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Commons Chamber

Volume 160: debated on Thursday 1 March 1923

House of Commons

Thursday, March 1, 1923

The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair

Private Business

CITY AND SOUTH LONDON RAILWAY BILL. (By Order.)

Read a Second time, and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills.

I beg to move,

"That it be an Instruction to the Committee to which the Bill may be referred to insert Clauses in the Bill making the provisions as to fares to be charged on the proposed new railways on the same, basis as those applicable to the London Electric Railway under the London Electric, Metropolitan, District, City and South London, and Central London Railway Companies (Fares, &c.) Act, 1920, and making those provisions temporary in duration in the same manner as the fares provided for in the said Act of 1920, so that the whole of the fares on the company's railways shall be subject to revision at the same time."

The Motion standing in my name is, I understand, acceptable to the promoters of the Bill.

I beg to second the Motion.

Question put, and agreed to.

LONDON ELECTRIC RAILWAY BILL. (By Order.)

Read a Second time, and referred to the Examiner of Petitions for Private Bills.

I beg to move,

"That it be an Instruction to the Committee to which the Bill may be referred to insert Clauses in the Bill making the provisions as to fares to be charged on the proposed new railways temporary in duration in the same manner as the fares on the existing railways of the company provided for in the London Electric, Metropolitan, District, City and South London, and Central London Railway Companies (Fares, &c.) Act, 1920, so that the whole of the fares on the company's railways shall be subject to revision at the same time."

This Motion, I understand, is acceptable to the promoters of the Bill.

I beg to second the Motion.

Question put, and agreed to.

PRIVATE BILLS (Standing Orders not previously inquired into complied with).

laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, That, in the case of the following Bill, referred on the Second Reading thereof, the Standing Orders not previously inquired into, which are applicable thereto, have been complied with, namely:

Hoylake and West Kirby Gas and Water Bill.

Bill committed.

Rawmarsh Urban District Council Bill (by Order),

Second Reading deferred till Tuesday next.

West Riding of Yorkshire County Council (Drainage) Bill (by Order),

Second Reading deferred till Friday 9th March.

Local Legislation Committee

Ordered,

"That the Committee of Selection do nominate a Committee, not exceeding Fifteen Members, to be called the Local Legislation Committee, to whom shall be committed all Private Bills promoted by municipal and other local authorities by which it is proposed to create powers relating to Police, Sanitary, or other Local Government Regulations in conflict with, deviation from, or excess of the provisions of the general Law."

Ordered,

"That Standing Orders 119, 150, and 173A apply to all such Bills:

That the Committee have power to send for persons, papers, and records:

That Four be the quorum."

Ordered,

"That if the Committee shall report to the Committee of Selection that any Clauses of any Bill referred to them (other than Clauses containing Police, Sanitary, or other Local Government Regulations) are such as, having regard to the terms of reference, it is not in their opinion necessary or advisable for them to deal with, the Committee of Selection shall thereupon refer the Bill to a Select Committee, who shall consider those Clauses and so much of the Preamble of the Bill as relates thereto, and shall determine the expenditure (if any) to be authorised in respect of the parts of the Bill referred to them. That the Committee shall deal with the remaining Clauses of such Bill, and so much of the Preamble as relates thereto, and shall determine the period and mode of repayment of any money authorised by the Select Committee to be borrowed and shall report the whole Bill to the House, stating in their Report what parts of the Bill have been considered by each Committee:

That the Committee have power, if they so determine, to sit as two Committees and in that event to apportion the Bills referred to the Committee between the two Committees, each of which shall have the full powers of and be subject to the instructions which apply to the undivided Committee, and that Pour be the quorum of each of the two Committees."—[ Captain Craig. ]

What is indicated by the words "other local government regulations"?

Oral Answers to Questions

Naval and Military Pensions and Grants

Royal Engineers (D. J. Burns)

asked the Minister of Pensions whether he is aware that David James Burns, who was passed as A1 into the Inland Water Transport (Royal Engineers) and served on board H.M.S. "Egremont" until February, 1917, owing to an accident on the ship was awarded an 80 per cent. pension which was reduced to 50 per cent. in 1920 and later on assessed as fit for light work; that, together with his wife, he has been turned out of his home and has served three terms of imprisonment for seeking relief in the streets; that he could get work on board ship but the ships' doctors will not pass him as fit; and that he is now in the workhouse at Taunton and his wife in the infirmary; whether this man volunteered for service in 1914; and whether, in these circumstances, he will cause an inquiry to be made into the case?

The pension referred to was awarded for gastritis as having been aggravated by service, and was continued in accordance with assessments of examining medical boards until 1920, when a medical board reported that there was no disablement from that disability. The consequent decision of the Ministry that the effects of service had passed away was subsequently confirmed on appeal by the independent tribunal. The accident referred to in the question resulted in a severe ankle sprain, but at none of the medical examinations subsequent to discharge from the Service could any disablement from that injury be found. In these circumstances, I regret that I am not in a position to take any further action regarding this case.

Royal Engineers (J. Lucas)

asked the Minister of Pensions if he will cause inquiries to be made into the case of Joseph Lucas, No. 114,309, late of the Royal Engineers, now living at 20, Donald Street, Bow, E., who joined the forces in 1914, and is at present receiving a disability pension of 30 per cent., namely, 12s. per week for himself, 3s. for his wife, and 2s. 3d. for his child; is he aware that the pension is given for rectal abscess; that he has been constantly in hospital since being finally discharged; that when he joined the Army he weighed 13 stone, whereas his weight is now over 21 stone, entirely due to his disability as he is unable to control the ordinary processes of nature; that this man suffered from no physical disability whatsoever before his service in the Army; that he is completely incapacitated from work and is obliged to have his wife in constant attendance upon him, and that there is no question in his case of partial disability as his complete incapacity is self-evident?

This man made claim to pension for obesity in May last, when, after full consideration, the Ministry rejected the claim on the ground that the obesity is constitutional and in no way related to service or to the dysentery and fistula for which pension is being paid. This decision has been confirmed on appeal by the independent tribunal. The man will shortly be re-examined by a medical board and the question of pension for the accepted disabilities will then be further considered.

Overpayments

asked the Minister of Pensions the total amount deducted during 1922 from pensions awarded to men in respect of disabilities due to War service; and under what authority these stoppages were made?

asked the Minister of Pensions if he is aware of the many cases in which deductions are being made from persons in receipt of pensions, owing in most cases, to some alleged overpayment by the Ministry or its officials at some earlier date, and not owing to misrepresentation by the pensioner; and, since it has already been decided in a court of law that such deductions are illegal, will he inquire into these cases?

asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware of the discontent that is being created amongst men disabled in the late War, in consequence of the Government's action in effecting deductions from pensions without giving the pensioners an opportunity of appearing before their local pensions committees to show cause against any stoppage; and whether, in view of the statutory right to pension conferred by the War Pensions Act, 1919, Section 7, he will obtain the opinion of the Law Officers as to the legality of these deductions?

Overpayments are recovered by my Department under the authority of Articles 8 and 22 of the Royal Warrant of 1914, which are incorporated in the Great War Warrants, and the award of any pension is, under the Act referred to by the right hon. Member for Newcastle East, expressly subject to the conditions contained in the Warrant under which it has been awarded. Each case is, however, considered on its merits, and where it is clear that the overpayment was one of which the pensioner could not have been aware, and hardship would be involved, recovery may be waived. I may add that the opinion of the Law Officers has already been obtained on the point raised.

Royal Army Medical Corps (W. G. Stokes)

asked the Minister of Pensions whether, in view of the fact that at the time of death Walter George Stokes, of 31, Rutland Street, Standard Hill, Nottingham, late Private, Royal Army Medical Corps, No. 19,053, was suffering from acute and chronic gas poisoning and that the cause of death was given as valvular disease of the heart, which it is claimed was greatly aggravated by the severe shell-gas poisoning from which the man suffered, he will order a revision of the case?

There is no record in this case that the late soldier was gassed, nor did he so claim when he himself made application for pension. The decision of the Ministry that the fatal disability was not connected with service has been confirmed on appeal by the independent tribunal, and is, therefore, final.

Royal Horse Artillery (James Lee)

asked the Minister of Pensions whether he is aware that the death certificate of the late James Lee, 12a, Beauchamp Street, Carlton Road, Nottingham, Bombardier, 1/1st Notts, Royal Horse Artillery, who died on 12th January, 1921, gives the cause of death as malaria and mediastinal tumour, and that the widow has been refused a pension on the grounds that the chief cause of death was mediastinal tumour, not attributable to war service; and whether, since malaria, contracted on service in Palestine, was stated to be a contributory cause of death on the death certificate, and may also be regarded as having been a pre-disposing cause of the mediastinal tumour itself, he will cause the case to be re-investigated and the widow's appeal upheld?

After full consideration of all the circumstances of this case in the light of the opinion of my medical advisers, it was not found possible to accept the malaria as being a contributory cause of death, which was regarded as due entirely to constitutional causes in no way connected with service. The consequent decision of the Ministry rejecting the widow's claim to pension was confirmed on appeal by the independent Pensions Appeal Tribunal and is now, therefore, final.

Wives and Children (Allowances)

asked the Minister of Pensions the number of war pensioners, respectively, in receipt of allowances for unmarried and for legally married wives and children; the amounts involved in each class of cases; whether it is the policy of his Ministry to reduce the numbers in the former class; and, if so, for what reason?

The number of allowances in payment in respect of wives is 327,000, and in respect of children 573,000. I regret that I am not in a position to supply the information asked for in the second part of the question, as the figures for married and unmarried wives are not kept separately in the records of my Department. I am not aware of any change of policy such as is suggested in the last part of the question.

Appeal Tribunals (Documents)

asked the Minister of Pensions whether, in cases coming before pensions appeal tribunals or assessment appeal tribunals, it is the practice of the Ministry to forward to the chairman, in addition to the précis of the case, of which the appellant is furnished with a copy, a file containing all papers in possession of the Government relating to the history of the claim; whether the contents of this file are treated as evidence by the tribunal in arriving at their decision, but the appellant is denied access to these documents at the hearing; and whether he will give instructions that in future cases the appellant and his representative shall be entitled to have such access to these material documents?

The précis supplied to the appellant some time before the hearing of his appeal, sets out clearly the whole of the material facts and evidence, and the reasons for the Minister's decision, and thus gives the appellant full material on which to base his case. In accordance with the rules and procedure laid down by the Lord Chancellor, the dossier of the man's case containing the originals of the documents quoted in the précis is also made available to the tribunal for purpose of reference if desired. I am unable to agree to the suggestion in the latter part of the question.

If it is made available for the tribunal, surely in justice to the man he or his representative should have access to it at the hearing?

The object of bringing these papers to the court—which is a very exceptional measure—is as an act of good faith on the part of the Ministry and to enable the court to verify the accuracy of the précis, if necessary.

Why should not the man have access to the papers, to which the court has access in determining his case? Is that not an elementary principle of law and justice?

No, Sir. It is not an elementary principle of law and justice that documents of this sort should be handed over in the way suggested. The point is that all these materials are there fur the court with the object I have stated, but it is obvious that there might be in some cases certain medical records which it would be most undesirable to produce in the man's own interest.

Can my right hon. Friend suggest any court in this country in which it is the practice that matters should be taken into consideration by the court which are not placed in the possession of the persons appearing before the court?

Parents' Need Pensions

asked the Minister of Pensions why the revised scheme for parents' need pensions lays it down that a parent is not considered to be in need if his income from all sources reaches 20s. a week?

The maximum need pension for a parent under the Royal Warrant is 20s a week, and, as this amount may be paid to a parent who has no other available resources under the pecuniary need scheme, it was necessarily adopted as the standard.

Is it the view of the Ministry that a man who has only 20s. a week has enough to live upon?

The point is the amount which a deceased man might be expected to contribute, and the maximum being 20s., it must necessarily follow that it is on 20s. we base our calculations. But our calculations vary with the nature of individual cases.

Does the Ministry agree that if a man has only 20s. a week, he is necessarily in need?

15. The hon. Member asked the Minister of Pensions whether, in fixing the amount of parents' need pensions, his Department takes into account the fact that the husband is unemployed or sick; and, if not, why they take into account the fact that the husband is in receipt of National Health Insurance benefit?

The pension is designed to meet conditions of a more or less permanent nature and is awarded for a year at a time. If the pension were liable to fluctuation to meet temporary conditions of sickness or unemployment, elaborate machinery of inquiry would be necessary to determine from time to time whether or no the temporary conditions still obtained. It is not the practice to take into account National Health Insurance benefit received by the husband of a pensioner, unless it is of a permanent nature, in which case any pension awarded reflects the need of both parents.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that I have a letter from his own Department saying that in a particular case they had reduced a certain pension because they had taken into account the receipt of National Health Insurance benefit?

Perhaps the hon. and gallant Member will send me particulars of that case.

History Sheet (M. Miller, Springburn)

asked the Minister of Pensions why Mathew Miller, 27, Carelston Street, Springburn, has been refused a copy of his history sheet; and whether he will see that the same is supplied?

Pensions Committees (Publicity)

asked the Minister of Pensions if he is aware that the chairmen of war pensions committees in the Yorkshire region have received a letter from the regional director stating that, owing to reports of these committees' discussions getting into the Press, it has now been decided that war pensions committees and general purposes and children's committees shall sit in private session; whether he is aware that ex-service men and the public generally are opposed to this muzzling of the Press and desire that the utmost possible publicity should be given, in the interest of the pensioners, to the work of the Pensions Ministry and its officials; and if he will give instructions to withdraw the letter?

I have called for a copy of the letter referred to, but I think there must be some misunderstanding, as the rule that committees shall sit in private session is intended to be confined to the consideration of individual cases, when, for obvious reasons, publicity is not desirable in the interests of the pensioner.

Army Pensioners

asked the Minister of Pensions if he is aware that a seafaring man cannot be regarded as resident in England, and so is ineligible for the increase of pension under Army Order 347 of 1920; and what steps does he suggest to remedy this injustice?

I have been asked to reply. The Pensions (Increase) Act, 1920, the provisions of which were applied to Army pensioners by Army Order 347 of 1920, restricts the award of increases to pensioners who are resident in the British Isles, and a pensioner who is absent for more than three months in a year is excluded by Treasury Regulations framed under the Act. Any suggested alteration to these Regulations should therefore be addressed to the Treasury.

Female Nurses (Hours)

asked the Minister of Pensions whether he is aware that female nurses at hospitals under the control of his Department are employed on day and night shifts for 12 hours, with only two breaks of a half-hour each, and four days' holiday at the end of each month; and whether he can make arrangements for these nurses to have a more reasonable day's duty, with a proper mid-duty rest time?

I am afraid the hon. Member has been misinformed. The hours of day duty are from 7.30 a.m. to 8 p.m., with three hours off duty in addi- tion to 1¼ hours for meals. Night duty is for 12 hours, with two half-hour intervals for meals, but it must be remembered that the actual attendance on patients during night duty is normally light and, further, no nurse remains upon it for more than two months at a time. As regards leave, each nurse is allowed two nights each month when on night duty, and when on day duty a weekly half-holiday and a whole day or weekend once a month. She also receives annual leave of four or five weeks, according to rank.

If I can provide the right hon. Gentleman with a specific case to verify the statement in the question will he have inquiries made?

Ex-Service Men

Mental Cases

asked the Minister of Pensions how many of the 700 insane ex-service men who became chargeable to the Poor Law in September, 1922, owing to the stoppage of their allowance by this Department have appealed to the tribunal; what proportion of the remainder have been unidentified by relatives; and how many appeals have been determined and the number decided in favour of the man?

There have been 328 appeals to the tribunal, of which 225 have been heard, 77 of them being decided in the man's favour. There are no unidentified cases.

Higher Education Grants

asked the President of the Board of Education whether in cases where three years' grants for assisted higher education to ex-service men who have been withdrawn owing to failure to pass the first year's examination, and the ex-service students at their own expense have continued their studies and succeeded in the following year in passing the examination, the Board will favourably consider the re-issue of the grants for the remainder of the periods for which they were originally granted?

I do not feel justified in departing from the principle which had been in force for the past two years, namely, that if after an uninterrupted academic year's study a student fails to pass the examination which the university regulations indicate should be passed by a student of ordinary ability at the end of his first year, his award should be cancelled. The fact that a student who fails at the end of his first year succeeds in passing the examination after a second year's study at his own expense does not, in my opinion, justify the reinstatement of his award.

In special cases where this condition was not known to the student when the grant was originally made, will the right hon. Gentleman reconsider the point?

So far as my information goes, it was known, but if the hon. Member has any cases to bring to my notice I will look into them.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that there are men who differ so much in their mental capacity that it might take them two or three years to get what another man would get in a year? Is there no consideration for that type of man?

Schoolmasters (Widow's Gratuity)

asked the President of the Board of Education whether the gratuity of one and a-quarter years' salary is payable to the widow of a schoolmaster who is a disabled ex-service man and who dies from causes other than wounds?

A death gratuity is payable under the School Teachers (Superannuation) Act, 1918, on the death of a teacher in recognised service, provided that he has served for the period required by the Act and Rules, and that he satisfied the Board that he was not of impaired health at the date on which the Act came into operation (1st April, 1919). The death gratuity awarded in such cases amounts to not less than one year's average salary, and not more than 1½ years' average salary.

Repatriation

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the War Office decision that return passages for ex-service men to overseas countries cannot be reopened, he will consider some way by which third-class passages could be advanced to ex-service men who wish to return to the country from which they came to serve in the Great War?

Facilities for free repatriation extending over considerable periods of time were available for all ex-service men after the Armistice. Those who came from other parts of the Empire, but did not avail themselves of these facilities, were allowed, subject to the approval of the Dominion concerned, the privilege of free passage under the Government Free Passage Scheme up to the 31st December last. It is now over four years since the conclusion of hostilities, and it does not appear to me advisable to offer further special facilities beyond those available for all classes of the community to proceed to those Dominions with which passage schemes have been arranged under the Empire Settlement Act.

Education

Provision of Meals

asked the President of the Board of Education whether, in view of the fact that in cases where public assistance is required for the further nourishment of children attending public elementary schools, the results obtained when this expenditure is administered by boards of guardians through their relieving officers as out-relief to parents are not as satisfactory as when administered by education authorities through their school feeding-centres, he will consider the desirability of formulating a scheme whereby necessitous school children may themselves secure this assistance direct through school feeding-centres, in order that they may obtain the maximum benefit possible, both in food values and in educational training, from the expenditure thus incurred?

The Board, in their Circular of the 17th May, 1922 (of which I am sending the hon. Member a copy), have already called attention to the desirability of co-operation between local education authorities and boards of guardians so that children whose parents are in receipt of relief may enjoy the advantage of school meals provided by the local education authorities. I understand that in a good many cases such arrangements have been made.

Tipton, Darlaston and Wednesbury

24, 25 and 26.

asked the President of the Board of Education (1) the number of children attending the elementary schools under the Tipton Education Authority; what provision is made for secondary school education; the number of free places so provided;

(2) the number of children attending the elementary schools under the Darlaston Education Authority; what provision is made for secondary school education; the number of free places so provided;

(3) the number of children attending the elementary schools under the Wednesbury education authority; what provision is made for secondary school education; and the number of free places so provided?

The number of children in average attendance at public elementary schools in Tipton for the year ended 31st March, 1922, was 6,075. The corresponding figures for Darlaston and Wednesbury are 3,467 and 4,688. The urban district council of Darlaston are not a local education authority; the area forms part of the area of the local education authority for Staffordshire. There are at present no recognised secondary schools in any of these places; plans for a new secondary school at Wednesbury are, however, at present under consideration. The following table shows the approximate number of pupils from Tipton, Darlaston, and Wednesbury in attendance on the 31st March, 1922, as day scholars at neighbouring recognised secondary schools and the proportion of them who hold free places under Article 20 of the Regulations for secondary schools:

Higher Education (Deficiency Grants)

asked the President of the Board of Education what decision he has arrived at in regard to the representations made to him by the deputation of local education authorities on the 25th June last as to the inequity of including Government grants to training colleges in the calculation of higher education deficiency grants; and whether an early intimation on the matter can be given to the local authorities concerned so that they may be able to make the necessary provisions in their financial estimates for the forthcoming year?

My hon. Friend must, I think, be referring to the deputation I received on the 13th December last. With regard to the second part of the question, I regret I can add nothing to the reply I gave the Noble Lord the Member for South Nottingham (Lord H. Cavendish-Bentinck) on the 22nd February last.

Victoria and Albert and Science Museums

asked the President of the Board of Education whether it is now possible to rearrange the hours of opening the Victoria and Albert Museum and the Science Museum so as to make them available to students, artisans, and professional and business men engaged during the day in the industries which these institutions are maintained to assist?

I sympathise with the object which my hon. Friend has in view, but if his suggestion is that the museums should be open for fewer hours in the daytime in order that they may remain open in the evening, I must point out that the number of evening attendances during the time when evening opening was in force was small, and I doubt whether upon a balance of advantages, if evening opening were revived now, they would be sufficient to compensate for the inconvenience to the public which would be caused by an alteration and restriction of the hours of opening by day. If, on the other hand, his suggestion is that the museums should be open for longer hours altogether than they are at present, that would involve additional expenditure. The museums are, of course, open on Saturday and Sunday afternoons, when the persons referred to by my hon. Friend would, presumably, have leisure to visit them.

Is it possible to meet the additional cost by reducing the staff during the hours when there are comparatively few people attending the museums?

I am advised that that would be difficult, but I will explore the possibilities again. I am rather doubtful if it is possible.

Certificate Examination

asked the President of the Board of Education whether he is aware that certain people, after receiving a definite promise from the Government that the education certificates examination would be held on 26th November, 1923, have spent both time and money in preparing for this, only to hear recently from the Board of Education that it has now been decided not to hold the examination; and what action he proposes to take in the matter?

I would refer the hon. Gentleman to the reply I gave on the 15th February last to the hon. Members for Caerphilly (Mr. Morgan Jones), New-castle-under-Lyme (Colonel Wedgwood), and Ilkeston (Mr. Oliver).

Acting Teachers (Examination)

asked the President of the Board of Education whether he is aware that Circular 1296 of the Board of Education states that an other acting teachers' examination will be held; and can he now state when that examintion will take place?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. The date upon which the examination should be held is receiving my consideration, but I regret that I am not yet in a position to fix a date.

Will the right hon. Gentleman use his best endeavours to see that the announcement is not unduly delayed?

Secondary Schools (Free Places)

asked the President of the Board of Education the total number of secondary schools on the grant list which are permitted to restrict the number of free places obtainable in the particular school to less than 25 per cent.; what is the number of these schools restricting their free place awards to 20, 15, 10, and 5 per cent., respectively: what is the number of such schools in receipt of aid from local educational authorities in addition to Government grants; and what is the general ground upon which the permission to restrict these free places is given?

As part of the reply to this question is of a statistical character, I will, with the hon. Member's permission, circulate the figures in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

The general grounds for variation or reduction of the normal percentage are as follows:

What real ground is there for any school receiving public assistance having preferential treatment? Why should not any schools receiving State grants give the requisite number of places?

I can assure the hon. Gentleman there is no question of preferential treatment, but it is necessary to have regard to the merits of individual cases.

Is it not a fact that nearly all these schools are schools in which the headmasters and headmistresses are members of the Headmasters' Conference, and are giving preference to a certain class?

The hon. Gentleman can debate that question on the Education Estimates.

Following are the statistics promised:

The total number of secondary schools in England and Wales on the Grant List which are required, under Article 20 of the Regulations for secondary schools, to offer less than 25 per cent, free places for the current year, is 155. In the case of 12 schools the Board regard the Article as satisfied by an offer of 20 per cent.; in the case of 13 by an offer of 15 per cent.; in the case of 29 by an offer of 12½ per cent.; and in the case of 95 by an offer of 10 per cent. In no school is an offer of 5 per cent, accepted; but in the case of six schools, which are in receipt of grants on a lower scale, no requirement is made. Of the 155 schools in question, 98 are in receipt of aid from the local education authority, as well as from the Board.

Special Schools (Revised Regulations)

asked the President of the Board of Education whether he intends shortly to issue revised Regulations relating to special schools, with the object of reducing the cost, by increasing the number of children per class and employing unqualified teachers; whether he has received any protests from local education authorities against these proposals as forecasted in Circular 1297; and whether he is aware that it will not be possible to put these proposals into effect without very seriously impairing the efficiency of special schools?

Provision will be made in the revised Regulations for the staffing of special schools on the lines indicated in Circular 1297. The aim of the Board, as stated in the first paragraph of that Circular, is to facilitate the introduction of such economies as, while not impairing the efficiency of the schools, will enable a larger number of children to be eventually provided for. As regards the qualifications of teachers in special schools, the Board have always reserved discretion in their Regulations to accept proposals for the appointment of individual teachers, who, though not possessing the usual academic qualifications, appear to possess special aptitude for the work. This discretion has not been and will not be exercised by the Board until they have satisfied themselves that the teachers in question are competent for the work allotted to them. I am satisfied that it is in the interests of defective children generally that the staffing arrangements set out in Circular 1297 should be given a fair trial; but I propose to keep the working of these schools, under the new conditions, under very careful observation.

Will the right hon. Gentleman be ready to withhold the issue of these revised Regulations until the House has had an opportunity of discussing the proposals contained in Circular 1297?

I am afraid I could not give that undertaking, for one reason because I think the Circular is already issued. But in any case, I think the hon. Gentleman ought to be content with the assurance I have given that I will keep this arrangement under very close review.

Facilities Reduction (Sheffield)

asked the President of the Board of Education whether in November, 1921, the Board called the attention of the Sheffield local education authority to infringements of the Elementary Code in 15 school departments with regard to staffing and in 10 school departments with regard to accommodation; whether there is a, continuance of such infringements; whether he is aware that a further drastic reduction in the provision of educational facilities is now proposed by the local education authority; that a large public meeting has protested against such reduction; and that these circumstances are due to the failure of the Government to recognise the present intolerable burdens placed upon the citizens of Sheffield owing to unemployment or to make any grant in respect of what is a national responsibility; and what steps he proposes to take in the matter?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative, but I am not yet in a position to compare the records of this year with those of last as regards infringements of the Code. I am aware that the City Council have directed the education committee to effect a considerable reduction in educational expenditure, and that proposals for this purpose are under consideration. The position is causing me much concern, and is receiving my personal attention. The last part of the question refers to a matter which is not within the province of the Board of Education.

Is not the right hon. Gentleman charged with the efficiency of education, and if the efficiency of education in Sheffield is lowered owing to the circumstances set out in the question, will he represent the position to the Prime Minister?

I shall certainly have regard, of course, to the efficiency of education. I may add that I have only this morning received an official communication from the education authority at Sheffield, which I have not yet had time to consider.

Training Colleges

asked the President of the Board of Education whether he has received a protest from the Association of Municipal Corporations and kindred bodies against the different financial treatment meted out by the Board to denominational training colleges on the one hand and to training colleges controlled by local authorities; and, if so, will he make a statement on the subject?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. With regard to the second part, I may refer the hon. Member to the reply I gave on the 22nd February to the Noble Lord the Member for South Nottingham (Lord H. Cavendish-Bentinck).

Compulsory School Age

asked the President of the Board of Education for what reasons the applications of the 44 local authorities to make bye-laws for the raising of the compulsory school age to 15 years have been refused?

The total number of applications received from local education authorities is 15, of which 6 have been made recently with a view to mitigating the evils of juvenile unemployment. The prolongation of the period of compulsory attendance at school for a year, or until employment is obtained, is not a matter to be lightly undertaken. It is most desirable that parents should be encouraged to leave their children at school wherever there is sufficient accom- modation, but, in any case, until all means of systematic persuasion have been exhausted, I think it inadvisable to have recourse to compulsion. Where parents and children are unwilling, I doubt whether compulsion could be effectively exercised. A bye-law for the purpose must apply to all Children, including girls who often do not look for employment before the age of 15, and, apart from financial considerations, I am very doubtful whether the balance of advantage lies on the side of this method of meeting a temporary emergency. Certainly it would be much more difficult to secure the social and educational advantages of prolonged attendance at school if parents and children are unwilling.

If the 15 local authorities are enlightened enough to think differently from my right hon. Friend, why should he prevent them from taking this action?

I am not sure that when they arrived at their conclusion they had before them all the relevant considerations which were available to me from the reports all over the country, and I am now taking steps to lay them before them.

Is it not a fact that the working-class parents, because of their poverty, are unwilling to allow their children to remain at school and that if maintenance grants were available, they would be just as glad as any other class to let their children remain at school?

I will not argue that point now, because it does not arise out of the question. What I was concerned to state was that I was confronted, or might be confronted, with the hard fact of unwillingness.

Teachers' Superannuation

asked the President of the Board of Education whether he is aware that the pre-1919 retired teachers have requested leave to put their case before the Departmental Committee now sitting to consider the whole question of teachers' superannuation; and whether he will use his good offices to have the request granted?

asked the President of the Board of Education whether he is aware that the pre-1919 retired teachers have asked leave to put their case before the Departmental Committee which is now sitting to consider the whole question of teachers' superannuation; and whether he will secure that their request be granted?

The answer to the first part of these questions is in the affirmative. It is for the Committee to determine what evidence they will hear.

Is it not a fact that inspectors and other classes have been permitted to appear before this Committee? Would it not be fair to give the same facilities to the old teachers?

All I say is that it is for the Committee itself to decide what evidence it will take, and not for me to interfere with their free discretion in that matter.

Infants Assistants, London

asked the President of the Board of Education whether the new class of infants assistants employed by the London County Council is of the same category as the supplementary teachers so designated in the elementary school code; how many children a supplementary teacher is permitted by the regulations to be responsible for; whether the London County Council is permitting infants assistants to be responsible for classes of 40 or more children; if more children are permitted to be under the control of infants' assistants than supplementary teachers; and, if so, if he will say why there is this differentiation?

I understand that the infants' assistants employed by the London County Council have all undergone a period of training, and they are restricted to teaching classes in which the majority of children are below five years of age. In both these respects they differ from supplementary teachers employed in rural areas, and in London as compared with those areas there is a larger field of choice among women suitable for the work. Within the general limitation of classes to 60 children on the register, no special limit is prescribed by the Code for a class which a supplementary teacher or an infants' assistant may teach, and I am not aware that there is any differentiation such as is suggested.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that infants' assistants only have a few months' training, and are not qualified teachers? They are only supplementary teachers.

My information is that they are qualified, and, in any case, I should be 10th to consider that a great local authority such as that concerned would employ them unless fully satisfied they had the requisite qualifications.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say what he means by "qualifications"? What are the qualifications of these people?

Questions

Socialist Sunday Schools

asked the President of the Board of Education if he will have the moral precepts taught in the Socialist Sunday schools distributed to the Members of the House of Commons for their information and guidance; and if he will see that they shall be included in the curriculum of the elementary schools of the Kingdom?

It is neither my duty nor my privilege to provide moral instruction for hon. Members, nor have I the information which would enable me to judge whether or not the precepts referred to would be likely to raise their general moral standard. The Code of Regulations for Public Elementary Schools already contains provisions for moral instruction with which I do not think the hon. Member would be dissatisfied.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that one of the songs in the Socialist Sunday schools is "England, Arise"

If I supply the right hon. Gentleman with the precepts concerned, will he study them and then, if he think it advisable, distribute them to Members?

I will certainly undertake to study them, and I shall hope to benefit by them.

Has any party in the State got better moral precepts than the Sermon on the Mount?

Government Departments

Air Ministry (Captain a. E. Penn)

asked the Secretary of State for Air whether he can give any information as to the discharge from the Air Ministry of Captain Alfred E. Penn, a late branch director (engine supply), directorate of aircraft supplies; whether he is aware that Captain Penn was discharged and his appointment given to a non-service man; and whether, in this case, the recommendation of the Lytton Committee as to the order of discharge of civil servants was adhered to?

Captain Penn, whose military service was confined to Government Departments, was discharged in order to avoid the necessity for discharging another ex-service officer who, unlike Captain Penn, had served overseas and was disabled, and, as a temporary arrangement, part of Captain Penn's work was taken over by a non-service man, who has also now himself received notice of discharge. I can assure my hon. and gallant Friend that in this, as in all such cases, due regard was paid to the Lytton Committee's recommendations, which, as he is aware, recognise the necessity for the exercise of discretion in the interests of the work of the Department, in the consideration of discharges.

Whitley Councils

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he will now consider the question of abolishing the Whitley Councils in the various Government Departments and in the Civil Service as a, whole?

Is it not the fact that, although these councils are of great use in industrial concerns, they are quite out of place in Government offices?

Aviation

State Subsidies

asked the Secretary of State for Air how many pilots and how many other persons in grades corresponding to Air Force ranks are employed by companies in receipt of the civil aircraft subsidy?

18 pilots and 117 ground engineers, fitters, riggers, store-men, labourers, clerks and other miscellaneous employes, are employed by the three companies in question. It would not be practicable to classify them in grades corresponding to Air Force ranks.

Does it not occur to the right hon. Gentleman that the numbers employed are very small for the money expended by the State?

Yes, Sir; it has certainly occurred to me that that is so; and it is on that account that I am reconsidering the whole question.

Will the Government consider whether better value would not be obtained by diverting this money to augmenting the regular Air Force?

asked the Secretary of State for Air the names of the members of the Departmental Committee appointed to consider the question of Government subsidies to air transport; and if any member of the Committee has personal experience of aerial navigation?

The names of the members of the Committee are Sir Herbert Hambling, J.P. (Chairman), Sir Joseph Broadbank, J. P., Mr. Oliver V. G. Hoare. These gentlemen were nominated on account of their special qualifications for dealing with a matter which was fundamentally a business question and one not calling for the possession of personal experience of aerial navigation, of which, so far as I am aware, they had me.

Does not the right hon. Gentleman consider it inadvisable that of this Committee of three persons, one should be his brother, another his brother's partner, and the third the late partner of the right hon. Gentleman himself?

No, Sir, I do not. The suggestion contained in the supplementary question of the hon. Member is incorrect. I should like to know whether he wishes to impute motives to any of these three gentlemen; if so, I shall be obliged if he will state his charges.

I asked a specific question in the public interest, as to whether the right hon. Gentleman thought it advisable that these three gentlemen should be on that Committee?

Yes, Sir, I certainly do. [HON. MEMBERS: "Of course!"] Hon. Members are perfectly free to judge whether or not the inquiry was a useful one from the report which has been issued'.

Was not the appointment of the three members of this Committee quite in accordance with the policy of past Governments in appointing members of their own Parliamentary party?

Croydon Aerodrome

asked the Secretary of State for Air whether any decision has yet been come to by his Department as to providing a new air station for London nearer to the centre than the present station at Croydon; and can he make any statement on the subject?

As I informed the hon. Member on 7th December last, this matter was referred to the Civil Aviation Advisory Board, whose Report is now under consideration. It is expected that the Report will be available for hon. Members in the course of a few days.

Is it not a fact that Croydon is the only station free of obstructions near London?

If the hon. Member will await the Report he will see that that consideration has been taken into account.

Questions

Iraq (Treaty Ratification)

asked the Prime Minister whether, before the Treaty with Iraq is ratified, an opportunity will be given to the House to record its verdict upon it?

Motor-Car Accidents (Penalties)

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the large and increasing number of cases where foot passengers are knocked down by motor cars, and the motor-car driver does not stop and render aid, he will introduce legislation inflicting heavy penalties on any driver who, after injuring a person, endeavours by flight to escape detection and responsibility?

I have been asked to reply to this question. Motorcar drivers who cause any bodily harm by furious driving or other wilful misconduct or wilful negligence, may be punished with imprisonment up to two years if they do not render themselves liable to some more serious charge. Any attempt to escape detection by flight and failure to assist the injured person would no doubt be taken into account by the Court in passing sentence. I do not think that any special penalty for those who are guilty of such conduct is called for.

Will the right hon. Gentleman consider bringing in legislation to make it an offence to pass standing tramcars, and motor cars, as has been done in the United States?

Does the right hon. Gentleman admit that there is an increasing number of these cases, as stated in the question?

Bye-Elections

ask the Prime Minister whether, having regard to the heavy expense thrown upon constituencies by bye-elections, and dislocation of trade in the constituencies, he will institute legislation empowering the House of Commons to impose, as a condition of granting any application or making any appointment which results in a bye-election within one year after any general election, a monetary payment to be applied in relief of the rates of the constituency concerned?

Is the right hon. Gentleman likely to place any proposals before the House to relieve particular constituencies of the expense that falls upon them by reason of the wanderings of unhappy Ministers?

Peace Treaties

France and Ruhr District

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the separate action of France and Belgium in the Ruhr, he has received any intimation from those Powers that they regard themselves as in a position to undertake separate negotiations with Germany?

Can the Prime Minister tell us whether he has had any communication from the German Government of their willingness to open negotiations with the Allies?

German Marks (Seizure)

asked the Prime Minister if his attention has been called to statements to the effect that 12½ milliards of marks from the German Reichsbank intended for Cologne was seized by one of the French posts enveloping our zone; if it is his information that part of this money was intended for the British Army of Occupation; and what action the Government intend to take in the matter?

asked the Prime Minister whether any seizure has been made of German marks which were being carried to the British occupied territory; and for what purpose the money was being sent?

His Majesty's Embassy at Berlin has received a copy of a protest made by the Reichsbank to the Rhineland High Commission to the effect that a seizure of German marks was made on the 24th February at Hengstey. The protest states that the sum was destined for use at various towns in the British, French, and Belgian zones. I have no information that part of this money was intended for the British Army of Occupation, and until full particulars are available it is impossible for me to make any statement as to the attitude of His Majesty's Government in this matter.

Has communication between our area on the Rhine and Berlin been now cut by the French and Belgian troops, and would any communication or messenger going from Cologne or Berlin or vice versa have to pass the examination of our Allies?

Are we to take it that the information in the newspapers this morning that that part of the payment destined for us has been refunded is in fact correct, or is the statement incorrect?

If it is correct it is information that has not yet reached us officially.

British Commercial Interests

asked the Prime Minister if His Majesty's Government has received a communication from the British Chamber of Commerce in Cologne asking that protection shall be accorded to British commercial interests against the alleged holding up of British trade in transit from British-occupied territory to Great Britain and abroad; whether British mails to and from British-occupied territory are being delayed at the Belgian frontier; and if British merchants in British-occupied territory may be granted facilities to use the Army mail services for letters only until such time as the regular mail services are again in working order?

A communication from the British Chamber of Commerce at Cologne concerning the protection of British commercial interests in the occupied territory has been received and is being considered by His Majesty's Government. The hon. Member will see from my reply to another question which stands in his name what measures are being taken for the protection of British interests. I have no information to show that British mails are being held up at the Belgian frontier, although it is possible that slight delays to mails may have occurred owing to the strike of German railway men.

asked the Prime Minister if he is aware that ordinances have been passed by the French and Belgian authorities in German territory occupied under the Treaty of Versailles, and in the territory newly occupied, forbidding British merchants to comply with German laws regarding imports and exports under penalty of fines ranging from 50 to 100 million marks and imprisonment up to five years; whether the result of these ordinances is that British goods in British-occupied-territory for which the necessary export licences have been granted by the German authorities, and which have paid export tax fees, are prevented from being exported without fresh export licences being procured from the French authorities and fresh export fees paid to those authorities amounting to from 10 per cent. to 20 per cent. of the total value of such goods; and if he will state what representations have been made, or will be made, to the French Government to prevent normal British trade intercourse with Germany, both in the British-occupied area and outside it, from being interfered with?

The effect of the measures introduced by the French and Belgian authorities in the occupied territories is to require traders to comply, under the penalties mentioned in the question, with the modifications which have been introduced by those authorities into the German Regulations on the subject of imports and exports. Goods for which export licences had already been granted before the imposition of the new measures, may be exported from British occupied territory on a single payment of export duty at the rate formerly in force. All cases where British interests are being or might be adversely affected are being brought to the notice of the French and Belgian authorities in the occupied area by the British representatives in the Rhineland, and those authorities have so far shown every disposition to give such cases favourable consideration.

Reichsbank Gold Deposits

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if the £50,000,000 odd gold deposited in the Reichsbank is pledged to the Reparation Commission?

Housing

Public Utility Societies

asked the Prime Minister whether he will appoint an inter-Departmental Committee to inquire into the operation of the regulations affecting public utility (housing) societies and the possibility of using such societies in connection with future housing?

asked the Prime Minister whether, having regard to the fact that many working men were persuaded by the housing propaganda, issued by the Ministry of Health in 1919–20, to invest their savings in public utility (housing) societies, and that such savings are in danger of being completely lost, he will appoint an inter-Departmental Committee to inquire into the position of these societies and the possibility of preventing their bankruptcy?

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department, as representing the Ministry of Health, whether, having regard to the fact that tenants of public utility (housing) societies are in some districts compelled to pay rents more than double those paid by tenants of similar houses built by local authorities, he will appoint an inter-Departmental Committee to inquire into the operation of these societies, the regulations governing them, and their financial position generally?

I have been asked to reply. My right hon. Friend is aware of the difficult position some of the societies are in, but he does not, at the moment, think any useful purpose would be served by the appointment of an inter-Departmental Committee.

If it be considered that the public utility societies, as an essential part of providing houses by private enterprise, are suffering from the very grievous disadvantage of having to pay to the Public Works Loan Board interest of 6½ per cent., would it not be possible to take steps to have it reduced?

The whole position of public utility societies is being carefully considered and watched by my right hon. Friend.

Local Authorities (Government Assistance)

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the fact that some local authorities have already completed all the houses sanctioned for State assistance under the Housing and Town Planning Act, 1919, and that the Unemployed Grants Committee refuse to recognise housing schemes for grants towards unemployed labour, he will give an undertaking that any assistance provided by the Government's new housing proposals shall apply equally to schemes started by local authorities before as well as after the passing of the new Act, in order that there may be no cessation of building operations in the meantime?

My right hon. Friend has been asked to reply. As I stated in the House, on behalf of the Minister of Health, on the 27th February, it is proposed to provide in the Housing Bill that local authorities who, with the approval of the Minister of Health, have undertaken the erection of houses before the passing of the Act shall not be prejudiced as regards any financial assistance available under the Act on account of their having acted in anticipation.

How soon, may I ask the Prime Minister, will the conditions governing these grants be made known for the information of the House and of the local authorities?

Palestine

Motor Lorries (Contract)

asked the Prime Minister whether he received a letter dated 18th January, 1923, and published in the Press, from the Federation of British Industries pointing out the injury inflicted upon the taxpayers and workpeople of this country by the placing of contracts abroad by the Government Departments; whether His Majesty's Government have recently placed an order with the Lancia Automobile Company of Turin for 200 motor lorries for Palestine; and, if so, will he, in the interests of industry in this country, have the matter reconsidered?

I have been asked to reply. The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. The Colonial Office have no knowledge of any such order having been placed, and do not think it can have been placed without their knowledge, but the High Commissioner will be asked to report, and perhaps the hon. Member will let me have any information which has reached him on the subject.

Would it be consistent with the Mandate to confine orders in British territories to British goods?

We have a right to have the usual Crown Agents' procedure in connection with these territories.

Was not the famous "Blue Train," which takes hon. Members to Monte Carlo, made in Leeds for the French Railways?

British Troops

asked the Prime Minister whether he will inform the House what is the number of troops left in Palestine after the withdrawal of the two infantry battalions and the cavalry regiment; what saving will be effected by this withdrawal; and whether he is able to fix any date for the withdrawal of our remaining forces?

I have been asked to reply. It is inadvisable that the numbers of troops at present in Palestine should be made public.

Questions

League of Nations (Budget)

asked the Prime Minister what are the income and expenditure of the League of Nations and the International Labour Bureau, respectively; and if either of them has any outstanding financial liabilities?

The last Assembly approved the Budget of the League, including the International Labour Office, for 1923, at 25,673,508 gold Swiss francs, The International Labour Office accounts for 8,200,462 francs out of the total. Income equals expenditure, apart from subscriptions in arrear, since expenditure is apportioned between the members of the League. The League's budget and the Report of the Fourth Committee of the last Assembly on financial matters are in the Library of the House.

Will the hon. Gentleman say what proportion of this money is paid by Great Britain?

Can the hon. Gentleman say whether there are any other outstanding liabilities which have been undertaken by the League?

I think that question is covered by the answer which I have already given.

Railway Rates Tribunal

asked the Prime Minister whether, seeing that the Railway Rates Tribunal has no power to initiate a reduction of railway rates, he will consider the desirability of initiating legislation with the object of conferring such powers upon the tribunal?

I have been asked to reply. The Railways Act, 1921, requires the Rates Tribunal themselves to fix standard charges to operate from the appointed day and subsequently periodically to review these charges. At the present time, that is up to the appointed day, the Act provides that any representative body of traders may make an application to the tribunal for a reduction. In view of the ample rights of appeal and of review which these provisions afford I see no reason to propose amending legislation.

Imperial Economic Conference

asked the Prime Minister if he is now in a position to state the approximate date, venue, and personnel of the Empire Conference to discuss the development of trade within the Empire?

Communications with the Governments of the Dominions and India as to the suggested Imperial Economic Conference are still proceeding, and I am not in a position to give the particulars asked for by my hon. Friend.

Will this Conference discuss other matters besides economic subjects?

We are in communication with the Governments of the Dominions on the subject.

Legislation (Drafting)

asked the Prime Minister whether he can see his way to propose the appointment of a Joint Committee of both Houses to examine the present methods of drafting legislation, and to report as to the best means of securing greater simplicity?

I do not think that the appointment of such a Committee would serve any useful purpose.

In view of recent experience, and of the decisions of the Courts, and in view of the necessity of promptly passing amending legislation in this House, does the right hon. Gentleman not think that some such inquiry as that suggested in the question is desirable and would be useful?

Coal Industry (Wages)

asked the Prime Minister if he will now order an inquiry into the conditions of the coal mining industry, seeing that the position, so far as miners' wages is concerned, has not improved, despite the increased output, and in accordance with his promise to reconsider the position if the industry did not substantially improve?

As I informed the executive committee of the Miners' Federation on Tuesday last, I do not think that such an inquiry would serve any useful purpose at present.

Is the Prime Minister aware of the intense dissatisfaction amongst miners at the present time which may lead to a stoppage, and would it not be advisable to have an inquiry before and not after that stoppage; and, further, seeing that the Prime Minister's refusal is based upon an anticipation of good trade and a consequent increase in miners' wages, whether in the event—

If in the near future the trade does not improve, will the Prime Minister give us a guarantee that he will then institute an inquiry?

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that a further reduction of wages commenced to-day in Durham County, that the people there are going without proper food and clothing, and that terrible distress exists throughout the whole coalfield?

I am aware of the discontent to which the hon. Member refers, but I am still of the opinion that it is being removed by the state of trade, and that wages will rise as time goes on.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the discontent is really around the question that coal, large and small, was sold at 11s. per ton in 1914, whilst in January this year the coal was sold at 18s. per ton, large and small, and that an inquiry should be directed to finding out why wages are so low while the selling price is so much higher?

As a matter of fact, the January figures have not yet applied to wages, and we must wait.

Budget

American Motor-Cars

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he will consider imposing a high tariff upon motor-cars built in the United States of America for a limited period of 62 years, and so prevent money being diverted to that country, which will, at the same time, encourage the home manufacturers and thereby reduce unemployment and the paying of doles?

All motor-cars of foreign manufacture, with certain exceptions in favour of trade vehicles, are already liable to a duty of 33⅓ per cent. ad valorem on importation into this country. I could not agree to discriminate against cars manufactured in the United States of America.

In view of the prevailing unemployment in the motor tyre industry, will he have motor tyres included?

Entertainments Duty (Cadet Corps)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, in view of the withdrawal of the grant of 6s. per annum per cadet of the Territorial Army and the consequent necessity of each unit raising funds to carry on, he will consider the grant of exemption from Entertainments Duty of entertainments promoted by cadet units for the purpose of raising funds and devoted solely to this purpose?

Under Section 1 (5) of the Finance (New Duties) Act, 1916, as amended by Section 13 of the Finance Act, 1922, relief from Entertainments Duty is granted in respect of entertainments promoted by cadet units, provided that the whole of the expenses of the entertainments do not exceed 30 per cent. of the receipts, and that the whole of the net proceeds are devoted to the funds of the units. I am sending my hon. and gallant Friend copies of a leaflet and forms which explain the statutory provisions and the procedure for obtaining the relief.

Corporation Profits Tax

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, in view of the unsatisfactory yield of the Corporation Profits Tax, which on 31st December, 1922, was over £13,000,000 in arrears, he will consider the removal of this tax which weighs so oppressively on industry?

I must ask my hon. Friend to wait for the Budget statement. I would, however, remind him that the duty has already produced £17,237,000 out of an estimated yield of £19,750,000 for the year?

Is it a satisfactory reason for removing a tax that the people who ought to pay it are in arrear with their payments?

Income Tax

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer the cost which would be incurred by the Exchequer in any one year if the incomes of married persons were taxed separately?

If the existing system of taxation of incomes were so altered that the incomes of married persons were taxed separately, it is estimated that the immediate loss to the Exchequer would be £12,500,000 and that the ultimate loss would approximate to £35,000,000.

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he will issue estimates of the number of persons paying Income Tax and Super-tax, showing the estimated numbers at the various grades of income, in the same form as the information given in Table 67 of Cmd. 1436, of 1922, and bringing up to the latest available date all the details given therein?

I would refer the hon. Member to the second paragraph on page 79 of the Command Paper mentioned in the question, where it is explained that, owing to the changes in the law affected by the Finance Act, 1920, it is no longer possible to furnish the required information.

Does not the right hon. Gentleman think it is most important that the House should be in possession of facts such as these? Is he aware there is no civilised country in the world which has not more elaborate statistics about national finance than this country?

The compilation of statistics is really entirely a matter of expense and the question is how far the expense is justified.

Is it not the case that no other civilised country in the world is taxed like this?

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer the estimated amount of Income Tax due on 31st March last which remained unpaid on 30th November last?

I regret that the information asked for is not available. The approximate total amount of Income Tax estimated to be due to be paid but not paid on the 30th November, 1922 (including the instalment due on the 1st July, 1922), was £12,500,000.

Surplus War Stores (Sales)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer the amount of money that has been realised by the sale of war stores between 1st April, 1919, and 3rd February, 1922; and whether that amount has been devoted to paying off the National Debt incurred by buying these stores or whether it has been used towards meeting the cost of the current expenditure?

As stated in Command Paper 1640 of 1922, the approximate amount of realisations by the Disposal Board from the Armistice to 31st March, 1922, was £624½ millions. It is not possible to identify particular Exchequer receipts with particular Exchequer payments such as debt repayment. But during the year 1919–20 we had to borrow for War purposes £349 millions net. After 31st March, 1920, considerable remenet War charges had to be met from revenue. In spite of that up to March, 1922, we had applied £294 million cash to debt redemption.

Sugar Duties

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer, whether any approximate estimate has been formed for any period since the reduction of sugar duties as to the proportion of benefit received by the consumer and by other parties; and, if this cannot be given, whether he can state which way the benefit has generally gone?

Since the reimposition of the sugar duty in 1901, the duty as a whole has only once been reduced, namely, from 4s. 2d. to 1s. 10d. per cwt. in 1908, when there was an equivalent fall in retail prices of ¼d. per lb. The preferential reduction, in 1919, of one-sixth of the duty in respect of Empire sugar and the abolition, in 1922, of the duty on homegrown sugar were not accompanied by any reduction in retail prices.

If the Chancellor of the Exchequer is reducing the taxation on anything, will be do it first on tea and sugar?

Questions

British Debt (United States)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer the total amount of money that will be paid to the United States of America during the next 60 years, when the total debt and interest has been paid off?

I would refer the hon. Member to the reply which I gave to the hon. Member for the St. George's Division of Westminster on Tuesday last.

Old Age Pensions

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, under the Old Age Pensions Act Regulations, an old age pensioner in hospital receives his pension for three months, after which period it is stopped; if so, can he state the authority for this Regulation; whether he is aware that, owing to the financial position of many hospitals, it is now the practice to make a charge; that an old age pensioner is able to meet this out of his pension, but at the end of three months is left without resources and thus runs the risk of being discharged from hospital before he is fit; and whether he will consider the advisability of amending the Regulations in question?

Under Section 3 (1) of the Old Age Pensions Act, 1919, a person who is an inmate of a Poor Law institution for the purpose of obtaining medical or surgical treatment becomes disqualified for the receipt of an old age pension at the expiration of three months from the date of entry. This provision does not apply to an inmate of a hospital which is not a Poor Law institution, but in such a case the right of the inmate to receive an old age pension depends upon whether his means, including the value of any free or part-free maintenance in the hospital, exceed the statutory limit. Legislation would be required for the amendments desired by the hon. Member.

Will the right hon. Gentleman give reasons for discriminating between the inmates of an ordinary hospital and of a Poor Law hospital under similar circumstances?

I think they will probably be found in the debate which preceded the passage of the Act of 1919.

Will the right hon. Gentleman consider the possibility of providing medical attention for old age pensioners, and so prevent them coming into these institutions?

Questions to Ministers

Have you noticed, Sir, that to-day a number of questions were addressed to the Prime Minister which should not have been put to him? Cannot some means be adopted to ensure that questions are put to the proper Ministers?

That is what I have been endeavouring to carry out for some time past. Hon. Members try various devices to have a shot at the Prime Minister, when they should really put their questions to someone else. I will certainly continue to do what I can in the direction indicated by the hon. Member.

Private Bills

May I inquire if and how it is possible to obtain copies of Private Bills on which we have to adjudicate and to which we may wish to object? I tried to get a private company Bill this morning without success.

Private Bills promoted in the House are available to Members. Perhaps the hon. and gallant Member will consult me and then I can understand what his trouble is.

Business of the House

Will the Prime Minister tell the House the business for next week?

On Monday the Unemployment Insurance Bill—Second Reading.

Tuesday: Discussion on Motion (Security and Reparations) standing on the Paper in the name of the hon. Member for Aberavon (Mr. Ramsay MacDonald).

Wednesday: Fees (Increase) Bill— Second Reading.

Thursday: Supply, Civil Services Vote on Account. The Vote for Unemployment Relief.

Selection (Standing Committees)

Standing Committee A

Sir SAMUEL ROBERTS reported from the Committee of Selection; That they had discharged the following Member from Standing Committee A: Captain Erskine-Bolst; and had appointed in substitution: Mr. Lorden.

Report to lie upon the Table.

Bills Presented

Blasphemy Laws (Amendment) Bill,

"to amend the Blasphemy Laws," presented by Mr. SNELL; supported by Captain Wedgwood Benn, Mr. Dunnico, Dr. Salter, Mr. Leach, Mr. Lansbury, Mr. William Thorne, Mr. Lees-Smith, and Mr. George Roberts; to be read a Second time upon Thursday next, and to be printed. [Bill 39.]

Housing Bill,

"to amend the Housing Acts, 1890 to 1921, and, so far as relating to housing, the Public Health Acts 1875 to 1907, the Public Health (London) Act, 1891, and the Local Government Act, 1894, and otherwise to make further provision with respect to housing; and for purposes connected with the matters aforesaid," presented by Mr. RHYS DAVIES; supported by Mr. Clynes, Mr. Ammon, Mr. Noel Buxton, and Mr. Arthur Henderson; to be read a Second time upon Friday, 16th March, and to be printed. [Bill 40.]

Orders of the Day

Supply

Considered in Committee.

[Mr. JAMES HOPE in the Chair.]

Civil Services Supplementary Estimates, 1922–23

Class V

Middle Eastern Services

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £813,000, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1923, for sundry Middle Eastern Services under His Majesty's Secretary of State for the Colonies, including certain Grants-in-Aid."

This Supplementary Estimate, although, in the White Paper, it is divided into three heads, falls really into two, and I will endeavour, in presenting it to the Committee, to keep to those two halves, which are distinct, one from the other. Firstly, there is the sum of £350.000 over and above the £9,000,000 already voted in respect of military and Air Force expenditure. That is, as I may call it, one-half of the Estimate. The other half, which I will take together, is in respect of the railways of Mesopotamia. I want at the outset to make a correction in the Note on the White Paper to Subhead A. That Note says that no British garrison, no British reserves anywhere in the Middle East, could be reduced pending any eventuality that might arise out of the sudden Turkish victory. Consequently, from the end of July last year there have not been military and Air Force reductions in Iraq as was originally contemplated. As a matter of fact, this Supplementary Estimate would have been larger on that account had not really great efforts been made, and more especially by the Air Officer Commanding, Sir John Salmond, to economise; and I say quite frankly that there was room for economy in the actual administration of the Force under his command.

As I have said, no reductions have taken place, and I am advised by the military and air officers that, owing to the fact that, at this very moment, discussions are going on in the Angora Assembly on the proposed Treaty of Lausanne, it would be contrary to the public interest to state the exact distribution and numbers of British forces in any Middle Eastern theatre until we know which way the decision is going to take place on the Lausanne Treaty. Therefore, I cannot give to the Committee the exact number of aeroplanes and troops in any one of the Middle Eastern theatres. Of course, it would be out of order on this Vote to discuss them anywhere except in Iraq. As I have said, this Supplementary Estimate is due entirely to the fact that the progressive reductions sketched when Mr. Churchill introduced the Estimate for the year have not taken place, firstly, owing to the military events in Asia Minor last summer and autumn, and, subsequently, to the delay in arranging a satisfactory peace with Turkey. After all, I put it to the Committee that, whether we are going to remain in Iraq at all or whether we are not, at any rate this country, after the victories of General Maude and General Allenby, is not going out at the point of a Turkish bayonet. That is the general position that we take, and, until we have concluded peace with Turkey, we are pledged in honour, not only to the Allies, but under our international obligations, not to be driven by armed force out of that country. We must take that view, and, therefore, we could not, in the face of the events of last autumn—that was before I went to the Colonial Office, but I am perfectly certain it is quite right—reduce those garrisons, more especially as we had information to show that Turkish troop movements from the centre of Asia Minor were threatening, not only in the direction of Mesopotamia itself, but in the direction of French Syria and of our Allies on our left flank in that area. Therefore, I am quite sure the Committee will support that decision.

I now come to the other half of the Supplementary Estimate. The first part, as I have said, deals merely with this question of defence. On the second part I wish to make a rather fuller statement, and it is much more complex. The problem of the railways in Mesopotamia is not an easy one. Those railways were constructed with great rapidity during the War, and they were constructed entirely for tactical reasons. Their alignment was tactical, that is to say, they were not laid down with the idea of making the best possible commercial railways in Iraq. The alignment had to follow the military requirements from day to day, and, consequently, those railways, ever since, have been handicapped from a commercial point of view. I will give an example. Under the first item, "Capital Expenditure on Iraq Railways," which I will explain fully later, there is included, for instance, a line running north-east from Bagdad towards the Persian frontier. That line was constructed during the War purely for military reasons, and for military reasons, instead of following the caravan route to Khanaqin—where, even before the War, there used to be a branch of the old Bagdad railway, and which is the point upon which the whole Persian pilgrimage traffic coming down to Iraq is focused—for military reasons the town of Khanaqin was specially avoided, and, consequently, when the use of that railway was no longer required for military purposes, it became obvious that it was inconvenient in its existing alignment for commercial purposes, and capital expenditure had to be undertaken in order to change the alignment of the railway so that it went to the town of Khanaqin.

It took place within the last two years. I will go rather more into detail in regard to all these railways in turn. Let me first explain how this figure of £153,000 is arrived at. Of this amount, £69,000 represents a re-vote of money voted last year but not expended. It could not be brought into the accounts of last year, 1921–22, owing to the vouchers being incomplete. Consequently, the sum reverted to the Exchequer and has to be re-voted this year now that we have got the vouchers. The new money asked for to-day is, therefore, £84,000. Taking the two financial years together, £85,000 represents the value of stores taken from the Disposal Board and used for railway capital work. This amount, therefore, represents a transfer from one Government Department to another. That is what is done in this particular Vote. We have taken this Vote this afternoon in order to pay the Disposal Board for the stores used on capital works on these railways. I am not suggesting that that does not represent expenditure. Naturally, the Disposal Board could have sold those stores elsewhere, possibly not for so much, though they might have done. I do not want to make any special point of this fact. The hon. and gallant Member for Leith (Captain W. Benn) seems to think that I am trying to get out of it. I am not. £18,000 is provided for dismantling lines previously maintained for military purposes only. This is the old Kut el Amara-Bagdad line, namely, the Tigris line to Bagdad. On the Tigris side of Iraq, the Tigris is a navigable water. You do not want a railway where you have water transport. Therefore, we have during the past year pulled up the Tigris railway. The Kut el Amara-Bagdad line has been pulled down. The Kut-Bagdad line being closed down it is considered advisable to remove the lines and sleepers to Bagdad in order that they may not deteriorate. These became the property of the Disposal Board and represent assets of a considerably greater value than the cost of removal which the Committee is now asked to vote. These lines are still for sale. Those are the main heads in respect of this capital expenditure.

There is one item specifically referred to on which I must say something. There is a sum of £6,000 for the erection of rolling stock ordered last year. In order to run the line new parts of engines had to be sent out, and this is the bill for erecting them when they got there. They were purchased in England last year, and the account for erecting them comes in this year.

They are the Iraq railways. I am going to deal with the broad question of policy as to the future of these railways in a moment. Let me explain Subhead E. 1, "Maintenance of Iraq Railways." When the Cairo Conference took place in the Spring of 1921—

Is it the intention of the Government to publish the Report of the Cairo Conference of March, 1921?

It was originally intended that the Iraq railways should be worked by the Iraq Government, but it was recognised that funds for additional capital expenditure would have to be provided before that took place. The railways are the property of His Majesty's Government. It must be recognised that so long as the railways were not earning working expenses there was no inducement either to the Iraq Government or to anybody else to take them over. It was out of the question to discontinue the railway service as this would have made the position of the Imperial garrison, in respect of supplies, reliefs, etc., absolutely dangerous and impossible; and it was absolutely essential for the process of evacuation, if that were decided upon or if we had had to fight the Turks in the interval, that the railways for military reasons should be kept in being. [An HON. MEMBER: "Who owns the land?"] The land belongs in most cases to the Government of Iraq, but there is every variety of proprietorship there. I need not go very much further into the question of the exact nature of the railway. I have given the main reasons why it has been maintained, but, in view of certain correspondence in the Press, I have to say certain things about it. There are really three lines. There is the line from Basra by the Euphrates to Hilla and then across to Bagdad. There is the broad gauge section from Bagdad northwards towards Mosul, which is part of the old pre-War Bagdad railway as far as Samarra.

In effect, it was German owned, though various people had a partnership in that very much discussed railway. Then the third line is the line to which I have already referred, namely, the branch line from Bagdad to Khanaqin. Some critics say that you do not want the line at all from Bagdad to Basra. You certainly do not if it follows the Tigris, but everybody knows that even if you spent £1,000,000 you never could make the Euphrates a navigable water, and it is the Euphrates basin which is already the largest producing area—the rice-growing and potential cotton-growing district—in Iraq, and if even Iraq is to be developed by whomsoever, then, if they are to get any outlet and have any economic future for their country, they will have to have rail transport down the Euphrates, and river transport must be maintained, though it is sometimes rather precarious, down the Tigris. That is the general view. The question of the right policy to pursue in regard to the future of these railways is admittedly one of extreme difficulty. His Majesty's Government have not up to the present time committed themselves finally to any particular solution, and they to-day retain a free hand. I want to make that clear, because there have been suggestions in the Press that the Government are committed to sell this line to a particular syndicate. That is not so. Discussions did take place. The syndicate came forward with a suggestion that this House should vote a guarantee of interest, and those negotiations were suspended. But we do propose here and now to ask the Government of Iraq to take over the working of the line as from 31st March this year.

We hope for ever. That leaves the question of ownership to be decided. We have had an estimate of the present capital value of these railways carefully calculated by a competent engineer. That competent valuer, sent out by the Disposal Board, places the present capital value of these railways at £3,500,000.

I do not know. I should think that getting all kinds of material out of India, taking lines up in India and putting them down again according as the military situation required cost millions during the War, but the estimated present capital value of the railways is £3,500,000, and this gentleman advises that the railway from now onwards, certainly the Basra-Bagdad section, can be made to pay.

I will try to get that information before I have to reply to the Debate. To anybody who is familiar with the country and knows the geography of it, the three lines are pretty clear. There is the long line, and there are two short lines.

Did this competent engineer make any estimate of the amount of capital expenditure required?

No, there was no detailed estimate of the further capital expenditure required, but I gather that it is his view that when this capital expenditure is completed, and the railways are taken over from the 31st March this year, they will pay, and the Iraq Government will not be called upon to subsidise them next year. That is to say, the working expenses and the receipts should balance.

Do we understand that at present the railways are not paying their working expenses?

I believe, during the War, some millions, but the railway was so picked up and put down again, owing to military requirements, that it is difficult to estimate how much money has actually been spent on the railway. The section of the line from Basra to Hillah on the Basra-Bagdad line is expected to pay this year—that is to say 1922–23. There is a slight deficit due to military movements and military expenditure on the section Bagdad-Samarra-Shergat, but no deficit is anticipated on the main line in the current financial year. That is a very remarkable achievment, because I remember taking part in a previous Debate on Iraq and criticising the railway management pointing out that it was, I think, the most heavily officialled line in the world. The whole of that has changed during the last year. It is not due to the change of power and it is not exactly due to personal efforts on my part, but it is a satisfactory feature and the local authorities on the spot deserve every credit for making a serious effort as the result of appeals in this House reducing the expenses of running the line to a very remarkable degree in the last 10 or 11 months and I think they are to be congratulated. It is the policy of the Government to ask the Iraq Government to take over the administration of the railways from 1st April, and if this offer is accepted, which I hope it will be, the House will not be asked to grant any further sum of money whatever either for capital or current expenditure on railways. Both we and the Iraq Government would be ready to receive and consider any applications from anyone to buy the line. If not, what will happen? Undoubtedly ownership of the line will sooner or later have to be transferred from the British Government to the Iraq Government, and we may hope to recover the £3,500,000 as a book debt when Iraq is in a position to pay us back. I am not prepared to tell the Committee when that may be. Obviously the idea of a guarantee of interest is out of the question, certainly without a Supplementary Estimate and I am advised without a Bill, so I think there can be no very serious fear that we are going to commit the House beforehand to paying a guarantee of interest in respect of these railways. Nothing therefore in that respect can be done.

Referring again to Subhead (1), I should like to pay a tribute to the manner in which during the last few difficult months, with the strain on the northern frontier of Iraq, the Air Officer Com- manding, the first man who has had, as it were, the independent air command, the first officer there being Commander-in-Chief of all the forces in the country, has maintained peace and order and the efficiency of his force, and also some recognition of the way the whole people and King Feisal and his brother, who went up to Mosul during the difficult time of the last few months, have stood staunch to their country and to the Iraq Government. There has been no trouble, no internal disturbance whatsoever, and so far from King Feisal and the Emir being in any way despised, all our evidence is to the contrary, that they are standing high in the estimation of their people, both Shiah and Sunni alike. That is natural, because traditionally, and by religious practice, the Sherifian family has a claim, which no ordinary Sunni can have, to the regard of the Shiah element of the population as the lineal descendants of the Prophet and of Ali the sacred Saint of the Shiah. I am quite confident that if we can get peace with Turkey the reductions that were promised will be able to take place. On the general question, I can say nothing beyond what the Prime Minister said in answer to the general Debate the other day, and, of course, it would be out of order now on this question.

I beg to move to reduce the Vote by £1,000.

Everyone will re-echo my hon. Friend's reference to the air officers in Iraq. It is not our custom to blame the officers. We blame the policy. If the officers are put to do an impossible job it is not fair to blame them. It is only fair to blame the people who put them there, and therefore I cordially re-echo everything my hon. Friend has said with regard to the admirable conduct of the air officers. He says peace and order reign in Iraq. Everything is smooth. That is one plaice, at any rate, where we have tranquillity—I am sorry to use so hackneyed a word—but I have heard even to-day that some of that tranquillity is bought by British sovereigns, and that there are still British sovereigns in Iraq. The Arab is a very acute fellow. He will only take British gold. He does not care about paper. There is a good deal of British gold there. My hon. Friend made rather a serious statement that our whole policy of, I hope, evacuation depends upon the negotiations with Turkey, so if the Turks go on for a year or a couple of years or longer we shall have this kind of white elephant attached to us. I do not blame the present Government, though some of its Ministers were in the last Government. I see one sinner in front of me now. But I agree it is a legacy, and a very ruinous legacy, from the late Government. This Estimate is £350,000 more than the £7,372,000. That is to say we are going to spend about £10,800,000 on defence in Iraq alone. Is all this defence? What about the bombing of these villages we have heard something about? Is that defence? I should like to know. The Air Minister said the other day there had been no bombing of villages for tax gathering, but there has been bombing of villages. May I give an instance between Basra and Bagdad quite recently where a British officer was shot at. I am sorry he was there. The offenders were not caught and, as I am informed, upon very credible authority, the village where these offenders came from was bombed. Is it right that your air officers should be engaged in killing women and children when the real culprits cannot be captured? It is not fair to our men to ask them to do such duty. The hon. Gentleman said all this extra expenditure was caused by orders of the late Government.

The order for the suspension of the contemplated reduction was first indicated last summer during the Turkish crisis by the late Government. We have carried it on. We are responsible for not making reductions here and now and we do not propose to make reductions pending the upshot at Angora.

If I am mistaken I will not pursue it. Is the extra expenditure—and it must be considerable—of sending British forces to Mosul in this Estimate?

You could not have foreseen last year, when the Vote was presented, that you were going to send troops to Mosul. I am asking whether that expenditure is included in the Supplementary Estimate now presented. I have no doubt my hon. Friend will answer later on. The defence of Iraq is much more expensive because British officers will keep the troops in their own hands over there. The Arab army have not a chance. I am informed pretty creditably that the levies of Arabs under British officers are paid 45 rupees a month plus 15 rupees for messing and a British uniform. The Arab levies are officered by British. The Arab army on the other hand is only paid 45 rupees; they have no messing allowance, and they wear any old uniform they can pick up. You will not get a very big Arab army like that. You are in fact driving men away from it. I understand the Minister for War of Iraq is now in London. It would be extraordinarily interesting to invite him to one of the Committee rooms and let him address us and tell us all about it. We should get first-hand information. He is a very accomplished gentleman. I think he has the Iron Cross. He fought against us. Then he was caught. Then being, as Mr. Churchill said, a somewhat corpulent person, in escaping from a citadel in Egypt he broke his leg. Then he found he was on the wrong side. He fought for us and I believe he has been made a C.M.G. or something or the other. Now he is in London.

Yes, quite an artist. Let us invite him to meet us at the House of Commons, so that we may have the advantage of hearing his views. I should like to put this question to the Undersecretary for the Colonies. Are you wise, can you guarantee to-day that your forces in Mosul are safe? That is a very important point. I do feel concerned about men of our British blood being sent to a country 750 miles from the sea, with no communications except air communications, Are they safe? One of the most distinguished soldiers, General Sir William Robertson, has very grave doubts about the policy of holding Mosul. I understand that we went into Mosul absolutely in opposition to military opinion. Military opinion was all against it. How long are we going to stay there? What I object to is that we have such a large Air Force in Iraq. They would be better at home. We are not well defended at home by air. The other day I quoted from the "Daily Mail," the "Times" and the "Express," and I was jeered at. Now I will quote from the "Morning Post." This is what General Sir William Robertson says, writing in the "Morning Post" to-day:

"The Iraq Command has nearly one hundred officers. The same Command has eight Air Service squadrons, or more than the whole of India."

We are not well defended in the air at home. I have heard it said that we are afraid of the French, because they have a large air force.

I am very sorry, and I apologise. Let me deal with the railways. They are not earning their expenses to-day. Extra money amounting to £310,000 is required, and yet these railways are valued by some competent engineers at £3,500,000 as a going concern. Can you reckon on getting 5 per cent, on your money? Does anybody believe that the Iraq railways are going to pay £175,000 a year? I do not believe it for a moment. I should like to know whether the cost of carrying troops is included in the revenues of the railways. That is a very important point. The cost of carrying troops 400 miles to Bagdad and then 150 miles to the railhead at Shagpat is a very important point. I invite the attention of the Chancellor of the Exchequer to the point as to whether that cost is included in the revenues of the railways of Iraq.

I have the official information here. During the years 1921–22 the railways were to a very large extent occupied by military traffic, on which special concession rates were paid which were insufficient to cover the actual cost of carrying such traffic. The result of these privileged rates has been a saving on the cost of the garrison and a consequent reduction under the Defence subhead, but it has to be met by a corresponding provision under the Railway Maintenance subhead. This year these privileged rates have been done away with, and the railway just pays.

I had better see those facts in print before I take them in; I have not got them into my head yet. The Under-Secretary said that the Gov- eminent had not entered into any arrangements yet with regard to disposing of the railways. This is a very serious subject. The policy of this country before the War was to discourage railway enterprise south of Bagdad, on the ground that if any military power got hold of that railway they might jeopardise the safety of our Indian Empire by getting to the Persian Gulf. On this point I have a statement issued by the War Office in 1922. This War Office view is published officially by the War Office in a book priced at 10s. 6d. It says:

"Railway development south of Bagdad had, before the War, been consistently opposed. The whole of Mesopotamia has now been opened up, and any great military power which is in a position to secure these railways could in a very short space of time secure access to the Persian Gulf."

It is a very serious matter if the Government, in face of this view, are going to maintain these railways. What will happen? You will certainly have, in the future, excursions and alarms. It will be said that there is somebody coming down, and we shall have to send troops to India. From the point of view of Imperial safety, I ask the Government whether it would not be better to get rid of these railways altogether? Take them up. I do not believe in their utility. What is to be the capital expenditure on these railways? Will the Under-Secretary tell us? The other day a gentleman named Parker wrote a letter to the "Times," in which he said:

"This reconstruction work is estimated at about £2,500,000, to be followed during the next five years by a further expenditure of £3,000,000 or £3,500,000."

My hon. Friend said nothing about that. The letter goes on:

"The line from Basra to Hilla was built to supplement, during war time, the transport by river of troops and war material. It was extremely costly to build, owing to the marshy nature of so much of the route traversed, and it is costly to maintain. It requires re-alinement and permanent works, which will give rise to fresh heavy expenditure."

We might have been told a little about that subject. It would have been a little more frank if the House had had information as to the capital expenditure. I shall lose no opportunity of protesting against expenditure in Iraq or Mesopotamia or any of these places. We have to come out of the country. I understand that the Financial Secretary to the Treasury gave an interview the other day, in which he said that it was the intention of the Government to come out of Iraq. According to writers in the newspapers, he will be here in a few days. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] Quite so. Personally I shall welcome him. He is a very charming and a very able Minister, but I do not know whether his version was correct. There was another statesman (Lord Curzon) who made a speech a few days ago. He said:

"I deplore this policy of universal skedaddle."

That is hardly an expression that I should have expected from so classic a scholar. I suggest to the Government that they had better bring their policy somewhat more into harmony with public opinion. We will give time, the House is willing to give time, for the present Government to liquidate the commitments of their predecessors. I do not believe the Government, even with its majority, could carry a Resolution for permanent occupation of Mesopotamia. There are hon. Members on the other side of the House who support the Government, who are not willing to support them for permanent occupation of Mesopotamia. I understand that our reputation in Mesopotamia is not too good, and that the name for an Englishman out there is "mud." The League of Nations, I am afraid, has not a good reputation. The word mandate is a kind of swear word.

The right hon. Gentleman must address his argument to the subject of the Vote.

If we stay there, we must defend the country, but if we come away we shall not have to do that. I am asking that we should come away, and do away with the expenditure. I move to reduce the Vote by £1,000, because I do not believe in spending any more money on Mesopotamia, Iraq, Bagdad or any other of these God-forsaken places.

I am obliged to the right hon. Gentleman who has just sat down, because he went a little further than the strict items in the Estimate. It is extremely difficult to discuss these Estimates unless we consider the general policy with which the Government and the House is faced in Mesopotamia. I realise that my attitude cannot be popular. I am entirely and utterly opposed to the British Government coming out of Mesopotamia now, and I realise that I shall not receive, unfortunately, the entire sympathy of the House, or even of hon. Members on this side. I hope I shall be allowed to put a few arguments which the House has not yet, at any rate this year, had the chance to consider. It is a matter of regret to me and to other hon. Members that so far the House has only heard one side of the case. I am in entire agreement with the suggestion that a certain gentleman who is over here should be invited to address us in one of the Committee Rooms. That gentleman has far more intimate knowledge of Mesopotamia than I can claim to have. If he addresses us I think it would open the eyes of a very large number of us, not only as to the possibilities of Mesopotamia, but as to the reasons why we should stay there.

The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith) said recently that he considered that we had carried out our pledges. The hon. and learned Member for Swindon (Mr. Banks), who spoke from these benches a few days ago, said that the Government which we had set up in Mesopotamia should stand alone, and we should get out bag and baggage. If it were alone it could not last, and, in that case, how could he say that we had carried out our pledges? If the Government collapses, then we have not carried out our pledges, and so the two things are incompatible. If in four years we expect the Arab to rebuild a civilisation which has been destroyed for a thousand years, I do not think that the world will say that that is a reasonable proposition. In the thousand years since the Turks have been there there is not one single place to which the Turks can turn to show that the result of their occupation is not a failure. Is it reasonable to expect the Arab to rebuild a civilisation in a little over four years, or to hope that the new Government could possibly stand alone?

I can claim to speak from knowledge of this part of the world, not only during but before the War. I realise as much as any member of the Committee the great religious difficulties with which we are faced. I think that it is a pity that in a country inhabited largely by people of the Shiah faith we should have had to help to the throne the son of a Sunni house, but who else was there suitable for the appointment? Can hon. Members tell me of any person of the Shiah faith who was suitable for us to support to the throne? It is possible that the ideas of democracy may appeal to the more enlightened peoples of the West, but anybody who has been in the East knows that the ideas of democracy are very foreign to eastern nations, and particularly to nations such as we have to deal with there. It is a pity that there is this division, but there is the essential unity of Islam, which is much stronger even than these divisions.

I agree that if any other nation but Turkey had had control of this country for the last thousand years the results would have been different from those which we see to-day. The Turks, remember, speaking in a general sense, are Sunnis, so that for those 1,000 years this place has been under Sunni domination and it is nothing new to have a Sunni sovereign. Let it also be remembered that the whole of Mesopotamia is not Shiah. In the towns, apart from other nationalities, the ruling and trading classes are largely Sunni. I speak not of the holy cities which are almost purely Shiah, but of the trading Community and large landowners along the banks of the river, particularly in certain places where there are sections of the people whose faith is purely Sunni.

In an official pamphlet published during the War it was clearly laid down that the reason the Turks had no difficulty in spite of being Sunni was because they entirely governed. That is to say they predominated in every direction. They held the people under. I am not going to suggest that should be the policy of the British Government or of the Government of the Iraq, but I do say clearly that the points which I have mentioned show two things, first that the Sunni domination which is evinced now, if you like, under the new Government of Iraq, is not new, and, second, that it is essential there, as elsewhere in the East, to govern or get out. Before I come to the question of expenditure on this defence, which means really the question of the future benefits which we may hope to gain from holding Mesopotamia, I wish to refer to a point which has been raised here recently. It is said that we should do nothing until peace is accomplished with Turkey. What is it hoped to gain in this connection by a peace with Turkey? What peace with Turkey will help us in Mesopotamia? Do hon. Members believe that any peace made with Turkey—and I am not attacking Turkey for a moment—to-day will enable us to walk out of Mesopotamia with a firm conviction that nobody will ever come there, and that the new Government will be allowed to function there by itself? Far from it.

We all know that that is not true. We all know that if we come out of Mesopotamia, Turkey will reoccupy it, or some other Western Power, or, worse still, a combination of Powers will occupy it. [HON. MEMBERS: "Who?"] I will leave that question until the time conies. I do not want to attack anybody, but I do not think that hon. Members will find it difficult to suggest to themselves possible Powers who may be interested. If hon. Members will cast their minds back to the early days and remember the origin of the War, they will admit that possibly a German dream of world empire had something to do with it, and certainly a German dream of Eastern dominion had a great deal to do with it, and if we go out, other peoples will cast their eyes on Mesopotamia. Then there has been another suggestion of a possibility of getting rid of this expenditure on defence. We have been told that we might retire to Basra. One advantage of that is that we should then have the best paying part of the country under control, and we should have the advantage of cutting down expenses. But in the result we should leave the great trading community, the Jews, for example, at Bagdad—there are many other races besides Mahommedans in Mesopotamia—undefended in the event of any failure on the part of the present Government. We should leave the whole of the great trading community in Mesopotamia and Persia entirely at the mercy of anyone who comes in.

Do not forget our interests in the Persian Gulf. Our interests there have been predominant for the last hundred years. The Persian Gulf owes everything to the British Government, and the British Navy. Our interests there at present are much greater than those of any other people. It is not true to say that there is no trade in Mesopotamia. There are something like 20 great English firms there, and there are electric light plants which are paying propositions, and all kinds of things are being developed. But if it were the actual value of Mesopotamia alone to us, then, no matter how much money it meant, I would not recommend our staying there a single day. There has been a great deal said about oil in Mesopotamia. I have no doubt that there is oil there. Where is there not oil? You can get oil, so far as I know, almost everywhere. If it were only a question of oil, I would not advocate staying there. Much greater than oil are the vast agricultural possibilities. The silt which has been sent down the rivers in the course of centuries forms the basis of some of the most perfect crops in the world. Yet for all these possibilities alone I would not suggest staying in Mesopotamia for a minute.

I am as anxious as anybody to cut down expenditure. It is the one thing which a great many of us have been sent here to try to do. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] I ask hon. Members who cheer this sentiment to remember that there is such a thing as insurance. It has been said very truly that real economy is not saving money, but spending money wisely—such a thing as paying a premium now on a small scale to avoid vast expenditure in the future. [HON. MEMBERS: "Housing!"] Hon. Members have all read, as I have, with great interest the accounts of the wonderful finds by Lord Carnarvon in Egypt. I do not know whether it has struck most other Members, as it has struck me, that the one outstanding feature of all these discoveries is how very little we have progressed since the days of this young king, who, I hope, will be allowed to rest in his grave, up to 100 years ago. We see such things as candlesticks, chariots, and so on, but candles and chariots, though we may call these hansoms, were familiar sights even a hundred years ago. Then look at the great advance during the last 100 years—the air, railways, wireless, and all the rest of it. There is no doubt that in the course of time, probably in a very few years, the great traffic ways of the world will cross the land which lies between the Mediterranean and the Persian Gulf. Whether it be airways or railways from Petrograd to Cape Town, or Hamburg to Singapore, or wherever it is, it is certain that the great traffic ways of the future are going to cross that land, and you cannot possibly keep India in the future, bearing in mind these developments, unless you hold Mesopotamia. The real defence of India in the future is the holding of Iraq.

What about Constantinople? You will have to take the whole route.

5.0 P.M.

I agree entirely with the remark which the Prime Minister made some months ago, that we cannot afford to be the policemen of the world. But we have got to be the police of Mesopotamia, and I repeat earnestly that it is not a question of cutting out all our expenditure. It is very easy to achieve cheap popularity by saying that the £2,000,000, to which I understand from the Debates last March it is hoped the expenditure will be reduced—it is very easy to say that if we take this £2,000,000 or £3,000,000 and give it to the unemployed temporarily, things will be better. I quite realise that my attitude is not the popular one, but I say most earnestly that the right policy for this country is not to save £1,000,000 or £2,000,000 now, but is to put that money as a premium against a vast expenditure in future. We cannot hope to develop Mesopotamia as we might if we had the money. I realise that things must be very slow there. I do not want this country to spend a penny that we can possibly avoid. I want to cut down expenditure in every possible way. I want to let the people of Mesopotamia alone as far as possible. I want freedom for all nations to trade there, with equal facilities for everyone.

If we could supply the capital, as I am sure we could supply the enterprise, I have not the smallest doubt that Mesopotamia in the course of years would repay our outlay a thousand-fold. There is not the smallest doubt about its capabilities. The Arabs of the old days would have had nothing to learn from the engineers of to-day as to irrigation, and irrigation is essential to the country. We have not the money to start rebuilding these great enterprises, and I do not suggest that the Government should do so. I do suggest, however, that the one thing we want to ensure prosperity for the people of this country is peace, and we will not get peace or tranquillity—call it what you like—and, therefore, we will not get prosperity, unless we remove the menace of war. As long as this central land lies open to the ambitious aims of every power, as it would if we took ourselves away, there is no possible hope of peace for the world. Therefore, the greatest factor in providing prosperity for our own people at home is that we should ensure that in Mesopotamia, and in the land surrounding it, it is clearly laid down that we want nothing for ourselves that we are not willing to give to others, that we want only to help the people to develop their own nationality, but that we have no intention of allowing others to stir up strife in those parts.

The hon. Member who has just spoken and who has made an impressive and very instructive speech, comes from India, and for many years, I see, has sat in the Bombay Municipal Council. From Bombay, no doubt, he has traded very largely with the Persian Gulf and with Bagdad. Naturally, he looks at this question from the trader's point of view. It is almost inevitable that that should be so, and we do not complain that it is so. We are all apt to look at these questions from the point at which they affect ourselves.

The suggestion of the hon. Member is quite wrong. I am not in the least personally interested in the matter, one way or the other.

Bombay is the centre of the whole of the trade in the area under discussion. As the hon. Member becomes an older Member of this House he will realise that we have to look at the problem from the wider point of view of the taxpayer of this country. We have had about enough of Mesopotamia. I sympathise with the hon. Member from many points of view. I think that in the long run our trade with Mesopotamia, if we hold on there, would develop enormously. I think that the railways which we are giving away to Iraq will in course of time become extremely profitable, as indeed the Canadian Pacific Railway, which had to go through exactly the same bad times, ultimately became prosperous in Canada. In the long run, as Mesopotamia develops, it is quite possible that we shall find that country the centre of the corn supply of the world. You might again see corn produced there as in the old days, and by continuing some system of gradual control and development we might find in Mesopotamia an enormous Imperial asset in years to come. But the whole question is, can we afford it now, and can we act now in such a way that we restrict our expenditure and at the same time do not cancel all hope of this future development? I think it is possible, and I hope that that is a policy which the Government will finally adopt. The whole history of the Empire shows an expansion which has been very cautious and gradual. In very few cases have we suddenly annexed a large area and made a success of it. In every case it has been a process of development.

I hope that the hon. Member who has just spoken, and his friends in India, will make possible the future which he has sketched for Mesopotamia, by the methods of gradual trade and industrial development of an individual nature, rather than by asking too much of the State now. As the development of Mesopotamia must benefit India, I think it extremely desirable that there should be a certain contribution to that development from India. I believe that such a contribution would be far more easily got from public funds if all question of a mandate for Mesopotamia were dropped. If it were not felt in India that we were grabbing something for ourselves, there would be much more likelihood of real co-operation from the Indian people, particularly from the people of Bombay, in this venture, which may ultimately become an Imperial venture of interest to and to the advantage of India rather than to the rest of the Empire. The Empire of the future will be an agglomeration of self-governing Dominions, not the least of which will be India, and each of these Dominions, as Australia and New Zealand have found out, will have its own dependant Crown colonies and spheres of influence.

This Mesopotamia area, if it cannot be developed, as we hope it may be, in strict alliance with the Arab Government of the Emir Feisal, may very possibly be of special interest to India. What we have to see is that the Exchequer is saved this extraordinarily extravagant expenditure. The mistake in Mesopotamia was made early. I believe that everybody realises that fact now. No sooner was the War over, than the Powers which ruled in Mesopotamia began the most extravagant system of expenditure and the most intricate system of administration. They tried to import into Mesopotamia the exact science of administration which has grown up, and is very effective, in India. It was an extraordinarily expensive and intensive system. There were officials appointed to do everything. The last remains of that frightful invasion of bureaucracy is to be seen in the railways which we are now discussing. I noticed a letter in "The Times" the other day—I cannot remember from whom it came—pointing out that there were no fewer than 1,200 of these administrators for the three simple lines of railway, which do not extend more than 700 miles. Of these 1,200 officials, 700 were whites. Mesopotamia is not a very healthy country for whites, and not even the wealth of a Tut-Ankh-Amen would stand the maintenance of a railway with 700 white people upon it.

Until recently that was the standard aimed at in the attempt to administer Mesopotamia. It was that system of intensive administration and of perpetual interference which led to the great Arab revolt of 1921. But even without that revolt we could never had made a success of Mesopotamian administration on such a scale. It has taken centuries to develop that state of intensive administration in India, and to impose it suddenly on the Arabs and send in the Bill to this country, was to ask for failure in advance. All that has gone by the board, but it has taken a long time. I am very grateful for the change which has come now. Yet I remember that for four solid years this extravagant expenditure was allowed to continue. Now I think that the Government have turned on the right lines. They are in process of handing over to the Arabs the entire administration of the country. The more we can reduce our Air Force and our officials in Bagdad and Mosul, the more we can debarrass ourselves of responsibility for the various raids and risings which will inevitably occur, the better it will be.

In this House two or three years ago I described what I thought what was the best way of dealing with the problem. It was to send Colonel Lawrence to Bagdad and to cut all the telegraph wires. If we cannot cut the telegraph wires now, let us leave the responsibility and the expense of administering this very dangerous area to the Emir Feisal, and let us get out and trust to the gradual expansion of industry and trade and commerce to make good what our militarist and bureaucratic administration has failed to achieve. We cannot possibly tolerate an expenditure of £10,000,000 a year on Mesopotamia. We cannot tolerate even £1,000,000 a year. It is not worth while painting red the map of the world at such a price. When we realise that not only are we spending the money, but by the expenditure we are making it more difficult for future commercial development, and that the expenditure is antagonizing the people of the country whom we want to develop their own country, we see that we have to call a period and urge the Government to get out. Whether it is worth while holding on at Basra, in view of our holdings in the Anglo-Persian Oil Company, I do not know. That is not part of the Mesopotamia-Iraq policy. It is really a question of policing which the Army and Navy have always done in the Persian Gulf.

I am quite certain we should get out of Mesopotamia and leave it to run itself. We cannot say what will happen later on, but now we cannot afford it any longer. As to the railways, whatever happens, do not let us lose our ownership of these railways at the bottom of the slump. The hon. Gentleman said he did not know what the railways would cost. The estimate is £10,000,000 to £15,000,000. We have spent the money, most of it is lost, and do let us try to save what there is left. The best way of making pioneer railways a success is not to build them and run them trusting to a guarantee; the best way, as is well known in Canada, is what is known as the alternate block system. That is to say, the railway develops the land through which it goes, and, if the railway company owns alternate blocks, when the time comes and the settlers flow into the blocks not owned by the railway company, the value of the other blocks goes up and the railway becomes a paying proposition owing to the increased value of the land which it retains. [An HON. MEMBER: "What about the land values?"] I deeply regret if the examples I offer are displeasing as proving too completely the point I wish to drive home. Not only in the administration of private railway companies such as the Canadian Pacific, but in regard to our own colonial railways, success has ultimately been achieved on these lines. I well remember when the Baro to Kano railway was being projected in Nigeria, a telegram being sent to Sir Percy Girouard asking him to nationalise a strip of a mile wide on each side of the railway, and the reply was that not only would he nationalise a mile on either side of the railway, but would nationalise the whole country. Now that railway is a sound proposition. In the same way when the Uganda Railway was built, they nationalised a strip 10 miles wide right down the railway and only abandoned that system when they nationalised the rest of the country likewise. If you are going to make a financial success of your railways in Iraq you will have to go upon similar lines.

The hon. Gentleman expressed complete ignorance as to the ownership of the land on either side of the railway. He has only got to inquire who is most interested in these railways continuing to run and he will soon find out who owns the land. I understand a lot of it is State property, but I believe we shall find that State property is being alienated at a terrific pace, as the demand from native cultivators increases. The fact that we built railways, cananls and irrigation dams made the value of the land as well as the value of the railway itself. I do not want to see all thrown away. If something can be done to retain the reversion of the railways and certain rights over the lands whose value has been made in this way, we may be able to recover something of what the British taxpayer has sunk. I rather hope that, as in the case of the Canadian Pacific Railway, the time may come when the railways will be a paying proposition and will return interest on the money sunk in them. It will all be thrown away if this syndicate of which we hear comes along and buys up the railway for a song, whether it gets a guarantee from us or not—that will all be useless. We cannot now either continue to waste this money on administration in Mesopotamia or throw away the possibility of recovering some of that money at a future date by retaining our hold, not only on the railways, but more particularly upon the land values created by the railways.

On the first occasion on which I have the privilege to address the Committee I crave indulgence. I am one of those who feel greatly concerned that the Government in asking for this further sum of money towards Mesopotamian expenditure, has coupled with the request no assurance that any further sums that may be demanded will be used to liquidate our commitments in that part of the world. During the last election, I found throughout my constituency, the greatest unanimity of opinion upon the necessity of leaving Mesopotamia at the earliest possible opportunity. I found myself in thorough accord and agreement with those views, and I was returned to this House pledged to use what influence I could command to attain that end. In the history of the building of our great Empire we have often read with admiration of the enterprise and the spirit of adventure shown by the citizens who made that Empire, but we have always looked askance, and we do so increasingly to-day, on what partakes of the nature of a Departmental adventure. Armed intervention has frequently been necessary to protect established trade, but I have yet to learn that either commercial or moral advantage, or any benefit whatsoever, can follow the continuation of what we have every reason to believe is a thoroughly unpopular occupation. There is an old proverb which says that

"Arms are of no use abroad unless wise counsels prevail at home."

The action of this Government and the last Government in pouring these sums into Mesopotamia seems to me like that of the investor in some still-born speculation, who continues to pour in increasing sums in the hope of breathing fresh life into the child of his dreams. We learn in history how only too often vast military ventures into large Continental areas end with the downfall of empires. We know how Spain, through neglecting her great sea power and engaging in political and religious wars, brought about the loss of the great empire which she formerly possessed, and of the great sources of wealth which she commanded. We know how Rome, as often as she ventured into great lone areas, was forced to retire with loss of prestige and with results which eventually brought about the breakup of that great empire. In my con- stituency there are 4,000 unemployed. Recently I saw a deputation of some 900 unfortunate men discharged from one of the national factories, and as I discussed the matter with them we both felt and said, "What benefit could not be achieved with even some small portion of all these millions of money?

I wish to point out to the hon. and gallant Member that it is not in order to refer to other purposes to which the money could be applied.

I apologise. I only wished to make two points. One is with regard to the great danger to which this country is committed by the continued occupation of this almost illimitable desert. The other point—which I am afraid I approached from the wrong direction—is that the economic condition of this country will not allow us to expend these sums on Mesopotamia, whatever may be the merits or demerits of the policy of occupation. I urge most strongly upon the Government to give some assurance at an early date to those like myself, who are pledged to do their best to bring about a reasonably expeditious evacuation of Mesopotamia, so that we may be able to fulfil our obligations to those who sent us here, and so that we may henceforward wholeheartedly support the Prime Minister, in whose interests we were returned.

I intervene on the question of defence in Mesopotamia. We are all agreed that it is necessary to curtail our expenditure on these adventures, and it follows that we should reduce our commitments in these far-distant lands, but if we are to occupy and hold these lands as far as Mosul, we cannot reduce our commitments. We have either got to hold the country or to get out. If we are going to reduce expenditure, we must get clean out of these districts where the expenditure is being eaten up; There is another point to which the House will give sympathetic attention. Have we no responsibility to our soldiers who are holding posts for us in distant deserts? There are small bodies of our troops, 750 miles from a base, a target for any potential enemy, and no doubt the enemy will, at a suitable time, come at that target. Is the Government in such a case prepared to support and to go to the rescue of these outposts, or are we going to cut out and clear to the coast as fast as we can? The danger to our soldiers there is very great, and after the lessons we learned from the Great War, it should be plain that our very existence in a place like Mosul is inviting disaster. If we are going to have any reduction in our expenditure in these parts, we have not got to reduce our commitments so much, as to reduce our policy. If our policy is to be a real sound policy of benefit to this country, it must depend largely on our resources. If the Government decides that we are going to hang on to Mesopotamia, then it is the business of the Government to see that we have sufficient resources, not only out there, but at home, to meet any contingency which may arise from that policy. I wonder what opinion has been given by the C.I.G.S., from the purely military point of view, on our staying in that country. I suggest the best means of getting that opinion is through the Committee of Imperial Defence, and I think the Government will risk the condemnation of the country if, against the advice of the C.I.G.S., they remain in these far-distant lands.

Speaking for late officers who have held that supreme post, I can tell the Committee that the holding of Mosul, and even Bagdad, has been condemned by certainly two C.I.G S.'s in my recollection—Sir Henry Wilson and Sir Wm. Robertson. One hon. Member opposite said that the real defence of India was in Mesopotamia, but I can only say that I entirely disagree with that view. I think our occupation of Mesopotamia, and the making of that railway right up to Mosul, has made our Indian frontier, and certainly all the Persian Gulf, much more vulnerable from the North. What we can do in the immediate future it is difficult to say, but this I do recommend, that the Government should come to an early decision as to what they are going to do in Mesopotamia, and then, by stages, get out when they can, and before events keep them and drag them and hold them to a place in which they do not want to stay. I quite realise the difficulty of what may commonly be called a policy of scuttle, but if we lay down a reasonable policy for a period of some years, I see no difficulty in gradually drawing back towards the coast, which, after all, is our base, and saving in expenditure, in man-power, and in risk, not only from a military point of view, but from the point of view of our prestige, which, after all, stands at the moment very high, but which could easily be written down by unfortunate incidents at Mosul and Bagdad. I am satisfied that if the Government predicted a policy and went ahead with that policy over a number of years, it would be all to the advantage of this country and, I am satisfied, to the advantage of our Exchequer.

I beg the indulgence of this Committee in this my first attempt to address it, and I think one might also ask for an extra share of indulgence when one finds that one is in the middle of a discussion on Supplementary Estimates for Mesopotamia. Everyone in this House, almost without exception, during the course of his campaign last November, had to refer to Mesopotamia, I suppose, in terms of administration and extravagance, and probably every Member of this House gave pledges that he would do his utmost to reduce that expenditure. We are asked to-day to sanction an additional Estimate of more than £800,000, and I was somewhat astonished—in fact, I may say I have been astonished since I have been in this House—to see the levity, if I may say so, which is apparent on all sides of the House when many millions are being asked from the country. Only to-day the hon. Member who asks for this money to be spent laughed at the idea that some day this country might receive £3,500,000 from the Government of Iraq. This is no laughing matter. Not only from the Labour Benches, but from the benches opposite, and from our own, I hope, we have had the facts stated over and over again in this House, that extravagance in administration, that taxation, is one of the root causes of unemployment in this country, and that being the case—and I think we all admit that it is to a large extent the case—we ought not to laugh and gibe when millions are being asked for in this House. It is, in fact, a serious business.

We are now asked for £800,000, and what for? For Mesopotamia. The place is not attractive, certainly, but the subject of finance and administration in Mesopotamia is more than attractive; it is highly interesting. I choose to regard this demand for £800,000 as a report from the chairman of a board when he has to come and report to his shareholders that there is a deficiency, and the first question that naturally arises is, "How has this deficiency arisen?" It is, in fact, a deficiency. Let that not be forgotten; it may have been bad estimating, it may be that expenses have arisen over which perhaps they have no control, but the fact remains that it is a deficiency. I had put into my hands about a fortnight ago a Blue Book. Blue Books are always interesting to me, but this is a Blue Book full of figures, and cost the country, I think, 25s. I got it for nothing, but that does not matter. I have never read anything more interesting than these First, Second, and Third Reports from the Select Committee on Public Accounts. The information which was brought out in evidence before that Committee concerning administration in Mesopotamia is about the most scandalous thing I have ever read. I do not propose to read extracts merely to enlighten the Committee, because I am going to assume that hon. Members have read them for themselves, but I propose to point out, with all due modesty and respect, changes that ought to be made and assistance that could be given to the Government whereby they could effect economies.

We all recognise that since November last the Government has a clean slate. We cannot condemn them for what took place before that. I ask your earnest attention, and for the same attention that you would give as a shareholder expecting a dividend and not getting any. I hope we are all shareholders in the British Empire, and I expect on this question of economy the same enthusiasm that you show on your own public platforms when you ask your constituents to return you.

I had better remind the hon. and gallant Member of the custom of addressing the Chair rather than hon. Members.

I apologise, Sir, and I shall endeavour not to repeat the error. I begin with one or two general remarks of the Committee which sat, and for the benefit of those who may have the book in their hands, I would say that I wish to refer to page 548, Question 6286. This is what was said:

I would refer to irregularities in connection with the sale of oil, and I must ask the Committee to excuse me if I quote cases. It is stated by one of the Committee that "The frauds were apparently facilitated by defective accounting procedure, which has now been rectified," and this is the answer given by the responsible official for the accountancy side of Mesopotamia: back to a high peace standard? They cannot be based upon the work of the Cost Accounting side, because that has only been in existence about two years. It cannot be based upon the Local Audit side, because the same gentleman refers to the local auditors as being just machines, as being not in any way responsible; in fact, he refers to them as not being accountants at all. You have the Royal Army Pay Department. So far as the Residency is concerned, the Report states: is in the Department to-day. The last reason they are in the Department is because they know anything about figures or finance.

We all desire to help the Government. I told my constituency that the country was in such a serious state that I wanted to help them in any way I could. What I am stating this afternoon is open to be challenged. I want the Government to deny it if they can, and I want to make suggestions for remedying it. Do put a round peg in a round hole, and if you are dealing with finance, do put financial men on to it. I say get at once in your financial department specialists. There are business men in this House who know what chartered accountants are. There are business men in this House who would not look at anything unless certified by chartered accountants, and yet anything will do for the Government. This beats me every time. To use a vulgarism, it gets me frazzled when I see how these things are administered. In the Army Pay Department, any men who have had commissions since 1918, if they are not chartered or incorporated, in other words, if not qualified for the job, send them back to their regiments. Send them back to the job in which they started at Sandhurst or Woolwich, and do not give them a job in the administrative departments.

If I understand the argument of the hon. and gallant Gentleman, it is directed towards reforming the system of Army accounts in England, and not in Iraq. Perhaps I may not have apprehended his argument.

I find myself in this difficulty. I know that Mesopotamia is governed from the War Office. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] I will explain that in a little more detail. I do not mind interruptions being fired at me. This is a Colonial Office Vote, but nevertheless soldiers were there, and I do not mind calling the administration the Colonial Office so long as I get at the real men. I thank you, Sir, for the leniency you have shown me this afternoon. I will say this. I beseech the organisation, whether it is the War Office or the Colonial Office, which is responsible for the financial administration of Mesopolamia even at this late stage to put people there who know their job. I wonder if it is known to this House that as much as £2,000,000 per day was being handled by these very officers in the Pay Department, recruited in the manner I have described. Men who formerly never commanded more than 10 men in their lives found themselves in command of from 500 to 7,000 clerks. Furthermore, they were not themselves accountants, and when you are not master of your own job, you cannot be master of those under you, and you cannot be in a position to know whether a man is doing a day's work or not. This is the striking evil in this Department. You find four men doing obviously one man's job. In such circumstances, one is not a judge of personnel. I remember three men applying for a job as accountant. One was a professional football referee, the other a journalist and the third a chartered accountant. The professional football referee got the job, I do not know whether it was on the ground that a man who had the ability to keep two teams well balanced was able to keep accounts balanced. I do hope the Government will consider these suggestions which I make with the best intentions. We all realise the Government's difficulties, and whenever possible I will give them what support I can in governing the country.

6.0 P.M.

I should like to begin by voicing the general opinion of this House in congratulating several hon. and gallant Members who have made such admirable contributions to the Debate. The hon. and gallant Gentleman who has just sat down handled a very difficult and large task in a very brave manner. I think, possibly, at other times he would not be allowed in dealing with chartered accountants to be almost a chartered libertine in the large area he covered, because really it amounted to a condemnation of Government Departments. But it does not, to my mind, affect the Vote before us, because, although there was a time of very great and gross extravagance in Mesopotamia, as there always has been, we know full well, especially those who were in the last Parliament, that during the last two years very drastic efforts were made to curtail expenditure, and those of us who have been in touch with administration out there know how very effective it has been. I do not think to-day's Vote really is touched by the criticism of past care- lessness in administration. We have heard two other maiden speeches. My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Enfield (Major Fermor-Hesketh) took one line, and my hon. Friend the Member for Kidderminster (Mr. Milne) took the opposite view, and I am bound to say I do feel that the general tone of this Debate, as of the Debate the other day, has left one side largely in the background, and a side which I should like to develop a little more than it has been hitherto developed. The Debate has been materialistic, and I am bound to say that the contribution of the right hon. Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith) at the end of the last Debate was distinctly on a materialistic basis, as have been most of the arguments to-day. We are, I think, all agreed upon the materialistic basis. We must diminish our expenditure wherever we possibly can, and, therefore, any overseas commitments. We must do so if we can in Mesopotamia. That being so, it is out of place, as the hon. Member for Kidderminster said, to deal with the great possibilities of that country, but, as the matter is so much argued on a materialistic basis, not only in this House, but still more by the Press and the public outside, it is as well to recollect one or two matters from the materialistic side which affect the Vote to-day. For instance, in regard to the railways, dealing with the railway which goes along the Euphrates, it was said by the hon. and gallant Member, in introducing the discussion on the Vote, that the river is one which does not allow of proper river traffic, and, therefore, we must have a railway. What can be brought down by the railway? There is a very large area of consumption, and of produce there. To begin with, there is the date crop. In 1919, in that single year alone, the value of that date crop was reckoned at 274 lacs of rupees. There is also the whole of the fruit-growing area of Baqubah, a most magnificent fruit-growing country and one of great promise. In the Hillah area, 30,000 acres yielded a splendid crop of wheat and barley in 1919. There is the quarter of a million acres of remarkably rich soil in the Fellujah area, which had previously been useless owing to the canal being filled up. This soil was brought to bear by putting the ancient canal, the Saqlawiyah, into order. These are merely the simplest possibilities of the country; the possibilities that those of us who have some experience in the East, in India, and so on, know are bound to fructify in time, given the proper measures for development. Those who, for instance, knew the Punjab and other States half a century ago, know how by development of various sorts—I do not know how many million acres have been brought under cultivation, and this naturally implies a very large and nourishing colony. You may have exactly the same kind of thing several times over in the Euphrates basin. There are those who say that cannot be if the matter depends upon the produce, and the produce has to come down by the river. That produce cannot come down the Euphrates, and, therefore, you have got to open up a large area in the way I have described. But we have to remember this: The experience of India, which is presumably the sort of experience we may look to in Mesopotamia, is that a large proportion, the majority perhaps, of the railway revenue will come from the third-class ordinary passenger traffic. But if the expenditure in Mesopotamia has to be looked to in the future as a business proposition, then we shall have to look not only to the passenger traffic but to the goods traffic for revenue. I think we are all agreed on that.

I think also in all parts of the House we are agreed that the oil question is not to be considered; in fact, those who know-most about the Anglo-Persian Oil Company, and its development, have told me personally that they believe that you did just as well whether it was under the Turk or under the British. British rule is not of advantage to them because our Government always—rightly, I think—is very generous in opening up opportunities for other countries just as much as ourselves, whereas under the Turks those who know their way about are the more able to get monopolies and other advantages and privileges. Apart, however, from oil, I believe in general we may make out a big case for Mesopotamia as a commercial asset. But we are not considering it is as a commercial asset at the present time. That can only be realised in the far future; therefore from the financial point of view, I think we will all agree, we must if we can cut out our commitments in Mesopotamia. Another point—still dwelling on the materialistic side— has not been sufficiently dwelt upon. The hon. Member the Member for Kirkcaldy (Major-General Sir K. Hutchison) gave us what seemed to me an authoritative view of the military danger of remaining in Mesopotamia. If there is a military danger to ourselves in staying in Mesopotamia it is unfortunately greater to those whom we may leave if we clear out of the country. That is a point to be remembered.

Apart from that, take the mere point of defence it is not sufficiently realised that Mesopotamia is in itself a fairly defensible country. I speak with some diffidence, especially as I hope my hon. and gallant Friend behind me (Major-General Sir J. Davidson) will follow me, for we always listen to his views as authoritative; at the same time we have known cases where distinguished soldiers, even as distinguished as those quoted by the hon. and gallant Gentleman the Member for Kirkcaldy, have been mistaken in their strategy. I do not know whether either of the two gallant field marshals he quoted have been in Mesopotamia. I should have thought that would have made a considerable difference, but whether or not this point should always be remembered, and must be mentioned, for it was dealt with—wrongly to my mind—by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith) in his speech the other evening. Speaking in respect of the defence of the country he said: cross the ranges with one exception. That is an exception that to most of us in this House who have had the advantage or disadvantage of a classical education is one of painful memories. It is the march of Xenophon and his Ten Thousand. After his retreat up the right bank of the Tigris, on to Mosul he went across the mountains and eventually got to the sea at Trebizond. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Paisley spoke as if once the Turks got down into Kurdistan they could descend into Mesopotamia, and sweep over us in Mesopotamia, but that is not so.

In the first place there is the question of the mountains, and in the second let me just tell of one, and only one, of the several letters I have received giving the personal experience of Kurdhistan and in that belt of mountains to the east of Mosul and the north of Bagdad. This was from one of our political officers some years ago. It runs as follows:

If this matter is to be dealt with from a mere materialistic standpoint I quite see the point of view that, as soldiers, we have got to defend it. We seem definitely to have left the defence of the country to the Air Force, and therefore, it is for that force, or rather to the Department of Imperial Defence, that we must look for a considered opinion as regards the possibilities of the defence of the country. But whether in regard to defence or the economic side, I feel we have got to qualify the merely material standpoint in a very essential way—in the presence of our commitments in Mesopotamia. It is so easy for hon. and right hon. Members of this House to come forward and point out the necessity for reducing our commitments, either financial or military. It is so easy! I quite understand how, for the most part, those who have written outside in the public Press in respect to Mesopotamia have done it: it is so easy to suggest economies: they do not understand the situation. It is so easy not to realise what are our commitments. But I cannot help feeling that great blame is attached to the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Paisley for having, to my mind, deliberately misled public opinion in this House and in the Debate on the subject the other day. Perhaps I took him too seriously. He said: two sentences that bring home our pledges to these people:

I do not know what the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith) would say about that Proclamation. He may say that we have absolutely carried out the spirit of the letter of those promises, but any such proposition to those who know anything of the Oriental would savour of the utmost hypocrisy. It is absurd to say to them that they have been able to adopt self-determination in relation to their own Government. What sort of Government are they going to have in any democratic sense? They have had a Government put upon them which we believed, in consultation with their opinion, was the one that suited them best, and we are obliged to see that Government through. As soon as that Government can stand on its own legs with the opinion of the people behind it by all means let them fend for themselves, and let us give them the protection of Allies which we are bound to give them.

That, however, is not the case at the present moment. Some hon. Members have spoken about evacuation, but will they say plainly what is going to be the result of that policy if we scuttle out of Mesopotamia? We are bound to look this question in the face. If they can say, and if opinion that has a right to be heard can say clearly and definitely that if we clear out the people are able to stand on their own legs, then let us clear out, give up the mandate and say that they can stand on their own legs. But is that the case at the present time? Certainly not. The country is governed at the present time worse than it was under the Turkish system or the British system. The country is under a system of government by men many of them civil followers and friends of King Feisal himself, and many of them have not the people at their backs as friends. The Government is not yet strongly established, but no doubt it will be fortified by degrees, we hope, by better men.

Is not all this very much like "the flowers that bloom in the spring?" We are not very much interested in it.

The suggestion which I am trying to deal with is that we could get out of our commitments by clearing out of Mesopotamia, and that would affect our view of the problem before us this afternoon. Posing as we do as the friend of oppressed nations, and having given certain pledges, I am trying to make clear what is the position of the Oriental under those conditions. I am going to say what would happen in my view, and in the view of those who have spent many years out there, more especially the last few years since the War. What would happen is this. The Kurds entertain a mortal enmity towards the Arabs, and that has been kept in check since the War largely by our own influence. If that influence is removed, the opinion is strongly held that the Kurds would sweep down upon Bagdad and Arabia and make very small business of the Arabs and the present Government.

There has always been an internal feud on the other side of the country between the Wahabis and the Shiahs. All these dangers would come in and the Government would be unable to stand. Of course that means red massacre and absolute extermination of those in command. It would mean an absolute loss of confidence amongst the whole of the people who have been depending upon our promises. It would mean to us that the whole of the country would go into chaos. You would have simply tribal government again, and everything which we have begun, including the railways and waterways, would go back again into chaos far worse than they were before when the country was governed by the Turks. The right hon. Gentleman on the Front Opposition Bench said he did not expect to be able immediately to get out of Mesopotamia. I would remind the Committee that the right hon. Gentleman's proposal was that we should call for an immediate and drastic curtailment of our commitments, and now he says that obviously we cannot do this suddenly.

Of course it may only be a question of time, and we might be able to manage it in the course of the next five or ten years. After that period the country might get on its feet and it might be able to stand on its own legs. There is no other power willing to take on this mandate, and therefore we have to keep it until the country can stand on its own legs. We are pledged to do that by all the Powers that be, and I ask hon. Members who are always keen about coining to the support of those to whom we are pledged to realise that if we have a British Empire we are bound to carry out our pledges in such places as Mesopotamia. I ask those who feel strongly about the reputation of the British Empire, who belong to a powerful nation which has always been the fostering parent of backward nations, to say that we cannot clear out of Mesopotamia or reduce our commitments there until we have carried out the undertakings to which we are pledged up to the hilt by the Proclamation issued by Sir Stanley Maude.

Hon. Members have said a good deal about the evacuation of Mesopotamia, but I do not know of any distinct pledge that the Government propose to evacuate that country. Even if there were any such pledge, similar pledges have been given in the past, and they have been just as much disregarded as the pledges probably will be which have been given in this case. Therefore, I am not very much concerned with that argument which has been used by the hon. and gallant Gentleman who has just sat down. I want to get back rather more closely to the question of the money asked for in respect of the railway system. We are spending in Mesopotamia about £10,000,000 a year. The exports from Bagdad in 1913 were £246,000 and the imports £1,314,138. In that year the exports from Basra were £1,939,259 and the imports were £3,899,273. So that, from the point of view of trade, if it is in anything like the same proportion now as it was then the expenditure we are indulging in at Bagdad is not receiving very much return so far as the import and export trade is concerned.

There is a question of about 700 miles of railway. The right hon. Gentleman opposite, the Under-Secretary for the Colonies, told us that an offer had been received for the railway of about £3,500,000 for these 700 miles of railway with all its equipment and rolling stock and everything in working order. It would be rather interesting to know who are the gentlemen who make offers of that description, because that offer works out at about £5,000 per mile including the rolling stock. I should imagine that it could be sold to a marine store dealer for a much larger sum than that, because £16,000 per mile is about the cheapest line laid in this country for a train laid on sleepers and £32,000 per mile for a track laid in stone setts track, and here we have a suggestion that we might sell the whole of this line complete with equipment and rolling stock at the rate of £5,000 per mile. The gauge, I may mention, is 4 feet 8½inches practically the whole way through. There is another question I wish to ask, and it is: Who is concerned in making offers of this description? I understand that these railways are said to be of very little use, and that there is the question of the water traffic to be borne in mind. I should like to remind the House that, in 1913, Lord Inchcape obtained from the Turkish Government as a sole concessionnaire certain rights for steamships and barges on the Tigris and the Euphrates, and I rather imagine that underneath this idea of getting rid of the railways there is an idea of benefiting Lord Inchcape's water rights. Therefore I ask: What is the real materialistic basis of this transaction? It looks rather strange when we find these two things running together, and it seems to me that there is a distinct connection between the two.

Then there is the question of military operations. We have been told by the hon. Member who last spoke of our tenderness for these people. But I have here a pamphlet written by Sir Percival Phillips which tells us of air raids taking place for the collection of taxes and directed against the very men of whose interests we are supposed to be so tender. Notices are distributed in the first place by aeroplane, and then 32lb. bombs are scattered about in order to inform the taxpayer that the collector is knocking at the door. The author of this book tells us that the person who ought to pay the taxes gener ally is away, and probably there may be only one or two relatives left to look after the domestic arrangements, persons whom the said taxpayer would not really miss. I should like to know whether it is the fact that these air raids do take place for the purpose of collecting revenue, and whether some more humane method could not be adopted of securing the dues we hold that the Arabs ought to pay. These questions ought to be cleared up before this Vote is granted.

I rise not to take up the time of the Committee by making a long speech, but to deal with one or two questions that have been put with reference to the Air Force and our air policy in Iraq. The only general observation I should like to make is this. While I have been listening to this Debate and following the speeches that have been made in favour of speedy evacuation, I have been rather tempted to wish I was back on that bench with my hon. and gallant Friend near me in the places which we occupied during the last Parliament. It did seem to me there is no easier thing in the world than to make out a case for evacuation, but the trouble is that the problem does not end there. We have to answer two further questions: first of all, what is going to happen after the speedy evacuation, and, secondly, how are we going to carry it out? I must not, however, be tempted into the general discussion. The Prime Minister has already expressed the views of the Government on the question, and I have risen only to deal with certain questions asked with reference to the Air Force.

The right hon. Gentleman the Member for South Molton (Mr. Lambert), who began this Debate, asked one or two definite questions. Let me say I do not in the least resent the kind of criticism the right hon. Gentleman has made. He is, I know, a friend of the Air Force, and I am only too glad when he asks me questions in connection with what we are doing to give him a definite answer. The hon. Member for Merthyr Tydvil (Mr. Wallhead), who has just sat down, reinforced one or two of those questions, and I shall be happy to give him an answer as well. The right hon. Member for South Molton said that the use of the air arm in Iraq was not a job for the officers of the Royal Air Force, and he drew a picture of the casualties among women and children that had resulted from these air raids. I have been very carefully into this question, and I have sifted as deeply as I could the charges that have been made, and I am justified in making a complete denial of the kind of charge the right hon. Gentleman has suggested. I believe that if any hon. Member looked impartially at the records of the Royal Air Force since the air power took control last November, he would find that the air operations had been extremely humane and that the number of casualties had been almost insignificant. As a good many hon. Members are rightly interested in this question of the bombing raids, let me give them one or two details showing what actually happens. I can conceive hon. Members who do not know really what is happening believing that these raids are undertaken by irresponsible junior officers of the Air Force. Nothing of the kind takes place. No air operation of any kind is undertaken without a definite request from the civil authority. I am informed that the ordinary procedure is that the local civil representative makes application in writing to the Officer Commanding the Air Force. The request is referred to the British adviser at the Ministry of Home Affairs in Bagdad, and after it has been carefully inquired into, if it is found necessary that any operations be undertaken the Air Officer Commanding is requested by the High Commissioner to undertake them. No operation of any kind is undertaken on the spur of the moment or without the procedure I have just outlined to the Committee.

The hon. Gentleman mentioned that no operations were undertaken without the consent of the civil authorities. Are these authorities King Feisal or British?

They are both. It is the authority of the British High Commissioner in Iraq and of the Ministry for Home Affairs. I may repeat for the benefit of the hon. Member for Merthyr Tydvil the substance of an answer that I gave to the hon. and gallant Member for Newcastle (Colonel Wedgwood) the other day, when I definitely contradicted the charge that bombing raids are made either to gather revenue or to punish tribes or individuals for not having paid taxes. The result of the air administration has been, I believe, to make the number of casualties far less than they would have been if we had to involve ourselves in a series of punitive military expeditions with ground troops. As a rule we find that where civil disorder prevails or where trouble has been stirred up by Turkish agents it has been enough to send an aeroplane or two over the district to drop messages of warning. That in many cases has been quite sufficient. The effect of dropping these messages of warning has been to give a display of British power sufficient to make the tribes abandon whatever faction fighting there has been going on and to submit. Sometimes it has been necessary to drop bombs, but never, as I have said, in connection with the collection of revenue. The object has been to save military operations. The Air Force has done its best to avoid bloodshed. On many occasions it has been quite sufficient to drop bombs on the flocks and herds of the tribes. It is a significant fact that local tribes have feared that form of military operation far more than if we had dropped bombs on the tribes themselves.

No, Sir, it is not logic; but we always try the flocks and herds first. So much for the charge of collecting taxation by means of bombs. Let me now come to the second question that I was asked by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for South Molton. He asked, is the British garrison safe in Iraq at the present time; and that question was repeated by the hon. Member for Kirkcaldy (Sir R. Hutchison). It is quite obvious that, so long as peace is not made with Turkey, I am not going to be drawn into any description of the disposition of the British military forces in Iraq, but I will tell the right hon. Gentleman that the Air Staff is quite satisfied that our military dispositions are wise and secure. More than that I will not say. It would be quite improper for me to say more, with peace still hanging in the balance at Angora. At the same time, I cannot help remarking that it does not strengthen the position of the British forces in Iraq when hon. Members declare, as they have this afternoon, that their position is such that we are inviting disaster. I should very much like to be able to give the Committee details as to our military position there, but I cannot do so to-day, much as I should like to tell the Committee how splendidly I believe the Air Command is carrying out its duties there. All I will say is that, until pacee is made with Turkey, and until the Government and the House of Commons order the withdrawal of British troops from Iraq, I shall, as long as I am Secretary of State for Air, give the Air Officer Commanding in Iraq every support that I can. He is carrying out his duties, as my hon. Friend the Undersecretary of State for the Colonies said earlier in the afternoon, under considerable difficulties, but I cannot help thinking that any hon. Members who will look back to what has happened since the Air Force took over command last November will say that this first experiment that we have made as regards an independent Air Command has so far answered very well, and is an experiment that the House of Commons ought to follow with very great sympathy.

Before I come to the primary object of my speech, I should like to say one or two words in regard to the bombing which my right hon. Friend has just mentioned. I entirely support him and the policy of the Air Force, but I should just like to mention the point of view from which the Arabs regard it. A friend of mine was talking to a well-known sheikh who had been bombed quite recently, and the sheikh, like all Arabs, had a very commercial turn of mind. He looked upon the bombing entirely as a commercial matter. He had had 10 sheep killed, and 40 bombs had been dropped, and he said, "I would send 10 sheep to the British authorities if they would pay me the cost of 40 bombs. Then we shall both be better off." That was the way he looked at it, from a commercial point of view.

I was very glad to hear that the Government are refusing to follow this bag-and-baggage policy, this policy of scuttle in Mesopotamia at the point of the Turkish bayonet. Nothing could be more ill-advised. I do not know what this bag-and-baggage policy is that one hears so much of, but I do recognise that our troops at Mosul and Chanak are in a somewhat delicate position, and that none of us could wish the Government to do anything that should render that position more difficult or more dangerous. We have heard a great deal about pledges, and personally I have some very definite views on that subject. I am still convinced that it is one thing to make free with solemn obligations, and it is quite another thing to be free from those obligations. I think my hon. and learned Friend the Member for Swindon (Mr. Banks), when he was speaking last week on this subject, mistook the solemn obligations which were laid upon us. He was regarding this bag-and-baggage pledge to his constituents as a solemn obligation, but I do not so regard it, because I do not believe that either he or his constituents know what that pledge was.

Looking back over the past in Mesopotamia, we have spent, as has been pointed out by several hon. Members, enormous sums of money—I think some £200,000,000 or £300,000,000 before the Armistice, then, as the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith) said, £150,000,000 since the Armistice; we had an Estimate last year for £10,000.000, and now we have this Supplementary Estimate for £800,000—and we must not forget that we used during the War pretty nearly 1,000,000 men in placing ourselves in the position in which we find ourselves to-day. All this money has been spent, and we cannot get it back; but I think we should make up our minds that in the future, when we have got a settlement with Turkey, we should bring the axe down, not to lop off branches, but to get at the very root of the expenditure. I do not propose to deal at length this evening with the problem of defence. My hon. Friend the Member for Kirkcaldy made a speech with which I am substantially in agreement, but personally I feel that we can, when once we have peace with Turkey, reduce our expenditure on defence to a very small amount.

I am not one of those who think we can clear right out of the country, and I will give my reasons why; but I do think we can gradually, as my hon. and gallant Friend has said, come back in the main to the coast, with, possibly, a light and mobile detachment at Bagdad. I believe that we must remain in the country for four principal reasons, and I should like to give them to the Committee. Firstly, I am a great believer in the future of the air, and I think it is necessary and desirable that we should keep a stepping-stone in the Middle East. Secondly, the Government of Mesopotamia itself desires that in the first instance it should have our support, and that we should remain there from a military point of view. Thirdly, I believe it is desirable that we should have a small garrison somewhere in the vicinity of Basra, for the protection of the Persian oilfield, which is our main supply for the Empire; and, fourthly, Basra is at the head of the Persian Gulf, and, as several hon. Members have pointed out, the Persian Gulf trade is of great value to this country. For all these reasons I think it is desirable that we should keep a small detachment, anyhow, at Basra. It is a central position, and it will not cost us any more than it would anywhere else in that part of the world.

Let me now come to the question of railways, and in regard to this I should like the attention of my hon. Friend the Under-Secretary for the Colonies. I have studied these railways from every point of view—from the point of view of the requirements of the country, of the Pocket of the British taxpayer, of the possible revenue to the country itself, the large capital expenditure which has already been made in the country, and the possibility of their being taken over by a private syndicate. I have come to the conclusion that Iraq, in its present state of development, does not really require any railways at all, and that certainly it does not require that we should put our hand in our pocket to guarantee any railways there in the future. The principal requirement in Iraq is the development of the country, and the railways should follow the development of the country. The development of the country is based on water supply, not on railway development, as an hon. Member on the other side of the Committee has pointed out, and the railway development should follow the development of the country.

7.0 P.M.

As was stated, I think, by the hon. and gallant Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme (Colonel Wedgwood), the railway system is really in two parts. There is the main trunk line running up the Euphrates to Bagdad for a distance of 350 miles, and then there are the lines radiating from Bagdad north, east, and west. My contention is that only two of those lines actually pay. Those are the line to the Persian frontier from Bagdad—a distance of, I think, 180 miles—and the line from Bagdad to Hillah, 50 miles long, with a possible extension to the holy city of Kerbela, which is another 20 miles. That stretch of railway running from the Persian frontier to Kerbela, the centre of the Shiah religion, can be made to pay, because it runs through a highly fertile country and furnishes the main thoroughfare for the pilgrims. I believe, however, that the others cannot pay and do not pay at the present moment, in spite of my hon. Friend's remark a few minutes ago, although in the accounts they can be made to do anything you like. I want to ask my hon. Friend one or two questions. It is said that the line from Basra to Hillah, 300 miles across the desert at some distance from the Euphrates, pays. I should like to give my experience last year when I travelled up that line. I had to wait a short time to get up the line, because the line was closed on account of floods, and, as I went up in the train, looking out first on the one side and then on the other, I saw vast stretches of water as far as the eye could reach. It did not require much stretch of imagination to realise what Noah felt when he was gradually drifting down to the Euphrates Valley.

It is stated in the Estimates that no deficit is anticipated for the year 1922–23. I want to know if the interest on the capital sum has been taken into account and charged against the working expenses? If that is not so, you cannot say that there will be no deficit. I expect very few hon. Members are aware that the rate charged on the Basra-Bagdad Railway was 45 rupees per ton. That was reduced to 15 rupees, on account of the water competition. It is now at 15 rupees, that is, two-thirds of a penny per ton mile, to do 350 miles; whereas, on the line from London to Manchester, the rate is 1⅛d. per ton mile to do half that distance. I am perfectly convinced that at the rate charged on the Basra-Bagdad Railway it cannot be made to pay unless there is some juggling. The fact of the matter is, that the rates have been brought down, by the competition of the water transport, to an uneconomic level, and the railway subsidised by the taxpayers' money. That money we are voting to-day. They and you are paying to kill the normal and proper means of transport—water transport—by subsidising the railway. That water transport will be killed if the railway lines continue to be subsidised. I sometimes wonder whether the taxpayer realises this.

Even supposing the railway were paying its way now, and making the interest on its capital expenditure, will that be so when the garrison is reduced, or if it be moved to Basra? You would then lose all the military traffic, and I should think the deficit would become far greater than it is at present. What alarms me primarily in this matter is that the Government are considering certain proposals whereby they would perpetuate our liabilities and payments on behalf of the Iraq railways. I should like to read a question, which I put to the Colonial Office on this subject, and the reply I received. I asked the Under-Secretary:

I regard the Mesopotamian railways as a white elephant, except for the two railways I have mentioned. The Undersecretary has stated that he is going to give this white elephant over to the Iraq Government, on the 31st March. I really am rather sorry for the Iraq Government. They have a great many difficulties before them, and if the whole of these railways are to be handed to them, I am still more sorry for them. Who is going to pay the deficit, if there is a deficit, on these lines? I am quite certain that the Iraq Government is not in a position to do so. Therefore, what it really amounts to is that we are handing over these railways to the Iraq Government and we shall continue to pay. Obviously, somebody has to pay, and there will be no alternative. I want to hand these railways over to the Iraq Government, and let them do what they like with them. We are told that the capital value of these railways is £3,500,000. I do not think it is. I do not think they are worth it, or that you could get anybody to take them over for £3,000,000, or for £1,000,000, and there is nothing that we can do. Therefore, I say, "Let the Iraq Government have them, and let us cut our losses and liabilities in the future." We do not want to involve ourselves by giving Government guarantees and assisting private interests. That would only mean that whenever there was any trouble we should be involved in it up to the hilt. I say that in the past the water system of the country has satisfied that country for many thousands of years. There is no reason why it should not continue to do so; absolutely none whatever. It is much better to cut our losses and to go back to the water system than to involve ourselves in large liabilities on behalf of the railways.

I am sure the Committee listened with a great deal of interest to the statement that the Air Force was never used in these bombing raids.

For purposes of taxation. Of course, I knew it was used for other purposes. That is a very satisfactory statement. Of course, the Committee accepts the official assurance which has been given. I am still rather surprised, in spite of that, at the impression, which quite clearly does prevail in Bagdad and Mesopotamia that it has been used for the collection of taxes. One knows how these impressions get about; but it does seem a somewhat astonishing thing. I suppose there is confusion. I suppose you only use the Air Force for these bombing raids, when there is rebellion on the part of the tribes, and, to some extent, it may be that the outward and visible sign of rebellion is the refusal to pay taxes. I cannot think, after the definite statement that has been made, that in that case the Air Force would be used. I presume the statement that has been made is sufficiently wide to cover that as well as the case which was explicitly mentioned by the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies. The hon. Gentleman began by saying that this Estimate was largely due to the fact that we have not been able to clear up the Turkish Question. If that is the case, it reflects very little credit, indeed, upon the predecessors of the present Government, that they were unable, after all those years, to arrive at any settlement with Turkey.

It is no use blaming explicitly the present Government, but I think the disastrous failure to deal with the Near East is at least as deplorable as the failure to get a peace settlement in Europe. In the one case we failed from a miscalculation of greed, and in the case of Turkey we failed from a miscalculation of resentment and pride. I agree that it is extraordinarily difficult to-day to discuss this question of evacuation until we really know what the terms of the Agreement with Turkey are going to be. The lamentable fact, which the Committee ought not to forget, is that if, at the time of the Armistice, we had only offered anything like the Lausanne terms, we should not merely have had peace with Turkey but a Turkey ready enough to accept our assistance and our advice. Now, through mistakes and blunders of policy, what you have to deal with—it is a fact which must dominate this whole situation—is a Turkey, nationalist and militarist, overrating its powers in the reaction from prostration to success; and profoundly resentful—and with some jus bice—of its treatment by the West.

If we are challenged to state exactly the procedure which we want to see carried out in this case, it is impossible to be explicit until we really know whether we can come to some terms with Turkey, or whether we have to deal with a Turkey, hostile to us, and ready to take advantage of anything we are prepared to do. We must take account of certain facts, and bear them in mind. We have made this Treaty with King Feisal. We say, in that, that terms of this Treaty, to ask for our help and assistance in maintaining that obligation which we have put upon him.

There is another rather curious point in this Treaty, which we have not yet ratified. We undertake to use our good offices to secure the admission of Iraq as a member of the League of Nations. If we succeeded in that attempt it might be a very good thing, for I think the League of Nations is not by any means fully representative of the Mahommedan States. If we succeeded in doing that a very strange state of things would occur. I presume in that case, if any Power attacked Iraq or violated its frontiers, it would be the duty of the League of Nations to put on an economic boycott against the aggressive Power. It would be clearly impossible for the League of Nations to mobilise any forces to guarantee these frontiers, and I rather doubt whether the League would contemplate that extension of its responsibilities. It did admit Albania, with no demarcated frontiers at all, into the League, and it had the singular success of being able to repel Serbian aggression against Albania by the mere threat of its economic and commercial boycott, but I am afraid that weapon would be by no means so powerful in the case of Iraq as it was in the case of Albania.

There are a few points that we ought to bear in mind in considering this question of evacuation. In the first place, it is true we have accepted the Mandate. I have always thought that General Smuts, in picking up a phrase of Roman law and giving it this new lease of life in international affairs, performed a remarkable achievement. The one thing which is certain about a Mandate is that if the idea of the Mandate excludes explicitly the notion that we should make any profit out of the mandated territory, it at all events gives us a claim to our expenses, and we are entitled to ask for that. It is all very well to say a thing is going ultimately to pay, but our expenses are very heavy at present. We are told this is merely a materialistic view, but we surely have to take into account the whole responsibilities of the country, and I should like to know what is the actual taxation which we are levying on Iraq. In 1919–20 it was very nearly £5,000,000. I should like to know what it is at the present time. If it was anything like that for a population of 2,500,000 it is, by any Eastern standard, at all events, astonishingly high. The taxation per head in India is about 4s., or, if you take in the Land Tax, which is not really taxation, about 6s. per head, and if we are raising for the expenses of Iraq anything like £5,000,000 and still have this great deficit of some £7,000,000 or £8,000,000 a year for military purposes, I can understand that the Arabs, whom we have come to liberate, are none too well pleased to see the kind of administration which we give them. I can quite Believe that our trained administrators would be able to give them a very smart up-to-date efficient administration. It might be very good for them, but I am certain they would hate it and, if it is to be run for anything like that expense, we are sinning against the canon of light taxation which was laid down by Lord Cromer in dealing with Eastern administration. It is not for me to say anything about the insoluble problem of the frontier. I happened to be at the India Office as Under-Secretary when the first expedition went out to Basra, though I had left long before the advance on Kut was suggested, but I at that time could never see how on earth it was possible for us to hold more than the head of the Gulf in the long run. I should like to know where the frontier is at present. We were told, in an extremely forcible and interesting speech by the hon. and gallant Gentleman the Member for St. Albans (Lieut.-Colonel Fremantle), that there was a frontier when you get down from the hills of Southern Kurdistan, but if there is any frontier at present I think it runs right through those hills and the only thing you can say about the frontier in that part of the world is that, wherever it is, our law does not run there. My judgment on

We have been told we must not look at this matter merely from a materialist point of view, that it is not merely a question of pounds, shillings and pence, but that other factors come in. I am not by any means oblivious of that fact. We have been told we are bound by our Proclamation and our declaration in favour of Arab unity of culture and civilisation to remain in Iraq. I am not quite certain whether all these pledges and promises were not wiped out or very severely qualified by the rising of 1920, for if you come as a liberator restoring to the Arab population the blessings of culture and civilisation and you find the people whom you come to liberate rise up against you and say that their interpretation of the Wilson 14 points and your Proclamation is that they wish to choose their own Government, I do not think it is much use quoting against them a Proclamation which they have repudiated and on which they do not wish us to act. The hon. and gallant Member for St. Albans made an extremely forcible and interesting speech, full of first-hand information, but I think he was putting it far too high when he said there were any pledges on our part to maintain the present Government in Iraq. Surely, if we are pledged, as he says we are, to give self-government to the Arab people, it is for the Arab people to say what that Government should be. If they accept King Feisal's Government, that is, I imagine, a matter for them. We have set up this Government, it is true, but surely we cannot be held to guarantee it for all time, and it is for the Arabs of Iraq themselves to make up their minds on that point.

If you are going to remain in virtue of supposed pledges of this kind we have at least to consider whether the fulfilment of those pledges will be regarded in the same light by the people on whose behalf we are acting as they appear in our own eyes. We have to think of our whole position in the East, and our position in the Mahommedan world is undoubtedly prejudiced by our occupation of territory in which the Holy Cities are situated and this—it is not annexation, but this occupation of Mahommedan land is not, I think, so popular among the people whom we assume we are liberating as we are apt to suppose. I think there is a great feeling of resentment in the whole Mahommedan world against this intrusive West, which comes and swallows up these Mahommedan countries, and I am not sure we should not really strengthen the whole of our position in dealing with these people if we changed and revised our attitude towards the whole Mahommedan world. It is always an extremely unpopular thing to attempt to make any defence or to say anything on behalf of the Turkish claim to sovereignty or national independence. In the mind of most English people there is an accumulated mass of prejudice and ill-feeling against the Turk on the ground of the massacres. Still, I think there is something which should appeal to us in their demand that there should remain in the world some representatives of their own Mahommedan culture, some sovereign States in which their civilisation should work out along their own lines. I believe if we were ready to recognise that and to go further and to let it be known that we had a feeling of friendship and sympathy for the development of the Mahommedan States of the East it would make a very considerable difference to our whole position. I do not mean to say that we should guarantee or give any real assistance, but if we are not going to do that, if we are to be represented as swallowing up and annexing, under whatever camouflage, these Mahommedan lands, I think we shall be in a much weakened position and we may find a rising tide of sentiment against us which it may be very difficult to meet.

I think the whole bearing of these points taken together is in favour of the abandonment of our position in Iraq. Some hon. Members this afternoon have said that we should perform all that was required of us if we withdrew to Basra. I admit that that would be a very great and very marked curtailment of our responsibility. We could hold Basra from the sea. After all, we are an amphibious Power, we may go at times upon the land, our real home is on the water, and it is on the exercise of our sea power that we really depend. We should save a great deal of the money which the occupation of the whole territory involves; we should avoid occupying territory in which these holy cities are situated, and it might be possible, with good will, if we could get on terms of friendship with Turkey, to leave behind us some Arab community, to which I do not think we are bound to guarantee any particular ruler, to work out its own destinies as well as one might expect in that region or in Arabia or in Persia. It would not be anything like as good an administration as our trained administrators could supply, but quite good enough for the requirements of that country.

We may have to go further. It may be, as soon as we can leave something behind us which does not promise mere chaos and anarchy, that it would be better to quit the territory entirely. I agree, and I think everybody in the House agrees, that one cannot specify the exact time when this should be done. Although we must not retire in such a way as to leave behind mere chaos and anarchy, the sooner we can curtail our responsibilities the better. Napoleon spoke truth when he said that great empires in the past have generally died through over-eating and indigestion. He illustrated the truth of that opinion by his own experience, and he has, I think, left that opinion as a warning to us.

All the speeches that we have heard to-night have been well-informed and magnanimous, and not least so the speech of the right hon. Gentleman who has just sat down. The Committee welcomed the contribution of my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Air. We were all very pleased to hear that the greatest care was being used with regard to aeroplanes. When areoplanes and civilians come into conflict, and it is a question of ruler and ruled, it is always a dangerous and injudicious weapon to use, and one that is very liable to defeat itself. I should like to make one further reference to what the Secretary of State for Air said, and that is, that the question we are discussing to-night is only a very small part of a very much larger question. The real trouble that we are facing now arises from the calamitous disunion between ourselves and France. The policy of our Government, the policy of the last Government has driven the Turks into the arms of the Bolshevists, and the policy of France has driven the German into the arms of the Bolshevists. That is a fact that we have to face at the present moment.

In any answer that is given from the Treasury Bench, I am sure that one argument which was so frequently used by the last Government will not be used, and that is, that we who criticise are actively hostile to the Government and are doing unpatriotic work. After the long four years' silence of the House of Commons we have the present House of Commons, which is very much alive, while the last House of Commons was, I suppose, the most stertorous and most subservient that we have ever had. It resigned its rights and almost its powers of speech, and allowed things to go as wrong as they did go. Nothing did more harm than that loud-mouthed propaganda of the Government which said that the late Prime Minister won the War, and that megaphonic broadcasting which said that it was only by his wisdom that peace could be won. The real truth is that events are bigger than men. We all know of the system of Professor Coue. It is an admirable system so far as the individual is concerned, but a poor system where events are concerned. It may cure a cold in the head, but it is no use laying your head on the railway line and saying: "The express is going slower and slower."

I am in the happy position of being able to support the Government on the general lines of its policy, and I am only sorry that I cannot refrain once again from some criticism of my chief constituent, Lord Curzon. None of us will deny Lord Curzon's brilliance. I should like to ask whether that brilliance was eclipsed in the last four years by the late Government, or whether it is his brilliance at the present time that is eclipsing the present Government. I want to know if there is a real change in our Eastern policy. There was a very important article in the Press this morning by Mr. Ward Price, who has done a public service by going to Angora. He knows the Turks, and he knows Turkey well, and he has put before this country the opinions of Raouf Bey, the Prime Minister. I will add one word to what was said in that interview. Raouf Bey once upon a time, he may be yet, was a very strong Anglophile. He learnt English. He was a gallant man, but he was one of the people who was transported and locked up in Malta for two years, without any charge being preferred against him. The question he asks is: then I have had a letter from a friend of mine in Turkey. I did not bring the letter to read to the House, for two reasons. One is that I am not very good at reading now, and the other is that it would have offended my modesty, because it corroborated everything I have said, only it did it much more tersely. That letter said:

I should like to make one further reference to what happened at Lausanne. Mistakes were made, and they were not all made on one side. Everybody will agree that the Turks were entirely wrong when they demanded the abolition within 24 hours of capitulations which had existed I do not know how long—perhaps for 400 years, possibly even longer. On the other hand, there was our proposal, or the French proposal, that instead of abolishing the capitulations in that way, we should give the Turk the same capitulations that had gladdened the heart of the Egyptian after the outrageous rule of Ishmael Pasha, when Egypt was in chaos and slavery. All these things could be arranged and will be arranged if properly handled, and if extremism does not have its own way in Angora, and if extremism does not get its own way here. Both ourselves and France have given very important hostages to fortune in Turkey. I spoke of this a fortnight ago. May I very briefly make three points. In Turkey, this is exactly how we stand: We have a very small force at Constantinople. It is a force too small to be a pawn, but a force that is big enough to be important as a hostage. I hope that that force will be withdrawn as soon as possible. Secondly, we have a bigger force at Chanak, and, if attacked, we could hold on all right.

In the third place, we come to the question of Mesopotamia. The position in Mesopotamia is that we have our finger between the door-post and the door. That is always a very unpleasant position, especially when you do not know what those on the other side of the door are going to do. To-night, we have heard speeches saying that we ought to stay there entirely, and other speeches saying that we ought to retire entirely. I am not going to waste the time of the House on that. We heard a speech from the hon. and gallant Member for St. Albans (Lieut.-Colonel Fremantle) which might have been inspired by my late friend Sir Mark Sykes. He spoke about our obligations and pledges; but after the pledges that the late Government made we could be bound to almost anything you like. One could prove that there is hardly anything to which we are not bound by the pledges of the late Government. At the same time, there are obvious pledges of honour, and I shall be very sorry to see a complete scuttle and a bag and baggage clearance on our part, leaving King Feisal to the mercy of his enemies. He has been referred to as a puppet. We did not speak of him as a puppet when he fought for us in the War.

It is said that we have never carried out our pledge to the people of Mesopotamia, that there has been no election and that King Feisal, therefore, is not a constitutional monarch. It is also said that the people would not elect him. I do not know Mesopotamia very well, but my opinion is that if you put up King Feisal for election you would have the cultivator of Iraq, the trader at Basra, the merchant at Bagdad, and all the people interested in progress and order voting for him. When you come to the marsh Arab, who is a kind of amphibious marauder, half hyena and half shark, the probability is that he would not vote for King Feisal. He would only vote for anarchy and for the free liberty to loot. If we are going to leave Mesopotamia we should leave it with honour to ourselves and safety to the people. I do not know what Sir Percy Cox thinks about all this. I had the honour of staying with him years ago on the Persian Gulf. He is a very great Englishman of very great and very simple qualities. He was the architect and mason of our power and greatness on the Persian Gulf. It was years before the Great War and years before President Wilson's Fourteen Points, when he made our position, and I would add that the Persian Gulf is not Mesopotamia. I leave it at that. It seems to me that we have four alternatives. We can retire bag and baggage. If we do that it is a very great loss of prestige to ourselves. Then we can go back to the frontier of Basra. That is a very material thing to do and I do not think that it is a very satisfactory thing. I do not know how long we should endure. Then we can stay at Bagdad and Mosul with our battalions, or finally we can stay at Bagdad without our battalions, but only on condition that we become peacemakers once more.

This is the suggestion which I am going to make. Our great stake in the past was our good will and our known desire for peace. Wherever we went we were peacemakers and our name was held in high reputation. Years ago a friend of mine told me this story of Sir Richard Crawford, a most able public servant, who was acting as adviser to the Turks. One day a man came into the office of Talaat Pasha, who was then Minister of the Interior, with a paper from Sir Richard Crawford to be approved by the Minister. My friend happened to be in the office, and the Minister turned round to the official who had come in and said, "Never come to ask me for anything for Sir Richard Crawford. Go and do what he tells you. His word is enough." Then there was the case of Admiral Limpus, who was adviser to the Turkish Fleet, and the only trouble when he came to leave was whether the Turks could get him to stay on again. That was the one thing that they were anxious to do. Can we regain that position? Can we restore our name? In my opinion we can. I know, of course, that we have many enemies among the Turks. There are many Turks who hope and believe that Bolshevism will burst across the frontiers of Russia and go foaming over Europe, and that the Turks may find salvation because Europe will fall into ruin. But these are not the strongest party in Turkey. The strongest party in Turkey look forward to progress and prosperity through friendship with this country. The Turks have a motto, which is one of the most frequently used in their language, which means, "An old friend cannot become an enemy," and anybody who has talked to the Turks between sanguinary combats in the War has heard that proverb perpetually. If we are able to show the Turks that we have the equivalent of that motto in English, I can assure the Committee that the memory of the Crimea will infinitely outweigh the memory of the Dardanelles.

We have listened to many excellent suggestions put forward as regards our policy for staying in Iraq. To me the most curious point is how far these policies cancel each other, not merely in part, but completely. One hon. Member said that we required to stay in Iraq merely because it was defensible. We were also told by another speaker that the reverse was the case. On the, general policy we have been told that the policy of the universal skedaddle cannot be maintained. We as a country have found ourselves during the last eight or nine years in many extra corners of the earth, and we have now got to take stock and reckon whether we are going to remain in any of these places. From some of them we have retired. After many months debating and after considerable military difficulties we retired from Gallipoli. But if we now discuss the question of retiring from Mesopotamia merely from the point of view of prestige we shall be led astray. We were told that we had to remain in Mesopotamia because it formed part of the road to India. This is a very old argument which has been maintained for holding Gibraltar and many other stations on the sea route to India. We are now told that we must remain in Iraq because it forms a sort of lighting station or aerodromes on the way to India.

Those who have argued in favour of the complete retirement from Iraq have been told that the basis of their argument was entirely materialistic. The material side of this question is one which we are bound to consider. The total imports into Great Britain from Iraq in 1913 were something over £1,000,000 and the total exports from Great Britain amounted to the magnificent sum of £250,000. We have heard much of the agricultural possibilities in this area. It is said that it was once the granary of the eastern world and might become so again. I do not know that that follows. There have been many secular changes in climate, and as far as my geographical knowledge goes, it leads me to believe that there is no great possibility in the near future, or even in the very distant future, of any such great development as fed the enormous population which once inhabited the district of the two rivers. Great world changes of climate have taken place, and unless there are reverse changes over which we have no control this great future for Mesopotamia is so much of a mirage.

The strongest thing said against the occupation of Iraq came from the Secretary for Air in his explanation and defence of the bombing raids which took place, which only corroborated the information that has been given from these benches and in the newspapers. We were told that extraordinary humanity was shown in the making of those raids, that aeroplanes did go over and drop bombs, but that, if possible, the bombs were dropped on sheep or on cattle rather than on human beings, but it was not denied that, in the ultimate resort, people did have bombs dropped upon them. The curious point is, the hon. and gallant Member for St. Albans (Lieut.-Colonel Fremantle), pleading in a very eloquent speech for remaining in Iraq, read a rather bombastic Proclamation which has been read on many previous occasions in this House, and with which Members are very familiar now, making very definite and grandiose promises to the natives of that country. But after all, the people on the outskirts of Bagdad and the other towns in Mesopotamia who read that publication when it was put up as a poster were not the only people who had bombastic proclamations made to them. The late Prime Minister—and I think that at that time he was not a Member of the Coalition Government, but of the Government of which the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Paisley was the head—made another bombastic proclamation to the people of this country that not one square mile of territory would be added to the British Empire at the end of the War, and now we are in the position that we have got two pledges, and the pledge made to the people of this country by a Prime Minister and his Government is rather more important than the pledge made by an Army officer of whatever rank to the natives of some country which the Army was virtually invading.

The actual question that we are discussing is the Supplementary Estimates. It deals with two specific points. One is the question of defence, and defence of what can only be called a comic opera Government. It has been objected that the Calling of King Feisal a puppet is hardly fair, but if a puppet means not merely a person who does not act on his own volition but obeys the orders of someone else who pulls the string, he is not only a puppet but a very costly puppet. The people who are getting 15s. a week from the Employment Exchanges in this country have no great belief in puppet kings being kept in Iraq costing £70,000 this year and £100,000 last year. That does not take into account a great deal of backsheesh, thousands and hundreds of thousands of British sovereigns that have been distributed to many of the minor chiefs and rulers who blackmail the British Government in these regions.

8.0 P.M.

One point has to be kept particularly in mind, and that is the question of the railways. The railways of Mesopotamia are not a system of railways at all. The only one that claims any permanence at all is the broad guage railway in the upper part of the country, which was originally a German concession. The other two railways can only be described as ramshackle switchbacks. An hon. Member gave us a humorous illustration of Couéeism, and told us of the person who put his head on the railway and kept on saying that the express was going slower and slower. I can assure the hon. Member that the person would not have died a very rapid death. He would probably have died of starvation long before the Mesopotamian express arrived. It is not a system of railways at all. There is very little permanent work; the engines and the gauges are all different, and there is nothing interchangeable about them. They cannot pay and will not pay, and they did not pay under enormous subsidies from this country. It is very unlikely that even private enterprise will be able to do anything other than use them as scrap iron. I hold that a case has not been made out for the spending of any more money of the British taxpayers either upon the defence of Mesopotamia or on the maintenance of its railways.

We have a duty to the people of this country, a duty that we cannot escape. We cannot maintain that this expenditure will create employment in this country, for there is virtually no trade with Mesopotamia. The imports and exports between this country and Mesopotamia are under £2,000,000 a year. You cannot argue with British wage earners, who during the last two years have had their wages cut by more than £500,000,000, that the question of the retention or loss of this minor market is a thing on which they can afford to spend £10,000,000 or £11,000,000 a year. Apart from that, there is no reason to believe that a single part of the trade would be lost if Iraq passed into the hands of other rulers. I admit that there are no official trade figures, because apparently there has been no trade other than military trade hitherto. Of whatever trade is going, other countries, including the United States, have a very fair share. Not one of those other countries has maintained the absurd position that for such trade they must spend £10,000,000 or more per annum. If we could get to the truth of the matter it would be admitted by military and political experts that our going into Mesopotamia was a mistake. The present Prime Minister has said that that is his opinion. I think it would be found to TDC the opinion also of the military experts, even as a war measure. It has cost us over £150,000,000. Now, when we take stock of the whole situation, we would well serve the interests of our own country if we decided to clear out of the country.

In rising to make my first speech in the House, I promise that it will not be very long. Members on this side have suggested that we should stay in Mesopotamia. Let me recall the first great tragedy that occurred in Mesopotamia. It is said that the Garden of Eden was situated between the Tigris and the Euphrates. The first great mistake made there was when man was tempted to eat the apple. That man was driven out of the Garden of Eden, and I have an idea that if we stay in Mesopotamia we shall very likely follow him. At the General Election many of us found great difficulty in framing a policy on this subject. The Prime Minister did not give us any lead. All he said was that he wished we had never gone there. It was very difficult to fight an election on a mere expression of opinion, and many of us had to devise a policy for ourselves. I feel sure that the overwhelming wish of the electors is that we should leave Mesopotamia, bag and baggage. The point of importance is not the immediate cost, but the cost that may ultimately be incurred if the Turks descend on Mosul. I have heard it said to-day that that is impossible, but I believe that the best military authorities hold that the Turks can come down through Mosul and drive us back. To retire now while there is a chance would be better than to remain on the very borders of Mesopotamia challenging the Turks to attack us.

I am particularly anxious that the Government should make some definite statement as to what they propose to do. No lead is being given. If a statement on the subject could be made by a responsible spokesman of the Government it would do a great service to our party, to the country and to the Empire as a whole. Our sparsely populated Empire is already large enough. Let us get back within its boundaries. Why should we try to add to its area? I am an Imperialist with anybody. Let us take as many Mesopotamias as we can if we can afford it, but at present we cannot afford any more wild adventures outside the Empire. £150,000,000 has been spent in Mesopotamia. Let us cut the loss, and put that as our reparation contribution for the sin that was committed in the Garden of Eden. I do not know whether we should stay at Basra as a base. In the Anglo-Persian Oil Company the Government has an interest, and, that being so, I am inclined to say that we should stop there. It is only fair to their supporters that the Government should to-day say something hopeful as to their intentions.

The late Prime Minister ran us into these adventures, and it is because of the actions of the last Government that we are in the present difficulty. I was pledged not to vote for any expenditure which I considered exorbitant, and this is one of the things I shall have the greatest difficulty in supporting. I feel sure that there are many Members on this side of the Committee who, pledged equally with myself, will have difficulty in supporting the Government unless there is a definite statement forthcoming as to the policy for the future. If we are to continue pouring money into the sandy deserts of Mesopotamia, in building railways and annoying Arabs with bombs and other things, I shall be compelled to oppose the Government. A friend, who has been to Mesopotamia, told me recently that one of the reasons why the Arabs of Mesopotamia are so annoyed with us is that we built the railways. They say that the railways have done away with the camel caravan business, with the consequence that there are now no lonely travellers to be robbed. The Arabs are annoyed to such an extent that they will not pay taxes, and we find it necessary to blow them up with bombs. From the point of view of the British taxpayer we ought to scrap the railways. That would save the taxpayers' money and it would please the Arabs, for there would again be travellers to be waylaid. One thing is obvious, whatever our opinions may be, and that is that the trade of Great Britain cannot revive until taxation is reduced enormously. It is no use our teasing ourselves with the thought that next month things will be better. Prosperity will never return until taxation is reduced. One of the first leaks we can stop is the expenditure of money on Mesopotamia. It is only a small start, but it is a start. Unless we can undo all the evil work which the last Government did in throwing money away and pandering to different interests in the country we are not going to have more prosperous times, and we are not going to have that contentment which we wish to see. I appeal to the Government to start the ball rolling in the direction of national economy by getting out of Mesopotamia, and I hope they will to-night make some statement which will afford us an indication as to which way the cat is going to jump.

I am very loath to intervene in this Debate, because it is congenial to sit and listen to the gladiators talking about their own battles. The hon. Member for Richmond (Mr. Becker) has given us a very sensible speech. Many speeches have been made in the course of this Debate, but there is as much wisdom in his speech as in any of the others which have been delivered this evening. The hon. and gallant Member for St. Albans (Lieut.-Colonel Fremantle) grew quite enthusiastic about Mesopotamia, and referred several times to what he called "the materialistic basis." I suppose he meant taxation, but he avoided that ugly term. He said the question for this House was not a question of materialistic basis, but a question of policy, and he said we had spent so much money in Mesopotamia that we could not afford to leave it. It seems to me that is the very reason why we should leave it. I have been looking up a Debate which took place last March in this House, and I find we were then discussing a Supplementary Estimate for £1,737,600 for Iraq and Palestine. To-night we are discussing an Estimate which totals about £800,000. Since we have been in this country, the expenditure on it, according to the ex-Secretary of State for the Colonies, amounts to no less than £350,000,000. The population of the country is only 2,849.282, which shows that we have spent somewhere about £150 per head of the population in Mesopotamia.

It is very nice to hear hon. Members talking about Bagdad and Mosul and Basra and all these places, but hon. Gentlemen who talk so glibly about foreign countries, know very little about the great distress which prevails in this country. I question if any of these hon. Gentlemen who are so well acquainted with Mesopotamia know anything about Monmouthshire or Abertillery or Blaina or Dowlais. It is all right to hear hon. Gentlemen talking about the Tigris and the Euphrates, but we are more interested in the Taff or the Ebbw. We are more interested in the population of our own country. Personally, I do not know of anything more tragic than the manner in which we vote money by the million in this House towards enterprises in these various countries. It seems to me a most tragic thing that when the Empire is going through a financial struggle for life such as it is going through now, we should spend £350,000,000 in a place like Mesopotamia. I heard some hon. Members speaking in laudatory terms of this country. I have not been there myself, but I have spoken with men who have been there and they say all we can get out of that country is dysentery, malaria and typhoid fever. One of the soldiers to whom I was speaking said, if that was the Garden of Eden, he was quite willing, as far as he was concerned, to allow Adam and Eve to have it. That is the way in which the common soldier looks upon Mesopotamia.

We have before us to-night a Supplementary Estimate, and I wish to deal briefly with some of the items it contains. There is a sum of £350,000 under the head of defence. In general we are curtailing military occupation, and that is a very good thing. I am very glad it is being done. I should like to know, however, how it is that in this instance the original estimate on this branch of the Vote has been increased. The original estimate was £9,096,000, but the revised estimate is in excess no less than £350,000, which indicates very bad estimating. The Undersecretary for the Colonies said the expenditure had exceeded his expectation. That is no explanation. We should like to know why the expenditure has exceeded his expectation. An estimate which is multiplied three fold requires some explanation. In a Debate of 9th March, 1922, the then Secretary of State for the Colonies spoke about a big reduction in the number of battalions to be maintained in Iraq. He foreshadowed the reduction of the number to four battalions. Has that been done? With reference to the capital expenditure on railways, an additional sum of £153,000 is required. The original estimate was £70,000 and the revised estimate is £223,000, or more than three times the original estimate. That again shows bad estimating. It would be interesting if the Committee could have some information as to how this debt has been incurred and how the contracts were let for this capital expenditure. Were they let by private treaty or not; what degree of competition was there in fixing the contract prices; how many firms were engaged in the work; what are the names of the firms; what are the conditions of labour on these railways, and what are the wages paid?

The Under-Secretary for the Colonies stated that he would get us the information when he came to reply. I do not know what he would have said himself had he been on a, back bench and the Minister bringing in an Estimate had made such a statement to him. I think the proper time for giving information is before the Debate begins, and not after it is over. It would be interesting to know what were the exceptional conditions which caused this big deficit on the working of the railways. We ought to know the total receipts, the number of persons employed per mile on the railways, and the number of miles of railway, for there has been a tremendous amount of waste in the working of these railways. In reference to Item E1, on page 12 of the Estimate, could not the Government have made a better bargain and arranged for the Iraq Government to meet the loss of the whole of this £310,000 out of the future profits of the railways, instead of only half of this money? Why should we find half this money? It seems to me that the Asiatic can very easily get on the soft side of the European in these matters. A great deal has been said about the high policy of remaining in Mesopotamia. Personally, I am strongly opposed to remaining, and I think this question was very decisively answered at Dundee at the General Election. Why we should remain in these out-of-the-way regions passes my comprehension. We are not wanted there, the Arabs do not want us there, the Turks are at enmity with us because we are there, and we have got a King there whom, I understand, the people do not want. When I heard an hon. Member opposite speaking with reference to the election of the King, it seemed to me more like an auction than an election, for he spoke about the varied interests that would be moved, with reference to the retention or the disposal of this King Feisal.

At any rate, as far as my influence goes, I shall cast my vote to-night against this Estimate. I have a Motion on the Paper to reduce the Vote by £100, but I understand the reduction has already been moved, so that when the Division is taken I shall vote against the Estimate. The working classes of this country should not be taxed to maintain this army in Mesopotamia. The Under-Secretary for the Colonies spoke about the pacific character of the people of this area, and said there had been no crime, that there was no rebellion, and that everything was going on very quietly, but he was sagacious enough not to say it was the excessive loyalty of the population that accounted for their good behaviour. I find in the speech delivered by Mr. Churchill on the 9th March last year that he said, dealing with this question of garrisoning this territory:

We have had some splendid speeches on the Mesopotamian problem, but none that rang more true than the speech of the hon. Member for Richmond (Mr. Becker), who, I am sorry to see, is not now in his place, and I should like to pay my compliments to him. It was splendid to hear him calling upon his leader to give them a lead on this question, and to know that he is in favour of the "bag and baggage" policy there. The speeches so far have been directed rather to the main policy, as to whether we should stay in Mesopotamia, whether we should stick to a line nearer the coast, or whether we should evacuate the country altogether. As I understand the business to-night, we are discussing a Supplementary Estimate of £350,000. The Under-Secretary for the Colonies, when he introduced it, said that this was caused by reason of the fact that they had been unable to reduce the garrison of Mesopotamia, as had been originally intended. I ask myself the question, as a plain man, Why should we not reduce the garrison? The only enemy that I see in sight are the Turkish forces, which are based on Angora. The Turks have been at war continuously for some ten years. They were smashed and broken by various other countries before the Great War; during the Great War we absolutely blew them to pieces in Palestine, and the Great War ended in 1918 with the Turks absolutely crushed and beaten to the ground. Why, then, is the Turk the potential enemy to-day? We read in the Press that he has been supplied with arms and munitions of war and with the sinews of war—in other words, finance—by our Allies, France. I ask myself, Are the people of France, who fought with us side by side on the great battlefields, going to be a thorn in our side in the Middle East? Are they going to finance and supply this treacherous, miserable, decadent nation, the Turks, so that we, the taxpayers of Great Britain, have to find the sum of £9,446,000 mentioned in the revised Estimate of which this £350,000 forms part?

Cannot our Government go to our ancient Ally France and say to them, "This thing must stop"? I differ entirely from the hon. Member who said that this was not a matter of £ s. d. It is very much a matter of £ s. d. for the people of England who have to find the money. I venture to say that every candidate during the last General Election had this question with regard to Mesopotamia put to him. Only the other day I saw on the back page of the "Daily Mail"—I do not buy the paper myself. I am a Scotsman; I borrow it—a whole batch of photographs of hon. Members who are pledged to the policy of clearing out of this State bag and baggage, not because they want to lower the prestige of this country, but because of the question of £ s. d. The question we have to ask ourselves is, Can we afford to spend nine and a half millions a year on a force which is to keep the Turks out of that country? We all answered that very clearly on our election platforms. I for one, when asked, said straight out, without any equivocation, or reservation, or thought in my mind, that the first thing I would do when I came here would be to press upon the Government the fact that the people who have to find this additional £350,000 are absolutely determined that this thing shall stop, and the quicker the better for them. My hon. Friend who has just sat down spoke of the election of the king, and that it seemed to him to be an auction. I will qualify that. It seems to me to have been very much in the nature of a Dutch auction. We have given so many pledges, taken mandates and undergone all sorts of trouble that it is difficult to a simple- minded man like myself to know whether we are pledged to stop there for ever, and to give King Feisal a job and find a tribute for ever.

I do not understand the difference between the Sunnis and the Shiahs, and I do not want to understand the difference, but this King Feisal, I understand, does not belong to Mesopotamia at all. He was brought in from some other country. He helped us in Palestine. I quite agree with that, and that we should help him. I read in the papers during the War about the exploitation of Colonel Lawrence, who seemed to be a sort of modern Sir Galahad. This King Feisal refused to take paper money, and had to be paid in millions of British gold. Our soldiers were paid in promises, such as "homes fit for heroes to live in," and all sorts of things which have not materialised up to the present. The other day we were speaking about India, and my hon. Friends above the Gangway said we sent out a Viceroy to India to rule over three hundred millions of people, and yet we did not give the Indians representative Government. The case of India is rather different. We went in as a trading company, and found several nations at war with each other, cutting each other's throats. Gradually, by means of peaceful trading, we settled the country, and we are now endeavouring, I understand, to give them representative Government. In Mesopotamia here is a chance. Why not let the people hold an election of any kind they like? They have their chiefs, and a system, I understand, very much like that to which our Scottish friends were accustomed in the Highlands. Why cannot we let them elect their own chief, their king, or whatever they like, and let us get out once for all from this place in which we have lost so much money? It is of on use, and the sooner we go away the better for the people of this country.

It seems to me that the principal point which has emerged from the discussion to which we have listened so long this afternoon is that, given anything like a free vote of this House, we would be out of Mesopotamia, and would at once cut the losses we have sustained there. The previous speaker has reminded us that promises were freely made on both sides during the recent Election that, so far as the losses of Mesopotamia were concerned, we were determined that there should be no more of them, and that we should, as far as possible, cut the loss which had been made in the past. We are discussing, primarily, the question of this additional expense, but, hanging upon that additional expense, there are one or two other interesting points. One speaker on the other side has taken us back to the Garden of Eden and to Adam's apple, and what the world has had to pay for it, and he has reminded us that in the Garden of Eden we are now facing a circumstance not unlike the original one. The point in our case to-day is that we know that the responsibilities which the nation has taken upon itself in Mesopotamia are continuing responsibilities and that, unless we make up our mind as speedily as possible to get out of it, we are going to have these responsibilities, increased.

For instance, this afternoon, from the responsible Minister present, we heard a statement that an offer had been made by a private syndicate—one of those sets of people always ready to take up unconsidered trifles, and turn them into profit—to accept the Iraq railway system, on condition that our Government guaranteed the interest upon it. The Minister made a great virtue of the fact that the Government turned that down, and he proceeded to tell us that the railway was to be handed over to the Iraq Government, but he did not answer a question which was put across the Floor, and to which we want a reply. The question was, Has our Government, in agreeing to hand over this railway, undertaken responsibility for future capital expended upon that railway? It is all very easy and nice to say that our responsibilities are concluded when we have met the supplementary sum for which we are now asked, but if, when handing over the railway, we have merely handed it over to the Iraq Government and undertaken the expenditure of capital sums, what better off are we than if we had handed it over to another set of robbers, and said we would guarantee interest upon it. £150,000,000 of British money has been spent upon Mesopotamia since 1918, with a trade so small as to be negligible. We incur an expenditure of £150,000,000, at a time when this country is so much in need of money, to be now followed by these Supplementary Esti- mates, and, almost certainly, by further capital expenditure which we probably will have to pay to the Iraq Government in the future. In the ultimate it is a question of policy. There are voices on the other side—many of them—which will be raised in a demand for the extension of our Empire. We have had a surfeit of Empire. The British Kingdom is going very largely to rack and ruin, because we have insisted upon expanding and extending the Empire without having any just, fair, and reasonable ground for so doing. It is a vital question of policy, between those who desire to see the money of this country, raised within this country, spent upon useful and fruitful purposes, or upon silly, extravagant, useless, and unfruitful purposes such as we have in Mesopotamia.

One of the speakers on the other side quoted the writer of a letter from Turkistan addressed to the present and the past Governments. It said that the only difference between the two was that the first bloody ungodly Government of the past have been replaced by a slightly less bloody and ungodly Government of the present. My feeling is that in the view of the straight and clear distinction between those who want to stay in Mesopotamia for some supposed idea of extending the Empire and raising British prestige, and those who believe it is necessary that every penny of expenditure by this country should have a reasonable basis. In view of the promises made at the Election and the declarations as to Mesopotamia we believe that not another penny of British money should follow the money so largely wasted in the past. Having begun with a clean sheet, and having cut that part of the loss we should try to withdraw these sums of money, and spend them within our own isles, in our own country, for the extension of better conditions and for the expansion of trade.

If there was any possibility of a return upon this sum of money we would not object to it, but since we know that all the expenditure of the past has been fruitless, we desire to say that, if it were only a half or one-tenth of the sum now asked for for this business, the House, as representing the interests of the country, based upon promises made by all of us at the General Election, of economy and of quitting evil policies of this kind, should refuse it. I say that it is the business of all of us, if we are honest in what we said, to vote against this demand on the part of the Government. I sincerely trust that no question of the maintenance of King Feisal upon the throne will interfere with an honest judgment, but that we will refuse the Vote, cut this loss, and leave Mesopotamia.

Hon. Members who have spoken earlier in the Debate have based their opposition to this Supplementary Estimate for the railway in Iraq upon their objection to the past policy of this country—the policy of the Government no longer in power. May I say that as a matter of fact that whatever we may think of past policy, and whether we agree or disagree with the military strategy that took us into Mesopotamia some eight years or more ago, whether we approve or disapprove of the policy that kept us there after the War, whether we be amongst those who desire to stay in Mesopotamia or not, does not really concern this Vote, which, as I have said, has to do with the maintenance of this Iraq railway and its defence. We cannot now alter the facts: That we did go to Mesopotamia during the War; that, after various vicissitudes, we were able finally to drive the Turks, who up to that time had been the rulers of the country, out of that country; that we did remain after the War; that we have fellow-countrymen at present in Iraq; that we had this railway, about which we are now particularly concerned, built from Basra by Bagdad to Shergat, with branches to the Persian frontier and towards Kerbela. This railway is one of the few solid assets which remain as a gain from the welter of destruction of the War. It has immense potentialities. I do not agree with what has been said by the hon. Member for Fareham (Sir J. Davidson), with whom otherwise I am entirely in accord, that the railway is useless, that is, that bit from Basra to Bagdad and on to Shergat. The hon. Member has rightly pointed out to the House that even at the present time the railway that runs from the Persian frontier through Bagdad does pay very well. Why does it pay? Because of its immense pilgrim traffic. Not only do the Persians themselves go to Kerbela, but they send the bodies of their relatives there to be buried.

This is a valuable bit of line, because it runs in a part of the country which is at present entirely secure. I personally believe that when we get equal security in other parts, and trade develops in another direction, that the despised railway from Basra to Bagdad will prove equally profitable. Remember that when Turkey is at peace again, and when the railway has been joined up from Shergat, which is its present terminus North of Bagdad, through Mosul to the Nisibin-Aleppo-Constantinople railway, its possibility of profit will be considerable and its importance difficult to overestimate. Therefore, I think that we should be foolish to refuse the Vote, which is really the point before us, even from the point of view of the finance of the future. That, however, I put aside for the moment. The great fact is that we have in Iraq at the present time a large number of our countrymen, and those fellow-countrymen now, and until we leave, are dependent to a large extent on that railway for their security and for their supplies.

Even if a decision to evacuate Iraq were come to in the immediate future, the railway would have to be maintained and paid for during the long extended period that any such withdrawal would take, if it be carried out in a safe, honourable, and satisfactory manner. But, however keen any individual may be on evacuation, I do not think that if lie were made a responsible statesman he would carry out that policy forthwith. In the face of Turkey truculent, we cannot retreat with safety either to ourselves or to our friends in Iraq. When matters are satisfactorily arranged with Turkey, there will be no insuperable difficulty in our gradual withdrawal from Mosul and from all Iraq under conditions satisfactory to all.

Let me here say from what I saw and heard in Constantinople, and from what I have since heard from my friends in that place and elsewhere, I have myself no doubt but that Turkey will in time, and in her own dilatory way, gladly make peace with us. Thanks to the characters and attitude of our repre- sentatives, military and diplomatic, at Constantinople, and Governmental at Lausanne, the Turks desire to be friends with us and they respect us, which is more than can be said for their attitude to some of our Allies. They acknowledge that we beat them fairly and squarely in the War, and the Turks, being good soldiers themselves, respect military prowess in others. The Turkish War Office gave me the official figures of their losses in Gallipoli as being nearly half a million (434,919) men; and a high Turkish officer told me that the tenacity and pugnacity of the British troops, from the homeland and from overseas, at Helles and at Anzac, caused the Turks such losses among those of their divisions that were properly organised and well trained that they were never thereafter able to oppose us effectively. Their former hopes of further offensive action in Egypt departed, and their power of defeating us elsewhere was destroyed. The brilliant victories of Allenby in Palestine, coming on the top of the previous victories of Maude in Mesopotamia, made them recognise that in us they had met their conquerors. If only we had been alone and had been able to make peace at once, the Turks, he said, would have been glad to agree to any terms we thought right. They respected, they trusted, they even liked us, as, indeed. I respected and liked the Turks who fought against us on the Gallipoli Peninsula. For reasons not unconnected with ex-President Wilson, peace could not at once be made with Turkey—

The hon. and gallant Gentleman should connect his remarks with this Estimate.

9.0.P.M.

I was trying to make the point that I was pretty sure the Turks would make peace and that the danger pointed out by the hon. Member opposite was not so great as it might otherwise be considered. I was trying to point out that when the Turks did make peace that that would be the time for us to begin our withdrawal from Mosul. The great point to remember is that when we do evacuate, our withdrawal must necessarily be very gradual so that we may be able to establish the ground as we retire and secure the interests of those who have proved to be our friends both during and after the War. While we remain in Iraq and during the process of gradual withdrawal, this railway is essential for the security and well-being of our countrymen. But there is in this Vote and in the railway for which it is needed, far more than this. Those who have neither knowledge nor memory nor imagination may look on this railway merely as a little meter gauge tramway built for military purposes during the War, laid out through a miserably cultivated, and in parts desert, country inhabited by rough, rude, and recalcitrant tribesmen, to a terminus which has no reason for its existence and is a terminus only because there the rails terminate. The railway just peters out there like a stream losing itself in the desert. Those who have knowledge, however, will be aware that the railhead is where it is only because construction of the railway ceased with the War. They will know that this despised meter gauge railway has saved the country large sums of money in transportation, and that it has saved the country much in the more important matter of men's lives. Those who have memory will recall the importance given before the War to the railway system of which this is a part. Who cannot remember the hopes and fears engendered by the Berlin to Bagdad railway scheme. We built this railway to serve the needs of the Army at the time, but unwittingly we have thereby made a big contribution towards the realisation of this scheme. I think those who have trained imaginations, a quality so necessary to success, whether in politics, in war, or in business, will see what the possibilities of this railway are, and they will see that by voting this money to-day we are making a contribution towards a great world communication—an iron road running along the track followed by traders from the earliest period of the world's history. Along this route marched the armies of Alexander the Great, and near it lie the sites of some of his well-known battles. It will in the future be a trunk railroad leading, not from Berlin to Bagdad only, but from Calais to Basra and to India, from every country of Europe and of Western Asia. It will be a great artery bringing the life-giving blood stream of commerce to the trading community of the world, and will be of special value to us who are the nation most dependent on commerce. I hold as the bedrock of my policy that it is necessary for us to stick fast to these places which are necessary for our security and for the prosperity of the Empire, and to get out of all places and commitments that are not essential for this purpose. I believe that our present position in Iraq is strategically and politically unsound. I wish we were not in Mesopotamia, and I trust we shall get out when we make peace with Turkey, and when we have fulfilled our honourable engagements to those who were our friends during the War. When these conditions are fullfilled we ought to go, but I say strongly that it would be bad statesmanship, and indeed almost criminal, for us to evacuate Iraq at the present juncture, though we should do so gradually as soon as is compatible with safety and honour. This railway is required now and until such time as we are clear of that country. I have no hesitation, for these reasons, in recording my vote for this Estimate, which is required for the maintenance of the railway.

I only want to say two or three words with regard to the general question before us. I would just like to recall the fact that during an hour of this Debate the Government benches were occupied by only eight Members, and on the Front Bench there was but one Member, who, I believe, was not a Member of the Government at all. This seems to me to show an inadequate opinion of the importance of the question we are now discussing. It is also not very complimentary to Members on this side of the House that no Member of the Government should be present to record their questions and objections in order that a full answer may be returned. I am glad the Under-Secretary for the Colonies is now in his place. There are one or two things in the speeches which have just been made to which I want to refer. The hon. Member for Yeovil (Mr. A. Herbert), in a very interesting speech, drew a distinction between simple pledges and pledges of honour. I do not think there is any distinction between a pledge and a pledge of honour. It is possible there may be a distinction between the pledges of one Government and the pledges of another. We know very well what the pledges of the last Government were worth, and insofar as they were made to ourselves and to the country we do not complain so much. But when they bind us to other nations and other countries we feel we have a right to complain of them. They put us in a very difficult position to know what to do, especially when those pledges are made to nations not so civilised as we are ourselves.

The hon. and gallant Member for North Ayrshire (Sir Aylmer Hunter-Weston) pointed out that it was essential we should pass this Estimate in order that, with the Iraq railways, we might be in a position to afford the necessary communications for our withdrawal. But I would like to point out that this money has already been expended, and the railway is there. If one looks at the details of the Estimate it will be found that the expenditure was incurred in 1921–22, so that whether or not we pass the Estimate the railway is there and we can withdraw our troops if we like. The hon. and gallant Gentleman advanced the same old argument that once there we could not easily get away—that it is a long job to get the troops away. We have had that argument over and over again, but I certainly would urge it is not true that you have to stay for a long time in order to get the troops out. We once got them out quickly and we can do it again.

I dare say there are a good many hon. Members of this House in the same position as that occupied by the hon. Member for Bootle (Major Burnie) who confessed that he did not know very much about the Moslems. He did not know the difference between the Sunnis and the Shiahs. Even the right hon. Gentleman who opened this Debate seemed to attach very little importance to that difference. As a matter of fact the difference between the two is exactly the same as the difference between Orangemen and Catholics in Ireland. They love one another just as much, and on occasion they behave towards each other in very much the same way.

This Sherifian family is a family of potentates. He whom we now call the King of Iraq is the son of the King of Mecca. He is of the Sunni persuasion. The country over which we have called Feisal to rule contains all the sacred places of the Shiahs, and there could be nothing more hopeful of trouble for the future than this arrangement. We put Feisal on the throne because we lost him his throne at Damascus, and we had to find him another. This was ready for him, and that is why he is now king of the country. He has no connection whatever with the country; he is not of the same race or of the same religion. It is as if you took a man from Italy and put him in Iceland. It is true that Feisal and his subjects are Moslems, but there are Moslems and Moslems, just as there are Christians and Christians.

We hear a good deal of talk about the election of this potentate at Iraq. I have tried to visualise this election. I wonder whether the hon. Gentleman in charge of this Vote has endeavoured to visualise the election of the king of Iraq. Has he ever thought how the opinion of the people is taken? In a good many ways these people, especially those North-East of Bagdad, are very much like the people of the North-West frontier of India—the Kurds are very much like the Mahsuds and the Afridis. The Kurd lives by loot, as we have been told this evening. How is the vote of the Kurd to be obtained? Can you imagine him going to the ballot? It seems to me to be quite absurd. It may be that the tribes in the plains are calmer and quieter, and it may be possible to get the opinion of these people, but when you leave the plains and get into the hills, it seems to me that an election is a pure and simple farce.

Are we going to keep Feisal there if he is not wanted? Is it our duty to do so? Are we pledged to keep him there if he is not wanted? If we are, then I foresee that this expenditure of 12, 14, 15 or 17 millions per annum is going to continue. We have to realise that that country cannot afford a Government on the Indian scale. It is a very large country, inhabited by a very sparse population. We have been told that it has two and a half million people, and another estimate was two millions; but two million poor people of that class can never maintain a Government of the calibre of the Indian Government.

We have really no information as to what has been done. In what state is the civil government of that country at present? How many civil servants are there? We hear rumours that there are 600 European civil servants to govern that country of two million inhabitants. Hon. Gentlemen may remember that in the Indian Civil Service, which governs 225,000,000 people, there are 1,200 civil servants. We should like to know how many civil servants there are, and how many there would have to be if we have to protect King Feisal in that country. Again, how far has the irrigation system gone, what is it costing, and how far has it resulted in increased cultivation? There is no doubt that that country could be made a very fertile country indeed. I think it was Sir William Willcocks who made the scheme for the irrigation of the lower portions of Iraq, which, if I remember rightly, ran into millions of money, but promised hundreds of thousands of acres of cultivation. How far has that scheme gone? Has it been introduced, and, if so, is there any prospect that it will pay in the near future? We have been afforded so little detailed information about the country that it is difficult to say what the right policy would be—whether it is the right policy to clear out of the country quickly.

I should like, if possible, to make a little constructive suggestion in this Debate. Would it be possible, supposing that Feisal is elected to the throne, supposing that the population will accept him, or, in the alternative, will choose some king of their own, to provide that native potentate with a British officer of the stamp of a political agent, who would be his right-hand man and assistant in administration, and to lend to the country, at the country's expense, officers for the levies, as we lent officers to Persia, if I remember rightly; and also, if asked for, medical officers for the hospitals and educational officers, if there is going to be a system of education, for the schools? It seems to me that we might possibly maintain our pledge in that way and make ourselves more or less responsible, under King Feisal's ægis, for the civil government of the country. With regard to the military administration of the country, that, of course, would be in the hands of the King, if we came out. We have been led to believe that King Feisal was empowered to raise levies, but that, in competition with our levies, he is unable to do so. Is it a fact that our levies are 12,000 in number, and that the men are paid 40 rupees a month as pay and 15 rupees a month for food, while Feisal's levies are only offered 30 rupees a month in all? If that is the case, it explains why he cannot recruit, but doubtless, when we come out, he will be able to do so, and we might leave him with levies, possibly under British officers, to defend his country.

As to our coming out, there are also material questions to be considered. I believe there is a pipe-line that comes down near Muhammarah to the Karun river. Is that pipe-line vulnerable if we do not hold Basra? If it is vulnerable, and that supply of oil is necessary for our Navy, then, in that case, I think it might be necessary—it would be a military problem, and I am not a military man—that we should hold the line Ahwaz-Nasariyah, to which reference has already been made, and Basra. I think the sense of the Committee is, however, that we should come out as far as we can, and have as few commitments as possible in that country. It is possible that the Vote on this Estimate will depend on the information that we are afforded in the hon. Gentleman's reply. If he can assure the House of an early prospect of withdrawal it may be that this Vote will be acceded to, but if not, no doubt a great many hon. Members will attempt to prevent it from going through.

I rise with some diffidence to take part in this Debate, especially as I feel that I am taking shelter under the privilege which is accorded to new Members of asking for that indulgence which the House so generously extends to those who address it for the first time. I have listened attentively to the speeches of hon. Members on both sides of the Committee, and I may say that I am in entire accord with my hon. Friend, whom I do not now see in his place, the Member for Yeovil (Mr. A. Herbert), in expressing amazement at the depth of knowledge and understanding and the number of concrete suggestions that have been brought forward on this question to-night. Hitherto I had really heard only one concrete suggestion on this question, and that was contained in a phrase which I think most hon. Members have heard before, and perhaps have even seen in the daily Press—that we should clear but of Mesopotamia. To-night, however, many other valuable suggestions have been made, ranging from that of the hon. and gallant Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme (Colonel Wedgwood), which I think was the simplest, with regard to Colonel Lawrence, to a suggestion that the whole matter should be handed over to the League of Nations—always a valuable refuge in difficulty. I do not wish to imply that I consider that the Government is in any great difficulty over the matter, and that they are relying too much—though I agree that considerable weight is to be attached to them—on the opinions of hon. Members who oppose this Vote. I do not wish it to be thought that the Government altogether depend for constructive suggestions on the opinions expressed by hon. Members of the Opposition. I think, in fact, that the hon. Members on the Benches opposite might well rest content. Even though they confined themselves to destructive criticism, they would still be performing the duties of His Majesty's opposition.

Even in my short experience I have found that in deliberative councils of all sorts, whether great or small, whether, say, an army pow-wow for discussing operations, or a business directors' board or committee meeting, discussing a project—it may be a big one or it may be a small one—as a rule you will find that the meeting is divided into three camps. There are those who believe in the project and intend to see it through. There are those who, though possibly they like the idea, are doubtful and not quite certain whether it can be brought through. There are those, also, who are equally determined that it cannot be carried through, whatever happens, and are going to oppose it in every way. Of course, there are exceptions, it is not the case with every assembly. Now and then you get one of those commanding figures, one of those dynamic forces, one of those first-class brains, who will sway all the other members of the assembly and bring them to his own point of view. I do not think I altogether like that system. As my hon. Friend has said, we have now a live House of Commons, which is quick to seize on any mistake. The mere fact that it is in existence will ensure the projects of the Government being conducted in the best way. Take other, schemes which have been brought forward. I mean to try and show that it is not always easy to carry any schemes through without opposition. Take our own home railways in this country—

I am endeavouring to give every indulgence to the Noble Lord in his first speech, but it really is not admissible to go into extensions of that kind. I do not see where the Debate would ever end if that course were followed.

I apologise, Sir. I was arriving at my point in perhaps a rather round-about way. I was going to say that, whether at home or abroad, there has always been tremendous doubt in the country as to whether a project could really be carried through. If we take Egypt—if I may be allowed to take that case—that is, in a way, a very excellent parallel, although it is some way back now. When the question of the purchase of the Suez Canal shares was brought before this House, if hon. Members would look up the Debates of that time, I believe they would find that there was tremendous opposition to it. In the same way, when we were finally brought into the country—we went there against our own will—and when, after Arabi's revolt, the Government had to foot the bill, I think there were many persons in this House who stated openly that they wished we had never gone there. So now, with this country of Iraq, we are there whether we like it or not. Whatever pledges we may or may not have given, the fact remains that we are responsible for whatever is to happen in the near future to that country. We are the force that made them change their masters, and that drove Turkey out of the country. We are, therefore, responsible, whether we gave pledges or whether we did not, for what is to happen in the near future.

If the Committee will permit me I am going to paint two very rapid sketches— water colours, not oils. My Noble and Fair Friend the Member for the Southern Division of Plymouth (Viscountess Astor) attempted—I hope she will not mind me saying so—to soothe the troubled waters of debate by pouring oil on them. I hope she will forgive me if I suggest that possibly she only added fuel to the flames of controversy by so doing. I am going to paint a simple water-colour, and I will borrow, first of all, a brush from the palette of Lord Rothermere. It is one which he possesses, but if he has used it, I think it has only been to draw a rough and bold outline, which has not been perfectly filled in. I will try and do so to the best of my very poor ability.

Imagine for yourselves the state of this country of Iraq if we had gone out, bag and baggage; or—it amounts to practically the same thing—if we have so drastically restricted our commitments and our expenditure in that country, that there is no other course but to clear out, bag and baggage. What would be the fate of that country? In the north, as hon. Members have clearly shown, there would be at once chaos. The Kurds would revert to their normal, primitive life of fighting between themselves, varied with an occasional set-to between themselves and the Chaldeans. The Chaldeans in spite of the fact that they are Christians, are a race thoroughly able and capable of looking after themselves. They have done so for many years. This would continue until the Turks thought it possible—that would depend very much on the state of the weather—to send a force into Mosul to sit on the oil claims there. I do not think they would be able or willing to develop those claims themselves. I am rather inclined to believe that they would merely garrison the parts where the oil exists, and sit there until such time as one of the various competitors who wanted those claims were prepared to buy them up. That is, I think, what they would do. The rest of the country would be left to look after itself.

We turn to the east. There the border between Persia and Iraq would be at the mercy of Persian and Russian freebooters. There are many of those existing as it is, but they are kept, at the present moment, beyond the bounds of the plain. There are old Tzarist officers out of a job, and young Bolshevist officers out for experience. Both of those would have ample opportunity to exercise the tricks of their trade, tricks on defenceless Iraq, which would revert to a state such as existed in Persia, or in countries like Mexico and Southern Ireland. If we turn to the south, we should see the unfortunate port of Basra. It has been suggested by the right hon. Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith) that we should evacuate the whole country beyond Basra; that we should leave all our commitments—the railways, and the various commercial undertakings started in Bagdad itself—and go back to Basra. I put it to the House that there has been no case of a port with a hostile or disturbed hinterland able to carry on trade economically. Look at the case of Salonika, which has been absolutely ruined. The same fate would fall on Basra, and it would be only a matter of time before we should have to leave that also.

The most curious thing of all is when we come to the West. There we have the Sherif of the Wahabis, who commands a large and very fanatical force of tribesmen, who are under a strict religion. So simple is their faith that when they are on the war-path, and come to any settlement or village, they say to every individual: "Are you a Wahabi?" If he says, "Yes," he has to join their force; and if he says, "No," they put a very quick end to him. That is the fate of the victims of the Wahabi, and I shudder to think of the fate of Iraq under the control of Ibn Saud, or still worse after Ibn Saud has wrecked his vengeance on it and left it a mere ruin of chaos and trouble. That, I think, shows the picture of what will happen on immediate evacuation without any safeguards.

Now I will wield, for a shorter time still, the brush of my right hon. Friend who lately represented Dundee. I fear it would be very feeble indeed to attempt to imitate work emanating from so great a master, besides which, though I have lived for some years in countries inhabited by the Arab race, my own actual experience of Iraq is confined to a mere flying visit last summer to Bagdad. I will not, then, aspire to a sketch of a land flowing with oil and cotton, a happy population tending huge tracts of irrigated land, with vast woods and fruit plantations, gardens growing all the spices of the East and golden cities connected by a regular service of luxurious air liners wafting the tourist from Cairo to Bagdad in a few hours. I will confine myself to this. As a business proposition I believe Iraq is good. I believe its people can be made as happy, as prosperous and as ungrateful as the people of Egypt to-day. It is beginning only, but it is beginning to-day. British lives and British money have been spent to secure that beginning. We can, of course, sacrifice them. We can cut our losses. We can clear out and take no further responsibility and allow the country to become a howling wilderness. We can do that easily, but can we face the moral responsibility of doing so? It is for the House to decide whether by doing so we should be fulfilling our obligations not only to Iraq but to this country and to humanity, and that would be the direct result were we to curtail our expenses to such an extent that it would be impossible to work the country in a proper and efficient way. In my opinion there are only three things we can do to secure the happiness of Iraq and to increase trade and prosperity. The first is peace with Turkey. The second is to support King Feisal. Someone called him a puppet king and it has been suggested that he is not popular in the country. From my personal experience I can say that he fills the position in which he is to-day with dignity and with wisdom, and I really think he is regarded as a great figurehead in Iraq to-day. Some high priests, no doubt, and some little dago gentlemen aspiring for office may cast aspersions upon him, but I think if we give him loyal support there is really hope for Iraq which, when all is said and done, is not yet in a fit state for democracy, though one day no doubt it will be so. We must not expect the whole thing to be done by Government enterprise. Why not give a chance to private enterprise? I do not wish to suggest that it would be the British capitalist exploiting the poor unfortunate Arab. The Arabs might come in too. They have little capital—it must come chiefly from England—but they might be allowed to take shares in companies and to take an interest in their own development, and I think I can confidently say that, given peace, given good government, Iraq in the future will be even far more prosperous than Egypt is to-day, and that is saying a good deal.

I think every Member in the Committee will agree with me when I congratulate the Noble Lord on a most excellent maiden speech. Not only was it a well-informed maiden speech, but it possessed the saving grace of humour, which is so often lacking in our Debates. If some of us cannot agree with all his arguments, at any rate we can all agree that it will be a delightful thing to hear him as often as he speaks if he speaks as well as he has spoken to-night. I have risen to make something in the nature of a protest against one or two things which have been said during the Debate. The Government statement on the first heading of this Estimate refers to peace with Turkey, and we are scarcely likely to get peace with Turkey if we have speeches such as that which was made by the hon. Member for Bootle (Major Burnie), who spoke of the decadent Turk. It is scarcely an expression to be used when you are dealing with a country whose people, whatever else they are, are intensely proud. It is scarcely to be expected that peace will be promoted if you describe a country with which you are negotiating as a decadent people, and seeing that peace with Turkey, on the statement of the Government, is the first thing requisite to cut our losses in Iraq, we should be well advised if we spoke in terms of dignity of the people with whom we are negotiating. Then the hon. and gallant Gentleman for Ayr (Sir Aylmer Hunter-Weston) talked about the truculent Turk. We could have made peace with Turkey long ago on safe lines, and it is only the policy of the Government in backing Greece in her war against Turkey that prevented peace with Turkey, and to talk of the truculent Turk, after the history of the last two years, is an example of speaking through the top of one's hat.

I have made my protest against speaking of a people with whom we are negotiating in terms of contempt, and in my opinion arrogant contempt. Now may I address myself to one or two arguments of the Noble Lord who has just spoken. He painted a picture of old Russian officers and young Bolshevist officers, both desiring to enter into the conflict, one from professional pride and the other from a desire for experience. Does he seriously mean that the British people have to hold Mesopotamia for ever because it is possible that if we retire old Russian officers and Bolshevist officers, a very strange combination, will enter into co-operation against the true interests of the people of Europe? If that is not what he means, then I fail to comprehend the strength of his argument. He said, quite rightly, that the first essential of our evacuation of Mesopotamia is peace with Turkey.

We are keenly anxious on these benches, not only for peace with Turkey, but for the cutting of our losses in Mesopotamia and for leaving the people of Mesopotamia to manage their own country. If it be the fact, as has been stated, that we have the Kurds and two sects of Mahommedans antagonistic to each other, and we are literally holding the ring, then I ask, how long are we going to hold it? Are we going to hold it until the two sects of Mahommedans and the Kurds don frock coats and become Presbyterian ministers? Can any hon. or right hon. Gentlemen who believe in our remaining in Iraq say for what limit of time they propose that we should stay? Are we going to stay until we make the Kurds as respectable and as mild as my fellow Members from the Clyde? [HON. MEMBERS: "Never!"] I will not pursue that point further. I think the point I am trying to make is Obvious.

What is meant by the constant repetition of statements about the immense potentialities of Mesopotamia? Does it mean in cold calculated language that we look upon Mesopotamia as a commercial proposition, and that our men are to be kept there so that we may exploit the country for our own commercial advantage? If that be the argument, then I say, quite frankly, that I am against it. I believe as much as any man in this House in the development of our trade and commerce, but I believe in the right of every country to develop its own natural resources in its own way, free from foreign interference of any kind. Then we are told that the business prospects are good. I do not think there is any doubt on these benches as to how that argument will be received. We say, whatever the business prospects may be, whether there be oil in Mesopotamia or not, wherever the pipe line is situated, whatever the prospects of development of the country may be, it is our business not to develop the country by having our soldiers there administering it, but to be outside, leaving the country to govern itself, trying to make the best possible arrangement with it, and dealing with it as a country inhabited by its own population and developing its own resources.

I cannot vote for anything that bears the taint of attempting to make Mesopo- tamia a tributary of ours, and to develop it for the financial advantages of our own people. I should be sorry to find that Mesopotamia was developed in a way inimical to our interests, but even looking at the matter from the lowest possible standpoint, from the standpoint of percentage on capital invested, is there any hon. Member who will say that in his opinion there is a chance from that point of view by our remaining in Iraq of getting a percentage on the expenditure that we have made? I am in favour of cutting our losses, not only because I believe that we cannot indefinitely stay there, and because I believe we must let the people govern themselves, but because I do not believe our expenditure is justified from the merely percentage point of view. If the matter be pushed to a Division. I shall go into the Lobby against the Government, believing that the only way to get our troops out of Iraq, and the only way to cut our losses in Mesopotamia, is to prove to the Government of this country that we will no longer be responsible for an expensive experiment which has succeded in putting a king on the throne whom apparently the people do not want, thereby keeping us where we are not wanted, and in no sense producing the results that were expected by the promoters of the experiment.

I confess that I cannot follow the hon. Member who has just spoken. I am not in favour of the bag and baggage policy in Mesopotamia. Circumstances at present do not permit of our retiring. One hon. Member said that Mahommedan opinion was very much prejudiced against us by our occupation of a land in which holy cities are situated. I do not believe that to be the case. These holy cities belong to the Shiahs, and the population of Mesopotamia has a majority of Shiahs. The Shiahs represent five-ninths of the population. The population of Persia is also Shiah. If we withdraw our protection from the holy cities they would be invaded at once by the Wahabis, whose habits and customs have been so graphically described by the Noble Lord the Member for Southampton (Lord Apsley), and there would probably be an end of these holy cities, instead of the places being protected as they are at the present time.

The Debate to-day has dealt largely with the railways. I cannot take the pessimistic view of the railways in Iraq that was taken by the hon. Member for Fareham (Sir J. Davidson). The hon. Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme (Colonel Wedgwood) proposed that the railways should be dealt with on the alternate block system as in Canada. That is an impossibility in Iraq. Half of the line passes through sheer desert, and the other half passes through cultivated land belonging to private individuals and the church, or, rather, the religious leaders who control the two holy cities of Nejef and Kerbela. It is impossible to have any system such as he suggested. We have 360 miles of railway from Basra to Bagdad, and an extension of 160 miles to Khanaquin. On that line the British trade with Persia is largely dependent. We have a certain amount of trade with the Persian Gulf ports, but it is only pack-mule trade, and not by an open road. We should not withdraw until we have carefully secured our trade with Persia through Bagdad.

The railways have paid all their working expenses, though they have not paid interest on the capital, and their receipts are increasing daily. I have a report here which says that there is an improvement in the service and a reduction in the cost of transport which have led to a development of traffic, and for the first time in the history of the railway the export of grain, fostered by low rates, has provided return loads for the port at Basra. That is what is required. Our ships go out there, but we want return loads. The principal area providing grain traffic for the railways is the Euphrates Valley. Twenty thousand tons of grain alone were moved down this year and that showed a very great improvement. It has been mentioned that freights have been reduced from 45 rupees to 15 rupees a ton on the Bagdad-Basra Railway. Now this railway was cut for nine months during the rising in the year 1920. There was no traffic on the railway and river freights went up during that time to 135 rupees per ton. If the competition of the railways goes there will be a monopoly left for the river traffic and the rates will go up.

These are the facts of the case at the present time. The traffic in grain is entirely down the Euphrates Valley, and there is not the least doubt that if the railway were removed the country would not be developed. I heard the Undersecretary for the Colonies state that it was proposed to hand over this railway as a gift to King Feisal on the 31st March. I trust and pray that King Feisal will refuse to accept it. We have spent all the money on this railway, and there is no reason why we should make a present of it to King Feisal. We ought to maintain control of that railway and cut down all expenses as there are increasing prospects of success.

We are going to hand over the running of the railway for the next year to Iraq, and they will have to pay the deficit, if there is a deficit, on the working, but we are retaining the ownership.

10.0 P.M.

I would much prefer that we should keep the working in our own hands. It has been said that we must not look at this matter from the commercial point of view, but I think that that is one of the greatest things that we have got to do. The whole future of Lancashire may depend on cotton from Mesopotamia. I have a report here stating that experiments conducted during the last few seasons prove definitely that the quality of the cotton grown in this area is equal to that grown in Egypt or America, and further, that in some experimental areas very high yields were obtained. If the work of the agricultural department in Bagdad is brought to an end by our withdrawal and there are no more experiments in cotton growing, and there is no more long staple cotton from this source, we may see our cotton workers in Lancashire starve for want of it. This report goes on to say that taking the total area of land now subject to irrigation as 200,000 acres, that area, can be added to in five years by another 150,000 acres and it will be possible to produce annually, after some years, about 150,000 bales of cotton, and it is estimated that the ultimate possibilities of the country are 1,000,000 bales annually. We are bound to look at this matter from the point of view of the commercial growth of the country and welfare of our working population, and I believe that Iraq is not only a good grain growing country but that it will be a great centre of cotton growing in the future.

We have heard a great deal about the Turks and the fear that they may come in. We ought not to have any fears of that sort. Mosul is surrounded by a mass of mountains which no Turkish army could get through at present. The Turks in that part of the world have not the transport and equipment which would enable them to get an army through those mountains. It has been said that if we evacuate the country they would walk in and occupy Mosul, but they cannot get through the mountains with an army, and at the present moment the country is safe from Turkish attack and I do not believe that they are going to attack it. We have heard of the Arab army and the Arab levies. I have no great confidence in the fighting qualities of the Arabs. I have seen something of the Arabs, but I have never found them good fighters. I do not believe that the British Government at present are getting the value which they ought to get for the money expended on the Arab levies. I would much prefer Chaldeans and Assyrians. Let us put our money on them and it will be much better for us. With Chaldeans and Assyrians I believe that we can have a local force which will be better able to do what is necessary.

We have heard the suggestion made for evacuating Basra. I was sorry to hear the right hon. Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith) say the other day that formerly he thought we ought to retain Basra, but that now he was of opinion that we ought to evacuate it. Basra is the key of the Persian Gulf. The British Navy have policed the Persian Gulf for the last 150 years. In the olden days one of His Majesty's ships was rushed by pirates and every man put to the sword. We have had land expeditions and naval expeditions sent there from Bombay. They rooted out the nests of pirates, and the Persian Gulf to-day is as safe as the Mediterranean. We have made Treaties with all the pirate Chiefs, and now, when British gunboats go along what is known as the pirate coast, it is sufficient for them to show the flag, and there is not a pirate who dares show his face. The pearl fishery, which is so valuable, has not been attacked for many decades. So important is the Persian Gulf to our position in the East that I ask hon. Members to remember the famous pronouncement of Lord Lansdowne many years ago. He said that it any foreign Power ever attempted to establish a base in the Persian Gulf we should use the full forces at our disposal to prevent it. If we evacuate Basra who is to say that some foreign Power will not take possession of the place? Basra must be kept under our control. Some Members ask what is required to defend the oil pipe-line. I reply that Amara must be held to protect our oil supply in Persian territory. It was from Amara that the attack on the oil wells was launched in the later War, and it was to Amara that the attacking force retreated when defeated. I do not know what oil there may be in Iraq, but we know that there are great oil deposits all along the Persian coast of the Persian Gulf which we have a full right to exploit. Considering all things, it would not be right for us, for the sake of the expenditure of a small sum of money, to immediately clear out of Mesopotamia, bag and baggage, as has been suggested.

I have listened to this Debate and to the Debate of last week on Mesopotamia, and I have noted that, with very few exceptions, practically every Member has spoken in favour of our withdrawal from that country. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] Counting members of all parties, the majority have undoubtedly spoken in favour of our withdrawal, with the exception, possibly, of withdrawal from Basra. I listened carefully to-day to the speech of the Undersecretary of State for the Colonies, for I was anxious to know whether he would give us any idea as to the policy of the Government, and as to whether it was intended to remain in Iraq or to evacuate it. During the past few weeks the Prime Minister has told us that he wished that we were to evacuate Mesopotamia. The other day we had a speech from the Noble Lord the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. He told us that, as far as he was concerned, he did not think we should evacuate Iraq, and that he did not believe in letting go any ground whatsoever, once the British flag had been planted upon it, whether by mandate or anything else. The Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies this afternoon praised Iraq, and said he thought it a most wonderful place, but he gave us no idea as to whether the policy of the Government was to remain there or not. I have heard many speeches from the same hon. Member in the past. Although he used to criticise the Government in many particulars, having been to Mesopotamia himself, I always thought that he was in favour, before he joined the Government, of our remaining in Mesopotamia.

I do not pretend to be among the experts in speaking of the different races and religious sects of Mesopotamia. We have had many experts among the speakers to-day. Some have told us that King Feisal is merely a puppet, and others have said that he is a great king who is making his mark in the country. So many different views have been expressed by the different experts that the ordinary Member, who has not an intimate knowledge of the country, is left in grave doubt whether the one or the other is right. I, therefore, leave the whole question of the religion and racial qualities of the people of Mesopotamia. I look at the question from two points of view only. The first point of view is commercial, and the second is military. From the commercial side we are told that Mesopotamia will provide oil and cotton. If it could be proved that Mesopotamia would provide sufficient oil to make it worth our while to stop there, I would vote not only for this Estimate, but for any future Estimate, a stipulation being that it must add to the general prosperity of this country. Again, if it could be proved that sufficient cotton would be grown in Mesopotamia to provide prosperity for industries in this country I would vote for this Estimate. But from the commercial point of view, even if the experts are right as to the great resources of oil in the country, and as to the possibility, if irrigation were put properly in hand, of getting cotton grown there, I am obliged to ask, can we produce enough cotton and can we get enough oil out of Mesopotamia to make it worth our while to spend eight millions a year in that country? That is the point.

Since I have been a Member of this House we have spent over £200,000,000 in Mesopotamia alone. I say now, as I have said before, that that £200,000,000 cannot possibly be got out of Mesopotamia. However much oil and cotton we obtain from Mesopotamia, we shall never see that £200,000,000 returned as clear profit to the taxpayers of this country, either as the result of private industry or as the result of State enterprise. We are now to spend £8,000,000 a year in the country. Can we see a prospect of getting £8,000,000 a year as clear profit out of Mesopotamia? I have not heard in any speech any suggestion that offers a prospect of such a thing happening. This question is not a party question. The Liberal party may adopt the attitude that our staying in Mesopotamia is imperialism, and they may wish to evacuate the country for that reason, putting that before the question of the expenditure of money. Any hon. Member who does not take a purely party attitude on this question—and there are many members of the Conservative party to whom that attitude does not appeal in the. slightest—must realise that if we are to stay in Mesopotamia, the Government must put a case before the House and the country and show the business people of Great Britain that the money raised from taxation on industry which is being spent in Mesopotamia is being spent with some prospect of a return. This money is being raised from the industries of the country, which is to benefit in the future, we are told, by the occupation. Can it be proved to this House and to the business community that if we remain in Mesopotamia we are going to get back the money which is at present being taken from the taxpayers and spent there.

From the military point of view the greatest soldier of his time, the late Field Marshal Sir Henry Wilson, just after he resigned the position of Chief of the Imperial General Staff said in his opinion we should withdraw from Mesopotamia and Palestine. His view was that with a standing army of 200,000 men—and I believe at the present time it is considerably less—if there was any grave rising in Mesopotamia, if possibly at the same time there was a grave rising in Egypt and if possibly also at the same time there was a grave rising in India, we should not have a sufficient force to meet the requirements of the situation. In a case of that sort we might have to augment our forces enormously or even fall back upon conscription. Therefore, from the military standpoint, it is quite obvious that we should withdraw from Mesopotamia and Palestine. We have had grave trouble in Iraq and we may have trouble in Egypt in the future. We are not free from troubles there at the present moment and there are prospects of a rising in that country. I put it to the Government, can they state that the present Chief of the Imperial General Staff is in favour of our remaining and is of opinion that our forces at the present moment are sufficient for our remaining in Mesopotamia? I hope that any expression of views from any quarter of the House on this question is needless. I think the general feeling in the House is that the Government intend to evacuate Iraq. One of their own representatives, I think it was Major Hills, the Financial Secretary to the Treasury, stated elsewhere the other day that the Government intended to evacuate. I think he said immediately. [HON. MEMBERS: "As soon as possible."] At any rate, that is a definite policy, and no one suggests that by the waving of a wand we can immediately withdraw from Mesopotamia. If the hon. Gentleman the Under-Secretary who said so much for Mesopotamia this afternoon will, in his reply, state that the Government intend to withdraw as soon as possible, there is scarcely a single critic in the House who will not be perfectly satisfied with that reply and who will not vote in favour of the Government. I think no one on the Front Opposition Bench would give his vote against the Government if there was a definite pledge of that description, but the Under-Secretary has stated nothing of the sort.

All we had during the last few days was a speech from one of the first Members of the Government in which he told us that he is strongly against withdrawal. I think that speech affected a certain number of Members of this House as to their votes on the present occasion. For myself, when an Amendment to the Address was moved the other day I refrained from voting because the Prime Minister gave us to understand that the Government were going to seriously consider withdrawal but that he dare not say so at the moment, because of the Angora negotiations. Should the Government give us to understand to-night that such is the case, then, in the prospect that after the negotiations are concluded, they will withdraw, many of us will be prepared to go into the Lobby in their favour or, at any rate, to refrain from voting against them. But, after the speech of the Foreign Secretary the other day—I had not intended voting against the Government on this Estimate; I had intended again to refrain from voting in the hope that the Government would withdraw, because I certainly think that any Member of the Conservative party should most seriously consider before giving a vote against this Government unless he is absolutely certain that they are in the wrong—I do appeal to the Under-Secretary for the Colonies to give us the lie definitely to that speech of the Foreign Secretary the other day, to tell us that the hint which the Prime Minister dropped in the Debate on Mesopotamia the other day is still the policy of the Government, that the moment the negotiations with Turkey at Angora are over the Government will most favourably consider getting out of Mesopotamia, and that the view of the Foreign Secretary, who is, obviously, for staying in Mesopotamia in future, does not dominate the Cabinet.

I little thought, when introducing a Supplementary Estimate dealing specifically with two points, namely, the continued maintenance of certain troops, a reduction of which had been anticipated when the late Colonial Secretary spoke, and the question of the railways, that it would give rise to a general debate covering very largely the same subjects and the same scope as were occupied in the Debate on the Amendment to the Address. I admit that I, as an Under-Secretary, am not qualified either to add to or to subtract from anything which the Prime Minister said, and if the hon. Member for Thanet (Mr. E. Harmsworth) is not satisfied with the declaration of the Prime Minister, well, he must take his own course. That was a declaration of policy made in this House by the Prime Minister, and it is my duty to give effect to that. He made it perfectly clear that as long as the Angora discussions were going on, he deplored the suggestion that we should here and now go in for the "bag and baggage" policy in Iraq, for the very obvious reasons that speeches in this House are reported instantly to the Assembly at Angora, that they go at once to the Russian Bolshevist delegate there, and are used by him to bring pressure upon the Turks to do all they can to damage the British Empire.

There is no distinction between what was said by the Financial Secretary to the Treasury, in effect, and what the Prime Minister said in this House. He said quite distinctly that immediate withdrawal from Mesopotamia is out of the question. Immediate withdrawal here and now is out of the question, but the Prime Minister's pledge during the Election and in this House is that it is absolutely essential that we should at the earliest possible moment consistent with statesmanship and honour reduce our commitments in Mesopotamia to the objects which have been the declared policy, after all, of Great Britain right the way through with regard to Mesopotamia. What has been our policy in Mesopotamia? Not annexation. There has never been any suggestion that Mesopotamia should ever form part of the British Empire. An hon. Member who spoke from one of the back benches seemed to think we wish to incorporate Mesopotamia in our Empire, and administer it as part of our Empire. We are pledged as mandatories merely to stay there until the independent national Arab State of Iraq is a member of the League of Nations, and recognised by the comity of nations as an independent State. Sir Percy Cox only agreed to act as High Commissioner in Mesopotamia on condition that he went there to set up an Arab Government, and during the last two years, ever since responsibility for the control of policy in Mesopotamia has been concentrated in the Colonial Office, whereas before it was under the War Office, the India Office and partly under the Foreign Office, our policy has been to transfer more and more to the Arab Government, to establish it, to transfer more and more functions to it, in order that at the earliest possible moment it may be an independent Sovereign State standing on its own feet, equal to Albania or Persia or any other State.

In honour bound we are committed to the endeavour to carry through that policy, and to do our best for that State. [An HON. MEMBER: "For how long?"] It depends on Turkey and what peace I we get with Turkey. That is why in I these Debates at this moment one has to be very careful in the language one uses, and I would like to say that to-day the Government do owe a debt of gratitude to the Committee, and to all sides of the House, for many of the speeches that have been made, and for the constructive spirit in which some of the criticisms and suggestions have been put forward. In particular, may I select the speech of the hon. Member for Derby (Mr. C. Roberts). He, with a clear understanding of what is in the balance to-day, did not press for the immediate evacuation of Mesopotamia. He said that in order that we can fulfil our honourable obligations before the world, it is essential that we should have a real peace with Turkey, and an understanding not only with Turkey but with the Mahommedan world. May I, as traditionally a Conservative, and a political heir of Beaconsfield, welcome that statement coming from a distinguished Liberal ex-Under-Secretary of State for India, because I think it is important that Turkey should understand at this moment that we want a peace of dignity on both sides, that we do want once again the mutual friendship and respect of Turkey. I am quite sure that if that friendship can be brought about on terms honourable to both sides, these Near Eastern countries have a great future, not merely materially, but culturally, and in developing once again their different varieties of civilisation. I want in saying this most strongly to deny, from my own knowledge, the suggestion of the hon. Member for Taunton (Mr. Hope Simpson) that the people of Bagdad and King Feisal are as different as Italians and Icelanders. That is not so. There is a very strong Arab national spirit following the War. There is a very strong community of feeling amongst the Arabs. That community of feeling does centre to a very large degree around the Shereefian family. They may be seized with a spirit of fanaticism, but after all they are the acknowledged head of the tribe of the prophet—the acknowledged head and chief of the descendants of the prophet Mahomet himself. As such they have a position throughout the Arab world, and even in the Mahommedan world, which does make a cement, does make for stability in that part of the world.

Let me advance to one or two specific points that have been raised in Debate. First may I compliment one or two speakers on the maiden speeches of this afternoon, and, in particular, the Noble Lord the Member for Southampton (Lord Apsley), whose freshness and whose personal knowledge of Mesopotamia were of immense value to our Debate. There was a phrase that fell from my hon. Friend the Member for Yeovil (Mr. A. Herbert), which I am sure ought to inspire and be present in the minds of all Members of this House, whether they are in favour of immediate evacuation or not. That was the phrase: "If we leave, and when we leave, let us leave with honour to ourselves and safety to the people who have trusted us." That is the point. Those two things have got to be borne in mind. I personally take the view that Iraq will soon be a sovereign and independent State. But we do owe obligations of honour to the people such as those referred to by my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Melton (Sir C. Yate), the Assyrians and Chaldeans. I admit they are only a Christian minority. They are an agricultural minority in the immediate neighbourhood of Mosul. The Assyrians are the backbone of the Arab levies. They are, if I may say so, at the present moment probably the most efficient quota in the Arab levies of to-day. They are both small nations. They are both to a certain extent refugees from massacre, and now are resident and dependant upon our protection in Iraq.

We cannot surrender those people without loss of honour. We have got to make provision for them. They are a fine fighting stock. All these sort of questions have to be taken into consideration before you can go in for any "bag and baggage" policy. You have to remember facts of that kind. Let me go right away back to the beginning of the Debate and refer to the speech of my right hon. Friend the Member for South Molton (Mr. G. Lambert). There was one particular matter which I must say something about, and that is his reference to Mr. Parker's letter in the "Times" on the railways. I take the view taken by the hon. Member for Merthyr Tydvil (Mr. Wallhead), who spoke from the Labour benches on this point. We have go to make quite certain in the circumstances now obtaining in Iraq that if we pull up this railway and destroy it, as has been suggested virtually by Mr. Parker in the letter, we shall not be handing over Iraq to the mercy of a monopoly of water transport on the Tigris that was granted to a syndicate by the Turkish Government before the War, and still holds good. The point has been raised that there should not be competition between this national railway running down the banks of the Euphrates, which in parts is not navigable, and the water transport down the Tigris. We had a remarkable experience of what happened not long ago, when the railway was closed for a short time, and we know that it is in the economic interest of those in that country that this railway should be maintained. My reply to the hon. Member for Fare-ham (Sir J. Davidson) would be that, whatever your feeling is about the withdrawal of the British troops, you cannot pull up that railway until your British troops, your aeroplanes, and the rest of it are evacuated, and it is essential, so long as they are there, that the railway should be maintained. On this matter we do not accept Mr. Parker's suggestion that the money should be spent on the boating interests on the Tigris. It would appear that there is something in it, but we are not prepared to see this monopoly practically holding the economic future of that country by the throat. [An HON. MEMBER: "Is there a monopoly allowed on a navigable river to the exclusion of other trades?"] I believe that monopoly is actually a fact, and we have no power to prevent it. This particular country is destined to become a self-governing State, and the Arab Government can do, within certain limits, what it likes, but it is bound by pre-War concessions. We have been talking about the oil wells in Mesopotamia, but that is absolutely covered by pre-War concessions, and, in point of fact, we do not think there is very much oil there.

There are one or two further questions which have been put to me upon specific points. The hon. Member for Kirkaldy (Sir R. Hutchison) and I think the hon. Member for Thanet (Mr. E. Harmsworth) asked a question as to whether the present chief of the General Staff had made any public statement, in fact he asked what the opinion was of the present Imperial General Staff. I must say on this point quite definitely that it has never been the custom in this House for Ministers to divulge the advice given to them by their military advisers for the time being, and if that once became the practice, it would be an end of the present system and the present relations between the Chief of the Imperial General Staff and the Army Council. As the Prime Minister said the other day, all these Iraq questions are being gone into most thoroughly, and there are an enormous lot of them. They are being examined by a Committee and they are being advised by Sir Percy Cox, and both the Chief of the Air Staff and the Chief of the Imperial General Staff attend the meetings of that Committee and give the Government constant advice as to what they should do from day to day, and on questions of general policy. I cannot say more than that.

The hon. Member for Preston (Lieut.-Colonel Hodge) made a very interesting maiden speech. He asked about the accounts. I read the Report of the Public Accounts Committee as to what was going on in Mesopotamia in the old days and retailed some of the things when I was a private Member of this House. In those days there was no single control and stories were told to the effect that every officer went through the streets of Bagdad in a motor car provided by the Government. These stories came home and were retailed here. But all that ceased some time ago, and I would draw attention to the speed with which things were cut down. In 1919–20 this House voted £75,000,000 for Mesopotamia; the amount in the following year was £40,000,000, and in the succeeding year £32,000,000. Then it was transferred to the single control of the Colonial Office. In 1921–22 we had established a much closer financial control, both at this end in our office and out in Bagdad with the result that we have cut the sum down from £32,000,000 in the spring of 1921 to £9,500,000 at the end of this financial year, and we shall cut it down much more rapidly when we get peace with Turkey. I promised the hon. and gallant Member for Leith (Captain Wedgwood Benn) time for a word or two in reply, and, although there are many more things I should have liked to have said on the points that have been raised, I will finally end on the note that the policy of the Government in Iraq is to set up an Arab National State that can stand on its own. We believe it can be done. It is being done rapidly. We believe the Arab Government is beginning to make good. We do not believe that King Feisal and his extremely able Ministers will fail, and if we can get peace and friendship with Turkey and a good understanding between this country and all Mahommedan countries we can look forward to the peace and prosperity of that country when as freely interchanging trading communities we can hope for a vast development in cotton growing and wheat growing by the Arabs in their own country as Free Traders in a free community.

We have had to-day the most interesting and most important Debate on the question of Mesopotamia that has ever taken place here. We are discussing the question of what the British policy should be after the Lausanne negotiations come to an end. We are all anticipating that a Treaty of Peace will be made with Turkey, and we are discussing what the British policy shall be after that time; and we are anxious—I speak for hon. Members with whom I am associated—that when those negotiations are concluded we should get out of Mesopotamia, I do not think the hon. Gentleman has given very much comfort to the hon. Member for Thanet (Mr. E. Harmsworth), and he has not given very much comfort to us, nor has he given us much information that would induce us not to press the Amendment of my right hon. Friend to a Division; because, whereas the Prime Minister said at the Election, to speak in the vernacular, "I think I have said nothing to give myself away," I do not think the same can be said for the hon. Gentleman's speech. Throughout it there was every indication that, whatever happened, or whenever peace was made with Turkey, it would be a very long job before the British left Mesopotamia. [HON. MEMBERS: "No, no!"] Everyone has some new reason for staying there. At one time it was a very popular thing to say that there were such rich oil deposits in Mesopotamia that—

The person who said it was the late Prime Minister. The hon. Gentleman's predecessor at the Middle Eastern Department, Mr. Churchill, said it; and the person who has been responsible for all the costly policy which the hon. Gentleman himself has been condemning to-night, the policy of 1919–20, was Lord Curzon. I am particularly interested in this, and would, if I might, categorically invite the hon. Gentleman to say that am wrong in stating that Lord Curzon was responsible for the worst years of the Mesopotamian muddle. He is not here to deny that.

I am speaking of the policy of the Government. [ Interruption. ]You cannot have it all ways. [ Interruption. ]

I trust that hon. Members will allow the hon. and gallant Gentleman to proceed.

The Government were fond of pretending that they started with a clean slate, whereas many of them were deeply responsible for the policy they now condemn, and the particular case in point is that of Lord Carzon, who bade us speak Laughter. ] I am really surprised to see such ingratitude shown by hon. Members, many of whom were returned to this House by the personal recommendation of the late Prime Minister—[HON. MEMBERS: "Wrong!" and "You supported him once!"] What the late Prime Minister said was:

British trade, on the whole and in the long run, would not suffer at all through the evacuation of Mesopotamia by the British armed forces. I do not think it long run, whether you had British would make any real difference, in the armed forces there or not. I am supported in that view by no less an authority than Sir Arnold Wilson, in the letter he recently wrote to the "Times" on the subject. Then, we come to an old friend in all these questions of evacuation, namely, the question of pledges. We gave pledges, and are we to betray the pledges which we gave? The terms of the pledges are well known. There was General Maude's declaration, but the main, the only real pledge, was the Anglo-French declaration of 1918. The terms of that declaration are as follows: We were there to secure the establishment of national Governments and administrations drawing their authority from the initiative and free choice of the indigenous population. I do not know whether what has been done in Iraq comes within that pledge or not. Certainly it is useless to discuss the matter now, because I suppose the die is cast, but at the time it seemed gravely doubtful whether his present Majesty would really have been described as deriving authority from the initiative and free choice of the indigenous population. There was a gentleman who did not think so. As he was rather emphatic in his opposition, he was kidnapped and sent to Ceylon. I am not sure, but I believe one of the

Ministers of the Cabinet at present is interned on an island in the Persian Gulf, because, I suppose, he exercised too much initiative and free choice. In any case that is the only pledge. It is idle to talk of the mandate being any pledge or imposing on us any obligation whatever. What is this mandate? It is not the mandate of the League of Nations at all. It has never been to the League of Nations. It was given by the Supreme Council to us. We were designated. It was then drafted and submitted to the League of Nations and they have never confirmed it. What is the good of making an appeal to the League of Nations and pretending that we have some obligation under the League of Nations when the Mandate does not come from them at all and has never even been confirmed? In short, this one pledge that we would endeavour to establish a local administration is the only pledge we have given. That is the only pledge by which we are bound. I contend that our action has fulfilled that pledge, and at the earliest possible moment, as soon as circumstances permit—by that I mean the Lausanne negotiations—it is our duty to withdraw in the interests of the taxpayers and in the interests of our national honour.

Question put, "That a sum, not exceeding £812,000 be granted for the said Service."

The Committee divided: Ayes, 153; Noes, 269.

Division No 19.]

AYES.

[11.0 p.m.

Adams, D.

Collison, Levi

Hardie, George D,

Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock)

Darbishire, C. W.

Harmsworth, Hon. E. C. (Kent)

Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro')

Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln)

Harris, Percy A.

Ammon, Charles George

Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale)

Harrison, F. C.

Attlee, C. R.

Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton)

Hastings, Patrick

Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery)

Dudgeon, Major C. R.

Hayday, Arthur

Barnes, A.

Duffy, T. Gavan

Hemmerde, E. G.

Batey, Joseph

Duncan, C.

Henderson, T. (Glasgow)

Becker, Harry

Edmonds, G.

Herriotts, J.

Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith)

Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty)

Hirst, G. H.

Berkeley, Captain Reginald

Emlyn-Jones, J. E. (Dorset, N.)

Hodge, Rt. Hon. John

Bonwick, A.

Entwistle, Major C. F.

Hodge, Lieut.-Col. J. P. (Preston)

Bowdler, W. A.

Fairbairn, R. R.

Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath)

Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W.

Falconer, J.

John, William (Rhondda, West)

Broad, F. A.

Foot, Isaac

Johnston, Thomas (Stirling)

Bromfield, William

Gosling, Harry

Jones, R. T. (Carnarvon)

Brotherton, J.

Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton)

Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd)

Buchanan, G.

Gray, Frank (Oxford)

Jowett, F. W. (Bradford, East)

Buckle, J.

Greenall, T.

Jowitt, W. A. (The Hartlepools)

Burnie, Major J (Bootle)

Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne)

Kirkwood, D.

Buxton, Charles (Accrington)

Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan)

Lambert, Rt. Hon. George

Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, North)

Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool)

Lansbury, George

Caine, Gordon Hall

Groves, T.

Lawson, John James

Cairns, John

Grundy, T. W.

Leach, W.

Cape, Thomas

Guest, J. (York, W. R., Hemsworth)

Lee, F.

Chapple, W. A.

Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton)

Lees-Smith, H. B. (Keighley)

Charleton, H. C.

Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil)

Linfield, F. C.

Clarke, Sir E. C.

Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland)

Lorimer, H. D.

Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock)

Hancock, John George

Lowth, T.

Collins, Pat (Walsall)

Harbord, Arthur

Lunn, William

MacDonald, J. R. (Aberavon)

Salter, Dr. A.

Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince)

M'Entee, V. L.

Scrymgeour, E.

Warne, G. H.

March, S.

Shaw, Thomas (Preston)

Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline)

Martin F. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, E.)

Shinwell, Emanuel

Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda)

Maxton, James

Short, Alfred (Wednesbury)

Webb, Sidney

Millar, J. D.

Simon, Rt. Hon. Sir John

Wedgwood, Colonel Josiah C.

Mosley, Oswald

Simpson, J. Hope

Weir, L. M.

Muir, John W.

Snell, Harry

Welsh, J. C.

Murray, R. (Renfrew, Western)

Snowden, Philip

White, H. G. (Birkenhead, E.)

Nichol, Robert

Spencer, George A. (Broxtowe)

Whiteley, W.

O'Grady, Captain James

Spencer, H. H. (Bradford, S.)

Wignall, James

Oliver, George Harold

Stephen, Campbell

Williams, David (Swansea, E.)

Paling, W.

Stewart, J. (St. Rollox)

Williams, Dr. J. H. (Llanelly)

Parker, H. (Hanley)

Sullivan, J.

Williams, T. (York, Don Valley)

Potts, John S.

Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby)

Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe)

Pringle, W. M. R.

Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West)

Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow)

Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.)

Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.)

Riley, Ben

Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow)

Wright, W.

Ritson, J.

Thornton, M.

Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

Robinson, W. C. (York, Elland)

Tillett, Benjamin

Rose, Frank H

Tout, W. J.

TELLERS FOR THE AYES .—.—

Saklatvala, S

Trevelyan, C. P.

Mr. Phillips and Sir A. Marshall.

NOES.

Ainsworth, Captain Charles

Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South)

Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy

Alexander, E. E. (Leyton, East)

Courthope, Lieut.-Col. George L.

Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard

Allen, Lieut.-Col. Sir William James

Craig, Captain C. C. (Antrim, South)

Hopkins, John W. W.

Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S.

Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry

Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley)

Apsley, Lord

Croft, Lieut.-Colonel Henry Page

Houfton, John Plowright

Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin

Crooke, J. S. (Deritend)

Howard, Capt. D. (Cumberland, N.)

Ashley, Lt.-Col. Wilfrid W.

Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead)

Howard-Bury, Lieut.-Col. C. K.

Astbury, Lieut.-Com. Frederick W.

Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H.

Hudson, Capt. A.

Astor, J. J. (Kent, Dover)

Davies, Thomas (Cirencester)

Hughes, Collingwood

Baird, Rt. Hon. Sir John Lawrence

Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.)

Hume, G. H.

Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

Dawson, Sir Philip

Hunter-Weston, Lt.-Gen. Sir Aylmer

Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G.

Dixon, C. H. (Rutland)

Hurd, Percy A.

Banks, Mitchell

Doyle, N. Grattan

Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B.

Banner, Sir John S. Harmood-

Du Pre, Colonel William Baring

Hutchison, W. (Kelvingrove)

Barnett, Major Richard W.

Edmondson, Major A. J.

Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H.

Barnston, Major Harry

Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark)

Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S.

Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake)

Ellis, R. G.

Jarrett, G. W. S.

Bennett, Sir T. J. (Sevenoaks)

England, Lieut.-Colonel A.

Jodrell, Sir Neville Paul

Bentinck, Lord Henry Cavendish-

Erskine, Lord (Weston-super-Mare)

Johnson, Sir L. (Walthamstow, E.)

Berry, Sir George

Erskine-Bolst, Captain C.

Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington)

Betterton, Henry B.

Evans, Capt. H. Arthur (Leicester, E.)

Kelley, Major Fred (Rotherham)

Birchall, Major J. Dearman

Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M.

Kennedy, Captain M. S. Nigel

Blades, Sir George Rowland

Falcon, Captain Michael

King, Captain Henry Douglas

Blundell, F. N.

Fawkes, Major F. H.

Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement

Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W.

Fermor-Hesketh, Major T.

Lamb, J. Q.

Boyd-Carpenter, Major A.

Flanagan, W. H.

Lane-Fox, Lieut.-Colonel G. R.

Brass, Captain W.

Ford, Patrick Johnston

Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.)

Brassey, Sir Leonard

Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot

Leigh, Sir John (Clapham)

Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive

Fraser, Major Sir Keith

Lloyd, Cyril E. (Dudley)

Brown, Major D. C. (Hexham)

Frece, Sir Walter de

Lloyd-Greame, Rt. Hon. Sir P.

Brown, Brig.-Gen. Clifton (Newbury)

Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E.

Lorden, John William

Bruford, R.

Furness, G. J.

Lougher, L.

Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A.

Galbraith, J. F. W.

Loyd, Arthur Thomas (Abingdon)

Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James

Ganzoni, Sir John

Lumley, L. R.

Burn, Colonel Sir Charles Rosdew

Garland, C. S.

McCurdy, Rt. Hon. Charles A.

Burney, Com. (Middx., Uxbridge)

Gates, Percy

Macnaghten, Hon. Sir Malcolm

Butler, H. M. (Leeds, North)

Gaunt, Rear-Admiral Sir Guy R.

McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury)

Butler, J. R. M. (Cambridge Univ.)

Greaves-Lord, Walter

Maddocks, Henry

Butt, Sir Alfred

Greenwood, William (Stockport)

Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.)

Button, H. S.

Grenfell, Edward C. (City of London)

Manville, Edward

Cadogan, Major Edward

Gretton, Colonel John

Margesson, H. D. R.

Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R.

Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E.

Mason, Lieut.-Col. C. K.

Cassels, J. D.

Guthrie, Thomas Maule

Mercer, Colonel H.

Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City)

Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

Milne, J. S. Wardlaw

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord H. (Ox. Univ.)

Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich)

Mitchell, W. F. (Saffron Walden)

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord R. (Hitchin)

Hall. Rr-Adml Sir W. (Liv'p'l, W. D'by)

Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham)

Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton

Halstead, Major D.

Molloy, Major L. G. S.

Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood)

Hamilton, Sir George C. (Altrincham)

Molson, Major John Elsdale

Chapman, Sir S.

Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry

Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J.

Churchman, Sir Arthur

Harvey, Major S. E.

Morden, Col. W. Grant

Clarry, Reginald George

Hawke, John Anthony

Moreing, Captain Algernon H.

Clayton, G. C.

Henderson, Sir T. (Roxburgh)

Morris, Harold

Cobb, Sir Cyril

Hennessy, Major J. R. G.

Morrison, Hugh (Wilts, Salisbury)

Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K.

Herbert, Col. Hon. A. (Yeovil)

Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. (Honiton)

Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips

Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford)

Murchison, C. K.

Collie, Sir John

Herbert, S. (Scarborough)

Nail, Major Joseph

Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale

Hiley, Sir Ernest

Nesbitt, J. C.

Conway, Sir W. Martin

Hoare, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir S. J. G.

Newman, Colonel J. R. P. (Finchley)

Cope, Major William

Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D.(St. Marylebone)

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

Newson, Sir Percy Wilson

Robertson, J. D. (Islington, W.)

Sykes, Major-Gen. Sir Frederick H.

Newton, Sir D. G. C. (Cambridge)

Roundell, Colonel R. F.

Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley)

Nicholson, Brig.-Gen. J. (Westminster)

Ruggles-Brise, Major E.

Thompson, Luke (Sunderland)

Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield)

Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth)

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Norton-Griffiths, Lieut.-Col. Sir John

Russell, William (Bolton)

Thorpe, Captain John Henry

Oman, Sir Charles William C.

Russell-Wells, Sir Sydney

Titchfield, Marquess of

Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William

Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham)

Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement

Paget, T. G.

Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney)

Turton, Edmund Russborough

Parker, Owen (Kettering)

Sanders, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert A.

Vaughan-Morgan, Col. K. P.

Pennefather, De Fonblanque

Sanderson, Sir Frank B.

Wallace, Captain E.

Penny, Frederick George

Sandon, Lord

Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull)

Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings)

Sheffield, Sir Berkeley

Waring, Major Walter

Perkins, Colonel E. K.

Shepperson, E. W.

Warner, Sir T. Courtenay T.

Peto, Basil E.

Shipwright, Captain D.

Watts, Dr. T. (Man., Withington)

Philipson, H. H.

Simpson-Hinchcliffe, W. A.

Wells, S. R.

Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton

Sinclair, Sir A.

Weston, Colonel John Wakefield

Privett, F. J.

Singleton, J. E.

Wheler, Col. Granville C. H.

Raeburn, Sir William H.

Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South)

Whitla, Sir William

Rankin, Captain James Stuart

Smith, Sir Harold (Wavertree)

Wilson, Col. M. J. (Richmond)

Rawson, Lieut.-Com. A. C.

Somerville, A. A. (Windsor)

Winterton, Earl

Rees, Sir Beddoe

Somerville, Daniel (Barrow-in-Furness)

Wise, Frederick

Reid, Capt. A. S. C. (Warrington)

Sparkes, H. W.

Wolmer, Viscount

Reid, D. D. (County Down)

Spender-Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H.

Wood, Rt. Hn. Edward F. L. (Ripon)

Remer, J. R.

Stanley, Lord

Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West)

Remnant, Sir James

Steel, Major S. Strang

Wood, Major Sir S. Hill- (High Peak)

Rentoul, G. S.

Stewart, Gershom (Wirral)

Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward

Reynolds, W. G. W.

Stockton, Sir Edwin Forsyth

Yerburgh, R. D. T.

Richardson, Sir Alex. (Gravesend)

Stott, Lt.-Col. W. H.

Young, Rt. Hon. E. H. (Norwich)

Richardson, Lt.-Col. Sir P. (Chertsey)

Strauss, Edward Anthony

Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich)

Stuart, Lord C. Crichton-

TELLERS FOR THE NOES. ——

Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford)

Sugden, Sir Wilfrid H.

Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs.

Roberts, Rt. Hon. Sir S. (Ecclesall)

Sutcilffe, T.

Original Question put.

The Committee divided: Ayes, 268; Noes, 144.

Division No. 20.]

AYES.

[11.9 p.m.

Ainsworth, Captain Charles

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord H. (Ox. Univ.)

Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E.

Alexander, E. E. (Leyton, East)

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord R. (Hitchin)

Furness, G. J.

Alexander, Col. M. (Southwark)

Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton

Galbraith, J. F. W.

Allen, Lieut.-Col. Sir William James

Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood)

Ganzoni, Sir John

Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S.

Chapman, Sir S.

Garland, C. S.

Apsley, Lord

Churchman, Sir Arthur

Gates, Percy

Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin

Clarry, Reginald George

Gaunt, Rear-Admiral Sir Guy R.

Ashley, Lt.-Col. Wilfrid W.

Clayton, G. C.

Greaves-Lord, Walter

Astbury, Lieut.-Com. Frederick W.

Cobb, Sir Cyril

Greenwood, William (Stockport)

Astor, J. J. (Kent, Dover)

Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K.

Grenfell, Edward C. (City of London)

Baird, Rt. Hon. Sir John Lawrence

Colfox, Major Win. Phillips

Gretton, Colonel John

Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

Collie, Sir John

Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E.

Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G.

Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale

Guthrie, Thomas Maule

Banks, Mitchell

Conway, Sir W. Martin

Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

Banner, Sir John S. Harmood-

Cope, Major William

Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich)

Barnett, Major Richard W.

Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South)

Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W. (Liv'p'l, W. D'by)

Barnston, Major Harry

Courthope, Lieut.-Col. George L.

Halstead, Major D.

Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake)

Craig, Captain C. C. (Antrim, South)

Hamilton, Sir George C. (Altrincham)

Bennett, Sir T. J. (Sevenoaks)

Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry

Harmon, Patrick Joseph Henry

Bentinck, Lord Henry Cavendish

Croft, Lieut.-Colonel Henry Page

Harvey, Major S. E.

Berry, Sir George

Crooke, J. S. (Deritend)

Hawke, John Anthony

Betterton, Henry B.

Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead)

Henderson, Sir T. (Roxburgh)

Birchall, Major J. Dearman

Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H.

Hennessy, Major J. R. G.

Blades, Sir George Rowland

Davies, Thomas (Cirencester)

Herbert Dennis (Hertford, Watford)

Blundell, F. N.

Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.)

Herbert, S. (Scarborough)

Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W.

Dawson, Sir Philip

Hiley, Sir Ernest

Boyd-Carpenter, Major A.

Dixon, C. H. (Rutland)

Hoare, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir S. J. G.

Brass, Captain W.

Doyle, N. Grattan

Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D.(St. Marylebone)

Brassey, Sir Leonard

Du Pre, Colonel William Baring

Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy

Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive

Edmondson, Major A. J.

Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard

Brown, Major D. C. (Hexham)

Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark)

Hopkins, John W. W.

Brown, Brig.-Gen. Clifton (Newbury)

Ellis, R. G.

Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley)

Bruford, R.

England, Lieut.-Colonel A.

Houfton, John Plowright

Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A.

Erskine, Lord (Weston-super-Mare)

Howard, Capt. D. (Cumberland, N.)

Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James

Erskine-Bolst, Captain C.

Howard-Bury, Lieut.-Col. C. K.

Burn, Colonel Sir Charles Rosdew

Evans, Capt. H. Arthur (Leicester, E.)

Hudson, Capt. A.

Burney, Com. (Middx., Uxbridge)

Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M.

Hughes, Collingwood

Butler, H. M. (Leeds, North)

Falcon, Captain Michael

Hume, G. H.

Butler, J. R. M. (Cambridge Univ.)

Fawkes, Major F. H.

Hunter-Weston, Lt.-Gen. Sir Aylmer

Butt, Sir Alfred

Fermor-Hesketh, Major T.

Hurd, Percy A.

Button, H. S.

Flanagan, W. H.

Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B.

Cadogan, Major Edward

Ford, Patrick Johnston

Hutchison, W. (Kelvingrove)

Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R.

Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot

Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H.

Cassels, J. D.

Fraser, Major Sir Keith

Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S.

Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City)

Frece, Sir Walter de

Jarrett, G. W. S.

Jodrell, Sir Neville Paul

Oman, Sir Charles William C.

Somerville, A. A. (Windsor)

Johnson, Sir L. (Walthamstow, E.)

Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William

Somerville, Daniel (Barrow-in-Furness)

Kelley, Major Fred (Rotherham)

Paget, T. G.

Sparkes, H. W.

Kennedy, Captain M. S. Nigel

Parker, Owen (Kettering)

Spender-Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H.

King, Captain Henry Douglas

Pennefather, De Fonblanque

Stanley, Lord

Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement

Penny, Frederick George

Steel, Major S. Strang

Lamb, J. Q.

Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings)

Stewart, Gershom (Wirral)

Lane-Fox, Lieut.-Colonel G. R.

Perkins, Colonel E. K.

Stockton, Sir Edwin Forsyth

Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.)

Peto, Basil E.

Stott, Lt.-Col. W. H.

Leigh, Sir John (Clapham)

Philipson, H. H.

Strauss, Edward Anthony

Lloyd, Cyril E. (Dudley)

Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton

Stuart, Lord C. Crichton-

Lloyd-Greame, Rt. Hon. Sir P.

Privett, F. J.

Sugden, Sir Wilfrid H.

Lorden, John William

Raeburn, Sir William H.

Sutcliffe, T.

Lougher, L.

Rankin, Captain James Stuart

Sykes, Major-Gen. Sir Frederick H.

Loyd, Arthur Thomas (Abingdon)

Rawson, Lieut.-Com. A. C.

Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley)

Lumley, L. R.

Rees, Sir Beddoe

Thompson, Luke (Sunderland)

McCurdy, Rt. Hon. Charles A.

Reid, Capt. A. S. C. (Warrington)

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Macnaghten, Hon. Sir Malcolm

Reid, D. R (County Down)

Thorpe, Captain John Henry

McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury)

Renter, J. R.

Titchfield, Marquess of

Maddocks, Henry

Remnant, Sir James

Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement

Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.)

Rentoul, G. S.

Turton, Edmund Russborough

Manville, Edward

Reynolds, W. S. W.

Vaughan-Morgan, Col. K. P.

Margesson, H. D. R.

Richardson, Sir Alex. (Gravesend)

Wallace, Captain E.

Mason, Lieut.-Col. C. K.

Richardson, Lt.-Col. Sir P. (Chertsey)

Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Huin

Mercer, Colonel H.

Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich)

Waring, Major Walter

Milne, J. S. Wardlaw

Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford)

Warner, Sir T. Courtenay T.

Mitchell, W. F. (Saffron Walden)

Roberts, Rt. Hon. Sir S. (Ecclesall)

Watts, Dr. T. (Man., Withington)

Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham)

Robertson, J. D. (Islington, W.)

Wells, S. R.

Molloy, Major L. G. S.

Roundell, Colonel R. F.

Weston, Colonel John Wakefield

Molson, Major John Elsdale

Ruggles-Brise, Major E.

Wheler, Col. Granville C. H.

Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J.

Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth)

Whitla, Sir William

Morden, Col. W. Grant

Russell, William (Bolton)

Wilson, Col. M. J. (Richmond)

Moreing, Captain Algernon H.

Russell-Wells, Sir Sydney

Winterton, Earl

Morris, Harold

Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham)

Wise, Frederick

Morrison, Hugh (Wilts, Salisbury)

Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney)

Wolmer, Viscount

Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. (Honiton)

Sanders, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert A.

Wood, Rt. Hn. Edward F. L. (Ripon)

Murchison, C. K.

Sanderson, Sir Frank B.

Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West)

Nall, Major Joseph

Sandon, Lord

Wood, Major Sir S. Hill- (High Peax)

Nesbitt, J. C.

Sheffield, Sir Berkeley

Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward

Newman, Colonel J. R. P. (Finchley)

Shepperson, E. W.

Yerburgh, R. D. T.

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

Shipwright, Captain D.

Young, Rt. Hon. E. H. (Norwich)

Newson, Sir Percy Wilson

Simpson-Hinchcliffe, W. A.

Newton, Sir D. G. C. (Cambridge)

Sinclair, Sir A.

TELLERS FOR THE AYES .—.—

Nicholson, Brig.-Gen. J. (Westminster)

Singleton, J. E.

Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs.

Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield)

Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South)

Norton-Griffiths, Lieut.-Col. Sir John

Smith, Sir Harold (Wavertree)

NOES.

Adams, D.

Emlyn-Jones, J. E. (Dorset, N.)

Jowitt, W. A. (The Hartlepools)

Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock)

Entwistle, Major C F.

Kirkwood, D.

Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro')

Fairbairn, R. R.

Lambert, Rt. Hon. George

Attlee, C. R.

Falconer, J.

Lansbury, George

Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery)

Foot, Isaac

Lawson, John James

Barnes, A.

Gosling, Harry

Leach, W.

Batey, Joseph

Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton)

Lees-Smith, H. B. (Keighley)

Bonn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith)

Gray, Frank (Oxford)

Linfield, F. C.

Berkeley, Captain Reginald

Greenall, T.

Lowth, T.

Bonwick, A.

Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne)

Lunn, William

Bowdler, W. A.

Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan)

MacDonald, J. R. (Aberavon)

Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W.

Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool)

M'Entee, V. L.

Broad, F. A.

Groves, T.

March, S.

Bromfield, William

Grundy, T. W.

Marshall, Sir Arthur H.

Brotherton, J.

Guest, J. (York, W. R., Hemsworth)

Martin F. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, E.)

Buchanan, G.

Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton)

Maxton, James

Buckle, J.

Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil)

Millar, J. D.

Burnie, Major J. (Bootle)

Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland)

Mosley, Oswald

Buxton, Charles (Accrington)

Hancock, John George

Muir, John W.

Cairns, John

Harbord, Arthur

Murray, R. (Renfrew, Western)

Cape, Thomas

Hardie, George D.

Nichol, Robert

Chapple, W. A.

Hastings, Patrick

O'Grady, Captain James

Charleton, H. C.

Hayday, Arthur

Oliver, George Harold

Clarke, Sir E. C.

Hemmerde, E. G.

Paling, W.

Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock)

Henderson, T. (Glasgow)

Parker, H. (Hanley)

Collins, Pat (Walsall)

Herriotts, J.

Potts, John S.

Collison, Levi

Hirst, G. H.

Pringle, W. M. R.

Darbishire, C. W.

Hodge, Rt. Hon. John

Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale)

Hodge, Lieut.-Col. J. P. (Preston)

Riley, Ben

Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton)

Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath)

Ritson, J.

Dudgeon, Major C. R.

John, William (Rhondda, West)

Robinson, W. C. (York, Elland)

Duffy, T. Gavan

Johnston, Thomas (Stirling)

Rose, Frank H.

Duncan, C.

Jones, R. T. (Carnarvon)

Saklatvala, S.

Edmonds, G.

Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd)

Salter, Dr. A.

Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty)

Jowett, F. W (Bradford, East)

Scrymgeour, E.

Shaw, Thomas (Preston)

Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.)

White, H. G. (Birkenhead, E.)

Shinwell, Emanuel

Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow)

Whiteley, W.

Short, Alfred (Wednesbury)

Thornton, M.

Wignall, James

Simon, Rt. Hon. Sir John

Tillett, Benjamin

Williams, David (Swansea, E.)

Simpson, J. Hope

Tout, W. J.

Williams, Dr. J. H. (Llanelly)

Snell, Harry

Trevelyan, C. P.

Williams, T. (York, Don Valley)

Snowden, Philip

Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince)

Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe)

Spencer, George A. (Broxtowe)

Warne, G. H.

Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow)

Spencer, H. H. (Bradford, S.)

Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline)

Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.)

Stephen, Campbell

Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda)

Wright, W.

Stewart, J. (St. Rollox)

Webb, Sidney

Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

Sullivan, J.

Wedgwood, Colonel Josiah C.

Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby)

Weir, L. M.

TELLERS FOR THE NOES. ——

Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West)

Welsh, J. C.

Mr. Ammon and Mr. Phillips.

Resolution to be reported upon Monday next.

Committee to sit again To-morrow.

Report [28th February]

Resolution reported:

Civil Services Supplementary Estimates, 1922–23

Class VI

"That a sum, not exceeding £9,000, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1923, for certain Expenses incurred in connection with the purchase and importation of coal during the stoppage in the Coal Mining Industry in 1921."

Resolution agreed to.

The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.

Adjournment

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House do now adjourn."— [ Colonel Leslie Wilson. ]

As the hour is so very late, I propose, with your permission, Mr. Speaker, to raise the question between the Minister of Pensons and myself in regard to certain cases on this day week, on the Motion for the Adjournment.

Question put, and agreed to.

Adjourned accordingly at Twenty-one Minutes after Eleven o'Clock.