be obvious, from the Debate to which so far I have listened, that local taxation or the local rating problem requires revision throughout the country. It is obvious that the burden of rates is not evenly distributed, but is this quite the right way to start about a revision of our local rating and taxation system? I sincerely hope that this Motion will not be accepted, and that the Government will be able to give some better indication than they have so far given as to what is going to be their policy in regard to local rating. May I ask the agricultural Members and community, and in particular hon. Members opposite, to remember that if you increase the taxes upon motor vehicles you will make it correspondingly difficult for the mechanical transport user to carry on. That will mean that he must undoubtedly raise his charges, and that will mean the raising of prices to the consumer in the urban community of agricultural and other produce.
Before this Motion is accepted I earnestly ask the House to consider where it is going to lead to. Anywhere you go through the agricultural counties to-day you will see farmers making just as much use of motor transport as any other portion of the community. This means that milk and other agricultural produce sent to the towns can be sent cheaper than otherwise would be the case, and than it used to be sent by rail. If the cost of the collection and distribution of that produce is to be increased, will it obviously not increase the cost of the produce that is sold?
There is just one other point I should like to put to hon. Members. Motor vehicles are very often in the popular mind considered as luxury vehicles, but I would ask the House to remember that certain heavy motor vehicles, that is to say, motor chars-à-banc, are to-day the great pleasure vehicles of the people, who are just as much entitled to get their enjoyment in this way in the open air as is anyone else. I am glad that they do get their enjoyment in the open air in that way. I would only ask hon. Members who advocate these proposals and look to the Government to take the matter up to remember that they are asking the Government actually to increase the cost of the motor chars-à-banc of the people. I am sure a very good case will have to be made out for an increase in the cost of the pleasure vehicle of the people before it can really be justified. I hope the Government will not be swayed by the very pressing demand that I am sure will be made upon them from the benches on this side of the House and on the other side of the House. I trust that they will, in whatever scheme they may eventually adopt, endeavour to be fair to all sections of the community, and not only look upon the matter from the point of view of the agricultural community. I trust they look at it from the point of view of the upkeep of the roads, and the part the mechanical transport user takes in the upkeep of the roads.
The Mover and Seconder of this Resolution have done a good night's work for those of us who live in rural districts in ventilating this very important subject. It has not been ventilated enough in this House. The rates to-day, especially in the agricultural districts, are an intolerable burden, and we have these burdens more and more following all sorts of well-meaning spendthrift schemes placed upon us during the last few years. The hon. and gallant Gentleman who has just sat down expresses great sympathy with agriculture. That may be, but— along them. We who live in the agricultural districts find that the agricultural prices are not doubled, but our rates are. Figures have been given by the Mover and Seconder to show that the upkeep of the roads of Classes 1 and 2 is doubled, to say nothing of the districts' roads. The suggestion is, that those who use the roads pay for them. They do not! You have the rural roads, and nobody does anything for them except the rural ratepayers. I have the figures for my own county, but I will not quote them as so many hon. Members desire to speak. I would remind the House that this is not a matter upon which those representing urban centres ought to be indifferent, because if the farmer has to pay for the upkeep of these roads, he has not the money for labour on the farm, and food will not be produced to the same extent. We heard yesterday of a case mentioned by one of my hon. Friends of a wage of 21s. 6d. being paid to an agricultural labourer, and I think in these days that it is a scandalous wage. Really, the farmers are at their wits' end, what with rates and other charges, and even though they own the land they cannot make it pay.
Then there is the housing difficulty which is affected enormously by the high rates. There will be a growing motor traffic. The Noble Lord the Member for South Battersea (Viscount Curzon) has mentioned railway rates, and I agree that they are iniquitous. I think the Railway Act of 1921 was one of the most iniquitous Acts that was ever passed. At the present time more traffic is being driven on to the roads because they cannot use the railways economically, but why should the rural ratepayer have to bear the whole burden? Personally I see no reason why he should. I want to say a word to the Minister of Transport. I have here the Report of the administration of the Road Fund. The Road Board collected £22,000,000 in two years. I went to the Vote Office to get this Report, and I could not get it there. They told me that it was not a Parliamentary Paper, and I had to go to the sale office and pay 2s. 6d. for it. Can it be really considered a mere tradition of Parliament that a body which administers £11,000,000 of money should not present their accounts to Parliament? I do not complain of having to pay the 2s. 6d., but it seems a strange novelty in Parliamentary procedure. The members of the Road Board seem to be rather autocratic and spend this money at will.
I see the Report of the Road Board gives a very rough and ready classification of roads as 50 per cent. and 25 per cent., but it is the unclassified roads which are a very great burden. They are the weakest roads in my county. Where they are all soft-bottomed roads and there are engines of fifteen tons weight going over them they break them right up and damage the bridges, and the cost to the ratepayers will be something ruinous. The hon. Member who moved this Resolution stated that 70 per cent. of the traffic on these unclassified roads was mechanically propelled, and that the localities get no assistance towards the upkeep of the roads. You get these heavy motor lorries going over these weak roads, and they are bound to do an enormous amount of damage. As I understood this Report, when the Road Board was established the money was intended to go for the maintenance of the roads, but not a bit of it.
And the construction of new roads.
I quite agree with the policy which has been adumbrated that instead of giving doles you should give work, but here you are actually in your commitments for next year, out of a total of £11,000,000 giving £4,000,000 for the relief of unemployment which should have gone to the relief of the rates.
The right hon. Gentleman is quite in error, because it is not going in relief of unemployment, but to make roads which would have to be made some time or other and we are only anticipating these requirements. In the Act there is an instruction that we should take into consideration the state of unemployment in the country.
I am not complaining that you give men work rather than doles. I am certain that a dole is demoralising, but you have no right to make the rural ratepayer pay for your unemployment scheme. The Road Fund liability amounts to £6,000,000. That, is information which I get from the Report which I had to get at a cost of 2s. 6d. I do not complain of the making of new roads, but I say you have no right to call upon the rural ratepayer to make them. This is the kind of wangling that goes on in a Government Department when not controlled by Parliament. I hope the Reports of the Road Board will be presented to Parliament in future. I support this Motion in the interest of the rural ratepayers. We do not want any privileges; we only want fair play and I hope that the Government will give us fair play in this matter.
I find myself very much in agreement with the Noble Lord the Member for South Battersea (Viscount Curzon) on this subject. I do not think that one section of the community should be singled out and made to pay for the upkeep of the roads. We have to recognise that we are living in a new age and that the roads which were good enough in bygone years are not going to be good enough in the future. I do not think that any particular industry or phase of our locomotion should be singled out for taxation for the upkeep of these roads. I think that is a question which requires to be considered by the Government very carefully. The Government require to consider the whole question, and to take a broader and more sympathetic view from the local ratepayers' standpoint. I know that local authorities have been hammering at the Road Board for some time to get a greater number of roads classified as first-class roads. They find, however, that that body is very stiff so far as that matter is concerned. They do not want to pay 50 per cent. of the upkeep of more roads than they can possible help. Consequently, we find a larger number of second-class roads than we ought to have. The unclassified roads get nothing at all, yet, as has been pointed out, these roads are being used for motor traffic and for heavy traffic. The whole question must be considered afresh, in view of the taxation that is being imposed on local ratepayers.
It is not the agricultural community alone that has suffered. In the industrial areas the people are just as badly hit as in the agricultural districts. If it is true that the farmer is hardly able to live, owing to the heavy taxation, what about the farm labourer? He also has his share of the burden to bear, and we need, as much in his interest as in that of the farmer, to have this whole matter reviewed and dealt with. In order to prove my statement that in the industrial areas we are suffering very badly so far as this question is concerned, I want to mention some figures in connection with my own district. In the Dunfermline district—a district which even hon. Members on the other side may know; it is on the road between Edinburgh and Perth, where I daresay, a considerable number of hon. Members on the other side go to spend their holidays—in 1914, the total ordinary expenditure on the roads was £12,869. By 1921, that had increased to £61,866. During last year it had fallen slightly, and we spent less—£54,861—on the upkeep of roads. The rate, in 1914, was just over 1s. In 1921, it was 3s. 1¼d., and this year it is over 4s. in the pound. That is not all that it should have been, because our debit balance is to be wiped out between this current year and the two following years. When you get a road rate of over 4s. in the pound, in a district that has been very badly hit so far as unemployment is concerned, it is a serious matter for the working-class ratepayers, at any rate.
That has been general in the industrial districts in this country. I could mention other districts, but their conditions would simply bear out what I am saying. As far as the county of Fife is concerned, the agricultural districts have less to complain of than the industrial areas. I wish to bring one question to the notice of the House, and I hope it will be taken note of by the Parliamentary Secretary. Just over two years ago, local authorities were urged by the Road Board to put certain roads in first-class order. The local authorities were under the impression that the Government were going to give them assistance in the reconstruction of those roads, and in certain districts a very large expenditure was incurred in putting the roads in good order. The Dunfermline district carried out very extensive alterations in, and reconstructions of, their roads. I think that that district is out to the extent of over £12,000 as a result of the work they undertook during that period. They have made repeated representations to the Department in order to get that money refunded, but, as I have already indicated, the district has been left in the lurch, and during this year, and the two succeeding years, the local ratepayers will be called upon to bear the whole of that burden, a burden which should partly have been borne by the Department concerned. I do not think that is fair to the local authorities. Not only are they going on, year after year, spending a considerable amount of money in trying to get these roads in good order, but they have to meet what has been described as a breach of faith on the part of the Department which, just two years ago, led the local authorities into spending considerable sums of money on the roads, while the local ratepayers are being left to face the whole of that burden.
I hope we are going to have better treatment from the Department in the future, and that the local authorities which are really making endeavours to put their roads in first-class order will get more assistance from the Government than they have received up to the present time. This is not a matter which can be faced by the local ratepayers. The cost of reconstructing and maintaining these roads is so large that greater assistance is required from the centre than has hitherto been received. We require Government assistance for the unclassified roads as well as for the first-class and second-class roads. We need a much larger amount for the first-class roads; a higher grant—as a matter of fact, we should not have anything less than 50 per cent.—for the second-class roads; and a substantial allowance for the roads that are unclassified, and for which the local ratepayers get absolutely no assistance whatever.
I do not wish to take up the time of the House, though I could say a great deal more on this question. I happen to be a member of our county council; I have sat on the Dunfermline District Committee of the county council for a considerable number of years; and I know the difficulty our local authorities—both the district committee and the county council—have had in connection with the roads in our county. The burden is becoming greater every year. Among all our local problems there is none that worries the representatives on the local bodies more than this of the roads. I say, as I said at the beginning, that I do not think you should put the whole burden on to motor traffic. As the Noble Lord the Member for South Battersea (Viscount Curzon) has pointed out, that would simply pass the cost on to those who buy or take the goods carried over the roads, and would be another way of putting it on to the consumer. The Government will have to review the whole question, because the local authorities are finding this burden more than they can bear, and also more than the local ratepayers are prepared to bear.
I am sorry to intervene when so many of the hon. Members desire to speak, but I wish to put before the House the view of all the county councils of England and Wales, of the Parliamentary Committee of which I am the Chairman. I desire to say, on behalf of those county councils, that they are in complete agreement with the Motion before the House. I think all hon. Members will entirely concur in the view put forward by the hon. Member opposite that this question ought to be considered as a whole, and I only hope that we may have the advantage of the support of the hon. Member and his colleagues when we continue to press forward our claim that this unjust piece of taxation shall be remedied at no very distant date. The hon. Member asked why motors should be singled out for special taxation. The answer to that is very simple. We were only bound to provide roads sufficient for the natural requirement of the particular district, and when an entirely new traffic sprang up, causing enormous expense on the road, it was only fair and right that the extra cost of the roads should be borne by the industry which put the authorities to this very large extra expense.
The Noble Lord the Member for South Battersea (Viscount Curzon) made a statement which will, I think, receive universal assent. He said, "Let us be fair to all sections." We are asking for no more and no less than absolute fairness in regard to this matter, and we say that the present system is grossly unfair. It is for that reason that the matter has now been brought before the House. But the Noble Lord, in order to frighten some timid Members, put up two or three bogies, which I will proceed to knock down. He tried to frighten the House by saying, "Look at the high railway rates; do not do anything at the present time to encourage them." But under the present system, you are subsidising motor mechanical traffic on the roads at the expense of the railways, which are the largest ratepayers in each rural area. Then the Noble Lord went on to say, "Just think what it would mean if the Government were to have to take over the roads and if the surveyors were put under the Government." No grant can at present be obtained from the Roads Board unless we send full particulars, and we are glad to get half the salaries of the surveyors of highways paid by the Government at the present time. Then, said the Noble Lord, "Think of the poor people on the chars-à-banc. You are going to stop their outings." My reply to that is that nothing of the sort is intended. Nobody desires to prevent people going about, as they have a right to, on the chars-à-banc, but we do say that these great vehicles should bear their proportionate share of the cost of the upkeep of the road.
May I ask the House to remember how this question arose? In 1888, when the Local Government Bill was being brought in, it was distinctly stated that one half of the cost of the main roads should be paid by the Government and the other half by the local authorities. At that time the cost was roughly about £2,000,000, and it was put into the Act that whatever belance remained over from certain special local Exchequer Contribution Accounts should be assigned for the purpose of paying the expenses of the main roads. The cost has gone up enormously since that date. £2,000,000 in 1888 has grown to £45,000,000 in 1920–1921, to £39,000,000 in 1921–1922; and in 1922–1923 it will be something in the neighbourhood of £36,000,000 or £37,000,000. What is the effect on hon. Members' constituencies? In the North Riding of Yorkshire, only going back so far as 1914, the total expenditure on the roads was £70,000, and towards that we received from the Road Board £18,300, leaving £51,700 to be paid by the ratepayers. What happened in 1922–1923? The total cost of the roads came to £214,000. Towards that we received £92,000 from the Roads Board, leaving a balance of £122,000 to be found by the ratepayers. This question of "half and half" arises under the Local Government Act, and an hon. Member opposite has very perti- nently asked what was the amount of foreign traffic as compared with the local traffic. That information is available if any hon. Member cares to go for it to the Ministry of Transport, as a census was taken last August by the Ministry, with the assistance of the county councils, and that shows exactly the non-local and the local traffic. Take a street with a very well-known name—Watling Street. The foreign traffic is 91·7 and the local traffic only 8·3.
We are entitled to ask what is the remedy proposed. My right hon. Friend the Member for South Molton (Mr. Lambert) has pointed out that in this White Paper the Minister of Transport has actually put down £6,000,000 to the Unemployment Account. We say it is grossly unfair for the Government to make up their Unemployment Account by taking money which belongs to the roads, and which was given for that purpose, and therefore we ask that the whole of the money raised from this motor taxation should be given for the upkeep of the roads. I am not going to discuss the question whether the amount should be raised by fuel or by horse-power. It is a matter of perfect indifference to the County Councils Association whether it is paid by fuel or by horse-power, so long as we get it. I said then: "We want eight and we won't wait." I claim now a little bit more than that.
I have only one other observation to make. I hope that the Minister of Transport, in cases where county councils try to provide by the side of the tarred road other roads which can be used by farmers and those who are riding, will give some special grant in regard to them. The hon. Member for Horncastle (Mr. S. Pattinson), who spoke on an Amendment to the Address, referred to the fact that it was practically impossible for farmers to use these roads, and to send their horses along them in their present state. The hon. Gentleman gave us a somewhat harrowing account of how he fell off his horse on to the road, and how he was unconscious for an hour. A journal which we read both for our instruction and our amusement pointed out that the House showed itself somewhat callous by calling out, "Hear, hear," when he explained that he was unconscious for an hour. I am in exactly the same position as my hon. Friend opposite. In the first place, I fell off my horse, but more fortunately for me, I fell on my head—the softest part of me. But I must say that I think it is a little undignified for a Master of Hounds to have to go to a meet leading his horse because it is far too dangerous for him to be on the back of it. I hope the House will pass unanimously this Motion, because it is indeed very unfair and unjust that we in the rural districts should be called upon to make such a high contribution to the upkeep of the roads, when, as we say, there is money in hand which ought to be diverted to that purpose.
This has been a very interesting and certainly a most important Debate, and the House owes a debt of gratitude both to the hon. and gallant Member who moved the Motion and the hon and gallant Member who seconded it for bringing it forward. I know that many hon. Members desire to take part in the Debate, and, therefore, I shall confine myself to stressing a few of the most salient points that present themselves to me. It is impossible to overestimate the magnitude of this problem. During the last few years a revolution has taken place in all matters appertaining to road traffic. That revolution, unlike some revolutions, has been a very silent one, but it has been a very costly one. Certain figures have been cited to show the increased expenditure which local ratepayers and, of course, the State, have to bear owing to the greatly increased burden of road traffic. May I quote one instance to show, so far as Scotland is concerned, how this increase in traffic has added to the State and local burdens? On the Deeside roads in Aberdeenshire, in the year 1917–18, the expenditure was £6,940. In 1921–22, that is to say, three years later, the expenditure had risen to £48,612, so that in those three years there was an increase of £41,672. It is true to say that there has been within the last year a slight drop of, I think, about £10,000, but, allowing for war-time arrears, which, of course, have to be overtaken, the principal cause of that increase has been the additional burden of motor traffic that the roads have to bear.
The hon. and gallant Member who seconded the Motion said he was of opinion that the mechanically-driven traffic was something like 90 per cent. of the total, and I think he is right in that figure. In the county which I have the honour to represent, a census was taken of the traffic on six days of last year, and it was found that, of the total traffic during those six days, 89 per cent. was represented by motor vehicles and 11 per cent. by horse vehicles. Is it surprising that, under these new conditions, there should be a rapid and constant deterioration in the surface of the roads of this country? It has been said to-night that it is only the unclassified roads that are unfit to bear this burden, but the root trouble is that these roads, whether classified or unclassified, were not originally built to bear the heavy burdens they are bearing to-day, and the principal reason for that, of course, is that they lack the proper foundations. It is rash to prophesy, but I venture to suggest that it will be essential, at no very distant date, to replace all the foundations of first-class roads throughout the country, or if, indeed, it be not possible to replace them, they will certainly need strengthening if they are to bear the heavy traffic which they are now called upon to bear.
At whose cost is this to be carried out? Upon whom is the burden to be distributed? I venture to think that that is one of the knotty problems towards the solution of which this Debate ought to be directed, because a solution to it must be found. It has been said by the hon. Member for Dunfermline (Mr. W. Watson) that it would be unfair to place the whole of this burden upon the users of mechanical transport. That, however, is not suggested. The local ratepayer, certainly so far as unclassified roads are concerned, will always have to bear his part of the burden, but the first essential, to my mind, in the solution of this problem, is that there should be an equitable system of motor taxation, and that, under our present system of motor taxation, does not exist. I venture to say that taxation on motor spirit, that is to say, on the mileage run by motorcars, is the most equitable and sensible method. Further, as the strengthening of the roads is very largely made necessary by the heavy lorry and commercial traffic that they are called upon to bear at the present time, this class of vehicles should contribute its fair and proper share towards motor taxation. I know it is suggested that that is a tax upon industry.
Hear, hear!
What does the Noble Lord desire? Does he suggest that this class of vehicle should not bear any form of taxation whatsoever?
indicated dissent .
No. Then, if he does not, I suggest to him that it is eminently fair that it should bear its fair proportion of taxation, which it does not do at the present moment. What is the ultimate solution of this question? So far as rural communities are concerned, one thing, to my mind, is certain, and that is that many country districts, with low rateable values, may find it quite impossible to shoulder the increasing burden of road rates under our present system, owing particularly to the fact that they have to maintain the roads very largely for outside motor traffic; and I do urge upon my hon. and gallant Friend the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Transport that he should very sympathetically consider applications for excess grants from those districts. It does seem to me that the circumstances surrounding the whole of the system of grants since the inception of the Road Fund in 1909 point inevitably to the time when the State will be compelled, as it has been in other countries, to take upon itself the burdens of maintaining certain high roads. I suggest to the Government that whatever the outcome of this Debate, whether or not they are proposing to accept this Motion, they should review again the whole question of grants, the whole question of road maintenance and the whole question of the distribution between the Imperial Exchequer and the local ratepayer of the money that is to be found for the upkeep of the roads. At the same time they should consider whether the time has not arrived for the State to take upon its own shoulders the maintenance of those roads upon which there is a large proportion of outside motor traffic.
10.0 P.M.
We have heard to-night very interesting figures with regard to local taxation, and to roads in particular, and I am sure we have all felt genuine sympathy with the over- burdened ratepayers, particularly in the rural and agricultural parts of the country. To my mind there are two objections to the proposal of the Motion. The first, which I personally share, has been put forward by the Noble Lord the Member for South Battersea (Viscount Curzon). There is no doubt whatever that if the Motion is adopted it will place an embargo on the extension of mechanical transport to the extent that it places additional costs on that industry. It is equally true that there will be an embargo to a certain extent on the opportunities of the public enjoying the amenities of excursions, holidays and so forth. I do not think that objection can be questioned. But I have another objection, which I am afraid the Noble Lord will not share. The Mover and Seconder have failed entirely to convince me as to who is finally going to reap the advantage of the proposed easement of the rating on roads by placing it on motor traffic. The facts of the case, I think, are undisputed, at least so far as the purely agricultural parts of the country are concerned. There can be no question, both as a matter of experience and as a matter of economics, that so far as the rural districts are concerned the remission of the present burden of rates upon rural roads will inevitably, in the course of a couple of years, find its way into the pockets of the owners of land. I knew that that view would not be shared by hon. Members opposite. I want to invite them to the consideration of one or two actual facts.
I am old enough to remember the passing of the Free Education Act. Previous to that, children attending elementary schools had to carry the usual pence per week in payment for their education. I recall very distinctly that within a month of the passing of the Act, and of the parents being relieved of the obligation of sending 6d. or 9d. each Monday morning, the rents of houses rose. It was a common experience in every industrial town. The same thing would inevitably occur in the purely rural parts of the country. I am not going to pose as an agriculturist, although I spent four years of my life entirely in inquiring into agricultural conditions, parish by parish, through agricultural counties in the south. Every hon. Member opposite knows per- fectly well that anyone who contemplates taking a farm has in mind the total obligations he is going to be put to in entering on a tenancy. It makes no difference to the prospective farmer whether he has a total rent charge of £500 or of £400 in rent and £100 in local rates. The incidence to him is exactly the same. That being the case it follows that, assuming that by this Motion a large farmer is going to be relieved of an annual rate burden of £50 by transferring it to the motor vehicles and the people who use them, that £50 will find its way to the owner of the land sooner or later. I was also very interested in a statement made by the hon. and gallant Gentleman who seconded the Motion. I can say quite honestly and sincerely that the figures tonight have been very interesting and startling. This was one of the figures. The hon. and gallant Gentleman said it had been worked out that the burden at present of the upkeep of the 'roads in agricultural districts was 1s. per week per man employed on a farm.
It is quite right; I said that. Of course, it would vary according to the rate and the assessable value, but I thought that was a fair average.
That is an interesting figure. May I give another interesting figure? When I was investigating agricultural conditions, I visited almost every parish in the county the hon. and gallant Gentleman referred to—Wiltshire. I found, as a matter of fact, that, taking farm by farm, in almost every agricultural parish I went to, finding out in detail the number of men employed on the farms, the burden of rent—not the charge of the roads—was 25s. per week per man employed on the farms. I suggest to the hon. Member who seconded the Resolution that if he will inquire in the parish in which he lives, or in his neighbourhood, he will find that to-day the burden of the rent charge per man is 20s. per week. We cannot take this question simply by itself. It must be taken in connection with the question of who is reaping the benefit, or who is going to reap the benefit, from any relief to the local ratepayers of the upkeep of roads at the present time. I submit that that can only be done by deciding that the people who reap the economic advantage of these improvements, namely, those who own the land, should bear the burden of the rates.
I would ask the House to get back to what the Motion suggests. It is not a question of decreasing the rates, or of the grievances associated with the overburdened ratepayers, but it is that the agricultural population, and people in the country districts generally, are asking that the burden which is thrown upon them shall be met by the charge which is imposed on vehicles for the purpose of meeting the extra cost that those vehicles put on the roads. The Motion suggests that it is not to be a new charge, but it is to meet the additional cost attributable to motor traffic. In my part of the country, Cornwall, we suffer very severely from traffic which comes from more than 100 miles outside the county, while the money that is contributed in respect of those vehicles in licences does not in any way help to meet the cost of the damage which those vehicles are doing in our county.
In addition to that, the highways and communications between the farms in the rural districts are really part of the amenities of the farms, and are just as essential to them as are the hedges. The highways are so cut up and so disturbed by the unusual traffic that is now thrown upon them, not by people living in the district but by people coming from outside, that to-night we ask that this additional wear and tear, thrown upon our roads by people living outside, shall be contributed to from the taxes that these people pay for that express purpose. To-night we have heard that the large sums of money that are raised yearly for the purpose of meeting the extra wear and tear that is thrown upon the roads have not been allocated to repairing the wear and tear, but to purposes never contemplated originally when the tax was placed upon these vehicles. Therefore we are asking that those in authority shall review the methods by which they allocate these sums, and consider particularly districts in the country which are materially damaged by vehicles which are taxed for the sole purpose of allowing to be repaired the roads which they themselves cut up.
To-night, I am speaking on behalf of a population many of whom pay taxes in connection with their own motor vehicles but who do not draw any benefit whatever from the taxes they pay upon their own vehicles. Hence, the money that they contribute by way of tax upon their own vehicles goes to repair the damage done in other places, to which districts the money is allocated. We get no money from the vehicle taxes which we pay, because we are upon roads for which no help is given. Therefore, the money that we pay obviously goes to other places where probably they can better afford to carry out the repairs than we can. We ask that those concerned shall take note of what this Resolution stands for. It does not stand for the general roads of the country; it does not stand for new roads and highways. It stands for the country roads and for the extra cost that is thrown on the country roads, and asks that the money which is now received and the toll that is now taken expressly for repairing the damage caused by motor vehicles shall be properly allocated to those districts in the country whose roads are very badly cut up.
On the Atlantic coast of Cornwall, where I live, we have half a dozen health resorts which are the best in the world, and consequently we have people travelling from other counties. All that these people do in coming there is to bring sandwiches in the char-à-banc in which they travel, and they make our own roads impossible for our own domestic traffic. [An HON MEMBER: "What about the beer you sell?"] We do not sell much beer in Cornwall. These vehicles cut up our roads very much, and we are seriously asking to-night that because the traffic brought from outside has nothing whatever to do with the people who live there, or with the ordinary purposes for which the roads are made and required, the vehicles taxes contributed to by people outside should be in some measure given to those of us who suffer more than any other part of the country.
I have noticed to-night that there are very few friends of the system of taxation of motor vehicles by horse-power. Many hon. Members suggest that taxation based on mileage would be more equitable. I do not think that that would be getting at the root of the evil, because the whole point of this form of taxation is for roads, and if we are to have an equitable system of taxation the taxation should be based, not on mileage, but on the damage done. The Ministry of Transport deserve a great deal of credit for the encouragement they have given to road building and road maintenance, for there is no doubt that the roads of this country, bad as they are, are better than any other roads in Europe to-day, and they carry heavier traffic than any other roads in the world. I do blame the Ministry of Transport that, although they have created good roads, they have done nothing to protect the roads against the unnecessary damage that motor transport does to them. If we were railway directors we would not run a locomotive upon our permanent way if it did damage to the permanent way; but the Ministry of Transport have never taken into consideration the refusal of licences to vehicles that do unnecessary damage upon our roads. There is no doubt that some designs of motor vehicles do very little harm to our roads, but some designs have a most destructive effect upon our roads, and it is the duty of the Ministry of Transport to issue Regulations to prohibit the use on some of our roads of vehicles which do very great damage. I need only draw attention to the difference in the damage that is done by a big char-à-banc with solid tyres, and a big char-à-banc with pneumatic tyres. One does an infinite amount of damage if it runs over a certain speed and the other does very little, but no encouragement is given to the owner of a char-à-banc, by a reduction in taxation, to fit his vehicles with pneumatic tyres, which would benefit not only the roads, but the people in the vehicle, who would not be jerked about nearly so much as they are at present. It seems to me that when we come to a discussion of this matter, in reality, the Ministry of Transport should give attention to a new system of taxation based on damage to roads, that encouragement should be given, by lightening taxation, to those vehicles which are known to do little damage, and that special encouragement should be given to vehicles fitted with pneumatic tyres.
I rise to support the Motion. I think that it is most valuable in drawing attention to the grievance which has been felt by the rural districts. It does seem to me that it possibly implies a more drastic change of procedure than the Government may, at this stage, desire to undertake. Nevertheless, if attention is drawn to the matter the Government may feel that some change may be made which will help rural districts in their existing difficulties. I wish to draw attention particularly to the condition of the Highland area in Scotland, and more particularly to the county which I have the honour to represent. The Highlands have always had special consideration from this House. We have had great reason, as the Prime Minister long ago stated, for being generous to the Highlands, but while we might put forward with great plausibility a case for sentimental consideration, I do not desire to do so now. I would like to put forward a case of plain ordinary justice in dealing with this matter.
The Highlands, as we know, are very sparsely populated. It would not be right to call them agricultural districts, in the sense in which hon. Members opposite have been applying the term to England. There are small communities engaged in minor industries, such as fishing, who are equally justified in claiming consideration, in view of the heavy taxation which they have to meet. In particular, there is very long mileage for that sparse population. The roads, in the first instance, were made from town to town. They were spread from Edinburgh northward, through the Highlands, at the instance of Parliament here, and my suggestion to the Government is, that there is a possible remedy. The distribution of taxation between town and country, so far as the maintenance of roads is concerned, is very unequal. The road rates have risen and an attempt has been made to meet the increase by granting a pro rata sum of money from the fund of the Motor Vehicle Tax. The amount now given is 50 per cent. But this is given not only to the urban districts but also to the towns. The second-class roads in both cases get 25 per cent. On examination, some inequalities become apparent. In my own county, not including the one or two small towns or boroughs, the average for road rates is 3s. 2d., whereas Edinburgh, I understand, has a rate of about 7d., Inverness 9¼d., and Kingussie, another small borough, 10d. All these places get the 50 per cent. grant equally with the county.
No.
So I understand.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that boroughs do not get any grant for that portion of their roads which is occupied by tramways?
There are very few tramways in Scotland, in any case. The Ministry of Transport might consider taking the average rate for Scotland, fixing that average rate, and then saying to those under that rate, that is to say, those who pay a tax less than the average, "We will grant less money than the 50 per cent.," at the same time saying to those who pay over the average rate, "We will grant a higher sum or sufficient money to bring the rate down to the average," so that the average would not in any particular district be exceeded. As the result of such an arrangement the country districts would be treated fairly in comparison with all other districts. After all, the people in the towns use the country roads, which were made in the first instance from town to town and mainly for the benefit of the town inhabitants. The country could live very well as it did in the past (having very much the same population) without the expensive high roads which are necessary for the town people. Very large sums indeed have been taken from this motor vehicles fund for the purpose of unemployment grants, and I understand that the Highlands of Scotland benefit very little indeed. I hope that as a consequence of the discussion of this Motion the Ministry will find it possible to remedy some of the grievances which have been ventilated.
The subject is one of very great importance. There is no question whatever that road transport is a matter of importance and of increasing importance to the whole country. I look upon this Debate as a sort of preliminary to laying the foundation of opinion in the House as to how the vast, increasing and necessary expenditure can beet be met. I notice the usual opinion is expressed, "that the money should be found from somewhere," but each hon. Member in turn declares that the particular people represented by him ought not to be called on to pay. The remark has been made by my Noble Friend the Member for South Battersea (Viscount Curzon), and repeated by others, that if we put the burden upon mechanical transport, we are putting it on industry. Does he suggest that putting it on agricultural rates is not putting it on industry? It is not only putting a burden on industry, but putting a burden on food. Yet we hear hon. Members in all parts of the House frequently expressing the opinion that a tax on food would do great injury to the people of this country. Here is a tax directly on the production of food—a burden which is increasing, and which will increase. This is not a question of a temporary burden or of temporary legislation. This is a problem of great magnitude, and it is of vital importance that it should be dealt with on a sound basis.
One argument seems to carry a great deal of weight in favour of the principle proposed in this Resolution, that those who use the roads should pay for them. The hon. Member for Chatham (Lieut.-Colonel Moore-Brabazon), with whom I fully agree, expressed the opinion that a great deal of unnecessary and costly damage is done by the want of regulation of the method of construction of motor vehicles using roads. If you make the people who use the roads pay for them, you secure this advantage to economy, that it will be their interest as they not only use the roads, but pay for them, to do as little damage as possible. So long as they can do the damage while the ratepayers pay for it, what does it matter to them how much damage they do? They only pay a certain specific tax which is fixed. What the rural ratepayers are suffering from here is exactly that which they suffered from under the Agricultural Rates Act. A certain cost of national importance is to be partly borne by the rates and it is agreed that it should not be borne by the rates except to a small extent and that the nation or the users should bear the larger portion. The proportion to be borne by the rates is left indefinite; the proportion to be borne by other people is fixed at a definite sum which cannot be increased. The figure of expenditure mounts and mounts and the whole additional burden is placed upon the unfortunate rural ratepayer.
That is happening in this case. A certain tax has been placed upon motors which is fixed. It is true it is a very large sum, and it is not the purpose of the Resolution to discuss whether that sum is raised in the best way or not. I hold strong views on that point, but this is not the opportunity for expressing them. As was pointed out by the Mover and Seconder, this is not a question for agriculturists only, but for all ratepayers in urban as well as rural districts, and for all ratepayers particularly in the rural districts whether agricultural or not. The point for them is that they are now bearing this heavy and constantly increasing burden, and the more it increases, the more they will have to pay, while motor taxation remains a fixed sum. It does not concern the ratepayers how that taxation is raised. Naturally, a large proportion of them are also motor users and want to see the tax raised in the best, most economic and soundest way. In this Resolution that point is not raised. We say, however, that it is only fair, however the tax is raised, that those who use the roads should pay for the additional burden of road maintenance. That is really the principle that we ask should be carried out. One or two hon. Members opposite object to that and say that it will be passed on to the consumer, but somebody has got to pay if you are going to have roads. May I ask hon. Members of the Labour party if they can see any sort of difference, morally, socially, financially, economically, or in any other way, between a pleasure seeker who goes by rail to a seaside resort and one who goes by a char-à-banc? What is the difference? Why should one have to pay the full cost of his journey, including the cost of the road, because that is passed on to him, in the cost of the railway fare. Every single portion of the expense which is incurred by the railway in carrying him to the seaside has to be paid in the fare which he pays, and the rural ratepayer is not asked to pay any of it, but when he goes in a char-à-banc why should he be treated differently and subsidised at the expense of the rural ratepayer, because he goes in a char-à-banc? The principle is identical. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"]
You are begging the question.
Begging the question? The question is whether the users of the roads should not pay their fair share of maintaining the roads—only the additional cost. It is clear that the rate- payers are entitled to pay the same cost as they had to pay before, but the additional cost which is put on the roads by motor users, and which now amounts to an enormous additional cost, ought to be borne by the motor industry, which, of course, would be bound to pass it on to the consumer. [An HON. MEMBER: "Poor consumer!"] I do not shirk that issue. Who has to pay for it then?
The working class.
Then I suggest that there is no member of the working class at the present time who more deserves to have his burden relieved and upon whom we ought to be more careful not to increase the burden than the agricultural labourer. He cannot afford to take pleasure trips in chars-à-banc, and I suggest that here is money which ought to be going in wages to the agricultural labourer, but which is now being taken away out of the farmer's pocket, and it is suggested by hon. Members opposite, or some of them, for I am quite sure a large proportion agree with me. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] It will be very interesting to the agricultural interest and to the agricultural labourers to know that it is the suggestion of the Labour party that it is right and fair that the trippers who go down in chars-à-banc through the country districts should have their fares partly paid out of the rates! That is something which I shall not forget.
Does the right hon. Gentleman mean that by simply increasing the tax upon motorists he is going to increase the agricultural labourers' wages? Answer that!
The fact is that the burdens on agriculture, of which this is a most material factor, are now reducing the agricultural labourers' wages. The money which the farmers would be willing and anxious to pay in wages is being taken out of their pockets to subsidise chars-à-banc, and the Agricultural Committee of the House of Commons desire to constitute themselves into watchdogs against that kind of policy. I must rely upon the figures which have already been given in the Debate without my repeating them, but I should like to emphasise very much what was put by my right hon. Friend opposite, that what we complain of is not mainly or primarily that the tax is insufficient, although I have been dealing with that, but what we do primarily complain of is that money which is already being raised at the expense of the ratepayers is being taken away from them and applied to unemployment schemes, to which they have already contributed as taxpayers in proportion to everyone else. Therefore, we strongly object to this. It was definitely stated, when this grant was first given, that it was to be applied to the maintenance and improvement of roads wholly. I venture to suggest that maintenance has a prior claim.
There is one figure which ought to be remembered, and which I do not think has been given. There are in England and Wales 113,000 miles of roads in the care of the district councils. Out of those 113,000 miles of roads there are less than 5,500 miles which are receiving any subsidy at all from the Road Board. I desire to make no attack on the Road Board, which I think is admirably employed, and which has to take its policy from this House. The responsibility rests on this House, and if this Motion be carried, it will be the duty of the Ministry of Transport—which I am sure it will carry out—to give effect to the wishes of this House. It is not a fact to say that no grants are given for these district roads. No grants are given for maintenance, but where there is special work to be done for the improvement of some unclassified roads, grants have been given by the Road Board to those special roads, amounting altogether to about £450,000, but with that small exception for special purposes, none of it for maintenance, 95 per cent. of these district council roads, over practically the whole of which motors travel, have received no grant whatever out of the proceeds of motor taxation, and I venture to suggest, as this Motion states, that they are entitled to a very substantial proportion.
There is much more I would like to say if time permitted, but, in conclusion, I will make one more point. So far as the rural rates are concerned, it is the announced policy of the Government and of this House to do something to help to reduce them, and I suggest that the difficulty there is that if you are going to reduce the rates on agricultural land only in rural areas, the loss so occasioned will add to the burden on other ratepayers, or, possibly, on the taxpayers. Here is a method by which you can take now three or four millions of money—because it is an increasing tax, even at its present level—which is already being raised by motor taxation. You can use it properly in the reduction of the burden of rural rates on the whole of the ratepayers of the rural area, including, not only the agricultural land, but other land as well. By that means you have got a most valuable sum by which you can reduce all rates in rural districts and in urban districts—in fact, everywhere—there will be a reduction as well, and then, if on the top of that you make a reduction in the proportion of rates levied on agricultural land, other ratepayers will have got a quid pro quo in the reduction they have obtained. I do strongly commend, on national grounds, this Motion to the House, as the foundation of what I believe to be the only sound policy, for the maintenance of the roads of this country.
The right hon. Gentleman the Member for South Molton (Mr. G. Lambert) made great play with the fact that he thought he had discovered that the Ministry of Transport had in some hole and corner way administered the Road Fund for last year and the years previous and had made no report to Parliament. He waxed righteously indignant about it. If it had been the fact there would have been some justification for the remarks of the right hon. Gentleman, but this Report of the Roads Board was presented to Parliament by my Department on 11th December last. Some copies were placed in the Vote Office, but owing to the desire for economy, which I believe is supported by the right hon. Gentleman, these Reports were not sent round to hon. Members as in former times. Only a certain number were printed for gratuitious distribution, and the rest had to be purchased by hon. Members. I am sorry if the 2s. 6d. required for the report has in any way strained the finances of my right hon. Friend. [HON. MEMBERS: "Speak up!"] If so, it is not my fault; it is the fault of Parliament.
The next point raised was one by the hon. Member for Dunfermline (Mr. Watson). If I heard him correctly he said that a local authority that he knew, and this, I think, was in his constituency, was induced by promises to expend their money and then the Ministry of Transport refused to bear their share of the cost. I am informed that the hon. Member must have been misinformed. Nothing of the sort happened. However, I shall be very pleased, and honoured, if the hon. Member will come to the Ministry of Transport, and we will show him the correspondence. I am sure he will then absolve us from any blame in the matter.
I should be very glad to come.
The hon. Member for Invernessshire (Sir M. Macdonald) gave the House the impression that the Inverness district was not getting a fair share of favours from the Ministry of Transport. I think that a little hard on the Ministry because on one or two occasions that county has been given 75 per cent. of the grant towards its first-class roads, and I think, too, we have given them several grants which have never been given to other counties. I was up in Inverness-shire last month, and I know this—that great road improvements were being done on moneys provided by my Department. I think, therefore, if the hon. Member will consult with the Chairman of the County Council Road Committee he will find out the facts of the situation. But I come to the hon. and gallant Friend the Member for South-Eastern Essex (Lieut.-Colonel Hilder) who moved the Resolution. He represents, and very ably represents, the South-Eastern Division of Essex. If ever a county was the spoilt child of the Minister of Transport, Essex really is that county! Work has been done on the roads and the country lanes, and on the long stretch between London and Colchester road and the Thames. At the present time the Essex County Council are carrying out works of very great magnitude. New roads now being constructed include the London and Southend Road, the London and Tilbury Road, the Eastern and Barking Road, Ilford Road and the new Eastern portion of the North Circular Road.
All this money is not being spent on repairs. Most of it is for new main roads.
This money comes out of the Road Fund. Not only have we the upkeep of the roads to attend to, but it is part of our duty to make and construct new roads. How can we provide for increasing motor traffic if we do not take time by the forelock and provide new and better roads. Hon. Members do not seem to realise that these roads are costing more than £2,000,000. But apart from that, surely hon. Members will agree that these new roads benefit the farmer and the rural ratepayer, because they provide better and cheaper facilities for sending agricultural produce to the markets. They also increase the value of the land through which they pass and lower conveyance charges by competition with the railways. I was talking to a farmer the other day, and he told me that to send his goods to market 26 miles away by rail it would cost him 13s. 6d. per ton, whereas when he sent it by motor it only cost 7s. 6d. per ton. Therefore the construction of new roads do help the agricultural interest to a very great extent. I want the House to understand that I am in complete and full sympathy with the terms of this Motion, but I must make quite clear what some hon. Members do not seem to realise, that the Ministry of Transport in administering the Road Fund, it is not intended that it should be spent solely to maintain roads, because it is the duty of the Road Board to construct new roads. Therefore we must consider, when allocating the money between maintenance and new construction, as to how we can best hold the balance between new construction and maintenance.
Before this Motion appeared on the Paper, two or three weeks ago, a Sub-committee of the Cabinet was appointed under the Chairmanship of my right hon. Friend the Minister of Agriculture to go into the very subject raised by the Motion. It has come to us, and to our Ministry, that in the rural districts undoubtedly some of the local roads are used by motor traffic coming from a distance, and we are searching out some way whereby, without diminishing the grants to the first and second-class roads, we can assist the third-class roads. Whatever is done, we must not diminish the grants we are making to the first and second-class road. We must keep faith with the county councils. We must see that the county councils, which have—I bear willing testimony—done extraordinary good work under very difficult circumstances, especially since the War, in keeping our main roads, our first and second-class roads, in good repair, do not suffer in any way. Indeed, I had only the other day a very influential deputation from the County Councils' Association, which put forward arguments not only for the maintenance of the grant, but almost overwhelming arguments for increasing the grant that was given to the first-class roads. They even suggested as much as 60 or 70 per cent.
I am most willing to help in every way that I possibly can, but, like most things in this world, your activities are limited by the amount of money which you have in your exchequer. On the one hand, I have deputations coming to me demanding a reduction in the taxation on motor vehicles; and I have heard to-day of a demand—I think a very well-founded demand—for some increase out of the Road Fund, not to the agricultural interests, but to roads in rural districts. This Committee of the Cabinet will do its very best to meet the wishes of the Mover of this Motion. I must, however, warn hon. Members that if extra taxation is to be avoided the only source from which money can be got is from the expanding revenue which has, up to now, been coming in from the taxation of those vehicles. It is considerably more in this financial year than it was before. As vehicles increase, and they increase at a very large rate in this country—not so much as in the United States, but still at a very large rate—our resources will increase. I hope and trust, therefore, that this Committee will be able to find some plan whereby we can help those whom the Mover and the Seconder of this Motion have at heart; and that we shall find that the money will come in, and that we shall meet the demands made upon us.
I do not desire to take up the time of the House, and I have no wish to avoid any Division, if a Division occurs, on this occasion. I desire, however, to say, on behalf of many road authorities, that we shall welcome the statement of the Parlia- mentary Secretary to the Ministry of Transport that he is willing to improve strictly district and rural roads within the scope of possible help. That, I think, will be welcomed far and wide. I hope I shall not be considered wanting in sympathy with this Motion when I say that the real test is not whether a road is a district or a main road, but how much of the greater expense in keeping it up properly is due to motor traffic. Whatever kind of road it is, all the necessary increased expenditure should be met to the full, if possible, from motor revenue sources. I think it would be a great pity to draw particular lines and to say you are to give one, two, three or four millions to district roads at the expense of what you call the main roads. I quite agree that to limit the grant to main roads or certified roads would be to leave a number of roads in different parts of the country under circumstances which are unfair to the ratepayers both of the district and of the county in which they are situated. Therefore, I thank the hon. Gentleman for his statement of the willingness of the Committee of the Cabinet not to limit the scope of the grant merely to roads which are certified to-day. The more the facts are inquired into, the more the amount of motor traffic is ascertained, the more the disproportion between the amount of the motor traffic and the reasonable resources of the ratepayers is ascertained, the nearer we shall get to a solution of this problem which is fair and equitable.
The hon. and gallant Gentleman spoke of a Committee of the Cabinet. Is that Committee also considering a more equitable system of taxation of motor vehicles than that at present in force?
No, but at the present moment a Departmental Committee is considering that question.
rose in his place , and claimed to move, "That the Question be now put," but Mr. Speaker withheld his assent, and declined then to put that Question.
We have had considerable discussion on the question of the roads, but my opinion is that, although there have been for the other side plenty of deductions, there has been no argument sufficient to enable us to divide on the question fully understanding it. We have had put before the House suggestions for a system of inspection which would mean an army of inspectors going about to see which class of vehicle did the greatest injury to the road. Then it has been suggested, first, that we should have a tax on the petrol used, and, secondly, that the horse-power of the engine should be taxed. Further, it has been suggested that the whole difficulty lies in the question of tyres, solid or pneumatic, but none of these opinions were backed by solid argument.
rose in his place , and claimed to move, "That the Question be now put."
I think the House is ready to come to a decision upon the Motion now.
Question put,
"That, in the opinion of this House, the Revenue raised by the taxation of mechanically-propelled vehicles should be adequate to cover the additional cost of road maintenance attributable to motor traffic, that the grants now paid to road authorities should be increased accordingly, and, since practically all rural roads are now used by motor vehicles, grants should also be allotted in respect of all these roads whether classified or unclassified."
The House divided: Ayes, 190; Noes, 58.
Division No. 14.] AYES. [11.0 p.m. Adamson, Rt. Hon. William George, Major G. L. (Pembroke) Marks, Sir George Croydon Adkins, Sir William Ryland Dent Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham Marshall, Sir Arthur H. Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Gray, Frank (Oxford) Martin, F. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, E.) Ainsworth, Captain Charles Gray, Harold (Cambridge) Mason, Lieut.-Col. C. K. Alexander, E. E. (Leyton, East) Greenall, T. Millar, J. D. Alexander, Col. M. (Southwark) Greene, Lt.-Col. Sir W. (Hack'y, N.) Milne, J. S. Wardlaw Ammon, Charles George Greenwood, William (Stockport) Molson, Major John Elsdale Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G. Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan) Morrison, Hugh (Wilts, Salisbury) Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. (Honiton) Barnett, Major Richard W. Guthrie, Thomas Maule Murray, Hon. A. C. (Aberdeen) Barnston, Major Harry Gwynne, Rupert S. Nicholson, Brig.-Gen. J. (Westminster) Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Hall, F. (York, W.R., Normanton) Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Bennett, Sir T. J. (Sevenoaks) Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W. (Liv'p'l, W. D'by) Nichol, Robert Berkeley, Captain Reginald Halstead, Major D. Paget, T. G. Betterton, Henry B. Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland) Parker, Owen (Kettering) Blundell, F. N. Hancock, John George Pattinson, S. (Horncastle) Bowdler, W. A. Harbord, Arthur Phillipps, Vivian Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Harney, E. A. Philipson, H. H. Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W. Hartshorn, Vernon Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Brown, Brig.-Gen. Clifton (Newbury) Harvey, Major S. E. Price, E. G. Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Hawke, John Anthony Pringle, W. M. R. Bruford, R. Hay, Major T. W. (Norfolk, South) Privett, F. J. Buchanan, G. Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (N'castle, E.) Remer, J. R. Buckingham, Sir H. Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Roberts, C. H. (Derby) Burnie, Major J. (Bootle) Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Butler, J. R. M. (Cambridge Univ.) Hinds, John Robinson, W. C. (York, Elland) Cautley, Henry Strother Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy Roundell, Colonel R. F. Chapple, W. A. Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Royce, William Stapleton Churchman, Sir Arthur Hopkins, John W. W. Ruggles-Brise, Major E. Clarke, Sir E. C. Howard, Capt. D. (Cumberland, N.) Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth) Clarry, Reginald George Hume, G. H. Salter, Dr. A. Clayton, G. C. Hurd, Percy A. Sanders, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert A. Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Hutchison, Sir R. (Kirkcaldy) Sanderson, Sir Frank B. Collins, Pat (Walsall) Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H. Sandon, Lord Collison, Levi Jarrett, G. W. S. Sexton, James Conway, Sir W. Martin Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath) Shepperson, E. W. Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South) Jenkins, W. A. (Brecon and Radnor) Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) Davies, David (Montgomery) John, William (Rhondda, West) Simpson, J. Hope Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale) Johnston, Thomas (Stirling) Simpson-Hinchcliffe, W. A. Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Sinclair, Sir A. Dixon, C. H. (Rutland) Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly) Singleton, J. E. Doyle, N. Grattan Jones, R. T. (Carnarvon) Skelton, A. N. Dudgeon, Major C. R. Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd) Somerville, A. A. (Windsor) Duffy, T. Gavan Kennedy, Captain M. S. Nigel Somerville, Daniel (Barrow-in-Furness) Edmondson, Major A. J. King, Captain Henry Douglas Sparkes, H. W. Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement Steel, Major S. Strang England, Lieut.-Colonel A. Kirkwood, D. Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K. Evans, Ernest (Cardigan) Lamb, J. Q. Stephen, Campbell Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Lambert, Rt. Hon. George Stott, Lt.-Col. W. H. Falconer, J. Lort-Williams, J. Sturrock, J. Leng Fawkes, Major F. H. Lougher, L. Sugden, Sir Wilfrid H. Fildes, Henry Loyd, Arthur Thomas (Abingdon) Sullivan, J. Foot, Isaac Lunn, William Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley) Fraser, Major Sir Keith Macdonald, Sir Murdoch (Inverness) Thomson, T. (Middlesborough, West) Galbraith, J. F. W. Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Thornton, M. Ganzoni, Sir John Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Tubbs, S. W. Gardiner, James Margesson, H. D. R. Turton, Edmund Russborough Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince) Whitla, Sir William Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull) Wilson, Col. M. J. (Richmond) Yerburgh, R. D. T. Warner, Sir T. Courtenay T. Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow) Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda) Windsor, Viscount Weston, Colonel John Wakefield Wise, Frederick TELLERS FOR THE AYES. —— Wheatley, J. Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Lieut.-Colonel Hilder and Lieut.-Colonel Bell. Wheler, Col. Granville C. H. Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) White, H. G. (Birkenhead, E.) Woodcock, Colonel H. C.
NOES. Adams, D. Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Russell, William (Bolton) Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock) Hay, Captain J. P. (Cathcart) Saklatvala, S. Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro') Henderson, T. (Glasgow) Scrymgeour, E. Astbury, Lieut.-Com. Frederick W. Hirst, G. H. Shipwright, Captain D. Barnes, A. Hudson, Capt. A. Sitch, Charles H. Batey, Joseph Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown) Thomson, Luke (Sunderland) Broad, F. A. Joynson-Hicks, Sir William Turner, Ben Buckle, J. M'Entee, V. L. Vaughan-Morgan, Col. K. P. Burgess, S. Maclean, Nell (Glasgow, Govan) Warne, G. H. Cairns, John March, S. Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline) Cobb, Sir Cyril Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Watts, Dr. T. (Man., Withington) Dawson, Sir Philip Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.) Whiteley, W. Duncan, C. Nail, Major Joseph Williams, David (Swansea, E.) Flanagan, W. H. O'Grady, Captain James Williams, Dr. J. H. (Llanelly) Ford, Patrick Johnston Oliver, George Harold Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe) Foreman, Sir Henry Potts, John S. Wilson, Lt.-Col. Leslie O.(P'tsm'th, S.) Gosling, Harry Raine, W. Wright, W. Groves, T. Reid, Capt. A. S. C. (Warrington) Grundy, T. W. Ritson, J. TELLERS FOR THE NOES. —— Guest, J. (York, W. R., Hemsworth) Rose, Frank H. Viscount Curzon and Mr. Maxton. Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil)
Resolved,
"That, in the opinion of this House, the Revenue raised by the taxation of mechanically-propelled vehicles should be adequate to cover the additional cost of road maintenance attributable to motor traffic, that the grants now paid to road authorities should be increased accordingly, and, since practically all rural roads are now used by motor vehicles, grants should also be allotted in respect of all these roads whether classified or unclassified."
The remaining Orders were read, and postponed .
Housing (Decontrol and Supply)
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House do now adjourn."—[ Colonel Leslie Wilson .]
I do not intend to deal at any length with the question of the Government housing policy, but I desire to make some inquiries from the representative of the Government. The topic of the Government's policy and method and period of decontrol have been the subject both of questions in this House and of Ministerial declarations outside, and it is in view of the inconsistency between the declarations made in this House and the statements made by Ministers outside under stress of circumstances that I desire, and I think most hon. Members will sympathise with me in that desire, that the matter should be somewhat further elucidated.
The policy of the Government has passed through certain interesting if confused phases during the past fortnight. A fortnight ago they were enthusiastic for a complete decontrol, an early decontrol, as the only means of solving the housing, problem. There is a good deal of evidence on the other side of the House that, even now, that policy of decontrol is the policy which commands the greatest amount of support among those who support His Majesty's Ministers. Their enthusiasm for decontrol goes so far that, even at the sacrifice of the Minister of Health, they would be willing that the Government should adhere to that policy. Other counsels have, however, prevailed, and there have, in consequence, been a number of modifications. First, we had a declaration from the Minister of Health a week ago, when he said there was to be no decontrol for a period of two years. That statement was modified by the Prime Minister in this House, when he intimated that decontrol of the higher-rented houses would take place next year unconditionally.
Then the Minister of Health took occasion to say that what he had stated in his speech in Mitcham was not inconsistent with the Prime Minister's statement. This promise of unconditional control only remained the policy of the Government for a few days. Yesterday the Prime Minister had once more to adopt a modified policy. In answer to a question which I put to him he stated the Government policy in these terms:
The latest compromise which the Government have adopted seems to combine all the possible demerits and vices from the practical point of view, though it may embody a good many merits from the point of view merely of electioneering exigencies. But there are other declarations made by Ministers outside. Three Ministers at present are fighting for seats in this House, seeking to preserve their Parliamentary lives, and they are adopting all the expedients which are considered favourable in such distressing conditions. We find the Minister of Health has said that decontrol shall not take place unless houses are provided—unless the shortage of houses has come to an end.
That is in an opposite sense to the statement of the Prime Minister that all control shall come to an end in June, 1925. Major Hills, the Financial Secretary to the Treasury, has said at Liverpool exactly the same thing as the Minister of Health, and Colonel Stanley in North London has said the same thing. So, while the Prime Minister has stated definitely and unequivocally that all control of houses shall cease in June, 1925, you have three Ministers outside saying not that—they dare not say it in any constituency in this country to-day—but they are saying that so far as they are personally concerned on no conditions, even at the sacrifice of their places in the Government—think of that!—will they vote against decontrol unless the houses are provided. In view of the conflicting statements by His Majesty's Ministers we are entitled, and people outside are entitled, to have our minds set at rest so that we may know exactly what value to place on the statements and promises made by Ministers for the purpose which they have immediately in view. My hon. Friend the Member for Middlesbrough (Mr. T. Thomson) has another question to ask on this matter, as to which the right hon. Gentleman, I believe, is in a position to say something, and as I am anxious to give my hon. Friend a little time to put his point, I will conclude by hoping that the right hon. Gentleman will be able to say something more definite than has yet been vouchsafed to us.
I am thankful for the opportunity of putting another question on which undoubtedly some uncertainty exists in the country. My hon. Friend dealt with the date of decontrol of houses. The question to which I wish to refer is that of the supply of houses. The local authorities are now faced with a new position. Up to the end of last year houses were allocated to them by the Ministry of Health in small numbers, but that allowed them to keep on building. Now local authorities when they go to the Ministry, as I did the other day with the Middlesbrough Corporation, are told that no more houses can be allotted. We said to the Ministry, "What is the position of the local authorities at the present time?" They said, "You had better wait and see what is in the Bill. There is a transition period between the present time, when local authorities are refused permission to erect any more houses under the 1919 Act, and the period which has to elapse before the new proposals, whatever they may be, are passed into law.
The point I put is this: What is the position of local authorities who are anxious to continue building in the period that is bound to elapse until this Bill becomes law? It is a very real and serious problem for them. Schemes that have been sanctioned under the 1919 Act are nearing completion. Many local authorities have entirely completed their schemes; others will have them completed in the next month or two. We are coming upon the most valuable building period of the year, and it will be disastrous if, during that period, local authorities have to hold their hands because they do not know what position they may be in when this Bill is passed. I ask the Minister whether in the Bill he is prepared to provide that whatever provisions there are for houses erected after the passing of the Bill shall also apply to houses erected before the passing of the Bill, that is to say, during the interregnum? If not, can he say that houses which may be erected when the new Bill becomes operative will get the benefit of the provisions which the Government can give under the 1919 Act? The matter is so serious and the need for houses is so great that it is desirable that we should have a definite pronouncement from the Government on the subject.
With the permission of the House, I will deal with the last question first, not because of any lack of deference to the hon. Member who raised this subject, and not for electioneering purposes, but because the provision of houses is really of vital importance. I want to tell the House, first, that a good deal of building is going on now. There are certain mining districts of which I know where a great many working-class houses are being built, and there is one housing corporation which is now building on behalf of colliery owners. They hope and I hope that in two or three months they will complete an output of 100 houses a week. The statement I heard yesterday, that house building is dead, is not correct. With regard to local authorities, all houses under the 1919 scheme have not yet been completed. On 1st February there were 20,966 houses which had been authorised and not completed. So that there are still 20,966 houses which can be got on with by the local authorities under the existing scheme, and 8,774 of these have not yet been started, although authorised. Therefore, there will not be the gap which the last speaker feared. There are 21,000 houses still to be got on with and completed by the local authorities under the existing scheme.
The hon. Gentleman has asked me whether in the new Bill there can be included arrangements by which local authorities can start building schemes now. As I said before, I am only acting as deputy for the Minister, but I am authorised by him to say that this has already been done, and the Corporation of Birmingham has already started a scheme of 1,000 new houses, which are being built in the faith and hope that this House will pass the new Housing Bill. If the Bill is passed, these houses now being built by the Corporation of Birmingham, and any other houses built by any other local authority, will, if the House permits this Bill to have retrospective action, come in under the scheme.
Has the Corporation of Birmingham been informed of the exact financial terms?
Certainly not. Perhaps I ought not to say it in such a definite manner. I do not think so. I do not think they have been informed in definite terms, because the Bill has not yet been sanctioned by the Cabinet. It is most unlikely that they should have been so informed. If the House were not to pass the Bill, any local authority, in its building on the strength of the expectation of what its provisions may be, will be left in the cold. I hope the House will be perfectly certain to pass it.
Is the hon. Baronet speaking of a Bill which has already been drafted, or which remains to be drafted?
It is a Bill which is being drafted. [An HON. MEMBER: "In incubation!"] It is not fully drafted. You can hardly say that a Bill is drafted unless it is completely drafted, and ready to be printed. But the Bill is there, and the Bill will be—[An HON. MEMBER: "Produced after the election!"] If it could be produced now, it would be a most excellent electioneering move, and I should be very glad to see it printed.
Let me clear up the point raised by the hon. Member for Penistone (Mr. Pringle). I am not going to deal with the remarks made by him about pledges. We are glad to see him back after a period of four years' political inertia. The statement of the Prime Minister yesterday is perfectly clear and perfectly definite, and is a statement made on behalf of the Government, containing the definite decision of the Government. It is perfectly plain from that statement that all control will cease in 1925. There is no ambiguity about it. With regard to the houses which are to be decontrolled in 1924, the Bill will contain a Clause that they shall be decontrolled in 1924, but it will also contain a Clause that if either House of Parliament passes a Resolution that they shall not be decontrolled till 1925, that will have effect. I see no ambiguity about that at all. The hon. Member talks about double negatives and grammatical subtleties, but it is perfectly clear that all houses are to go in 1925. The 1924 group are to go in 1924, unless one or other of the Houses of Parliament passes a Resolution to the contrary. I can see nothing inconsistent in that.
What about the whips?
With regard to the Government whips, how can anybody, even the Prime Minister himself, state without a knowledge of what the position will be in 1924, whether the Government whips will be put on or not? That is obviously a matter which will be for the decision of the Government at the time.
Does my hon. Friend state that decontrol will be put into operation in 1925, if the housing situation permits, or in any case?
I have read, and I abide by, the statement of the Prime Minister yesterday, which is the proposal of the Government, that all decontrol should cease in June, 1925. That will be the condition which will be in the Bill to be presented at the earliest possible moment. That is the decision of the Government, and it is quite definite.
Irrespective of the housing situation?
It being Half-past Eleven of the Clock , Mr. SPEAKER adjourned the House without Question put, pursuant to the Standing Order .
Adjourned at Half after Eleven o'Clock.