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Commons Chamber

Volume 164: debated on Thursday 31 May 1923

House of Commons

Thursday, May 31, 1923

The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.

Private Business

PROVISIONAL ORDER BILLS (NO Standing Orders applicable).

Mr. SPEAKER laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, That, in the case of the following Bills, referred on the First Reading thereof, no Standing Orders are applicable, namely:

Oyster Fishery (Roach River) Provisional Order Bill.

Pier and Harbour Provisional Orders (No. 2) Bill.

Pier and Harbour Provisional Order (No. 3) Bill.

Bills to be read a Second time Tomorrow.

Provisional Order Bills (Standing Orders applicable thereto complied with).

Mr. SPEAKER laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, That, in the case of the following Bill, referred on the First Reading thereof, the Standing Orders which are applicable thereto have been complied with, namely:

Tramways Provisional Orders Bill.

Bill to be read a Second time To-morrow.

Rawmarsh Urban District Council Bill,

Read the third time, and passed.

Ministry of Health Provisional Orders (No. 5) Bill,

As amended, considered; to be read the Third time To-morrow.

Oyster and Mussel Fishery (Seasalter and Ham) Provisional Order Bill (by Order),

Third Reading deferred till Thursday, 14th June.

Oral Answers to Questions

Naval and Military Pensions and Grants

Appeal Tribunal (Decisions)

asked the Minister of Pensions what steps should be taken by an ex-service man who is able to produce new medical evidence in support of a claim which has been rejected by the House of Lords Appeal Tribunal in order to secure a rehearing of his case?

As I informed the hon. Member on the 22nd February, decisions of the Pensions Appeal Tribunal are, by Section 8 of the War Pensions Act, 1919, final.

Does the right hon. Gentleman mean that every avenue is closed under any of the circumstances which he foreshadowed in the Debate last Session?

I have already informed the hon. Member that, under the Statute, there really is no right of appeal.

Are we to understand that, if the right hon. Gentleman is given evidence showing that a miscarriage of justice has taken place, he is not going to take steps to remedy that undoubted injustice?

The hon. Gentleman must be well aware that decisions of this House are as binding on the Minister, as upon anyone else.

May I have an answer to my question? Is the right hon. Gentleman, if shown that injustice has been done, not going to take any steps whatever to right the wrong?

I can add nothing to the reply which I have given. The decision of the tribunal is final, and the matter is out of my hands.

Final Weekly Allowances (Widows and Orphans)

asked the Minister of Pensions whether his attention has been drawn to a resolution passed by the South Shields, Jarrow, and Dis- trict War Pensions Committee, expressing the opinion that should a man in receipt of a final weekly allowance die prior to the expiration of the award, any balance outstanding should be paid to the man's estate; and whether he proposes to amend the regulation so that the widow and orphans may receive the balance of an award made by the State in final settlement of the claim to a man suffering from a disability due to war service?

My attention has not been drawn to the resolution referred to. But on the general question, perhaps I may refer the hon. Member to the reply which I gave to the hon. Member for West Bromwich on the 29th March last, of which I am sending him a copy.

Gretna Hospital

asked the Minister of Pensions whether he is aware that the Ministry's hospital at Gretna consists of a wooden hut of a very unsatisfactory kind for the purpose of which it is used; whether he is aware that there is at Gretna an empty brick, steam-heated hospital, now in the hands of the Disposals Department, which would serve the. purposes of the Ministry; and whether he will take steps to secure this building for use as the Ministry of Pensions' hospital?

Widow's Pension (Mrs. J. Churchouse)

asked the Minister of Pensions if he is aware that Walter John Churchouse, late Stoker, Royal Navy, No. S.S./116,834, 23, Wilmot Place, Hanwell, W.7, was discharged from the Royal Navy on 12th November, 1919, contracted pulmonary tuberculosis, and died on 6th October, 1922, and that application had been made for pension, and finally, on the 2nd February, 1923, the Pensions Appeal Tribunal issued Form P.A.T.I. (Allowed), intimating that the case (Ministry of Pensions, No. 11/N/15,195, Tribunal Case, No. 6/5,329) had been decided as the disease being attributable to war service and the appeal allowed; and, in view of the fact that Mrs. Walter John Churchouse is left a widow with three children, aged, respectively, five, three, and two years, and no pension has yet been received, will he take steps to secure that the decision of the Pensions Appeal Tribunal is carried out and instruct the Ealing War Pensions Committee accordingly?

I regret that exceptional circumstances occasioned delay in this case, but an award in respect of the widow's claim is now being authorised, and will be put into payment as soon as possible.

Regional Offices

asked the Minister of Pensions whether he is aware that the compulsory age of retirement for civil servants employed in the Post Office is 60 years; and whether, seeing that General Kelly, who has recently been transferred from the regional office, Nottingham, to the regional office, Newcastle, is 64 year's of age and in receipt of a service pension of £1,000 a year, and in view of the distressed financial circum stances of many ex-officers of high rank in the services, he will terminate the appointment of General Kelly and appoint an ex-service man in his stead who is not in receipt of a service pension?

The age limit fixed for the compulsory retirement of Civil Servants by Clause 15 of the Order-in-Council of the 10th January, 1910 is 65. This regulation does not necessarily apply to staff employed temporarily like General Kelly, and I do not consider that it would be in the interests of the work of the Ministry now to dispense with his services.

asked the Minister of Pensions how many of the staff of the Ministry employed at the regional office, Nottingham, have been offered employment at the regional office, Birmingham; in how many cases will removal expenses be paid; in those cases where officers pay their own removal expenses will any guarantee of employment be given; if so, for what period; whether the female staff will be offered employment at Birmingham; whether, on transfer, the members of the staff will lose seniority or increment; whether the date of transfer will be considered the incremental date; and whether, since this would result in an officer who has completed nine months out of 12 having to serve 21 months before he received an increment normally due at the end of 12 months, he will issue instructions that officers transferred shall retain their normal date of increment and, on transfer, shall be paid at the scale rate that they would have received had they been employed at the regional office, Birmingham, during the whole of their service?

As the reply is somewhat long and detailed, I will, with the hon. Member's permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Following is the answer :

All full-time staff at Nottingham have been given the opportunity of offering themselves for transfer to Birmingham or London and all who have accepted will be so transferred. The number entitled to removal expenses cannot yet be stated, but will be small. Employment in Birmingham or London will be on the usual temporary basis and, as its continuance will depend upon the requirements of the work, no guarantee for any definite period can be given. The female staff comprises 16 typists and seven part-time cleaners; the typists have been offered transfer. Transfer is offered as the alternative to discharge, and in such circumstances an officer transferred from a lower to a higher scale receives the minimum of the new scale or carries his existing pay with the immediate addition of the proportion of increment which has accrued, the date of transfer becoming the future date of increment. The regulations dealing with the question of pay on transfer are of general application throughout the Civil Service.

asked the Minister of Pensions whether his attention has been drawn to the habitual working of overtime without pay in the finance section of the regional offices; whether he is aware that, despite the decrease in the volume of work and the decentralisation of finance duties from Ministry headquarters to the regions, the staff in the finance branch at headquarters has been increased in the higher grades; and whether he will consider the transfer of officers from the finance branch to assist the regional finance officers and deputies to carry out their duties without overtime?

There is no evidence at headquarters of the working of continuous overtime in the finance sections of the regions, nor have any representations been received that the staff in those sections is overworked. Assistance is always provided when necessary. The finance staff at headquarters was, before the additions to the higher grades, inadequate for the proper performance of the work required, and that staff is now fully employed.

Disablement Assessments

asked the Minister of Pensions whether, seeing that under reference MS. Memo, to Regions, No. 389, an instruction has been issued from the medical branch at Ministry headquarters to the effect that it had been decided that cases of less than 20 per cent., where the entitlement to pension had been accepted by the Ministry as aggravated, shall be included as A documents and the men will not be told their assessments, he will say what are A documents; and what is the reason for not informing pensioners of their degree of disablement in these cases?

An instruction has been issued in the sense indicated. The instruction is entirely in the interests of the pensioners and is intended to secure that in cases of aggravation which are necessarily difficult to decide, and of special importance to the man, an under 20 per cent, award shall not be made without further consideration, and, if necessary, with specialist advice as to the probable future of the case. Cases classed as "A" are those which medical boards are instructed to refer for consideration by medical assessors and specialists before a finding as to assessment is announced. Perhaps I may again remind the hon. Member that the final decision as to rate of assessment always rests with a medical board which has examined the man.

Will the right hon. Gentleman answer the last part of my question, as to the reasons for not informing these pensioners of their degree of disablement?

The reason is that we do not wish to inform the man of the decision because it is not yet arrived at. The matter was fully inquired into. It is of great importance in these particular cases to come to a right decision. If we call in special help, we naturally wait until we have that special help before informing the man.

Is it quite proper to fix the figure? Is it not the fact that from 15 to 19 per cent. is not definite at all? Is it the fact a man cannot be employed at all if his assessment is under 20 per cent.?

Treatment Allowances

asked the Minister of Pensions the number of men on home treatment without allowances in the Northern region on 30th April, 1923; whether many of these men are totally incapacitated and others are unable to follow their normal employment; and whether he will issue instructions that men incapable of following their employment as a result of sickness duo to a service disability shall receive full treatment allowances in accordance with Article 6 of the Royal Warrant?

Home treatment is ordinarily obtained by the man from his panel doctor under the National Health Insurance Scheme without the intervention of the Ministry, and there is. therefore, no record in my Department of the information asked for. I would point out that the Royal Warrant permits the grant of treatment allowances only when the requirements of a definite course of treatment approved by the Ministry prevent the man from providing for the support of himself and his family. In other cases the position is met by the j pension or other compensation awarded for disablement.

asked the Minister of Pensions what is the number of pensioners in the Borough of Gateshead incapacitated for work and receiving home treatment from the panel doctor who are not in receipt of treatment allowances?

I regret that I have not this information. Home treatment is ordinarily obtained by the man from his panel doctor under the National Health Insurance Acts, without the intervention of the Ministry.

asked the Minister of Pensions whether he is aware that when a man commits a minor breach of discipline in a Ministry institution he is fined one to three days' allowances; that in addition he is sometimes discharged from the institution; that in these cases, in addition to being fined, the man forfeits any accumulation of unpaid treatment allowances; and will he inquire into the matter?

Allowances during treatment are payable subject to the condition that the officer or man accepts and carries through the course of treatment prescribed for him, and that during the treatment he does not conduct himself in a manner that is likely to prejudice either his own recovery or that of other patients. Broaches of discipline on the part of an in-patient are subject to penalties of the nature referred to, but in all cases the allowance forfeited is the personal allowance to the man only, and never the allowances for his wife and family.

Disability Retired Pay (Officers)

asked the Minister of Pensions what is the amount of disability retired pay appropriate to an assessment of 35 per cent. in the case of a lieutenant-colonel?

The officer will receive £105 a year, or, if he be in receipt of service retired pay or service pension, a disablement addition of £52 10s. a year.

asked the Minister of Pensions whether any deduction is made in the amount of disability retired pay awarded to officers who, prior to August, 1914, held pre-War pensions for service in the rank and file; if so, will he furnish particulars of the Clause of the Royal Warrant under which these deductions are made; and whether in some cases the deduction amounts to over 50 per cent.?

The disability retired pay of the officers in question is governed by Article 1 (2) ( a ) of the Royal Warrant of the 2nd July, 1920, a copy of which I am sending to the hon. Member. No "deduction" is made, reckoned on a percentage basis or otherwise; but the amount added to the service pension is on a modified scale, as recommended by the Select Committee on Pensions. The Regulation further assures to such an officer, if his service was continuous, the permanent pension he would have received had he not been promoted to a commission.

Amalgamation of Areas

asked the Minister of Pensions whether the Gates-head Local War Pensions Committee has signified its approval of the proposed amalgamation of the Gateshead, Chester-le-Street, and district area with the Consett area; and, if not, whether it is proposed to take any further action in the matter?

The views of the Gateshead Committee, which are unfavourable to this suggestion, have been received, but not those of the other Committee concerned. A decision on the proposed amalgamation has not, therefore, yet been taken.

Dependants' Pensions (Income Calculation)

asked the Minister of Pensions whether he is aware that, following a complaint by the Newcastle, Hexham, and District War Pensions Committee, the Deputy Regional Director of the Northern region gave instructions that inquiry officers when inquiring as to the income of persons in receipt of pecuniary-need pensions should not ask for particulars of occasional hospitality and should not estimate the value of odd meals at the houses of relatives and friends; whether he sanctioned this instruction; and, if so, will he issue general instructions that the receipt of occasional hospitality shall not be considered a source of income?

Inquiry officers, investigating claims to dependants' pension, are not required to ask for particulars of occasional hospitality, and where, on the occasion referred to, it was found that the instructions had been exceeded, action was taken to prevent a recurrence. I would add that, while casual gifts of the nature indicated by the hon. Member are disregarded in assessing the means of a claimant to need pension, account must necessarily be taken of benefits in kind of a regular and reasonably permanent nature.

Is not the right hon. Gentleman aware that there have been other complaints apart from this, and will he not issue a general instruction?

I shall be very happy to be told of other cases wherever this has occurred. We have checked it in the cases of which we know, and if the hon. Member will give me any other cases, I shall be happy to inquire into them.

Appeal Tribunals (Fees)

asked the Minister of Pensions whether he can state what are the fees payable to members of the tribunal courts for their services; what was the total amount paid in fees last year; and what was the average amount per member?

(Treasurer of the Household): The members of Pensions Appeal Tribunals are for the most part whole-time salaried officers paid at the following yearly rates:

Ex-Service Men

Trainees (Employment)

asked the Minister of Pensions the number of ex-service men who have failed to secure employment in the trades for which, they have been trained under the Government scheme?

I have been asked to reply. Precise information is not available, but an investigation made at the end of April showed that not more than 7 per cent, of the men trained under the Industrial Training Scheme were then unemployed.

May I ask whether all these men are employed in the trades for which they were trained?

Largely that is so. I was asked a similar question to this some time ago, and I then answered, as far as my recollection goes, that it was impossible, without a great deal of research, to give a definite answer, but certainly the larger proportion of the men employed are in the trades in which they were trained.

Neurological Institution, Ewell

asked the Minister of Pensions whether it is proposed to establish in Scotland an institution similar to that at Ewell, in Surrey; and whether he is aware that the recovery of pensioners from Scotland, in-patients at Ewell, is greatly retarded by their being in an institution several hundred miles away from their homes and relatives?

There are, I am glad to say, very few men whom it is necessary to bring from Scotland to Ewell for the special form of treatment provided there, and, as the number is likely to decline, the establishment of a separate institution of this special nature in Scotland could not be justified. As a general rule, I am averse to sending men long distances from their homes for treatment when that course can be avoided, though in some cases it has proved a distinct advantage to the success of the treatment.

Will the right hon. Gentle man not consider the advisability of taking over the place now in the hands of the Disposal Board at Georgetown as suitable for this purpose?

I will consider any suggestion put forward by the hon. Member. But there are only seven of these cases at Ewell, and it would not be practicable to start a separate institution for them.

May I ask whether, in cases where a man is sent hundreds of miles from his home and his relations, steps are taken to keep the relatives fully informed as to the actual state of the man from time to time?

asked the Minister of Pensions what is the scale of diet at the Ministry of Pensions hospital, Ewell; whether he is aware that the patients are not allowed sugar in their tea; that on the 18th of May patients were unable to eat the sausage meat supplied for breakfast as it was sour; that on certain days of the week only bread and margarine are supplied for tea; and whether, in view of the nature of the disability which the patients at that institution suffer, he will arrange that the food supplied shall be of good quality and varied as often as possible?

The diet provided at Ewell Neurological Hospital is identical with that at other Ministry hospitals, and, as the hon. Member will see from the specimen diet sheet for a recent week, which I am sending him, it is of a suitable and varied character. Moreover, in view of the nature of the disabilities under treatment, unusual latitude is allowed as regards the dietary scale at Ewell. I can find no foundation whatever for the complaints mentioned in the question, and can only assume that the hon. Member has been completely misinformed.

Is it not the case that the supplies for this institution are obtained, not from the district in which it is situated but from London, and would that not account for the sourness of the item of food referred to in the question? Will the right hon. Gentleman not consider the advisability, in the cases of men on the border line like this, of securing that their diet is of the very best?

Cannot my right hon. Friend make arrangements for Members of this House interested in this problem to visit Ewell?

I am obliged to my right hon. Friend. I shall be most happy to do so, if any hon. Member wish to visit the institution. I have done so myself. I have seen the food, and was satisfied with it. Hon. Members will appreciate that men who are in this nervous condition are not always accurate in their complaints. So far from there being no sugar, I find, as a matter of fact, that there is an exceptional allowance in the case of this institution.

But are not supplies to it sent out from a central depot in London? Does that make for freshness of diet?

I see no objection to supplying a place so near to London as Ewell from a central depot. I will, however, make inquiry into the matter.

Is sausage meat recommended for these patients by the medical man in charge? It does not appear to me the kind of thing for a patient to eat at any time?

Trafalgar Square (Meetings)

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he will introduce leglislation or issue instructions to prevent meetings or demonstrations being held in Trafalgar Square or other such thoroughfares, in view of the obstruction and confusion caused to traffic and pedestrians thereby, and seeing that the public parks can always be used for the purpose?

Before the right hon. Gentleman replies, may I ask whether he will, alternatively, consider advising the democratisation of his own party, by making similar use of this locality in preference to the Carlton Club or the Hotel Cecil?

I do not think that that question arises out of the question on the Paper.

I am sending my hon. Friend a copy of the Regulations under which meetings can be held in Trafalgar Square. These Regulations seem to me to provide against improper use of the Square.

Aliens (Sentence of Imprisonment)

asked the Home Secretary whether his attention has been drawn to the sentence of six months' imprisonment passed upon two Hungarian refugees, Isaven and Gaesa, at the Thames Police Court, for landing without permission; and whether he will have the case and sentence inquired into with a view to revision?

asked the Home Secretary whether he is aware that two Hungarian refugees were prosecuted before a London magistrate for failing to register as aliens, and as a result were sentenced to six months' imprisonment with hard labour, after serving which an order for deportation has also been made; and whether steps can be taken to have these sentences reviewed?

I have made inquiry into this case, but I find no ground for advising any interference with the sentences imposed on the two men by the magistrate, after giving every opportunity for the hearing of anything that could be said on their behalf.

Did not the magistrate, in inflicting the sentence, show, by his long lecture on the evils of Socialism, an obvious bias against the political views of the prisoners he was sentencing?

I understand that they landed without proper authority to land. They came from the ship and landed without any authority, and the sentences must be severe in order to prevent aliens from landing in this country against the law.

May I ask whether these are not two couriers employed by Bolshevist sympathisers to bring information to this country, and whether they are not two of the people who make it so difficult for the Soviet Government to keep the trade regulations?

I am not fully informed of those facts. My answer was based on the knowledge that these men were acting against the Aliens Act, and that, I consider, is quite enough to justify the magistrate in his sentence.

Can I have an answer to my question as to whether the magistrate did not show a distinct bias when he gave a lecture on the evils of Socialism before sentencing these two Socialists?

I do not know what the magistrate said in his lecture to which the hon. and gallant Member refers.

If I submit to the right hon. Gentleman an account of of what this magistrate at the Thames Police Court said before sentencing these men, will he consider the bias shown by that statement in reconsidering the sentence?

I do not think he can be accused of any bias. These men were remanded in order that those who wished to speak in their favour might do so if they could, and no one appeared to speak on their behalf.

Prisoners (Letters and Visits)

asked the Home Secretary if there is a regulation preventing a prisoner writing or receiving letters or receiving visits during the first two months after his conviction; whether this regulation applies to all prisoners; and whether this regulation can now be modified?

All prisoners are allowed to write and receive a letter immediately after conviction. The period which must elapse before a visit can be allowed under the statutory rules depends on conduct and industry and the classification of the prisoner. In the case of an offender of the first division, the period is a fortnight; an offender of the second division a month, and of an offender of the third division, or sentenced to hard labour, two months. In the case of a prisoner sentenced to penal servitude, the period is four months.

May I have an answer to the latter part of my question, as to whether the right hon. Gentleman will consider the modification of that regulation which makes an ordinary prisoner wait for two months before he can receive a letter?

I have indicated in my answer that an ordinary prisoner can receive a letter immediately after conviction, but, although I do not feel in a position to take any action, I am quite ready to consider any suggestion.

Methylated Spirits (Drunkenness Convictions)

asked the Home Secretary how many cases of drunken ness due to drinking methylated spirit have been reported during the past year; what proportion of these cases were amongst women; whether the figures indicate an increase in the habit of drinking methylated spirit on the part of women; what steps he is taking, or proposing to take, to stop this practice, either by increasing the difficulty of procuring methylated spirits, or by the addition of some other ingredient which would more effectually prevent its use for this purpose?

The number of oases in England and Wales in the year 1922 in which the condition of the person convicted of drunkenness is reported to have been due to the drinking of methylated spirits is 516–250 males and 266 females. These figures are higher for both males and females than similar figures for the previous two years, and the greater rate of increase is shown by the males. The figures have been collected for only three years yet; and some part of the increase may be due to improvement in reporting. I am watching the matter carefully, but at present I have nothing to add, as regards the possibility of further preventive measures, to the answer I gave on the 14th March to the hon. Member for North Lambeth (Mr. Briant).

Does not the right hon. Gentleman think that he has sufficient evidence now to move in this matter?

No, Sir. I do not think that the figures for three years really give one a certain line. As I have said, the reporting has probably been better and more accurate in the last year, and, therefore, I cannot be quite certain that the increase is what it appears to be from the figures. I think a little longer time is needed, and, what is more, it is, as I have said, very difficult to know what the remedy would be.

Is not the right hon. Gentleman aware that the cause of the increase in the drinking of methylated spirit is the excessive price of whisky?

In view of the figures which the right hon. Gentleman has quoted, does not his Department think the time has now arrived for the further de-naturing of all alcohol used for industrial purposes, so as to prevent drinking?

That process is being considered all the time, but extreme difficulty appears to be found in making the spirit unpalatable. To my idea it is sufficiently unpalatable, but it does not seem to be so to these 516 persons.

Is it not a fact that in America and in France unlimited denaturing is allowed, but that in this country, owing to stupid regulations, the de-naturing elements are confined to a few?

Probation Officers

asked the Home Secretary how many probation officers are attached to the London Police Courts, and how many are males and females; if any of them are specially attached to the Children's Courts; if the cost of these officers is borne by the police funds; and, if not, Who bears the cost of probation officers and who appoints them?

The number of probation officers attached to the Metropolitan Police Courts is 54, of whom 20 are men and 34 are women. Twelve of the women are specially attached to the Juvenile Courts, and their salaries are paid out of the Metropolitan Police Fund. Nearly all the others are engaged in missionary work at the Courts as well as in probation work, and in these oases two-thirds of the salaries and expenses are paid out of the Metropolitan Police Fund, and the remainder is paid by the Police Court Mission or other society to which the officers belong. All probation officers in London are appointed by the Secretary of State.

Young Persons (Imprisonment and Probation)

asked the Home Secretary the number and sexes of persons between the ages of 16 and 21 who were sent to prison for a first offence from the police courts in the Metropolitan police area in the year 1922; and how many of that number went to prison in default of payment of a fine?

The figures are not available. Statistics of committals in default of paying fines do not distinguish persons of various ages or show whether convictions are first convictions.

asked the Home Secretary the number of persons, their sexes, and ages, who were placed on probation from the Metropolitan police courts and children's courts in the year 1922?

I can only give this information as regards all the police courts and petty sessional courts (including juvenile courts) in the Metropolitan police district. As the answer contains a number of figures, I will circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

The answer is as follows:

Persons placed on probation by Courts of Summary Jurisdiction in the Metropolitan police district during the year 1922:

Revolvers (Certificates)

asked the Home Secretary how many revolver licences were issued in 1913, 1914, 1921, and 1922, respectively?

Prior to the Firearms Act, 1920, no permits were required for revolvers, but a purchaser had to produce a gun licence. Since the Act of 1920, a firearm certificate has been necessary to cover the possession of a revolver, but no figures are available to show how many certificates have been issued in respect of revolvers as distinct from other firearms in the years 1921 and 1922. Such figures, if obtained, would be useless for the purpose of comparison with pre-War years.

Has the right hon. Gentleman no idea of the number of revolvers which are licensed and in use at the moment?

No. The figures would be of no use for the purposes of comparison, though they might be of use for other purposes.

Has the Act not been comparatively useless for the prevention of crime, as I prophesied it would be?

The hon. and gallant Gentleman's prophecies are very often justified, but this is a serious question, and one which might very well be pursued further.

Education

Defective Children

asked the President of the Board of Education whether, having regard to the fact that there is an approximate shortage of 12,500 school places in special schools for mentally-defective children and of about 95,000 places in special schools for physically-defective children, what steps he is taking to encourage local education authorities to supply this deficiency in suitable accommodation at the earliest possible moment?

I can assure the hon. Member that the subject is receiving my most careful and indeed, I may say, anxious consideration. I hope that within the limits imposed by the Board's Estimates room will be found for considerable development of this branch of educational work, especially if any reduction in the cost of maintaining special schools can be secured.

Will the right hon. Gentleman go further, and say that he will not discourage local authorities who are anxious to do this work?

I said in my answer I hope room will be found for considerable development. It is evident considerable development will not be possible unless I encourage local authorities.

Will the right hon. Gentleman press on the Government that there are 5,000 blind children and 6,300 crippled children for whom no provision is made at all?

Training Colleges

asked the President of the Board of Education whether the Board has decided that the heads of training colleges for teachers should not be paid at a higher rate than the heads of secondary schools of the same size under the Burnham scale; and, seeing that the duties and responsibilities of the head of a -residential training college with 200 students over the age of 18 are more onerous than those of the head of a secondary day school with £ pupils under the age of 18, will be reconsider the matter?

Representations have been made to me on the question of the salaries which should be paid to the heads of training colleges for teachers as compared with the salaries of heads of secondary schools, and the matter is now receiving my consideration.

asked the President of the Board of Education upon what basis supplementary grants will this year be awarded to training colleges conducted by local education authorities; and what is the estimated total value of these supplementary grants?

Over and above the ordinary expenditure grant, the additional grants payable to local education authorities maintaining training colleges in 1923–24 will be on a capitation basis, at rates differing for resident and non-resident students and also for local and non-local students. The grants will be limited to a total of £70,000. The draft Regulations will be issued very shortly.

Teachers' Superannuation

asked the President of the Board of Education whether he is aware that the system of superannuation for teachers in England differs from that in force in Scotland in that the English teacher promoted to the Board's inspectorate is not allowed to count his teaching and inspecting service as continuous for pension purposes, whereas a Scottish teacher becoming an inspector may; whether this subject is within the terms of reference of the Departmental Committee inquiring into the English Teachers' Superannuation Acts; if so, has any evidence on the point been tendered or invited; if not, will the terms of reference be so widened as to include this subject within their scope: and will he see that this topic receives the consideration of the Departmental Committee?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. I understand that Lord Emmott's Committee have taken evidence on the point raised by the hon. Member?

Secondary School Teachers (Salaries)

asked the President of the Board of Education whether he is aware that the provisions of the Burnham scale of salaries for teachers at present administered by the Board of Education provide that an extra £25 per annum shall be paid to teachers in secondary schools who have obtained a good honours degree; and, seeing that the present usage is that many teachers who have taken a second class in the Cambridge final triposes are receiving this bonus, but no teachers who have taken a second class in Oxford final honour schools, whether he will take measures to correct this anomaly?

My hon. Friend is, I think, misinformed in thinking that no teachers who obtained degrees with second class honours at Oxford are receiving the extra payments. I recognise, however, that the arrangements in this respect made by the Burnham Committee are open to criticism, and the Board have already expressed the hope that they will be reconsidered when the Scales next come under review.

Leaving Age

asked the President of the Board of Education whether his attention has been called to the effect of Section 138 of The Education Act, 1921, in throwing on the labour market at a few fixed dates a large number of young people and so rendering it difficult for them to obtain employment; and whether he is prepared to consider such an amendment of the Act as would allow children to leave school on attaining the age of 14, provided the local education authority is satisfied that the child is obtaining a suitable situation?

I may refer my hon. and gallant Friend to the reply I gave on the 1st March to my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for South Norfolk (Major Hay).

University Training Departments

asked the President of the Board of Education if he will increase the grant given to university training departments in respect to graduates in honours who are taking a fourth-year course under the regulations for the training of teachers?

I regret that I am not able to entertain the hon. Member's suggestion, especially in view of the fact that the arrangements for the training of teachers are now under review by a Departmental Committee.

School Staffs

asked the President of the Board of Education why it is necessary to employ more teachers now than before the War, seeing that there are less children to educate?

A full statement in reply to the hon. Member's question would, I fear, take me beyond the proper limits of question and answer. I may, however, remind him that in a considerable number of areas the staffing of schools before the War was inadequate, and it would be a mistake to assume that a reduction in the number of classes proportionate to a reduction in the aggregate number of children is practicable, particularly in small schools. Further, the number of children in school who are over 14 years old has increased nearly four-fold compared with pre-War years, and a higher proportion of teachers is required for their advanced instruction.

Is it not a fact that the reason for the increase of teachers is that the classes now are smaller?

Is it not also a fact that in spite of there being fewer children in the aggregate there are still some thousands of classes which are far above the average, which is 44?

Cardiganshire Dispute

asked the President of the Board of Education whether he can now make a public announcement as to whether any agreement has been reached between the Cardiganshire education authority and the teachers in its employ; and, if so, what are the terms of settlement, and on what date will work be fully resumed with the secondary schools affected by the dispute?

No agreement has yet been reached in the settlement of this dispute, but as the outcome of a conference held a few days ago on my invitation at the office of the Board of Education, I have addressed a communication to all the parties, which, I trust, may afford an opportunity of bringing the dispute to an end.

France and Czechoslovakia (Arbitration Convention)

asked the Secretary of State for Air whether he has yet seen the terms of the Aviation Convention between the French and Czechoslovakia Governments, under which the market is reserved for French aeroplane manufacturers; and what steps are being taken to preserve the rights of British aeroplane manufacturers in that market?

The terms of the Convention have not yet been made public, but I am assured that they do not impair the interests of Great Britain or other countries in regard to the construction of aeroplanes nor restrict the right of the Czechoslovakian Government to select types of aircraft from different countries. I am also assured that the Convention leaves to the Czechoslovakian authorities a free hand to negotiate with British or other companies in regard to the establishment of aerial routes. These assurances are satisfactory as far as they go, but I am continuing to make representations with a view to securing a statement of a more comprehensive character from the Czechoslovakian Government.

Is the right hon. Baronet considering the question of having more air attaches in Europe to watch cases of this sort?

Has the right hon. Baronet information to show that it is intended to register and publish this Convention with the League of Nations?

No, I have not; but I cannot imagine that the Czechoslovakian Government will take any other than the usual course.

Helicopter System

asked the Secretary of State for Air whether any further progress has been made with the helicopter system of flying; and whether the experiments are continuing?

Satisfactory progress has been made with the Air Ministry experiments and indoor trials of the machine have been and are being carried out.

Rural Roads (Grants)

44 and 48.

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer (1) whether consideration has been given in allotting £1,250,000 from the Road Fund in relief of agriculture to the advisability of capitalising some portion of this money in order to secure the adequate reconstruction of rural roads:

(2) how the estimated Road Fund surplus, amounting probably to over £1,250,000, which it is proposed to devote to relief of rates for the upkeep of rural roads, is arrived at; whether the existence of this surplus means that the proceeds of the taxation of motor vehicles are more than sufficient for road requirements over a normal year; and, on the assumption that rate relief in aid of the expenditure on rural roads is a temporary expedient, is a reduction in the burden of motor taxation under consideration?

The amount of £1,250,000, which it is proposed to devote to rural roads, is not a surplus in excess of the road requirements for a normal year, but becomes available because the receipts for 1923–24 are estimated to be sufficient to admit of this special allocation, after provision has been made for the normal contributions to Class I and Class II roads, and certain other specific purposes which the Road Fund has hitherto aided. All grants from the Road Fund may be said to have the effect of relieving rates, inasmuch as road expenditure, which would otherwise fall in its entirety upon rates, is partly met from the Fund. In this sense only can it be said that the £1,250,000, which will wholly be expended on the reconstruction and improvement of rural roads, is a rate relief. The Noble Lord will appreciate the need for considerable improvements in the more important roads in rural areas, and the new programme of expenditure will enable wider and more substantial assistance to be given to such schemes. I do not think that in present circumstances it is desirable or necessary to borrow money, as suggested by the Noble Lord.

Has the Minister considered the making of special roads for those people who ignore the rules and regulations of the road?

Intoxicating Liquor (Sale to Persons Under 18) Bill

asked the Prime Minister whether he can now consent to receive a deputation which would include leading members of all the Christian churches, of the teaching and medical professions, and of women's organisations, who desire to ask him whether the Government will grant facilities for the early passage of the Intoxicating Liquor (Sale to Persons under Eighteen) Bill?

The pressure upon my time is so great that I regret I cannot find time at present to receive such a deputation. As the hon. Member is aware, the Report stage of this Bill is down for second Order on Friday the 8th June, and it would seem desirable to defer further consideration of this question until the time allotted for private Members has lapsed.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that, as far as the Opposition is concerned, it is quite willing to help the Government as far as it can in giving facilities for this Bill?

I had that in my mind when I had my answer prepared. I have no doubt in my own mind that it will be taken on the 8th June.

May we understand that if on the 8th June we are not able to pass-through the necessary stages of the Bill, I may put the question again?

After Report, if he has time, will the Prime Minister see this very influential deputation?

I think it would be best for the Noble Lady to wait. I shall be glad if the hon. Member for Bodmin (Mr. Foot) will repeat his question.

Does the right hon. Gentleman think that there will be any use in the passage of this Bill, in view of the Amendments that have taken place?

Did not the right hon. Gentleman find time to meet the brewers and distillers when their trade was concerned? There is no answer to that.

Government Departments

Ministry of Pensions

asked the Prime Minister whether the Government has reached any decision respecting the con- tinuance of the Ministry of Pensions as a separate Department; and, if so, whether it is proposed to introduce a Bill during the present Session of Parliament?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative, and the second part, therefore, does not arise.

Law Officers' Department (Clerical Staff)

51 and 52.

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer (1) whether the clerical staff in the Law Officers' Department is in receipt of any remuneration beyond that appearing in the Civil Service Estimates, Class 3, Vote I;

(2) whether he can inform the House of the nature of the services rendered to the State in respect of the allowances made for personal clerks in the Law Officers' Department, and the nature of the services of the personal assistants in the same Department?

I have been asked to reply. The remuneration of the personal clerks to the Law Officers of the Crown is fixed by Treasury Minute. In addition to the allowances which appear in the Estimates, they receive the ordinary scale of fees payable to a clerk of a King's Counsel. Their duties mainly consist in arranging and regulating the legal work of the Law Officers of the Crown. The gentleman described in the Estimates as a "personal assistant" is a King's Counsel, who is engaged in editing the volumes of the Law Officers' opinions, and dealing with matters connected with courts martial.

May I ask why the personal clerk should have two remunerations—one from the State?

Cotton Industry Bill

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the importance of the Cotton Industry Bill, he will consider giving early facilities for the further stages of the Bill?

The Government fully appreciate the necessity for this Bill. I understand that it is an agreed Measure, and I trust that it will be passed as such; but, if necessary, facilities will be afforded for its passage.

Supply Services (Expenditure)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what is the reason for the higher supply services' expenditure in the first five weeks of the present financial year as compared with last year?

No inference can properly be drawn from a variation in the Exchequer issues for Supply services of about £3½ millions over a period of five weeks as compared with last year. The difference is purely casual.

Income Tax

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he is aware that the Income Tax collectors at Folkestone refuse to allow a rebate for a child which has to be maintained by its mother who divorced her husband, the reason given being that the mother is not a widow; and will he state whether this is done in accordance with the instructions of the Department?

If the hon. Member will furnish me with particulars of the case to which he refers, I will cause inquiry to be made.

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether his attention has been drawn to the issue of an enlarged form of No. 79D for Income Tax, Schedule B, which some farmers are required to complete; whether he is aware that on this enlarged form in the debtor and creditor account for the year a farmer has now to complete 24 columns instead of formerly six columns; and whether he would be prepared to withdraw the enlarged form and revert to the smaller form previously in operation?

I would refer the hon. Member to the reply made to a similar question on 27th April, 1922, of which I am sending him a copy. The smaller form to which he refers was found to be inconvenient both to the taxpayer and to the taxing authorities, and he will see that the enlarged form was drawn up in consultation with bodies representative of the farmers' interests.

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer the figures for the years ending 5th April, 1921, 1922, and 1923, showing the gross amount of income brought under review for the purpose of Income Tax under Schedules A, B, C, D, and E, the deductions necessary to reduce the gross income to

The figures for 1920–21 are final; those for the other two years are provisional estimates.

asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury whether there is in existence an official list of certain associations and other bodies who have made special arrangements with the Board of Inland Revenue with regard to trade subscriptions which are allowed as expenses for Income Tax purposes; whether he is aware that a taxpayer who wishes to know whether an association has or has not come to an agreement in this matter with the Board of Inland Revenue has to write to the inspector of taxes for the district in which the association is situated, which, in the case of a lawyer or chartered accountant, may involve correspondence with a large number of inspectors; and whether he will consider the publication of such a list, so as to avoid unnecessary correspondence with inspectors of taxes?

A list of the associations referred to is furnished the actual income liable to tax for exemptions, repairs to property, wear and tear of machinery, overcharges in assessment, actual income liable to tax before reduction of personal allowances and reliefs, total income on which tax was received, total net produce, normal rate in the £, and produce for each penny in the normal rate?

As the answer contains a number of figures, I will, with the hon. Member's permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Following is the answer :

by the Board of Inland Revenue to all inspectors of taxes, and a question whether a particular association is or is not on such list can normally be answered by any inspector. I hardly think it necessary to publish the list.

House Property (Income Tax Assessments)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, in the recent re-assessment for Income Tax under Schedule A, any increases have been made in the case of farms which have shown a loss during the last three years; and, if so, on what basis the increased assessment has been made?

The broad object of the present re-assessment is to secure tax in respect of the income derived from the ownership of property. Where agricultural land is let at rack rent, the assessment is based upon the amount of the rent. Where land is not so let, the assessment is based upon the rent at which the land is worth to be let. The liability of the farming occupier to Income Tax is dealt with in the Income Tax Acts separately from the liability of the owner. The Acts include a provision for relief to the occupier in the event of loss being incurred in the occupation of lands for the purposes of husbandry.

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether his attention has been called to the fact that inspectors or surveyors of income are assuming in connection with the present re-assessment of property duties which properly belong to the Commissioners of Taxes, and that consequently the right of the assessed person to be heard personally by an impartial tribunal is in danger; and will he cause to be affixed to church doors and other places a notice setting out the right of an assessed person to take his case before the Commissioners, together with the names of the Commissioners for the district in question?

In reply to the first part of the question I would refer my hon. and gallant Friend to the reply made to him on 29th May. In reply to the second part, the general notices intimating the right of the taxpayer to appeal to the Commissioners of Taxes signed by their respective clerks have already been exhibited as required by law.

Will the right hon. Gentleman read the report of the Royal Commission on the subject?

Can the right hon. Gentleman say how the inspectors arrive at their conclusion? Is he aware that they have put £10 on my assessment without any reason?

The hon. Member must give me notice of any particular assessment. I have made very careful inquiries, and I find that those responsible for these assessments have done them personally, and have taken very great care in regard to them. They have received no general order to do it by rule of thumb.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that nobody called at my house to make inquiries before they put up my assessment?

It is quite possible that they may have known the value of the houses in the neighbourhood, and thought the hon. Member's house could be dealt with accordingly.

No one is allowed to inspect the records other than those in regard to his own property.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that when people appeal to the Surveyor of Taxes, the Surveyor asks why the revaluation should not take place? Does he not think that it is the duty of the Surveyor of Taxes to say why he is increasing the valuation?

It seems to me that it is a difference between the way in which the question is put. If the Surveyor of Taxes asks why the valuation should not take place, it is really the same thing as the hon. Member suggests. The Surveyor is bound to receive any information which the taxpayer chooses to give him, and he cannot in any way interfere, and does not do so, with the right of the taxpayer to appeal to the Commissioners.

Does not the right hon. Gentleman think that if the Surveyor of Taxes explained why the assessment was increased, the person appealing would be able to make out a better case than if the Surveyor put the question to him?

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is aware of the confusion and inconvenience caused by the fact that the divisions of the country for the purposes of Income Tax are the original divisions for purposes of Land Tax; and, in view of the many appeals to the Commissioners which are now being lodged, can he see his way to make the area for local government the division for purposes of Income Tax so that appeals can be heard with the minimum of inconvenience and expense to both Commissioners and appellants?

I do not think that the need exists for action on the lines Suggested by my hon. and gallant Friend. I anticipate that, as on the occasions of previous re-assessments of property for Income Tax purposes, the local Commissioners will arrange to hold meetings at convenient centres in order that appeals may be heard with the least inconvenience and expense to everybody concerned.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that at present a person living at Dunstable has got to go to Leighton Buzzard in another division to have his case heard?

Dunstable is not far from Leighton Buzzard, but if there be any real grievance I will see whether it is possible to have it remedied.

In view of the number of appeals pending, and the confusion that is likely to arise, will the right hon. Gentleman see his way to grant an inquiry into the whole subject of reassessment?

I have already answered that the number of appeals is not very much larger than the normal number whenever there have been re-assessments.

It has not been so up to the present. Therefore the need for an inquiry is not so great as the hon. Member suggests. Further than that I cannot say, save that I am making myself fully acquainted with the whole subject, and that I am prepared to receive representations on the subject from any Member.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that many of the poorer people do not know how to go about sending in appeals? Would he give some instruction to enable these people to put in appeals?

I have already arranged to send as many officials as possible from the Department to the districts to help people who desire to appeal. If there is anything further I can do to facilitate them I should be glad to do so.

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether the Land Valuation Department, which has been entrusted with the quinquennial re-assessing of property for the purposes of Income Tax, had any instructions as to how the revaluation was to be carried out; and, in the case of houses, were instructions given that no increase in the assessment should be made without a personal inspection of the house in question and after careful consideration of its fair letting value, the present artificial and temporary shortage of houses being allowed for?

On the general question of the issue by the Commissioners of Inland Revenue of instructions to their officers I would refer my hon. and gallant Friend to an answer given on the 11th May to the hon. Member for Penrith and Cockermouth and as regards the legal basis of assessment of land and houses for Income Tax purposes I would refer him to the reply which was given to the hon. Member for East Surrey on the 3rd May. I am sending my hon. and gallant Friend copies of these answers.

Is it a fact that the Land Valuation Department, the old Land Tax Department, have given the information to the inspectors who have been carrying out this valuation?

I think that it is. I think that some of the information received by the Land Valuation Department has been put into the hands of the inspectors, and quite rightly.

Is it a fact that in the case of every property valued at over £100 a year, the Land Valuation Department has been consulted, and the assessment made on the basis settled by the Department?

I am sorry that I cannot answer that definite question, but I will do so if the- hon. Member puts down a question.

Did the assessors invite the Land Valuation Department to supply the actual figures which were paid for the purchase of these houses?

I do not know, but I can see nothing wrong in it. If a Government Department have information it would be quite within their power, and I think that it would be their duty, to give it to anyone who had to make the assessment, and had to find out the value.

Does not the right hon. Gentleman see that the prices paid for houses in recent years have no relation to their present value?

I do not quite agree with that. The duty of the assessors is to arrive at the fair present rental value. That is the decision of Parliament, and that is their endeavour.

Munitions Store, Chester

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether the munitions store at Chester was disposed of by private treaty or public auction; what was the price at which the buildings were sold and the original cost of the same; and on what basis the terms of sale were arranged?

The Disposal and Liquidation Commission have taken considerable pains to identify the "transaction referred to but have been unable to do so. Perhaps the hon. Member will furnish me with additional details.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that a statement has appeared in the public Press in regard to the price at which these buildings were sold, and the original cost, and is he not in possession of this information?

When I was an unofficial Member I had time to read the newspapers. I have not seen the statement referred to.

Am I to understand that the right hon. Gentleman's Department is not in possession of the information?

I did not say so. I said, in the first instance, that the Liquidation Commission had failed to identify the transaction. Therefore the hon. Member is quite correct in assuming that the Department has not the information.

Anglo-Persian Oil Company

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether the Government's representatives on the Board of Directors of the Anglo-Persian Oil Company, Limited, receive fees from the National Exchequer for such services; and, if so, will he supply details as to the amount of remuneration paid to each?

The remuneration from public funds of the Government directors on the Board of the Anglo-Persian Oil Company is fixed at £500 per annum, the directors in return surrendering to the Exchequer all the fees which they receive from this company and its subsidiary companies. I should add that Lord Inchcape does not accept any remuneration in respect of his services.

What is the total amount received by way of fees and subsidiary fees from this company?

I am pleased to say that, while we have paid £500 to one director, two directors have surrendered to the Exchequer fees to the amount of £4,500.

Have any of the British representatives any private interest in the company, and, if so, to what extent?

That is a question of which I must have some notice. I have no suspicion of anything of the kind, but if the hon. Member has any charge to make, and will make it, I will investigate it.

Advertisements (Government Forms)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether any restrictions are to be imposed as to the advertisements which it is proposed to allow on Income Tax receipts and other forms; and whether tax recovery agencies will be given the opportunity of tendering?

The suitability of all proposed advertisements will be considered by the Commissioners of Inland Revenue before their publication on the forms is authorised. The hon. Member can hardly expect me to receive advertisements of tax recovery agencies.

Will the right hon. Gentleman see that this time we get the money first?

What would be the use of an advertisement to a tax recovery agent if the taxpayer had already paid his tax, and got a receipt?

Is not the danger that a man might not pay his tax at all? Is it proposed to extend this system of advertisements to all Government documents, including Blue Books and Parliamentary papers?

I do not think that there would be much revenue to be got from advertisements in Blue Books.

Russian Embassy Building, London

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer for what purposes the Russian Embassy building in London is now used; whether social functions take place there under the auspices of Russian representatives of the old regime; and whether any public money is spent upon the upkeep of this building?

The residence of the former Russian Ambassador is now a private house, and I have no information as to the social functions referred to in the second part of the question; the answer to the third part is in the negative.

Russia

Residents in Great Britain

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether any Russians resident in this country are in receipt of payments from His Majesty's Government; and, if so, what is the reason of these payments and from what funds are they drawn?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative; the second part, therefore, does not arise.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say if any subjects of His Majesty are in receipt of pensions from the Russian Government?

Arrested British Trawler (Claim)

asked the Minister of Agriculture whether he has received a claim on behalf of the owners of the "James Johnson" trawler, in respect of loss of outlay, earnings, and cost of towage, amounting to £3,250; and what steps he is able to take to expedite payment?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. With regard to the second part of the question, the negotiations in respect of this and similar claims will be conducted by my right hon. and Noble Friend the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.

Members of Parliament (Salary During Suspension)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether a Member of this House, suspended for unbecoming conduct, continues to draw a salary during the period of suspension from duty?

Yes, Sir; that is an accurate statement of the existing practice.

Is it not rather anomalous that an hon. Member should receive a salary from the House while he is defying the Rules of the House?

Government Surplus War Stores

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what was the total original cost of the assets sold by the Disposal Board to date, and the amount realised?

With regard to the first part of the question, I would refer the hon. Member to the answer given by my predecessor to the hon. Member for Motherwell on the 12th April last. The total sales of surplus property, including raw materials, on trading accounts amount to approximately £645,000,000.

House of Commons (Official Report)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what has been the financial result of the lowering of the price of the OFFICIAL REPORT of Debates; and whether that result tends to show that the increased sale of a lower-priced volume would prove financially profitable?

An examination of the returns for the present Session and for the corresponding period of last year shows that the reduction in price from 1s. to 6d. has been followed by an increase in the number of copies sold of nearly 50 per cent., i.e., from 800 copies to 1,180 copies. The daily revenue has fallen from about £30 to about £22, i.e., about 25 per cent.

In view of the very great importance of the transactions of this House, and of having as wide publicity as possible for them, does the right hon. Gentleman not think that this experiment might with advantage be carried a little further?

Personally I would like nothing better than to see the price back to the pre-War level. If my right hon. Friend will allow the experiment to go on a little longer, I will then review it.

Small Tenancies (Stamp Duties)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he is aware of the irritation being caused to tenants of small houses in certain districts by house-factors insisting upon tenancies for a year or less period being confirmed every year by missives bearing the full stamp duties for leases as required by the Stamp Act; if he is aware that this means in houses rented at over £25 an added annual impost of 10s.; and if he will introduce legislation to obviate this charge upon the tenants of small dwelling-houses?

This matter has not previously been brought to my notice. A missive, to be effective, requires to be duly stamped, and, as at present advised, I do not see my way to amend the law in this respect.

Is it not the case that a missive does not require to be sent during the continuance of the Rent Restrictions Act? Will the right hon. Gentleman take steps to stop this further plundering of poor people to the extent of 10s. a year?

The hon. Gentleman does not see that the Government has nothing to do with the signature to missives. All that I have to ensure is that if a document is signed it is properly stamped. I am not responsible for the signature to the missive.

Wills (Copies)

asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury whether he is aware that the principal Probate Registry at Somerset House refuses to forward copies of wills by post to applicants living at addresses within the London postal district, and that in such cases the applicant, or someone on his behalf, is required to attend personally at the Registry; whether this refusal applies equally to applications for copies of wills written from outside the London postal district; and, if it does not, will he state the grounds upon which residents in the London postal district are treated differently from those outside it when applications are made to Somerset House for copies of wills?

I have been asked to reply. I am informed that applicants within the London postal area are required to attend the Registry, make the necessary search, and identify the document of which they desire a copy, and must call for the copy when ready. A copy is despatched by post to applicants outside this area, and small additional fees are charged for this service. I understand that to extend postal facilities to all applicants would necessitate an increase of staff and accommodation, which is not considered to be justified.

In view of the inconvenience to the public, cannot the right hon. Gentleman see his way to abolish what is regarded as a very irritating piece of red tape?

British Property Claims (Germany)

asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury what progress is being made by the International Tribunal which is hearing claims by British traders for seizures of property by the German Government during the War; how many cases are on their lists to be reviewed; and whether many cases can be disposed of on decisions already given in exactly similar circumstances?

I have been asked to reply. Fifty-two reasoned judgments have been given by the Anglo-German Mixed Arbitral Tribunal in respect of claims lodged against the German Government under Article 297 of the Treaty of Versailles, and in addition over 2,000 claims have been settled by means of formal judgments of the Tribunal, the settlement in some of the latter cases resulting from the application of reasoned judgments given in similar cases. The outstanding claims under Article 297 before the Tribunal number 991.

Agriculture

Wages Dispute, Norfolk

asked the Minister of Agriculture whether he is aware that over 1,500 men working on farms in Norfolk before the recent strike are now refused employment by their late employers; and whether, as a signatory to the agreement, he will take any action in the matter?

I have seen certain Press reports to the effect stated, but I hope the number of men for whom the employers consider that profitable employment cannot be found at present is not so large as represented. In any case, I am not aware that I have any legal power to interfere.

Could not the services of a representative of the Board be offered in order to help to bring about a friendly settlement in this matter?

If the hon. Gentleman will bring the exact particulars to my notice, I will see whether that can be done.

Foodstuffs Conteacts (Home Preference)

asked the Minister of Agriculture whether he has recently communicated with local authorities urging that preference should be given in all con tracts to foodstuffs of home production with a view to maintaining the home out put of foodstuffs and employment in agricultural industry?

Purchases of Holdings

asked the Minister of Agriculture the number of occupiers of agricultural land who purchased their holdings between April, 1917, and June, 1921; the total acreage purchased in that period; and the approximate price per acre paid?

I regret that I am unable to furnish the information desired by the hon. Member.

Housing Schemes (Statistics)

asked the Minister of Health the number of schemes which have been submitted to him for the erection of houses under the provisions of the new Housing Act, the total number of houses involved, and the numbers to be supplied by subsidised private enterprise and by local authorities, and the numbers he has sanctioned in each case?

My right hon. Friend has approved specific proposals for the election of 5,579 houses submitted to him by 66 local authorities which provide for the erection of 3,637 houses by the local authorities themselves and 1,493 by private enterprise, and he is aware that a considerable number of local authorities have schemes under consideration which have not yet been submitted to him for approval. In addition, schemes for some 4,000 houses which had been undertaken by local authorities before the actual introduction of the Housing Bill was made known will come into the present scheme. I may add also that on the let May, 285 local authorities had houses still to be completed under the previous scheme, the number of houses remaining to be completed being 14,659.

Sewage Disposal, Enfield

asked the Minister of Health whether the Enfield sewage disposal improvement scheme, which was approved by the Ministry in June of last year, has been abandoned; and whether any alternative scheme, either for Enfield alone or jointly with some other local authority, has been put forward in its place?

My right hon. Friend is not aware that the scheme has been abandoned, but the council are reluctant to proceed with it on account of its cost. No alternative scheme has been submitted to him, but he is informed that measures have been taken by the council which have for the present improved the effluent from the sewage works.

British Passengers to United States (Detention)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if his attention has been called to the fact that four first cabin passengers have yesterday (29th May, 1923) been refused permission to land in the United States of America ex the s.s. "President Monroe" in New York; that three of these passengers are English ladies and one a 15-year-old boy; will he take steps to see that these people do not suffer the indignity and misery of detention in Ellis Island, and will he make representations to the United States Government to see that they are properly housed and cared for until they can be either admitted or returned?

His Majesty's Ambassador at Washington has reported these cases, and may be relied upon to do everything possible in the interests of the British subjects concerned, but instructions are being sent to him, as suggested by the hon. Member.

Is it a fact that two of the ladies were married to American citizens?

What are the grounds upon which these English ladies were refused permission to land in a friendly country?

Would the hon. Gentleman say whether, if a lady be married to an American subject, she remains an English lady?

League of Nations (Opium and Dangerous Drugs)

asked the Home Secretary whether it is the fact that the American delegate to the League of Nations Advisory Committee on the Traffic in Opium and other Dangerous Drugs, which is now sitting at Geneva, will lay before it the proposals of his Government on Friday or Saturday this week; whether he can say what these proposals are, and what instructions have been issued to the British delegate as to his attitude towards them; and whether His Majesty's Government and the Government of India are acting in agreement in this matter?

I am not in possession of the terms of the proposals in question. The British representative on the Opium Advisory Committee is fully aware of the policy of the Government towards opium and dangerous drugs, and will act accordingly. He is in close touch with the representative of the Indian Government upon the Committee.

Is it not true that the Indian Government were a little inclined to vote with the French Government over this question, which is a serious matter for us?

I think that is rather too vague a question. I would like to see it on paper.

British Workmen in France

asked the Minister of Labour whether his attention has been called to a statement in the Press regarding discomfort and inconvenience alleged to have been suffered by a number of unemployed British workpeople who went to France under the auspices of his Department to take up employment, and whether he can give the House any information?

Yes, Sir, I have seen a statement. The facts are that two parties consisting altogether of 31 men left England on Saturday for work in France which had been found for them through my Department. The journey was personally supervised by one of my officers, but owing to delay, which I could not have foreseen, in complying with the French passport requirements at Dieppe, the ordinary train connection to Paris was missed. The larger party, however, of 23 men who were proceeding to the railway workshops at Nevers got through without much inconvenience, and I understand are quite comfortable. In the case of the other party of eight men who were going to motor works near Paris the delay, unfortunately, caused the arrangements made for their reception to miscarry to some extent, and the lodgings which had been reserved for them were no longer available. This led to some temporary difficulty, but the representative of the Ministry who went over to France with the party informs me that matters have now been put right.

Jute Industry Disputes. (Dundee)

asked the Minister of Labour whether he is aware that owing to the continuance of the strike in the Camperdown Jute Works in Dundee the employers have determined on a lock-out of the whole industry to begin on to-morrow, 1st June; if he is aware that this involves throwing out of employment more than 30,000 working men and women, the vast majority of whom are not concerned in the dispute; if he has received from the Dundee Jute and Flax Workers Union a proposal that the methods and processes connected with double and single spinning affected by, and involved in, the original dispute should be- referred to arbitration under Part I of the Industrial Courts Act; and if, in view of the widespread distress -which will ensue among workers and the serious effects on the interests of the city, which the lock-out will produce he cannot take steps to avert the disaster of a further stoppage of the industry and set up under the Industrial Courts Act machinery to deal with the present trouble and to prevent similar trouble in future?

I am aware that further serious difficulty has, I regret to say, arisen in the jute industry in Dundee. I believe a proposal for arbitration along the lines indicated by the question has been put forward on behalf of the operatives, but it has not, so far as I am aware, been accepted by the employers. I have seen this morning Mr. Appleton, Secretary of the General Federation of Trade Unions with which body the Dundee Jute and Flax Workers Union is affiliated. I have also been in communication this morning by telephone with Dundee, and I understand that representatives of the employers and the operatives are now in active negotiation. With regard to the last part of the question I hope the negotiations now taking place will prove successful and that the situation suggested will not arise.

Is it not the case that the Union referred to in the question has acknowledged the findings of your Department's inquiry and that that evidence is accepted as against the Union's complaint, and that no decision has yet been taken in accordance with that Union's rule whereby no strike can take place until a two-thirds' majority of that Union has been secured?

The hon. Member for Dundee (Mr. Scrymgeour) should give notice of his question.

Has the Minister of Labour a representative presently in Dundee trying to negotiate a settlement; and will he receive representations from the employers and from the workers with a view to facilitating an arrangement m this matter, without respect to the personal quarrel which appears to have developed between the hon. Members for Dundee?

I am glad to receive at all times representations from those concerned, on either side, in industrial difficulties of this character. With regard to the question as to whether there is a representative of the Ministry in Dundee at the moment, my answer is that there is.

I have already said that I do not see how it can be answered without notice. It seems to be an involved question.

If the Minister has the evidence—and he has acknowledged it to me personally—why can he not give me the answer?

I hope the hon. Member will acquit me of discourtesy, but I did not reply to his question because I understood that Mr. Speaker had given a ruling on the point. In the form in which the question is put to me I think I should like to have formal notice. May I say further that, in view of my statement that active negotiations are now taking place, I, with all respect, rather deprecate questions of that kind.

Southern Rhodesia (New Constitution)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he is now able to state on what date responsible Government in Southern Rhodesia will come into operation?

After careful consideration, His Majesty's Government have come to the conclusion that, subject to Parliamentary authority being obtained for the necessary financial arrangements, the new constitution in Southern Rhodesia should come into operation on 1st October next. An announcement of this intention is being sent to-day through the High Commissioner for communication by the Administrator to the Elected Members of the Legislative Council at Salisbury.

Business of the House

To-morrow the Restoration of Order in Ireland (Indemnity) Bill, Report and Third Reading. I am not proposing to move the suspension of the Four o'Clock Rule, in view of the undertaking which was given early yesterday morning.

Monday: Second Readings of the Agricultural Rates Bill and, if time allows, the Criminal Justice Bill [ Lords ].

Tuesday: Supply; Ministry of Pensions Vote.

Wednesday and Thursday: Second Reading of the Rent and Mortgage Interest Restrictions Bill.

Friday: Private Members' Bills.

Will the Prime Minister tell us or give us some indication to show when we may hope to have put down for Second Reading a Bill which has come from another place, namely, the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge Bill?

I had thought of putting down that Bill on Monday, if time allows, but I was so apprehensive that time would not allow I thought it better not to do so. We are, however, very anxious to get that Bill put down. I can give no pledge at the moment, but we shall use every endeavour to try to find time for it at a not distant date.

In reference to the Indemnity Bill, if it should appear that a Money Resolution is necessary, will the Money Committee be set up to-morrow?

I do not think that any Money Resolution is necessary, and the fact that the Bill has got to its present stage under the authority of the House indicates that. My hon. and gallant Friend, who is very learned on these matters, will realise that this Bill no more requires such a Resolution than did the Indemnity Bill of 1920. I can assure him that, having made every investigation, I cannot find that any Money Resolution is necessary.

May I ask if the Prime Minister has taken any opinion regarding one of the Amendments upon the Paper making the Financial Secretary to the Treasury the person against whom compensation may be claimed, and whether, if that were carried, it would not alter the financial aspects of the Bill?

Is the Prime Minister aware that, although the Secretary to the Treasury is suggested to be incorporated in that particular Clause, no charge does in fact arise, because all the Clause does is to give power to assess compensation and nothing further. [HON. MEMBERS: "And award!"]

Will the right hon. Gentleman inform the House when the hon. Member for West Woolwich (Sir K. Wood) was selected by the Government to answer questions?

I have not, as a matter of fact, noticed the Amendment referred to by the Leader of the Opposition, but I will look into it before to-morrow.

Explosives Bill [Lords]

Reported, with an Amendment, from Standing Committee B.

Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.

Minutes of the Proceedings of the Standing Committee to be printed.

Bill, as amended ( in the Standing Committee ), to be taken into consideration upon Monday next, and to be printed. [Bill 155.]

Forestry (Transfer of Woods) Bill

Reported, without Amendment, from Standing Committee B.

Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.

Minutes of the Proceedings of the Standing Committee to be printed.

Bill, not amended ( in the Standing Committee ), to be taken into consideration upon Monday next.

Message from the Lords,

That they have agreed to,—

Amendments to—

Industrial Assurance Bill [ Lords ], without Amendment.

That they have passed a Bill, intituled, "An Act to provide for the transfer of certain property, rights, duties, and liabilities in or in connection with the Island of Alderney." [Alderney (Transfer of Property, etc.) [ Lords. ]

And also, a Bill, intituled, "An Act to confer further powers upon the Mayor, Aldermen, and Burgesses of the Borough of Plymouth in regard to their water, gas, electricity, and tramway and light railway undertakings; to empower them to construct street improvements, and to purchase the bridges known as the Stone-house Bridge and the Stonehouse Mill Bridge; to constitute the Corporation the port sanitary authority for the port of Plymouth; to provide for the transfer to the Corporation of the Devon and Cornwall Sanatorium at Didworthy; to make further provision in regard to the health, local government, and improvement of the borough; and for other purposes." [Plymouth Corporation Bill [ Lords. ]

Carriage of Goods by Sea Bill [ Lords ],

"That they communicate that they have come to the following Resolution, namely: 'That it is desirable that the Carriage of Goods by Sea Bill [ Lords ] be referred to a Joint Committee of both Houses of Parliament.'"

PLYMOUTH CORPORATION BILL [Lords]

Read the First time; and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Prviate Bills.

Selection (Standing Committees)

Standing Committee B

Sir SAMUEL ROBERTS reported from the Committee of Selection; That they had discharged the following Member from Standing Committee B: Sir William Joynson-Hicks.

Standing Committee D

Sir SAMUEL ROBERTS further reported from the Committee: That they had added the following Eleven Members to Standing Committee D (in respect of the Dentists Act (1921) Amendment Bill and the Rating Returns Bill): Mr. Evan Davies, Mr. Dunnico, Mr. George Hall, Mr. Hohler, Mr. Lumley, Sir Arthur Marshall, Lord Eustace Percy, Mr. Rawlinson, Mr. George Roberts, Lieut.-Colonel Lambert Ward, and Lieut. Colonel Dalrymple White.

Sir SAMUEL ROBERTS further reported from the Committee; That they had added the following Ten Members to Standing Committee D (in respect of the Merchant Shipping Acts (Amendment) Bill): Sir George Berry, Sir John Collie, Lieut.-Colonel Fremantle, Mr. Gould, Sir William Raeburn, Sir Sydney Russell-Wells, Mr. Sexton, Mr. Shinwell, Mr. Tillett, and Viscount Wolmer.

Reports to lie upon the Table.

Birkenhead Corporation Bill

Reported, with Amendments, from the Local Legislation Committee; Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.

Orders of the Day

Supply

[8TH ALLOTTED DAY.]

Considered in Committee.

[Mr. JAMES HOPE in the Chair.]

Civil Services and Revenue Departments Estimates, 1923–24

Class IV

Board of Education

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a sum, not exceeding £25,934,047, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in the course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1924, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Board of Education, and of the various Establishments connected therewith, including sundry Grants-in-Aid." — [NOTE: £16,000,000 has been voted on account .]

4.0 P.M.

In accordance with the practice which was followed last year, I have laid before hon. Members a fairly full memorandum in the shape of a White Paper concerning the Estimates, which, I think, will have placed them in possession of a good deal of information relevant to this Debate, and which will also have been the means of showing them the relation that the expenditure contemplated in these Estimates bears to the expenditure of the local authorities. Perhaps I might, at the outset, say one general word with regard to the broad financial figure that hon. Members will bear in mind. This year the total burden falling upon rates and upon taxes in England and Wales under the Education Acts will be about £75,000,000. Of that Sum, £43,000,000 will fall upon taxes and rather more than £32,000,000 upon rates. Of the £43,000,000 falling upon taxes, about £1,000,000 is borne on the Consolidated Fund and reaches the local authorities through the Local Taxation Account. The remaining £42,000,000, or, to speak precisely, £41,934,047, is the sum that I have to ask the Committee to-day to vote. That sum, as the Committee will appreciate, is related to the most intelligent anticipation of the probable expenditure of local authorities that we have been able to-form. In the last two years, 1921–22 and 1922–23, the local authorities spent considerably less than either they or the Board expected, and therefore, in order to assist my right hon. Friend in avoiding the pitfalls of over-Budgeting, I have had regard to that fact in framing my Estimates this year, and I have assumed that the expenditure of local education authorities to rank for grant this year will be £71,062,000. Their revised Estimates furnished at the end of last year amounted to £73,230,000. Since that date the teachers have offered, and the local education authorities have accepted, an abatement of 5 per cent, of salaries, the effect of which is estimated somewhere about £2,400,000 which more than wipes-out the difference between their original estimate and the estimate on which I have budgeted. Accordingly, that explains how we have arrived at the figure in the Estimate, which is less than the figure for last year by £3,341,000 and less than the figure for the year before by £9,000,000.

The Committee will be interested to know, quite shortly, what are the principal reasons that are responsible for that difference. One reason, of course, has been the call for economy that was sounded by the Board of Education, first of all, at the beginning of the year 1921 and repeated at intervals since. Another influence of considerable importance has been the fall in prices, which, of course, has operated right through the local authorities' expenditure. Hon. Members will also have in their minds the contribution of the teachers to the expense of the pensions. I have already referred to the voluntary abatement of teachers' salaries, which, of course, is quite distinct from the compulsory contribution to pensions, and, in passing, I would like to repeat an appreciation that I have already expressed publicly of the public spirit of the teachers in making that voluntary abatement of salaries which has been agreed between them and the local authorities for a longer period. It is. worth mentioning—and it is fair to the teachers that it should be mentioned— what is the effect of those two events, the pensions contributions and the voluntary abatement of salaries, as it works out practically to the individual teacher. If there had been no pension cut and if there had been no voluntary abatement of salary, the average net salary—I give approximate figures—of a teacher in 1922–23 would have been £251, and in 1923–24, £261. As it is, the average net salary for 1922–23 is £241, and for 1923–24 £237. In other words, in place of an advance of £10 they have suffered a loss of £4.

Another cause of diminution has been the remarkable figures of the War years birth-rate. As hon. Members are aware, the law, as from 1st July, 1922, retains all children in school up to the end of the term in which they reach their fourteenth birthday. In spite of that fact, on account of the fall in the birth-rate during the War years there are no less than 231,000 fewer children in the schools this year than there were in 1913–14. Another great reason for the reduction of expenditure is the disappearance of the grants for the higher education of ex-service men. I will not dwell upon the genesis and the object of that scheme. I think the Committee are familiar with it. Its results, I think, have and ought to have more than satisfied the keenest hopes and anticipations of those who were responsible for it. If I remember rightly, out of all the entrants under that scheme to Oxford and Cambridge about 25 per cent., or one quarter, have secured first-class honours degrees, and in one particular college at Oxford, out of about 50 students, no less than six have been fortunate enough to secure Fellowships at other Colleges. The general results at the other Universities have been not less encouraging. Two years ago that scheme was costing rather more than £2,000,000. Last year it cost £1,000,000—all this is automatic—this year it is costing just over £300,000, and I am advised that only about another £100,000, spread over two years, will be required to wind up the last awards.

I think hon. Members will find fairly plainly set out in the White Paper the limits up to which it will be within the power of the Board to recognise the expenditure of local authorities for grant purposes. It is sometimes suggested that under this system of working to a limited total expenditure it ought to be possible for the Board at the beginning of the year to assign a limit to each local authority, so that they would know where they were. That sounds a very simple and reasonable proposal until you begin to examine how it is to be done. In this matter, we are not without the experience of history to guide us Last year the total estimates of the local authorities fell within the total limit by a margin of 1 per cent., but they got there by a road that nobody could have anticipated. In other words, half the local authorities were over their estimate and half were below it. If my right hon. Friend the Member for the Combined English Universities (Mr. H. Fisher) had been rash enough to endeavour to impose a limit on each authority, he would inevitably have served out a large number of misfits, some too large and some too small, and, generally, would have been held up as a most clumsy and tiresome individual. Therefore, I have not made any such attempt this year, and, for that reason, I have not told each local authority beforehand for what figure it might budget. But we have made our estimate of the aggregate sum that they might be expected to spend, and we took the risk of doing so in advance of the framing of the estimates by the local authorities. We have this week received their estimats, and their figures both for elementary and higher education fall within our expectations. I am, therefore, able to inform the local authorities that none of their estimates this year will be subject to amputation by the Board on the mere ground of an aggregate excess of local estimates over the amount to which the sum which Parliament is being asked to vote is related.

I would add one other word on that general question. I wish very much that it were possible by an acceleration of the estimates of the local authorities to give this information to the local authorities at a very much earlier date. I recognise the difficulty in which the working of the present system places them, and I am very anxious, if I can, to meet their difficulty. At the present time, the Government Departments are called upon to outline their estimates in the course of the summer and to fill in the details at the end of the year. If the local authorities could do the same and could let us have their main figures by the end of July, leaving the details to be filled in, say, by Christmas, then I think the Board could arrange to take the action which I have been able to take to-day by way of an announcement before the beginning of the financial year and could thus let every local education authority know where it stood with regard to the amount of expenditure on which it could count for grant. I would commend that suggestion to the notice of the local authorities.

Now let me turn for a moment or two to the side of elementary education. The elementary school in our system is so truly the foundation of the whole educational edifice that I ought to say something about some of the principal administrative problems and difficulties that have excited public comment. There was a time in this House when, in a debate upon elementary education, the difficulties, the problems, and the controversies of the dual system would have figured with great prominence. Those difficulties, as the Committee is aware, have been mitigated by much sense and good will on the part, not only of local authorities, but also of managers and teachers and all concerned, with the result that now the echoes of those old controversies and the dust of those old battles are very seldom heard or seen in the council chambers of local authorities or in this House. But difficulties remain, and I am not sure that the time may not be nearer than some people think when considerations both of organisation and finance are likely again to make them prominent.

My predecessor in this Office, greatly daring, initiated a discussion of this question, outside this House, in the hope of producing an agreed settlement, and the possibilities of such a settlement between that date and now have been explored, without hitherto reaching a successful conclusion. I wish to say only one word as to it, and it is this, that I would express the most earnest hope that those who value religious teaching in schools—and I believe they are the great majority of the citizens of this country—and who wish to see religious teaching an effective and integral part of the public school system, and not only maintained but strengthened, may do everything in their power to pursue their inquiries in order to arrive at a means of securing the object that is common to them all.

I think I must utter a word of warning at this point. If other speakers were to pursue, to a much further point, the line taken by the right hon. Gentleman, it would be out of Order. Of course, there is a rule that we cannot discuss possible legislation in Committee of Supply. The right hon. Gentleman has not so far gone too far, but he was getting a little near doing so.

I am most grateful for your kindness, Mr. Chairman. I had intended, in fact, to go no farther, and I only justify going so far in as much as I thought I was making a reference to my right hon. Friend's administration, the effects of which had been felt within the last financial year, but I had meant to go no farther, and I therefore proceed as I had intended. It is, I think, over the question of staffing in elementary schools that the principal controversy, the keenest controversy, has been aroused. If hon. Members will look at the White Paper which has been issued, they will see what a very large proportion of the cost of our elementary school system is due to teachers' salaries. In 1923–24 the proportion of the cost per unit of average attendance in public elementary schools due to salaries is not less than 70 per cent, of the whole cost. It, therefore, represents a very substantial sum. As we have pointed out in the Memorandum to the latest issue of the Code, it is incumbent upon the Board to consider very carefully whether reasonable economy is observed in the staffing of schools, and whereas the number of areas in which the staffing is inadequate is diminishing, there are other areas where the standard of staffing adopted is unnecessarily high, more particularly in relation to the present conditions governing finance.

It will be remembered that the Geddes Committee suggested the adoption of a scale of staffing which would raise the average number of children per teacher from somewhere about 32 to 50, and was going to save £8,250,000 on teachers' salaries. The elimination of some 34,000 teachers would have been required to produce that result, and the last Government but one did not adopt that suggestion, the last Government did not adopt it, and, I can assure hon. Members, this Government has no intention of adopting it either. There has been some reduction in the aggregate number of teachers. Indeed, that was to be expected, due partly to the reduction, to which I have referred, in the number of children, partly to the scrutiny of school staffs which local authorities have undertaken, and also, to a certain extent to the amalgamation of schools and the closure of some very small schools where such has taken place.

During the War it became evident that there was in this country a considerable reserve of teachers, largely married women, who were available for service if needed, and who came back into the service during the War. Many of them did not possess the recognised qualifications, but they performed during the War extremely useful services. Some of them are still in the schools, but many of them, the majority of them, are fast disappearing, and the comparison, as far as I have been able to make one from the figures of quarterly returns made by local authorities, tends to indicate that the teachers dispensed with and not replaced were largely uncertificated and supplementary teachers. That, I think, as far as it goes, is satisfactory. There is one direction in which economy of staffing—though this is, I am well aware, very controversial—coincides with efficiency. Generally speaking, a head teacher occupies the post of head teacher because he is a good teacher, and inasmuch as, I think, it is evidently important that good teaching power should be fully employed wherever it is available, I think it follows that a system under which the head teachers, presumably, ex hypothesi , the best teachers, are withdrawn from teaching can scarcely be held, speaking generally, to be educationally sound. But I am well aware that this matter has excited, and is exciting, great apprehensions, and I think, therefore, it is right to say that the Board has not imposed, and does not mean to impose, upon all local education authorities or head teachers any rigid system of allocating their time. All that the Board says is this, that it considers it is for each head teacher to draw up, in advance, subject to the directions of the local education authority, a programme of work, and work to it, and that it is for him to carry out the principles laid down in the Code in accordance with the different circumstances, requirements and conditions of his school, all of which, of course, vary.

As to buildings, it is true that the Board have been able to pass comparatively few new proposals for school buildings, except, of course, in cases where the need has been self-evident, and has been due to cither the development of housing schemes or new industrial developments, such as coal mines and so on. In some ways that has not been other than a blessing in disguise for the local authorities, who, thanks to the year or two's delay, will now be able to build, and, when their plans and proposals are approved, to build at a much less cost than they would have incurred if they had built when they wished to build. Although the Board has not been able to move fast in the matter, owing to finance, where old buildings have been either dangerous to the safety or health of the children and teachers or to efficiency of instruction, the Board has not hesitated to approve, and itself press for, such action as brought them more nearly up to the standard at which we aim. In that connection, I would like to emphasise one thing. I think even the most hardened economist in this Committee ought to have constantly in mind the danger of allowing current arrears so to accumulate—they have not done it yet, but the time may come when they will—as to impose an almost crushing burden upon those whose duty it will be one day or other to overtake them.

Perhaps I might, in passing, say a word about physical and practical instruction, which a good many hon. Members value highly as supplying a corrective and a complement to ordinary work. I was greatly concerned the other day, I confess, when one great urban authority proposed, as a measure of economy, to drop practical instruction altogether. I am very glad to say that they reconsidered it, but even apart from the importance given to that subject in the Education Act of 1918, I should not feel able, as responsible for the policy of the Board, to acquiesce in such a proposal, and I should feel bound to do all in my power to prevent the loss of a kind of instruction that I regard as particularly valuable. Where possible, progress has been made with the organisation and development of advanced instruction for older and more intelligent children. There, again, we have not moved as fast as we should like, and it has not been possible to develop the idea of the central school as rapidly as I should like to see it developed, but considerable progress has been made, the idea is thoroughly alive, and, as soon as conditions become easier, I have no doubt at all that we shall witness great expansion in that field.

Meanwhile, we have, I think, plenty to do in making the beet of what we have. We have now the children staying at school till the end of their fourteenth year, and we have a good deal to do, in organising their instruction, so as to do justice to them in the extra time that they stay. That demands better organisation, and it also demands another thing, in which, I think, more than anything else of its kind we have suffered damage from war economy, and that is a proper supply of books. There, economy has been unfortunate. In that connection, however, the continuous effort of teachers to rise to their new opportunities is very encouraging. I venture to suggest to critics of increased teachers' salaries, that the old salaries of teachers as they were a few years ago left the teachers little or no margin for the continuance of their own education, whereas it is of the very nature of the teacher's profession that such opportunities should be within his or her power, because no person can long continue to teach others who is not going on trying to learn himself.

I regard it as in the highest degree unfortunate that, at the present time, the smooth working of the educational system should be disturbed or imperilled by disputes on questions of salaries. The settlement of such disputes is not, let me also add, assisted by bellicose diatribes from whatever quarter they come. I do not here need to discuss, or propose to discuss the history of the Burnham Committees, or the action they took, or the action of the Government on their recommendations. I only want to say with regard to them that I think the constitution of the Burnham Committees was a very valuable experiment in the organisation of local government. I think that the experiment was rightly conceived, that great thanks are due to Lord Burnham and those who have been associated with him in the matter, and that it would be a profound mistake to depreciate the work that they have rendered, and are still capable of rendering. Indeed, without such Committees, I foresee the possibility of grave damage and embarrassment to the organisation of national education. As regards disputes, I cannot go beyond the position that was laid down by my predecessor, which was, that if local education authorities are willing to pay-salaries on the allotted scales, the-Board will recognise the expenditure incurred under them up to 1st April, 1925, for the calculation of grant. On the other hand, upon the Board rests the obligation to see that an efficient system of education is maintained, and to this end I have endeavoured, and shall continue to endeavour to use my good offices to promote the settlement of disputes when they occur. If I am not successful, it will not be because I have neglected any opportunity in that direction. These disputes spell division and discord where most of all we need unity and harmony, and they have so deplorable a reaction upon the interests of the helpless third party,, the children, that I do not hesitate to appeal to both authorities and teachers to persevere in a continuous attempt to find a settlement of their differences.

Before I leave this side of the question, I would like also to refer to the question of the physical well-being of the school children. I think it is true to say that the value of the School Medical Service is being increasingly realised by all concerned—the taxpayers, the ratepayers, the parents, the teachers, the authorities, right away through. The total cost, for the results we get, is, I think, not excessive. It works out at something like 4s. 4d. per child in average attendance. During the time I have been at the Board I have made it my business to inquire of those who have opportunities of judging —such persons at the Board's medical officers, school teachers, members of care committees, and so on—as to what they though was the effect, if any, of the prolonged trade depression on the physique of the children, and I have been, I must confess, much relieved to learn from them that they do not think that the trade depression has adversely affected the condition of the children. I think that is very satisfactory. I could, if I had time, quote the opinion of more than one medical officer to that end.

On a point of Order. I would be deeply grateful, and I am sure all my Friends here would be deeply grateful, if at this stage the right hon. Gentleman would give us something more than the general phrase he has used, to back up his statement about the physical condition of the children.

I rather deprecate the habit of rising to a point of Order when really the object is to raise some argument. It is not a point of Order, but, of course, if the right hon. Gentleman likes to answer it, he can do so.

I have no doubt that hon. Members would like me to amplify every single remark I make. If I did, I am afraid I should occupy the whole time of the Debate. As an hon. Member has asked me, I will quote, as an illustration, an opinion by a school medical officer of Hull, who reports that, in spite of the trade depression, children are taller and heavier in the several age groups, and fewer children are reported by the teachers as mentally backward than in any year since the Armistice. I have no particular interest in saying this. It is no credit to me or to my right hon. Friend, but to the parents, and it is surely a subject in which all Members of the House can join in congratulation. [An HON. MEMBER: "If it be true!"] The hon. Member is as fully entitled to his opinion as I am to mine, and he will no doubt have an opportunity of putting it in the course of debate.

I pass to consider for a minute or two the position of those children whose physical condition is such that nothing the School Medical Service can do for them will really fit them for attendance at the ordinary elementary schools. For these children—the blind, the deaf, the physically and the mentally defective— provision can only properly be made through the medium of the special school. The attitude of the Board towards that question has excited a certain amount of anxious, and, I would add, legitimate concern, and I can assure the Committee that I am as alive to the reactions of the problem as any hon. Member in the Committee. But this is the problem with which the Board is confronted. I need not, I think, bother the Committee with figures, but there is a large number of children for whom at the moment we are making no provision in special schools at all, and the dominant reason why we are making no provision is that the existing provision is so expensive that it has not been possible to develop it as we should wish. I think it is only by reducing the cost of these special schools to as low a figure as is compatible with efficiency that we can hope to make a substantial inroad into the great blocks of children who are at present being denied the benefits to which they are entitled. It is with that object, and that object only, that I have directed that a review should be made into the standard of staffing and in other directions', to see whether we can get adequate efficiency at a slightly less cost, in order to enable us to discharge our liabilities more fully than we are doing to-day. But I do not hesitate to say, as I have often said in this House, that I shall keep the administration of that particular service under very close review, and, if I think it is justified, I shall not hesitate to reconsider it.

In one respect it is in my power to bring some measure of assistance to areas that are financially hardly pressed. Under the Regulations, the relief by means of additional grant is given to a few most highly-rated areas which, after receiving the ordinary grant, are left to find a sum which would require the levying of an exceptionally high rate, areas densely populated and having a low rateable value in proportion to their population, in which in the past two years the education rate has exceeded 48d. In view of general economies which have been effected, the Board propose, in the present year, to include those areas in which the rate exceeds 42d.

There is another respect, also, in which it has been possible for me, quite lately, to afford some practical relief to local authorities, and that is with regard to the question of training colleges, which has attracted a good deal of attention in this House. I do not think, perhaps, I need say more about it than has already been said in the House, and hon. Members who were here at Questions will have observed that I answered a fairly detailed question with regard to it to-day. I am extremely glad to have been able to give the increased financial help to local authorities who provide training colleges, whose case has been so eloquently pleaded by many hon. Members in this House. I am only able to give them increased financial assistance in the current year, and, of course, without prejudice to the conclusions of the Departmental Committee which is now sitting, and whose conclusions, of course, I am unable to anticipate.

I turn now to secondary education. The increase in the demand for secondary education has been quite remarkable, spontaneous and universal in all parts of the country in England and Wales, industrial and agricultural, and, in spite of bad times, it persists. Parents who a few years ago, would not have thought of a secondary education for their children, are now making great sacrifices to obtain it. I doubt whether, even in normal times, with money easy, we could have been able adequately to Cope with the demand. I have given figures repeatedly in this House, and I do not want to give them again, because they are available for hon. Members to see. Broadly, it comes to this, that between 1913 and the present time we have doubled the pupils in secondary schools, and of that increased number, only some 28,000 are accounted for by the conversion of other schools. In the same period, free placers have more than doubled, and the number of new grant-aided secondary schools reflects the same story. I do not think that is unsatisfactory, nor need anyone fear that as the schools multiply, the standard may decline. On the contrary, the standard of entry has improved, the children are entering earlier and staying later, and, therefore, more children are getting the benefit of the full course, which, also, I think, is satisfactory.

A good deal of thought has been devoted lately to the problems of the curriculum. We have the four great Reports which, I have no doubt, hon. Members have read, on natural science, modern languages, classics and English, and also the Report by the Committee on the differentiation of curriculum for boys and girls. I was interested to hear the Chairman of the Committee who conducted that inquiry say that he thought the inquiry was worth while, if only for the reason that one witness in evidence said the great difference between teaching boys and teaching girls was this, that if you gave a girl too much to do in school, she broke down; if you gave a boy too much to do, he did not do it. I have no doubt that that is a very profound human observation. I can certainly say that the Board has always been, as to-day, alive to the dangers of what I may call a rigid and overcrowded curriculum pursued under the grim shadow of a no less rigid examination. This country has never favoured in education, or anything else, what I may call a parade-ground uniformity. I can assure hon. Members that we do not propose to ask for that.

I have not time to go into the various educational activities connected with technical education, but I want to say half-a-dozen sentences about the adult education that we provide in connection with the University Extension Movement, the Workers' Educational Association, and the other ways known to all. This, I think, is a field in which we can claim to hold the lead. In the classes associated with these bodies there is specific and disinterested study of the highest quality pursued by working men and working women which is the envy of other nations, and is a most valuable property of our system. During the War this work of adult education was very seriously interrupted. In the year before the War there were 143 three-year tutorial classes going on under the supervision of the Universities and University Colleges. Last year, that is, 1921–22, there were 332 classes, or just about a couple of hundred more. I would like to say that my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer— as he then was—the present Prime Minister, promised Exchequer assistance in order to permit the 20 per cent, increase in the number of these classes during the coming year. The cost of that expansion will fall in the next financial year, but the effect will be felt this year. I think that is a valuable concession that the Government has been able to make

The right hon. Gentleman the Member for the combined English Universities (Mr. Fisher) in 1918 told me the cost would not be excessive— not more than £10,000,000. I hope this is not going to be more.

I think it will be nearer the figure in thousands. Therefore, I do not think my right hon. Friend need be unduly alarmed. Moreover, as this is work which still requires a contribution from the local educational authorities, it has been decided to recognise these contributions in full for Exchequer grants for a, further year. I hope I have said enough to show that I am not disposed to plead guilty to the charge that I have been seduced by a soulless Treasury, and care nothing for educational advancement. It is a perfectly natural thing that in education, no less than any other matter, the War and the movements of the mind that followed the War, should have bred feelings of impatience at delay. In normal times in national affairs the immediate ideals to which our attention was more particularly directed, did not greatly outstrip the possibility of national achievement. Since the War we have all accepted ideals more quickly, and, therefore, there must be a, greater gap between the acceptance of the ideal and the achievements that are possible. That is, of course, disappoiting to many, but it suggests an observation of direct bearing upon present educational administration.

British education to-day is exposed to a two-fold danger. On the one hand there are those economists—of whom I think there are none in this House—who regard a reduction in expenditure as so indispensable that they will achieve it without any regard at all to the damage they would inflict upon education. I do not think there are any of that sort in this House. [HON. MEMBERS: "Question!" and "Wait and see!"] On the other side, there is a danger, a very great danger, in disregarding the practical facts on which progress is dependent. I think the country on the whole has a pretty clear conception of what it means to have. It has learned to value education, and has no intention of allowing it to suffer permanent or serious set-back; but no less does the country recognise that it is impossible immediately to move as fast as we could wish until by general improvement of conditions the taxpayer and the ratepayer are better fitted to bear an increased burden. If I may be allowed a sporting simile I would say that if a jockey tries to cross heavy ground and to flog his horse into the same pace as if the "going" were easy he is not the sort of jockey that I would wish to put my money on. Therefore, I am bound to say in all seriousness and after making full allowance for the increased regard to educational opportunity, there is a real danger if we allow our- selves in this matter to be solely guided by educational enthusiasts of causing such a reaction in public sympathy and support as would bring more lasting harm to education in the long run than could ever flow from a few years' retardation in educational developments.

In this respect, some of his critics have been less than just to my predecessor. Towards the end of the war—and we all know the history of it—he and we had great visions, and he, in response to a genuine national demand, and assisted by this House, passed a great Education Act. No sooner had the Act been passed, than my right hon. Friend found himself face to face with a powerful ebb tide running with wholly unexpected force, and threatening at one time to endanger most of education's latest gains. It is to his credit, and I think to the lasting benefit of British education, that he looked the hard facts in the face, gauged aright the forces of the situation, and concentrated upon what was absolutely essential; by surrendering what were not essential parts of the position he was able to save the cause for which he stood, the cause of British education, from much graver loss and damage. It is quite true that the vision of 1918 may be still unfulfilled, but the framework of the 1918 Act stands on the Statute Book unimpaired, ready to carry the Bill as soon as building operations can be resumed. This policy, wise as I believe it on a long view to have been, has, of course, exposed the Board of Education to severe attacks. I do not at all quarrel with that, but I do wish to remind those who criticise the Board for the economics that they have made and suggest that they are wrong, not to conceive of a policy of economy only as one dictated by a reactionary Board to reluctant, more humane, and more enlightened local authorities ! There can be no greater delusion. Local education authorities are elected by their ratepayers. They are subjected to very strong pressure before their constituents, and that strong pressure within the last 18 months has resulted, as we all know, in the abandonment of the compulsory day continuation schools by certain great local education authorities which had adopted them. The Board has been criticised for acquiescing in their abandonment, but I am sure that if they had insisted on their continuance they would not have found sup- port from public opinion. They acquiesced only because they considered it the right thing to do, for had they applied compulsion to great and responsible local authorities successfully it might have proved a Pyrrhic victory, if its justice and wisdom had not been recognised. The local authorities, on the whole, have taken the same view of the situation as the Government, and have recognised that the public service of education could only be saved at this moment, and was best served in that connection, by a policy of economy. For their co-operation I wish to express my warmest gratitude; without it education administration would be impossible. It is not to be expected in these times, that administration, either for them or for us, should be easy.

As between the Board and the local education authorities the procedure which was forced upon the late Government by the necessities of the time has worked very hardly for local authorities, and I am not surprised that a number of men and women who, with laudable public spirit, devote a good deal of time, thought, and energy to serving on local education authorities, should complain loudly of the minute control which the Board have exercised over all details involving expenditure and in the exercise of their activities. For some of that control the Board cannot fairly be held responsible, arising as it does out of the application of the Burnham scales of salary, and the provision that teachers should contribute 5 per cent. of their Burnham salaries towards the cost of superannuation, and so on. All that has involved detailed work for which the Education Board is not directly responsible. The mere task of applying the scales directly to all the teachers in their service was an intricate one for local authorities to undertake, and it was inevitable that they should make mistakes. It was not less inevitable that the Board should check those mistakes and to save public money in doing so, as has been done to a very great extent. I would be the first to admit that the local authorities have had a great deal to put up with, and no one will rejoice more than myself when the position is one of more elasticity than at present. We have already taken some steps in that direction, and I hope it may be possible very soon to move further in the same direction. The degree of close control exercised has been largely due to the percentage grant system operating under conditions of quite peculiar difficulty. This system, as the Committee knows, and under which the ultimate liability of the taxpayer is so greatly affected, is now sub judice , and I do not, therefore, propose to discuss it, as at present it is being reviewed by a strong Committee. I only, therefore, take this opportunity to reassure education authorities that, subject to due Parliamentary control of liability falling on the taxpayer, I can conceive of no purpose more important than to secure the greatest possible measure of initiative, responsibility, and independence for the great local authorities in the task before them.

5.0 P.M.

I have seen it suggested in certain quarters that the whole blame of what it is common to call bureaucracy should be placed upon the permanent officials of my office, that is, of the Board. Against that doctrine I am bound emphatically to protest. It is not only constitutionally improper, but also it has an inadequate regard to the facts. Perhaps I may recall that a few years ago at Oxford there was a brilliant young tutor who used to lecture his students on the possible fallacies of logic. One of his illustrations was as follows: He used to tell the students the story of a young man who at the University on three successive nights got drunk. The first night he got drunk on whisky and soda, the second night on brandy and soda, and the third night on gin and soda, and, with a disregard of logic, he ascribed his downfall to the only constant factor, the soda, and accordingly decided to forswear soda for the rest of his life. In this case the permanent officials of the Board of Education fill the rôle of the soda water, and my right hon. Friend and I are the alcoholic concomitants at whose door the responsibility for the actions of the Board which excite public comment should be laid. That I wish to make quite clear.

I end by trying to answer a fundamental question which is in a good many hon. Members' minds inside this House and outside. I have no doubt that there are many people who are anxious to know whether for this expenditure we are in fact getting our money's worth. It is quite evident that if for this expenditure of money, energy, and time, we are not getting good results, we of all people are the victims of a most dangerous and extravagant delusion. While it is not possible exactly to appraise the extent to which education has been the parent of those qualities of character which are not infrequently the envy of our neighbours, and have I think in these latter days not meant little for the stability of our society; and while any answer to that question, necessarily involving as it does so many imponderable factors, is rather a matter of individual judgment than of argument, yet I have no doubt whatever that an impartial survey of the last 25 years of our educational history would record no very doubtful verdict in reply.

I hope hon. Members will have an opportunity of seeing a small illustration of the practical treatment of educational problems. Hon. Members will have noticed that at the end of next month there is to be held an Imperial Educational Conference in London, and I am very glad to be able to say that His Royal Highness the Duke of York has consented to perform the opening ceremony. That conference will be attended by delegates from the self-governing Dominions and from several of the Colonies, and it was thought that would furnish an opportunity for organising an exhibition of elementary school work that would give the visitors an opportunity of having a bird's eye view of the kind of work we are trying to do in our elementary schools. That will take place at the end of the month, and early in July it has been arranged to have an exhibition at the King's Theatre, Hammersmith, of English Folk Song and Dance, with explanations by Mr. Cecil Sharp, to whom for his work in this field British education owes an almost irredeemable debt of gratitude. I propose to invite as many hon. Members who care to avail themselves of it to come and see the exhibitions, and I hope as many as possible will be able to accept my invitation.

I hope that the Committee will derive a little satisfaction from the fact that, in spite of the necessity of treading the hard path of economy, I have been able to point out that this year for the first time the Estimates provide for the retention of children at school up to the end of the term in which they reach 14; and that in secondary schools we are making continuous and steady progress. In spite of difficulties in our secondary schools, there is a larger number of school places than in any previous year, and the pupils are entering those schools earlier and staying later. It is also a fact that these schools contain a larger number proceeding from elementary schools, and there is also a larger number paying no fees. In the field of higher education, I have referred to the successful completion of a great post-War scheme of higher education for those who fought in the War, and to the measures which we are taking for the expansion of the vital service of higher adult education. I think the Board of Education and His Majesty's Government are entitled to claim some credit for these achievements.

On the other hand, I have to regret the postponement of expenditure on new developments and expenditure upon the overtaking of a good many arrears, but I can assure the Committee that in this matter the attitude of His Majesty's Government is not one of smooth complacency or reaction masquerading as economy, which is not unknown. After all, no great nation can afford, in a living service such as education, if it means1 anything, to stand still, and to think only of the thing that is without constantly reminding itself of the thing that might be. Therefore, in the present circumstances I have thought it wise to hold out no alluring prospect to either side of the House of indefinite and rapid expansion on the one hand, or of drastic economy on the other by way of sensational reduction in expenditure.

I have tried to express in these Estimates what I believe to be the plain desire of the country and His Majesty's Government, and I suspect of this Committee, and it can be quite simply expressed. It is to apply the limited funds at our disposal to the best advantage, to keep our schools efficient, to maintain a good standard in them, to extend and improve them when times permit, and by so doing to derive the greatest measure of benefit we can out of a public service on which the interests and the well-being of this nation and this Empire ultimately and vitally depend.

I wish to raise a point of Order of some constitutional importance to the Scottish people. Under the Scottish Education Act, 1918, the amount available for Scottish education is limited to 11/80ths of the amount spent in England. I want to know if it will be in order to discuss Scottish education questions on this Vote?

Only on the narrow matter the hon. Member mentions. It will be in order to contend that the total grant for English education is too little, and that owing to the operation of the Act of 1918 Scottish education does not get a fair amount, or that it has got too much, but it would not be in order to discuss the details of Scottish Education Administration, for which there is no money provided in this Vote.

I beg to move to reduce the Vote by £100.

I think the Committee will agree with me when I say that we have just heard from the right hon. Gentleman one of his characteristic and instructive addresses, and I must confess that I find it difficult to follow him chiefly on this ground. It appeared to me in the course of his speech that the right hon. Gentleman was fighting with himself, as it were, for mastery over his official self. The right hon. Gentleman himself personally, I am quite sure, would very much desire to be able to present to the House this afternoon a much more encouraging picture of educational progress than he has been able to do, but the official self has overcome him, and I rise to give some small measure of support to his real self as against his official self.

I think the Committee will agree that there is a challenge offered to those of us who are interested in educational progress, and that challenge is involved in the address of the right hon. Gentleman. He declares to the Committee that while he personally is in favour of a. measure of educational advance, the circumstances of the time make it impossible for him to support those fuller measures of education that he would wish to support, and that mainly on the ground of economy. I desire to say, first of all, in connection with the subject of education, that I think in this matter I speak for my colleagues behind me, and I wish to say that we do not accept the point of view that we should approach this question of education from the old pre-War point of view. I hold on account of the cataclysm that visited the world in 1914, and as consequence of it, we ought to demand from the Government that certain promises which were held out to the people in the year 1914 and subsequently should now begin to be realised. The War, which is the cataclysm I refer to, was like a hurricane which blew over the world, and in its progress it uprooted old prejudices and shook to their foundation many of the old temples of privilege. Now it becomes our duty as Members of this House to clear away some of the debris, and determine what we are to do on the ground after the clearance has been made. Certain new trees will have to be planted instead of the old, and certain new edifices will have to be built on the old sites.

In the year 1918 the whole country was in complete accord with my right hon. Friend the Member for the combined English Universities (Mr. Fisher) when he introduced the Education Bill of 1918. It was regarded, I think, by the people throughout the country as a majestic gesture on the part of the Government that it really did intend, and its purpose really was, to make it perfectly clear that the word of the Cabinet of the day was its bond, and that the old things with which we were familiar in educational circles before 1914 were at last to pass away. These Estimates, as I read them, are a gross betrayal of the pledge which that Act of Parliament involved. It has suffered from two kinds of enemies— enemies from without and, if I may say so respectfully, enemies from within. The right hon. Gentleman, in introducing his Estimates, gave us certain reasons why these economies had been embarked upon by the Ministry. To some of those reasons we would have less objection than to others, but I certainly find myself unable to accept the suggestion of the right hon. Gentleman that this call for economy began, in effect, with the Board of Education. It began, as I understand it, with the gentleman who worked on a Committee now known as the Geddes Committee—a Committee of distinguished people, all very able men, who surveyed the national expenditure with a very critical eye. Especially did they regard our expenditure upon national education with aversion; consequently they proceeded to lay the axe to the roots of the tree of knowledge. I do not desire to animadvert on their competence. I merely say this, that successful gentlemen in business are not always experts in education. Gentlemen who can speak in the language of the counting-house are not the best persons to decide what is desirable in the schools of the country. In fact, this Committee spoke more in the language of profits than in the language of prophecy. The Geddes Committee outlined certain proposals along which economy might be effected, and I think the recommendations of the Committee are in some measure reflected in the Estimates which are presented to us this afternoon. That is why I have in particular referred to the Geddes Committee. Otherwise, I presume, it would have been out of order.

May I also add that a Select Committee of this House last year referred in these terms to education. They spoke of "Board of Trade Gazette" in July, 1920, showed that the increase in the cost of living was not 119 per cent, but 152 per cent. That shows, I think, very clearly that as a matter of fact our increase in the cost of education has not kept pace with the increase in the cost of living in that period.

One of the proposals of the Geddes Committee, which I think accounts for this limited expenditure this year on education, was a proposal to increase the size of classes. The old average used to be something like 32·4 per teacher, and the proposal of the Geddes Committee was to raise the average to 50. I invite the Committee to notice that it is to be an average of 50. I would like to put this point to the President of the Board of Education. If there is going to be an attempt made to increase the size of the classes to an average of 50, then it is going to involve the destruction in large measure of the effectiveness of the education given in our schools. I can speak with a very intimate personal knowledge on this question. It is literally impossible to really educate a child in a class of 50 children. In industrial areas the numbers, in fact, are beyond 50. I have known cases where they have gone up to 65 and 70, but you cannot do more in those circumstances than merely lecture the children, and lecturing children of tender years is practically fruitless work. The teacher, therefore, is reduced to a mere machine for producing discipline, and nothing more, and his methods before his class tend to become much harsher because he is unable to give to each individual child that special study of his personality which each child ought to receive.

May I also at this point make my protest against the attempt which is being made in some parts of the country, doubtless under pressure by the Treasury, though indirectly no doubt, by way of introducing unqualified teachers into the schools. I will give the Committee one or two figures which I think are fairly accurate. The London County Council hope to have in their service at the end of March, 1924, something like 280 unqualified women at work in infant schools. I believe that number will be increased to something like 600 in March, 1926. In Yorkshire, a part of the country which I believe my right hon. Friend is more familiar with— in the North Eiding—one-fifth of the total number of women teachers are unqualified. I ask the Committee to put side by side these figures and those which I now propose to give. There were 427 women teachers who left the colleges in July, 1922. There will be 7,760 men and women teachers leaving the colleges in July this year. In addition to this a large number of those who left last year are still unemployed. A very large number of the teachers who will leave the colleges this year are now receiving information in response to their appeals that there is no prospect of employment for them during the coming months when they leave the college. I will only add this word with regard to unqualified teachers in schools. I do not understand why it is that unqualified people should be allowed to undertake the very delicate task of educating a child while the State, in dealing with other professions such as doctors, lawyers, and dentists, absolutely declares that unqualified people may not practice. I am going to make the same plea on behalf of the child's mind as the law has conceded in regard to its teeth. I believe I am right in saying that a highly placed official at the Board of Education has admitted that if a maximum number of 44 children per class—an absolute maximum—were imposed there would be something like 11,000 more teachers needed in the schools of this country almost immediately. At present there are 26 per cent, of the classes in primary schools throughout the country which contain 50 or more children in each class.

Another economy which is hopelessly ill-advised is an economy practised by combining the departments. Usually the combination takes this form. Infant departments are joined up with mixed schools under the headship of a headmaster. I make no sort of reflection upon the capacity of headmasters for this kind of work. They used to do it in days gone by. But these are more modern times, and no one will say that headmasters have the same faculty for understanding the needs of a very young-child as has his female colleague in the profession. Therefore, I would urge very strongly upon the President that he should limit this proposal of combining departments to the very lowest possible degree. I heard, with some satisfaction, the remarks of the President with regard to the demand of the Ministry that headmasters should not be called upon to teach in schools below 250. I was very glad indeed to hear him say that it is not the proposal of the Ministry that too rigid an adherence to that Regulation shall be demanded. I can only say that, for my part, I heartily congratulate the Board upon that more humane interpretation of the Regulations.

I do not want the hon. Gentleman to be under any misunderstanding. I do not wish him to infer that we are withdrawing the Regulation. I meant that it was our desire that it should be carried out with as much elasticity as possible.

That is all that I meant to imply. There is another form of economy to which it is our desire to draw the special attention of the Board, and that is with regard to school medical services and special schools. I was very glad to hear the very humane and, may I say, chivalrous statement of the right hon. Gentleman with regard to those children who on physical grounds demand special attention from the educational authorities in the country; but, unfortunately, we have to face the facts as they are. That may be the desire of the President, but, as things are now, quite a large number of local authorities throughout the country are being compelled to cut down their provision for this type of student, and especially they object to the demand of the Board that a detailed scale of charges should be adumbrated as being likely to be presented to parents whose children are thus provided for. I suggest to the President that the only consequence of such a demand of the local authorities is this: Where the local authority demands that the parent should be prepared to pay this, that or the other sum of money in return for attention given to his child, the tendency, once the poor parents come to know that they will be involved in expenditure, will be for attention to the child's needs to be deferred, because of the parents' knowledge of their inability to pay these charges. Consequently, the child will be an indirect-sufferer.

I want to say one further word with regard to the proposals of the Board concerning the enlargement of some of these special schools. The figures in regard to these defective children are staggering in the extreme. There are something like 10,000 mentally defective children now in our schools, and there are, it is estimated, 2,500 mentally defective children in no schools at all. There are 74,000 physically defective children now in our schools, and there are 14,000 in no schools at all. I think that the problem only needs to be stated to the Committee for them to realise that it is a problem of the utmost gravity, and that any attempt to arrest the development of these special schools for cases of this specially deplorable type would have the most disastrous consequences for the community as a whole, and would only involve the community later in a further provision of a more expensive kind.

I only wish to add, with regard to the whole of the proposals concerning elementary schools—leaving the matter of free meals for the moment—that to our mind an economy at the expense of these children is a somewhat mean, not to say a cowardly, form of economy; and in these days, when the Government is making it possible to remit so much in the £, if it is only 6d., upon Income Tax, it is not too much to say that Income Tax which is being remitted to the rich is being remitted at the expense of the poor of this country. Especially reprehensible is it when we know that the blind, and the dumb, and the deaf children are being deprived of what is their elementary right as citizens of this country, merely in order to satisfy an alleged desire for economy. We object to the application of the term "economy" to such a procedure. It is not economy at all. It is, on the contrary, the most vicious kind of waste to prevent or to arrest expenditure of money usefully upon children who are unable to defend themselves.

Now I come to another department of education, namely, secondary education. We on this side do not accept the implication of these words "elementary" and "secondary" education. To us there is no such thing as elementary or secondary education; it is merely education. There ought to be no point in the history of any child when one sort of education shall cease and another sort of education shall begin. That point of time in the age of each child is usually considered to be somewhere about 11 or 12.

We regard education as being an ordered progress in the acquisition of fitness for citizenship from the earliest years until the time when the student reaches the University. Therefore, for us there is no such thing as secondary education in fact, although, for the sake of argument we accept the terminology. I agreed with the right hon. Gentleman in some measure when he said that an elementary system of education is the foundation of the structure; but it is a foundation in the sense that it is merely the beginning. I am inclined to think that, if we looked upon our educational system properly, we should regard the secondary part as being the pivotal part of our educational system. The period of elementary education is, to my mind, merely the period in which we create the desire for knowledge and education. The secondary period is, to my mind, the period when we are best able to satisfy that desire, and, therefore, any attempt on the part of the State to limit or minimise the provision for secondary education would, in fact, challenge this right and opportunity to apply the knowledge which had been acquired in the earlier stages.

Let me direct the attention of the Committee to the attempts which have been made up and down the country to limit free places in the secondary schools. I do not suppose I could say this of most people in this House, but it is probably true of a large number, that, were it not for the provision of free places, a large number of people who have reached positions of influence and positions which give them opportunities for larger service in the State would not be in those positions now were it not for the earlier provision of free places in our secondary schools. Why should it be assumed that the secondary schools are schools for the children of one class of society, and not for the rest? The admission of the right hon. Gentleman himself this afternoon lent support to the contention, and the Report of the Commission on the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge gives support to it also, that, were a larger number of our young people given the opportunity to fit themselves, by means of secondary education, for competition for the higher offices of service in the State, very many people who now secure those positions would not have them, and others who are now precluded from securing them, because they are deprived of secondary education, would be there themselves. I should like to draw the attention of the Minister to the attempt which is being made to limit the amount of Government aid to some of these secondary schools, and I would cite one proposal—I have not time to deal with them all—namely, the proposal to limit the maintenance allowances for students at secondary schools.

Before I come to a more important constitutional question, I should like to say one word with regard to training colleges. I should like the Minister to consider very seriously the inequality which now exists as between municipal and non-municipal colleges. I will give one illustration of what I mean. In the case of a college in Yorkshire, namely, the Bingley College, they have to charge to their students now £105 per year, while in the case of Eipon—a Church college— they have to charge only £27 10s. It does seem to me to be most unjust that one type of college where students may be admitted—the determining factor being very largely their denominational adherence—should be able to provide its students with education and training at a cheaper rate than do municipal colleges like the one I have suggested. I know that a concession has been made, in this matter, but the concession is very far, indeed, from satisfying the desires of the authorities of these colleges. Moreover, a large number of these training colleges have been set up by the municipalities as a result of the direct encouragement given to them by the Board of Education at an earlier date. They have spent vast sums upon them, and it would not be an economy, but a gross waste of public money, if those colleges now. had to be closed on account of the cutting off of the subvention from the Exchequer. I can only hope that the right hon. Gentleman will reconsider that subject.

There is one point that I should like to make with regard to those whom I call the enemies from within. I suppose the Minister of Education is fully aware of the grave development of feeling which has taken place amongst local authorities of recent months in regard to the action of the Board of Education concerning certain grants. If my right hon. Friend remains at the Board very much longer, and acts in the same spirit as ourselves, it will not be very long, I am sure, before they come to another point of view, but, if his official side get the better of him, I am afraid they will have to be disappointed in their hopes. But a large number of these people are coming to the conclusion that the Board of Education, so far from being an organisation or facilitating education, is a vast organissation sometimes working subterraneously in order to prevent the development of education. In the Education Act there is a statement like this: was a great discussion in this House in August when this Bill was passed, and I have here a quotation from the discussion that took place. Sir William Dickinson, formerly chairman of the London County Council, said: wise, does the Board of Education arrogate to itself the right to override the expressed will of the House of Commons. We want to know whether the King's Writ now runs in Whitehall. We want to know, further, by what authority these gentlemen determine, in direct defiance of the will of Parliament, that these educational facilities shall not be conveyed to the people for whom they were intended. This is a most important subject which I feel sure many other Members will give expression to before the end of the Debate. Very great feeling is developing in various parts of the country concerning it. It is in the highest degree desirable that the best relationship shall be safeguarded as between the Ministry and those who do so much for education so freely in various parts of the country.

I am afraid I have trespassed on the patience of the Committee, but I do not often trouble the House with my voice, and it is a subject in which I am very interested. We are interested in education, not merely as a provision for our present needs, but as a provision also for our future needs. We have, as a matter of fact, in this country automatically alienated a large number of our people from the soil. They have gone into business, trade and commerce. In the great race between the nations for priority in trade and commerce the result will be determined according to the measure of educational facility which is granted to the main body of its citizens. The race will be determined in favour of those who are intellectually fit as well as physically and financially strong. We want a new rivalry of nations, a rivalry not in the matter of armaments but in the arts of peace. I beg the right hon. Gentleman, now that he has entered on his duties is Minister of Education for a second period, in no wise to lose grip of this machine, which is of such vital importance to the people of this country. If he pursues the very fine and noble ideas which he has foreshadowed in his speech, if he sets his teeth against any attempt to rush the country along the path of fake economy, I can assure him that we on this side will give him hearty support in every attempt he makes to make our educational system more efficient and more complete. I beg of him to see to it that this stone which others before him have carved, chiselled, wrought into shape and afterwards rejected, will not be by him rejected, but may yet be made the corner of our educational edifice.

6.0 P.M.

The Committee is greatly indebted to the President of the Board of Education, not only for the skill and lucidity with which he unfolded his story but also for the fine spirit which clearly informs him in relation to the great responsibilities of his office. I listened to his statement with the greatest interest. My right hon. Friend is proposing Estimates involving a, reduction of something like £3,400,000. If I may judge his feelings from my own, I realise that he, as President of the Board of Education, must present such Estimates as these with mingled feelings because, although it is true that economies can be effected in the field of education, as in every sphere of public activity, which are not harmful and may even be beneficial, it is also true, and every President of the Board of Education knows it, that money saved from legitimate economies in one part of the field may always be profitably employed in some other part of the field. Nobody who considers the arrangements which are now made up and down the country by local education authorities for the provision of medical treatment for school children, nobody who considers the provisions which are now made for the practical instruction of school children during the later period of elementary school life, nobody who considers the unsatisfied demand for education in secondary schools or in day continuation schools, nobody who considers the present financial needs of our universities—although the universities do not come within the present Estimate—can fail to realise that a great deal more money could be spent profitably, if the money were available, in these different fields of education.

Although my right hon. Friend has announced considerable economies, it has been made clear to the Committee that these economies have been effected with the minimum of injury to the educational structure of the country. I welcome the genuine enthusiasm which animated the eloquent speech that we have just heard from the hon. Member for Caerphilly (Mr. Morgan Jones). He is an education enthusiast, but I cannot agree with him in his description of the present Estimates as involving a gross betrayal of educational interests. Analyse the reductions. The greater part of the reductions are brought about by the voluntary abatement of salary made by the teachers. [AN HON. MEMBER: "Voluntary under pressure."] I do not think it was voluntary under pressure. I think the teachers, who are a most patriotic and a most self-sacrificing body of men and women, consented to this abatement from pure motives of public spirit, and I think we should be grateful for it. A great part of the economies is due to this voluntary abatement of salary on the part of the teachers. A great part is due to a cessation or a large diminution of the grants to ex-service students. A great part is due to the fall in prices, which has been rendering the task of the local education authorities easier all over the country.

For confirmation of that general proposition we have merely to consider one or two salient facts which have been touched upon by my right hon. Friend. I confess that when the great attack upon the educational system was delivered by the Geddes Committee I had some apprehension that it might result in a considerable enlargement of classes. Everybody who knows anything about education knows that small classes are better than large classes. Everybody knows that if we were to enlarge the classes in all the schools of this country, in pursuance of the recommendations made by the Geddes Committee, we should be practically depriving our educational expenditure of more than half its value. Consequently, it is to me a matter of very-great gratification that in spite of the economies carried out under the two last Governments and by my right hon. Friend, there has been no substantial enlargement in the classes. Consider the figures. The number of scholars per teacher is estimated in the current year at 31·2, as against 31 in 1912–;13, and 32·9 in 1913–;14. [An HON. MEMBER: "Including secondary schools!"] No, elementary schools only. That is a very satisfactory state of things, when we consider the much higher figures in other countries, and when we consider that we have emerged from the strain and stress of a Great War.

My hon. Friend the Member for Caerphilly alluded to attempts which have been made up and down the country to reduce the number of free places. I am unaware of such attempts having been made, and I should be very surprised if the Noble Lord the Member for Hastings (Lord Eustace Percy), who is going to reply on behalf of the Board of Education, can point to any case in which the number of free places has been reduced by the action of the Board. Meanwhile, we have this very solid fact, and it is a fact which ought to be known all through the country, that during my right hon. Friend's two administrations, not only have the number of scholars in secondary schools been doubled, but the number of free places have been doubled. That is a very remarkable achievement. There has been no such achievement in the field of secondary education since secondary education was introduced in this country. Considering the difficulties under which we have laboured, I think it reflects a very considerable degree of credit upon the educational zeal, not only of the Government, but still more of the parents of the children who have been willing to forego wages in order to send their children to secondary schools. I note with very great pleasure the declaration of my right hon. Friend that he does not propose simply to mark time in the field of secondary education, and that he is willing to take any opportunity that may offer itself to extend the system, which has already developed in such a satisfactory way. If I may state my opinion, it is that the country should not be content until 600,000 children are in our secondary schools. That I believe to be about the right proportion. At present we have only something like 400,000.

The opinion has been expressed that it is very improper for the Board of Education to take any part in directing educational economy. I entirely dissent from that doctrine. I do not think that the President of the Board of Education can stand aside and allow the course of educational retrenchment, when educational retrenchment is necessary, to be dictated either by the Treasury or by the local authority. It is the duty of the President of the Board of Education to resist proposals when he thinks they are harmful and unnecessary and to indicate those lines of retrenchment which inflict the minimum of injury upon the system. When I recall the economies which were suggested by Sir Eric Geddes' Committee —economies which would have involved the compulsory retirement of 34,000 teachers, the expulsion from the schools of all the children under six, and the complete ruin of our secondary school system—I am very glad that the Board of Education did stand in the way of those economies, and that it did direct the course of retrenchment into channels which have inflicted practically no injury upon the teaching of the children in our schools.

The economies which have been effected by the Board in the last two years indicate, in my view, the conclusion that the criticism which has been passed upon the percentage grants under which we have been working—a criticism passed by the Geddes Corn-Committee—is not altogether well-founded. I do not wish, since that matter is now being considered by a very strong Committee, to enter into the merits or demerits of that system, which I had the privilege of introducing, but I do contend that the assertion that the percentage grant system is a money-spending device has been proved by economies recently effected to be ill-founded. It is perfectly true that at a time when there is money and when the country is ready for advance, such a system does permit of an advance being effected, but it is also clear that the system is no impediment to retrenchment upon a very considerable scale when the time for economy comes. To those who are disposed to criticise the system, let me observe that it was introduced under three very special conditions, in the first place, at a time when there was very great zeal for educational advance; in the second place, at a time when prices were very high and there was a great devaluation of money—that, of course, affected the expense of our Estimates— and, in the third place, at a time when there was a great accumulation of war arrears to be made up in our schools. It is now quite clear that under the system of grants which prevails the Board can limit expenditure if the needs of the country demand it.

It was no part of the policy of the Government of my right hon. Friend the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) to cut down educational expenditure. Anybody who takes the trouble to look at the education estimates which were presented to this House during the two Governments over which my right hon. Friend presided, can satisfy himself that if ever there were Governments who were willing to spend money upon educational advance those were the Governments presided over by my right hon. Friend; but there came a time when it was clear to every Member of the Cabinet that an effort must be made by all the Departments of the State to help the Chancellor of the Exchequer, my right hon. Friend the Member for Hillhead (Sir R. Home) to realise, if it were possible, an economy of £100,000,000. We went into that very carefully, and we were unanimously convinced that an economy upon that scale was not only desirable but essential, and I became convinced that it was necessary for the Board of Education to make some contribution to that economy. The Geddes Committee reported that a cut of £16,000,000 from the Board of Education Estimate would be necessary if my right hon. Friend the Member for Hillhead was to realise the economy which was demanded.

I confess that I was a little staggered when I read the Geddes Report. The Geddes Committee were asked to recommend economy, and they did so, and they were a Committee of business men, and not educationalists, but the Government had to consider it from the point of view of the educational interests of the country, and the Government came to the conclusion unanimously that this was a cut which would be injurious, and indeed ruinous, to the educational interests of the country, and accordingly we consented to a very reduced reduction in the Estimate, most of which was made up by the cessation of war grants to ex-service men and by a contribution in the respect of teachers' pensions. Both economies were economies, as everybody will realise, which could be effected without injury to the children in the schools. Now it appears that the present Chancellor of the Exchequer has realised, through the measure taken by the last Government but one, not an economy of £100,000,000 but of £101,000,000, and in view of the success which has attended the effort of my right hon. Friend's Government to realise that large economy, I am opposed to carrying educational economies any further. I think that enough has already been done, and if I were in my right hon. Friend's place—and I am glad that I am not—I should resent any attempts on the part of the Treasury to exact further economy in the field of education.

This leads me to make, if I may do so, a few suggestions to my right hon. Friend. The first has regard to teachers' salaries. My right hon. Friend enunciated what I think to be the sound doctrine in respect to teachers' salaries. He pointed out that you could not expect to get good work from the teaching profession unless you paid the teachers adequately. He pointed out that the teacher who was starved of books, and cannot do some travelling in foreign countries, is at a great disadvantage when he or she attempts to infuse enthusiasm into a class of children. I do hope, therefore, very much that the influence of the Board will be decisively thrown against any attempt at effecting further reductions in the remuneration of teachers. I am not saying that you may not have some slight modifications of the scales here or there, but anything in the nature of a landslide in teachers' salaries would be, in my view, a great catastrophe to education, and ought to be resisted on all hands. What the teacher wants is a good salary, a secure salary, and a stable salary, and I believe that the time will very goon arrive when the Board of Education will find it expedient and prudent to take one step further in the direction of securing to the teachers a stable remuneration.

My right hon. Friend quite properly pointed out the injury inflicted upon education by these continual disputes between the teachers and their employers. There can be nothing worse for the education of the children, there can be no worse example to the children, than a teachers' strike. We all lament teachers' strikes from the bottom of our hearts. Consequently it would be a very great national advantage if, when prices have found their level, perhaps, say, in a year or two, the Board of Education would come forward and say to the local education authority, "Now you must pay your teachers such and such a scalp." No doubt the scale will be slightly lower than the present Burnham scale, but I think that the time will shortly come when it will be important in the national interest for the Board to take more decided action than has hitherto been possible in the direction of the enforcement of standard scales. It has not hitherto been possible to take very decided action, because price levels have been so uncertain and so abnormal. But as soon as price levels become normal then I think that the Board should take action.

The second observation which I would like to make to my right hon. Friend is this. I think that the time has now come, when, in view of the very large economies which have been effected by local education authorities all over the country—and I have no reason to doubt that local education authorities are anxious to economise where they can—my right hon. Friend might review the circulars which have been issued by the Board during the last few years enjoining economy upon local authorities. I do not in the least repent the part which I took during the last two years of my administration in directing the course of retrenchment. Indeed, if it is not egotistical to say so, I think that I conferred a greater benefit on education by my administration of the last two years, when I was directing the course of retrenchment, than any services which I may have rendered during the earlier period of my administration, when the ship of education was assisted by a favouring gale.

One other observation: I notice that there is a reduction in the present estimate upon short courses for teachers. It is not a very large reduction, but still it is a reduction, and I put it to my right hon. Friend that there is no part of our educational expenditure which gives a larger harvest in results than expenditure upon short courses for teachers. I am prepared to take the view that if the salaries of teachers are maintained at a good level, as I hope they will be it will be possible to effect economies in the field of professional training. That I know is now under review. There is a departmental committee considering whether any changes ought to be introduced into our training system. I believe that if we keep up salaries and the pension benefits received by the teachers, we shall be able to recruit our teachers from the open market, and to cut down the expenditure upon the training of teachers and that we shall altogether improve our supply. But all this depends upon the salaries being kept up to a good level, and the attractiveness of the profession being maintained.

But when you have got your trained teacher into the school your obligations to that teacher do not cease, or ought not to cease. One of the great defects of the system hitherto has been that we have trained our teachers and sent young men and young women into the schools and done nothing more for them. The position of the teacher is very often isolated. There is little inducement or incitement to keep up knowledge and extend interests, and very little contact with new ideas. Let him take a short vacation course at Oxford, Cambridge, or some other University. Let him see what a good academic standard is, and it will have an effect in stimulating his interest and improving his work. A few years ago I went to a short course which was arranged in Oxford, when I was President of the Board. Nine selected teachers from every county in England came to Oxford. They lived the ordinary college life of undergraduates. They attended lectures and received excellent teaching and the gratitude of those men was something which was touching. There was not a man who did not acquire new ideas and become inspired with new courage in resuming his work. I do hope that my right hon. Friend will see if he cannot extend these short courses for teachers. They will not cost very much and I believe that nothing is more calculated to improve the quality of the work in the schools.

I notice, with very great satisfaction, my right hon. Friend's announcement about the university tutorial courses. I am glad that the Board is taking steps to extend these, because from a pretty close knowledge of the work of these courses I am convinced that they are most valuable, and appreciated by the adult working men for whom they are intended, and that they have a very marked effect in enlargening the imagination and quickening the interests and brightening the lives of the students who submit themselves to that influence. I remember in the last Parliament having a conversation in the Smoke Room with a very prominent Member of this House, a working man, a Labour leader. He came to me and said, "Are you altogether satisfied with the education which is given "—I think his question was—"to working men in Ruskin College?" And I said, "If you ask me, frankly, I am not. I think it ought to be improved." He said, "I think it ought to be improved a great deal." I asked in what direction. "Well," he said, "when I was a young man we used to read Ruskin, and Carlyle, and the great English poets, and all the great masters of imagination. But I find that these people in Ruskin College are reading now nothing but Karl Marx." I do not say that that is true, but if it be true I think that, in the interests of Labour, there should be a change. After all, the object of education is to enlarge our imagination and enrich our lives, and I earnestly hope that the leaders of the Labour movement, who have so much interest in and so much enthusiasm for education—and I appreciate the great force behind the President of the Board of Education which is derived from the fact that he has Labour behind him—will use all their influence to try to induce the young men who are coming forward in the Labour ranks and who are going to exercise an authority hereafter in this House and in the politics of this country—I urge the leaders to press upon these young men the desirability of a good, broad, generous and liberal education. After all, that is what we all want. We want the Labour men who are anxious to obtain education to receive nothing worse than the education which we have ourselves received. I tremble to think of what my own intellectual state would have been if at the. age of 24 or 5 I had been put on an exclusive diet of Karl Marx. I should have been an intellectual cretin and absolutely unfit to address this House or any other assembly.

I wish to make a further suggestion very respectfully to my right hon. Friend. In the search for economies that would do no very great harm, I reluctantly consented to the suspension of the State scholarships from secondary schools to Universities for a period of two years. It is quite true that there are county scholarships and there are college scholarships, but I have made a calculation, and, taking the county scholarships and the State scholarships together, I find that the number works out at one scholarship per secondary school on the grant list. That is too small an allowance. I trust that my right hon. Friend will restore these scholarships. There is an additional reason for doing so. When I introduced these scholarships I made it part of the provision that the scholarships should be divided equally between boys and girls. In view of the fact that the provision of scholarships for young women at Oxford and Cambridge and the other Universities is markedly deficient, it is very desirable that these State scholarships should be renewed. When I see that 256 secondary schools in England and 130 in Wales have been just recognised by the Board of Education for advanced classes, there can be very little doubt that the secondary schools have now reached such a standard of efficiency as will render it possible to obtain from them State scholars who really will deserve the money spent upon them.

The hon. Member for Caerphilly alluded to the retrenchments which had been made, or may be made, in the sphere of the special schools. I agree with him that we have to do what we can with these poor defective children—the blind, the maimed and the mentally defective. I do not share the philosophy of an eminent Liberal economist, Mr. Harold Cox, who thinks that every penny spent upon deficient children is a penny wasted. On the contrary, I think that the presence of a large number of defective children in the elementary schools renders it impossible for the education in these schools to be effective. When I consider that something like 40 per cent. of the mentally-defective children in London schools are so trained as to be able to earn either the whole or a part of their living, I cannot admit the proposition that the expenditure is unproductive. But at the same time, we are brought up against the very grim fact that at the present moment the Board of Education and the local authorities are covering a very small portion of the field. I will quote from a speech which I delivered on the subject in 1922 at a conference on mental deficiency. I said: able cost, and that if we were to attempt to cover the ground upon the basis of existing costs, we should require to go to the taxpayer for £480,000, and to the taxpayer and ratepayer combined for £997,600. That is a very considerable sum. I think I was right in saying that we should see if we cannot reduce the average cost per head, in order that we may deal with more children. I suggest that it would be desirable that the President of the Board of Education should be able to come to this House every year and to assure the House that the number of children in these special schools is being increased. That is what the House wants to know. Let there be an increase in the number of children under education, and I think that the Board will be able to find economies in administration which can be effected without any real educational loss.

I must say a few words on the subject of the purchase grant for the Victoria and Albert Museum. Nobody who has any acquaintance with that wonderful repository of art can fail to realise the great influence which it now has in the sphere of pure art and industrial art, largely through the distinguished direction of Sir Cecil Harcourt Smith and the very able expert staff under him. It is a Museum of which any country might be proud, and I very much hope that the purchase grant, which has been slightly increased this year, will be still further increased. There is hardly any department in our educational life which makes a greater impression upon the outside world than the museums in our capital—the British Museum, the Victoria and Albert Museum, and so on. Foreigners who come to London very largely judge the standard of our civilisation by the excellence of our great national collections, and a small additional sum of £5,000 or £10,000 goes far towards enabling these collections to be kept up to date and to keep level with their competitors in foreign countries. You will not find that in great foreign countries, in spite of many difficulties, there are any reductions in the grants to these purposes. Connected with the Victoria and Albert Museum there is a museum in the East End of London, the Bethnal Green Museum. That museum is very largely visited by children; in fact, about 80 per cent. of the visitors are children. I hope that under my right hon. Friend's direction the Bethnal Green Museum will become one of the best museums for children in the world.

I think it might be. I have finished the tale of my suggestions. I agree with my right hon. Friend that the Board of Education has been passing through very difficult times. There have been great economic difficulties to be faced, both by the Board and the local education authorities. In spite of the somewhat pessimistic, and, if I may say so, the exaggerated and over-coloured account of the relations between the Board and the local authorities which was given to the Committee by the hon. Member for Caerphilly, I believe that the Board and the local authorities have been working cordially together, that they do understand one another, that there is a great deal of sympathy between them, and that in spite of all the strain and stress of these difficult years they have between them achieved a result of which any country might be proud.

In the Estimates of the Board of Education there is certain expenditure which it might be advisable to reduce and other expenditure which, I am sure, might be considerably increased. Consequently, I am taking upon myself the role of critic. None of us can doubt that the future of this country depends largely upon the efficiency of our education. One of the things that the Minister said struck me as extremely interesting. He said that since the War there had been a passion for secondary education running through the country, a large number of people were secrificing much to give their children secondary education, and that many parents at this time of stress and strain were endeavouring to give their children a better education than they would have considered necessary a few years ago. Is not that an indication that all through the country there is a realisation that we are imposing economies unduly on education? Does it not show that the mind of the country is taking a right direction in this matter? Many of us are parents of children. We have to cut down our expenditure and to make our family budgets meet. We have got to reduce in some direction. What are we to reduce in? Obviously a large number of the people in this country have decided that the one thing they will not reduce in is the education of their children. They have said, "We cannot leave our children money; we cannot possibly provide them with all the comforts we otherwise would like to give them. We cannot possibly keep them in idleness, but what we will do is, we will provide them with an education so that they may better meet the difficulties which they will encounter in the future."

That has happened in hundreds of homes all through the country and that, I think, is the reason why there has been this passion for education and this increased demand, and if it has appealed to the individual father and mother of children surely it ought to appeal to us in this House who it may well be said are standing in loco parentis to the children of the nation. We should not minimise our expenditure on education, but when dealing with education one has got to remember that education has to b given by teachers and professors. The school predicates the teacher, and the University predicates the professor. The points which I wish to raise are largely in connection with the education, training and selection of teachers. I am privileged to know many teachers in the secondary and primary schools. I have been brought into pretty close contact with many of them, both officially and privately; I have had the honour of attending some of their official functions and of knowing a large number of them —primary teachers, secondary teachers, assistant masters and mistresses, and headmasters and mistresses. Consequently, in what I am going to say, I hope it will be understood that I realise what a devoted body of people the elementary teachers of this country are as a whole. They are a body of men and women for whom I have a great admiration, but I do not think anyone who is really acquainted with the facts can deny that many of the elementary teachers of this country, though extremely enthusiastic, extremely self-sacrficing, and extremely devoted to their work, are unfortunately, people of a narrower outlook than one would desire our teachers to be.

I cannot conceive of any task that men or women can undertake of higher importance to the nation, and of higher dignity to themselves, than that of forming the characters and instructing the minds of the rising generation of this country. Remember, that children in schools are in their most receptive, their most formative years; that they will be the nation in 10 years time, and they will derive their ideas and their outlook very largely from what they receive at the hands of their teachers. Is there one of us in this House who does not look back to school days with a certain reverence and look back to his old schoolmasters with a respect that is different in character to the respect or the reverence which we pay to any other individuals with whom we have become acquainted at any other period of time? When one goes among one's friends, one must be impressed by the way in which a man will tell us that he was at Eton or Harrow. We realise how close are the ties with a man's old school, and what applies to those two great schools applies also to hundreds and hundreds of schools all through the country. The love and regard of a man for his old school is something even more than the feeling which a man who has been privileged to be at one of the older universities, Oxford or Cambridge, or one of the newer universities, has for his college and university. A man has his pride in belonging to a particular college or a particular university, but deeper than that is his loyalty to his old school. If that sentiment goes through all of us, does it not show the enormous importance of the character and training of our school teachers? Does it not show how immensely important is the estimate which the teacher has of himself and for his profession, and the estimation which the public has for the teacher and for the teaching profession?

Therefore, if I detain the Committee for a little time on the question of the training of teachers, it is because I feel I am occupying them with a matter which is not merely of minor importance, but is a fundamental factor in the educational system of the country. What is the source from which our present elementary teachers are drawn? The elementary teacher does not come exclusively but very largely from the elementary schools, and the selection of teachers is made, in a very large number of instances, in the elementary schools. The system varies a little under different local education authorities, but what I am going to say applies very largely to the whole country. In most of the elementary schools, when the pupils reach the age of 11, they are subjected to an examination, and the result of that examination is that a certain number of them who reach a fair standard are given scholarships tenable in secondary schools. It is a very excellent and right condition that children who reach the standard required should go to the secondary schools untrammelled by any obligation as to their future calling, and receive an education which makes it possible for them to get scholarships to the universities. What they do in the future is what they choose themselves—an admirable system. Some of these children do in actual fact become teachers, and if they select that profession and are suitable for it, it is a very excellent thing that they should do so.

At about the age of 13—the age varies—there is another selection, another skimming off of the children who could not get scholarships in the first instance. They have a chance at about the age of 13 of getting something else. Another examination is held, and the children who reach a certain standard are in this case offered training as schoolmasters and schoolmistresses, provided they undertake to become schoolmasters and schoolmistresses. Thus we are not taking the cream but only the second selection. That is one of the defects of our present system. There is another defect which I think is infinitely greater. These children of immature age, when their minds are not fixed, and their desires are not formed, and when they have no knowledge of the world and really do not know what profession they will be suitable for or what they desire, commit themselves, or their parents do so for them, to the whole of their future career. Education is to be desired, but many of these children remind me very much of King Isaac, after he had been interviewed by Richard I. King Isaac was captured by Richard I and was led in chains, but, being a king, they were silver chains. These children and their families are anxious for education, which they value as silver, and they attain it, but they find that while it is silver it is in the form of silver chains.

Let us trace these children a little further. They go to the secondary schools marked, labelled, segregated, not fully professed nuns, but half-professed, having taken their first vows. That is the position all through their secondary school career. They are marked out as pupils who are going to be teachers, and in this they are separated from the rest of their school fellows. It is a thoroughly bad system. In most cases they afterwards go to training colleges. Now if I wanted to sterilise the mind of anyone, and to narrow down his outlook, I should send him to a training college. Do not take me as referring to all who have been through training colleges. There are people of independent thought, of great ability, of robust character who go through the training colleges without detriment. Nor am I branding every training college as necessarily bad; I am talking about what their effect is on the generality of people who go through them. They go into training colleges where they receive what is called an education. They are separated out entirely and kept apart from everyone who is not going to be a teacher. It is a pure class institution. By "class" I mean that they mix with nobody save those who are intending to become teachers.

The character of the training is not in every case very high. Many of the colleges are little better than (secondary schools, and the academic education given in many of them—again I do not want to generalise at all—really only supplements the defects of the secondary schools. Thus they come into the scholastic profession. Personally, I should like to shut every training college in this country, as such, and I am certain it would be for the benefit of the scholastic profession. They go from the training colleges into the schools having received, I will not say a free education, but an education which is practically free. There is no other profession in this country where you get your professional education almost entirely at the expense of the State. In my own profession we have to pay, the lawyer has to pay for his, the parson has to pay for his, but the elementary school teacher is provided with his education by the State, a most disastrous thing. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] Yes, I will show you why—

It is not a disastrous thing that a man should get an open education at the expense of the State. I personally should like, if it were possible, that every child in this country who had the ability to profit by it should get an education right up to the university. The State has need of all the ability of all its citizens, and no man for the mere reason of poverty should be deprived of the highest education. But it is a disastrous thing that the State should take a certain profession and should pay for its education, particularly as the State is going to be the paymaster of that profession afterwards. What happened in the past? Elementary teachers were wanted; the supply was not sufficient. The State therefore said "We will capture them young." It caught these children young, and, having paid for them, when they were educated, it naturally claimed the right to say what they should do. The price of free education was bondage as regards the rest of their lives. What has been going on at the Board of Education? There are members here of various county councils who know that what I say is true. They have obtained a supply of indentured labour from the young—because that is what it really 1s. Notes were sent out from the Board of Education to the various county authorities saying, "We notice you are not providing enough of these children who are going to receive a free education and become teachers." That happened. In other words, "You have not enough of this raw material"—of this indentured labour. Mind, it had to be caught several years before it was wanted. Another immense difficulty arises. You have to estimate how many teachers you will want three, four, and five years hence; and you have to provide for them, but conditions will change and indeed have changed recently. Consequently, a large number of people who were encouraged to take this form of education find now that there are no places for them.

No, the State has no responsibility for that. I know it is said by some that this system has been the means of certain people getting an education which their parents would otherwise not have been able to afford. That is a justification to a certain extent for the system, but it is only an excuse. The proper way of dealing with such people is by a system of free scholarships all the way through. I would abolish entirely this system of free education for a special class. I am certain it has been disastrous, and one of the ways it has been disastrous is this. The State determines how many entrants there shall be, and, when the appointments of teachers are about to be made, provides that there shall be a constant stream of competitors for these posts being trained at the expense of the State in the various schools. It is one of the things more than anything else which has prevented the scholastic profession attaining that degree of estimation in the public mind and that degree of remuneration which it ought to have. There have been constantly people coming from below who keep salaries down. You have various education authorities doing this, urged on by Government officials. From the higher educational point of view, it has been a system which has meant that not the best nor the widest minds, not those who have had much contact with their fellow men, but those who have been segregated during the most impressionable years of their lives, shall in future direct the education of the country.

What I want to see is something totally different. I do not want anyone to be selected as a teacher who has not reached years of discretion. I do not want anyone to go into the teaching profession who has not had some contact with the world. I would admit nobody to the teaching profession who has not a university degree. I am afraid this is an ideal not at present practical, but it is one which the Government should set before themselves as the ideal to be ultimately attained. While I should like to see every teacher in a primary, as well as a secondary school, a university graduate, if this is not at present practical and purely as a transitional and temporary measure, I would permit those who have obtained a higher school leaving certificate—which is roughly equivalent to a university intermediate— to compete for appointment as teacher. But I want to see them with a degree. What is the business of the teacher? It it to communicate learning and to train character. The education of a teacher necessitates two things: first, that he shall have the knowledge to communicate; second, that he shall have the art of communicating it. These two things are quite distinct and are often confused in the public mind. Therefore, I would make the training and the acquirement of these two portions of the teachers' art separate and distinct. He should acquire knowledge in the open forum of a university. He should take a degree where he will mix with men who are studying medicine, science, law, theology, and engineering on an equal plane, so that in after life he can mix with members of all those different professions, and not only meet them on an equal plane but with that understanding of their aspirations and ideate which comes almost unconsciously when one mixes in the common life of the university with students who are studying such diverse subjects. Moreover, in learning his subject, he wants to come in contact with men who are engaged at the growing age of knowledge. He wants to learn, not only that small portion which he will afterwards communicate to his pupils, but he wants to learn his subjects in that broad and general method which is alone communicated at the university. He must of necessity study and learn much more and on a far higher plane than what he proposes to teach. The teaching of the elements of a subject requires a far greater knowledge than is generally supposed.

Merely to learn what you intend to communicate is to make your teaching in future sterile and inefficient. Beside this, he ought to have an elementary knowledge of the subjects being learned by those around him. This comes in the converse of the common room from fellow students and is one of the most important broadening influences of university life. Having acquired this academic knowledge, this broad outlook on the world, he has further to obtain what one may call his technical training, the art of communicating the knowledge which he has acquired. While I am adverse to the State paying for the academic training, I think it is quite possible that, having selected the man who has obtained a degree, it might be legitimate for the State to pay for his technical training in pedagogy.

What is the position of the training colleges? Some of them, I hope, will become departments of Universities, some will, I believe, become secondary schools, while others might well become colleges where the teacher will acquire this technical training in pedagogy, which is in a sense the technique of his profession. I regret the form in which the Estimate for the training of teachers now stands. I should have liked to see the money which has been spent on this devoted to two objects; first, in helping the Universities to found and aid the departments concerned with the training of those who will become teachers, and, secondly, in meeting the excess of expenditure over the fees received, which every undergraduate entails upon a University. Some of the money might very well have gone in this direction; but the bulk of it I should have liked to have seen devoted to free scholarships in secondary schools and Universities for those who have the capacity to profit by such instruction, but who are now prohibited from receiving it by inadequacy of means. But these scholarships should be free from any restriction as to what the holder should ultimately become. They should be absolutely untrammelled by any chain determining how the recipient should spend his future life. They should be a free gift from the State as a reward for ability, and their acceptance should not enable the State to say to the recipient, "Since you have received your education free, you must in future engage in a profession which I dictate. I have bought you, and in future you are my bondsman and slave."

I desire to ask the very kind consideration and indulgence of the Committee on this my maiden effort. I happen to hold opinions and principles very tenaciously, but in presenting them to this Committee I trust that no phrase or expression on my part will ever hurt the feelings of a single hon. Member. May I be permitted to congratulate the right hon. Gentleman the President of the Board of Education on his singularly lucid and clear statement and on the most pleasing style in which he delivered that statement. I am a strong enthusiast for education. Since the year 1902 when the Isle of Wight County Education Committee was formed and I became a member I have been the Chairman of its Finance Committee. Speaking from the point of view of a member of a local authority I should look upon the present policy of the Board of Education as a little too dictatorial and not sufficiently democratic and sympathetic. The Board has established itself rather as a kind of citadel, to some extent invincible to this House though vulnerable, of course, to the Treasury, due to certain sections of recent Education Acts, especially the Act of 1918, and due also to the Rules and Regulations laid upon the Table of this House, but which, as the hon. Member for Caerphilly (Mr. Morgan Jones) said, were not sufficiently open to discussion. I would plead with the Board of Education that they limit the number of the issue of circulars. Some of these circulars contradict themselves over a few months. I am well aware that the right hon. Gentleman said in his statement in the House on the Easter Adjournment that they had been limited to seven during the last three months. I hope that will continue. Local authorities are as anxious as the Board to promote education, they have the advantage further of knowing local needs, and slightly different methods are required in different areas. I want not quite so much control from headquarters. I welcome the words which the right hon. Gentleman used in his speech, that local authorities have had no easy task of late years, that it had worked rather badly for local authorities. I hope I am quoting him correctly. I plead that local authorities and the Board should work in perfect unison, mutual good-will, and full confidence, so establishing a complete harmony.

May I also draw attention to another fact of which complaint has been made to me, that some of the correspondence issued by the Board is unsuitable? That has nothing, of course, to do with the right hon. Gentleman; all the correspondence I have, had with him personally has been singularly courteous, and his replies have shown that he has been most desirous to meet my case. I am informed, however, and I know, that some of the correspondence which is issued from the Board of Education is not couched in quite that form of language suitable to education authorities and their directors, but is sometimes more suitable for giving instructions to one's butler or one's chef.

May I ask that the demands of the Board of Education for information, for figures, and for statistics should be more limited, because it adds very greatly to the cost of local administration, and it means the taking on of more staff? I will give an illustration from my own county, where, when we started, the cost of administration was £600 per annum, whereas to-day it is approximately £3,750. Turning to the question of inspectors and inspections, I am glad to see that the number of elementary school inspectors has been reduced by eleven. Local authorities now have their own directors of education, many of them have inspectors under those directors, and I plead for more co-operation between the local authorities and the Board in the matter of inspection, and that there should be the same standard for inspection. At the present time the standard set up by a large number of local authorities is a higher standard than that of the Board of Education, and, therefore, you may get a report which is favourable and satisfactory from a Board of Education inspector on a school, when it is known to the local education authority that that school is not satisfactory and is not sufficiently efficient. I am going to make a suggestion to the President of the Board, naturally with every diffidence, and, I hope, without presumption. I understand that he has at the Board no standard for the inspection of elementary schools, and I am going to suggest that he should set up one, two, or three standards for the guidance of his inspectors. You cannot have only one standard, because it would be unfair to inspect a great big town school, with a palatial building, with modern appliances, and with a teacher for every standard, and to expect the same standard in a small rural school, with a couple of girl teachers in charge of all the standards, one to seven, and of the infants. But in making that suggestion I am, of course, well aware that you must gauge the atmosphere and weigh other things in the inspection of a school, like character, discipline, order, tidiness, and, in the country districts, the care of the playground.

The next point to which I wish to refer is in regard to the retirement of teachers at the age of 60. The President of the Board, in reply to a question on the 12th March, said that that should be left largely to the discretion of the local authority, but I am going to put it this way, that if a favourable report has been made on a school recently, within, say, three or six months of a teacher becoming 60 years of age, although it is known to the local authority that that teacher's days have run by, and that the school is no longer efficient, the local authority is powerless. I should like to endorse the remarks which were made by the hon. Gentleman the Member for the University of London (Sir S. Russell-Wells), that when fresh inspectors have to be appointed for the purposes of elementary education they should be persons of great experience in elementary and other schools, and that they should be graduates with honour, and should have had the advantage of education in a residential university. Yet, I say, limit the number of inspectors and inspections. I remember the years after the Armistice, when not only inspectors from the Board of Education but from every other Department in Whitehall, flocked to the Isle of Wight, which is a singularly agreeable part of the country. They came battalion after battalion, and I hope they enjoyed Cowes Week. I desire to refer to another important subject, and that is the dilapidated condition of many of the non-provided school buildings. I regret that under the Act of 1892 the State did not take power to buy up all the non-provided school buildings. They could have been bought in those days for the comparatively small sum of about £26,000,000, outside of those in the London area. I want to make another suggestion to the right hon. Gentleman, namely, that he should endeavour to get a majority of the managers of a non-provided school to lease their buildings to the local education authority, which could then go in and take up a loan for some 30 years and put the building in a reasonable state of repair, thus adding to the efficiency of the education and earning the gratitude of both teachers and scholars.

On the subject of secondary schools, I came here to deplore the policy, which I understood was that of the Board of Education, of less grants, of a suspension for five years of the grant to what may be termed non-provided schools, of the restriction of further provision for secondary school accommodation and also of limiting the free places in secondary schools. After the speech of the right hon. Gentleman, I do not think the policy of the Board goes quite so far as that, but I want to say that such a policy would make it still more difficult for boys and girls to get into a secondary school, and it has been difficult enough already. I endorse what the right hon. Gentleman said with regard to the need of more places in secondary schools. I do not believe that there should be provision in the secondary school for every child who leaves the elementary school. That, to my mind, would be a waste of public money, but these schools, maintained as they are for the most part out of public money, should be for the children with the best brains, whether the squire's son, the parson's daughter, or the labourer's child, and may I say that the entrance examinations for these schools should not only be based on the curriculum of the elementary school, for in that case you would do an injustice to the scholar who comes from the private-school. I also endorse what the right hon. Gentleman the Member for the English Universities (Mr. Fisher) said when he pleaded for a renewal of the State scholarships tenable at the University. It is a good investment. It is a false economy to cut them off, and I say it is unfair to remove the top rung of the educational ladder. On the subject of training colleges, I am aware that the right hon. Gentleman referred to the setting up of a Committee to report fully on the whole matter. Many authorities have been greatly hit, although they were specially asked—and I am glad to hear from the right hon. Gentleman to-day that renewed grants for this year are to be made. The giving of amounts to denominational and undenominational colleges more generously than to other colleges has not been, in my mind, very equitable, and the education standard has also been lower in those colleges than in municipal and other training colleges. Thus it has been somewhat unfair upon a parent who desired his boy or girl to go to the latter class of college, first, because there are a less number of places, and secondly, because the standard is higher. Of course, this indirectly infringes the old principle, which was debated very hotly last century, the question of civil and religious equality, and it also infringes another principle of government, that the Government of this country should deal with perfect fairness and equity, not only with every section of the community, but with every individual.

On the subject of finance, I regret, of course, that the Estimate is going to be reduced by over £2,500,000. We all know—it has been said many times this afternoon—that the great increase in the cost of education arises through the teachers' salaries, but I am no carping critic of the teachers. I have great sympathy with them. I admit that they do not work excessively long hours, yet their work is one which causes immense strain. I am going to suggest that the way to economise to some extent is, possibly, to see that schools are not overstaffed. If a school be slightly overstaffed, and you multiply that by hundreds of schools in an area, you naturally add unduly to the cost of the teachers' salaries. I am glad to say that I must have been one who followed the advice of the late President, for as chairman of my finance committee, I submitted, two years ago, the lowest rate for education for elementary purposes of all the counties of England and Wales, a rate of 1s. Last year I submitted 1s. 2d., and this year it is again 1s. 2d., and yet the cost of each unit of average attendance for teachers' salaries have gone up from £2 15s 10d. in 1914 to £6 1s. 4d. this year. Although we have had this very economical administration and the lowest rate, I repeat, of the whole of the counties of England and Wales, yet we have received commendation for our work from the Board of Education. May I, in conclusion, add, first, appreciation and deep gratitude to the Committee for the generous confidence and the great kindness they have extended to me in this my very humble maiden effort before an august Assembly? And secondly, that I look upon the rising generation as the most priceless jewel of the nation—on the boys and girls of to-day will depend in due season the maintenance of our great traditions, the consolidation of our Empire. I am a strong economist, but not in education, being of opinion that money spent on education is productive and fruitful, and that a reasonable but adequate education embracing the teaching of religion and morals is the most sure and potent bulwark for our country. I have an unutterable belief in the spirit of our race—British spirit unbroken, un- conquered and unconquerable. Let the young be schooled in the victories of peace; let them be told of the sacrifices made, the sufferings endured in the past—let their thoughts be ennobled and their hearts attuned to higher ideals. Aye, then, the English-speaking race will continue to be the greatest blessing for mankind.

I am afraid that what I am about to say will sound rather dull after the glowing periods to which we have just listened. In 1913–14 the expenditure by the Board of Education, including grants, was £15,000,000. Last year we spent £51,000,000 and £38,000,000 from the rates. If you add these together, and add the expenditure by the Scottish Board, and University and College Grants, the education expenditure of this country last year was about £104,000,000. This year it is about £94,000,000. That figure differs somewhat from the figure which the President of the Board of Education gave, but it only differs really because I have given the supplementary figures. There is nothing, I think, more necessary now to this country than economy. We all do lip service to economy. I think, in the late Election, it was part of everybody's address, but, directly it comes to anything concrete, everybody jibs. We cannot effect great economy unless we make it in the great spending Departments of the State, that is, the Army and Navy, the Air Service and, largely, Education. The Estimates for the Army and Navy approximate about £50,000,000 each. The Estimates for the Air are, roughly, £15,000,000. I have just shown that the expenditure proposed on education is £94,000,000. I should like to make a very short quotation from what was said by Mr. McKenna. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh!"] That is a name which has now, I think, an added weight. On the 24th October, Mr. McKenna said:

"We have in our industrial centres an appalling degree of unemployment, with all its suffering and human waste, unparalleled in modern history. With industry in this deplorable condition, the national expenditure has been maintained on a reckless scale, which at no time could be justified, and which to-day is a positive danger to our economic stability."

I will give the Committee a quotation from somebody who will carry, perhaps, still greater weight on the other side, and that is Lord Grey of Fallodon. Speaking on the same day he said,

"As long as taxation is as heavy as it is, it presses on the springs of industry, You have got to reduce expenditure until you can reduce taxation to a point at which the springs of industry are relieved, and that must be your first effort. But it follows that until you have done that, you cannot make practical progress with schemes of social reform, and other things which would cost money. Let us go for a straight policy of economy as the first object, getting taxation lowered."

I wish to point out, that if this House and country resolutely refuse to economise, we shall be faced either with a capital levy—

Or this country will be faced with bankruptcy. I think a capital levy also means bankruptcy. Therefore, I think it is essential now for the Conservative party to economise. It has been my unfortunate and unpleasant position in this House since I entered it to have a very undue strain put upon my feelings of party loyalty. I have felt compelled to speak and vote against expenditure in Mesopotamia. I have spoken against our expenditure on the Navy and on the Air, and therefore I think hon. Members opposite will agree that I am being consistent. I am attacking those things which are dear to me, and also things which, perhaps, are not so dear to me, but I am taking a consistent course.

I will now, with the leave of the Committee, get down to the exact point to which I wish to address my few remarks, namely, the economies that may be possible in education. Taking first the staffs, I think it will be possible to fuse the staff work that is done outside by the local authorities and by the Board of Education. The staff of the Board inside has grown very largely—I think from 970 officials in 1913–14 to 1,347, and the cost has risen about double, namely, from £206,000 to £434,600. Turning to elementary education, the Geddes Committee suggested that the age of entry into elementary schools should be raised from rive to six years. I do not think anybody in this Committee holds the view that a child should be given anything like a literary education before the age of six or seven. People say now that women I workers in the great cities find it very hard to work and look after their children, and, therefore, it is a great advantage to them that their children should be looked after by the State in a primary school. That may be so, but if that is so, and it is considered a State duty, obviously the same argument applies to taking children at the age of four, three, two years, or even 12 months. I do not consider that is part of the duty of the State. I think the community will be very much better off if women look after their own children. [An HON. MEMBER: "Give them the chance"]

On a point of Order. Would not any proposal to raise the age require legislation? Therefore, is not this part of the hon. Member's argument out of order on the Estimates?

It is quite true that if the hon. Member were deliberately suggesting legislation, that would be out of order, but I do not think he is doing that.

I believe there are 677,000 children in our elementary schools between five and six years of age, and we could get great economy if we did not teach those children. I wish to pass to secondary education. Of the pupils, 55 per cent. pay about one-third of the cost of their education; 45 per cent. pay nothing. I think that it is unreasonable that the community should pay two-thirds of the expenditure of those who are paying something. Similarly, as regards the pupils who are free pupils, I believe the standard of scholarship is very low, and in this respect I should like to quote the words of the right hon. Gentleman who was President of the Board of Education. Speaking on the 24th February, he said: will interest the Committee to know some of the subjects which are taught in these evening institutes. I will mention a few —æsthetics, eurythmics, country dances, Irish, the Education Act of 1918 and Esperanto. I think the Committee will agree that it is rather unreasonable that we should pay 22/23rds of the cost of teaching those subjects. I do not believe the State can give efficient instruction in vocational instruction. It cannot keep pace with the variety of the needs of the industries. The money spent is wasted. Moreover, I think that if this instruction is to be given the expense should be mainly borne by the person receiving it.

A few words about training colleges. This has been fully dealt with extremely well by the hon. Gentleman the Member for London University (Sir Sydney Russell-Wells), and also, I think, we all found very much to agree with in what the right hon. Gentleman the ex-President of the Board of Education said. I should only like to add that under the present system those going into them are the children from the elementary schools who are also in the secondary schools for a certain time. The result is that the education of the whole of the youth of this country is now being undertaken and imparted by teachers drawn from one class of the community. We may differ in opinions as to whether that is desirable or not, according, possibly, to the political opinion one holds. Anyhow, I personally think that it is a great misfortune, and that it would be much better for the youth of this country if their teachers were drawn from all classes of the community regard only being had to fitness. A word about the special schools, which now each about 35,000 children, unfortunate children who suffer from various mental or physical defects. I believe the method by which we should be guided in respect to these unfortunate children, who ultimately will probably become a charge upon the community, is that the State should give such instruction and to such extent that these children will ultimately be a less charge upon the community than they would be if nothing were done for them.

You do not seem to be human at all. It is a good thing there is a grave.

These unfortunate children should be treated as the cross of their parents, a cross which they have to bear. They are not a fit subject for public expenditure except where they can be relieved, and the ultimate burden on the public thereby relieved.

I can only say that in these respects the Government should cut its expenditure according to its cloth, and make these economies if necessary, irrespective of what they desire, if the future of the country is to be safeguarded.

I desire to make two or three observations on the points which the hon. Member, who has just sat down, has made in respect to the special schools. Before doing so, however, may I take note of the suggestion made by the right hon. Gentleman the ex-President of the Board of Education, that the Labour party stands for a narrow form of education. I think that is a suggestion which is perfectly uncalled for, and unworthy of the right hon. Gentleman.

I am sorry to interrupt my hon. Friend, but I do not wish to be misunderstood. I never suggested that the Labour party stood for a narrow type of education. What I did was to contrast the statement of a friend of mine, which I quoted, with the general position, and to say that a particular centre of education equipped by the Labour party is somewhat narrow in its curriculum.

As to that explanation, I would suggest to the right hon. Gentleman that if the reading was confined to Karl Marx, the Members of this party in the House of Commons would be as small as that of the party to which the right hon. Gentleman belongs. When he and his party are half as sound on education as the Labour party, they will be entitled to lecture the Labour party about its views on education.

My principal reason, however, for rising was because of a statement made by the President of the Board of Education in his reference to the fact that from all quarters of the House there had been objection raised to the circular about the special schools. He said that in his opinion it was a reasonable objection, and he continued that, if evidence were put before him that this circular could not be applied without interfering with the efficiency of the special schools, that he would not hesitate—I have his words down here—to reconsider it. I propose, with the permission of the Committee, to put one or two pieces of evidence before him on a point of view which perhaps he has not had the opportunity of noting before. This Circular 1297, dated 29th January, spread dismay amongst educationists. It said:

First of all, let us take the schools for the blind. Experience indicates that up to the present at least 50 per cent. from our special schools for the blind can be equipped to earn a useful livelihood, independent of charity.

That in my opinion is a very excellent result. This House within the past few years has passed legislation having for its object what we all desire, and that is to abolish or prevent one of the most heartrending sights that we can see in the streets of our cities, and that is the blind beggars. Anything that can take a blind beggar off the streets and put him into a position of earning his own livelihood independent of charity is a very useful work. Fifty per cent. of the children in these special schools for the blind are now earning their livelihood independent of charity. That excellent result has only been due to the expert experienced teachers and the small classes which have allowed individual teaching. This Circular proposes to put unqualified teachers into these schools and to increase the number of the children in each class from 15 to 20. I will not develop the point further, but I suggest that the application of this Circular to the blind schools will mean that that percentage of 50 earning their own livelihood independent of charity will immediately drop as soon as you introduce unqualified people to teach the children.

The Circular in respect to the mentally defective schools proposes to increase the classes from 20 to 25, and in addition to make the head teacher to count for 20 scholars, even in the larger schools where it is admitted he cannot possibly take charge of them. In the smaller schools the head teacher will have to take charge of a class. That means that the other teachers will be left entirely on their own. Sometimes we have had the suggestion from one or other Members opposite that the school teachers were misusing their time by teaching Communism, Bolshevism, and all sorts of other things; but under a system which the head teacher has to take a class he will have no opportunity of going around the other classes and seeing what doctrines are or are not being taught. From that point of view, therefore, it would be a mistake to insist upon this change. What would be the result? If there is any type of school where unqualified teachers will mean disaster it is, I suggest, in the special school. Let me draw a picture of a class of 25 mentally deficient children aged from 6 to 12 in the junior, and from 12 to 16 in the senior school. A few can read well. The majority can read words of not more than four letters. A number do not know the letters of the alphabet. Imagine reading lessons under these conditions! As to writing, some can write; most have little or no idea of spelling. Some can make wonderful drawings showing skill and imagination; others cannot draw a straight line with a ruler. Various types of mental deficiency are represented in the classes. The slow, the stupid, all types between the preternaturally slow and the preternaturally sharp. To spend five hours a day amongst these is enough to daunt the heart of the keenest and most enthusiastic teacher. That is not all. Into this strange medley of peculiar little people, each one presenting a complex psychological problem, all of them educable in some direction or another—many of them in certain things more highly developed than the normal person, if it can be discovered in time—into this strange medley, you propose to put not experts or specialists, but unqualified persons. You also propose to increase the class 25 per cent., and make the head teacher take a class.

8.0 P.M.

It means in fact that where the head teacher is at work with one pupil you may put it down that in that school there is really no head teacher at all. One of the most successful parts of these schools has been the manual work, where the chief manual occupation has been woodwork, and wonderful results have been obtained. One case of this kind came under my own personal knowledge. A boy came into one of these special schools very defective, but it was soon discovered that he had wonderful ability in some things and he could do remarkable work with his hands. He received a training in woodwork, but when the War broke out he volunteered to join the Army but was rejected, although he afterwards volunteered for the Navy and was accepted. He went on board a battleship and on one occasion it happened that the ship's carpenter wanted assistance, and as this boy knew something about handling tools, he was allowed to assist the carpenter, and he succeeded so well that I am proud to say he. is now a petty officer in His Majesty's Navy. I do not hesitate to say that, but for the training he had previously received in woodwork he would have remained on the parish all his life or probably hanging about the street corners.

With regard to this manual work, eight years ago the number of children in a class used to be 10. Then it was increased to 12, and afterwards to 15, and by the circular which has just been issued it is proposed to increase the number to 18. As far as I know, there is not a manual room in any special school in this country large enough to take nine benches with two boys at each bench. But even supposing you have a room large enough for this purpose, what would happen? We often read that individual teaching in these cases is absolutely necessary if you want successful results. It is no good sending these boys to the ordinary school, where you give them something to make and ask them to make others like it. One boy may may 20 models while another is only spoiling the first one. It is impossible to teach these boys collectively, and therefore you must have individual teaching. Without this you cannot get successful results, and you cannot train these children so that they will be able later on to earn their own living. You cannot accomplish this if you have 18 boys in one room with only one teacher responsible for them. Besides this you have a very serious danger of accidents, because these boys are handling sharp tools, and so far as discipline is concerned you are going to have a pandemonium because the teacher cannot get round to give the whole of the boys individual instruction, and many of them are kept waiting doing nothing. In this way you are going to lower the standard of skill and diminish the chances of these boys obtaining employment when they leave the schools.

May I say a word or two about the special schools for physically defective children. I am sure many hon. Members have no idea what a cripple school is like. You may have seen the ambulances taking these children to school, and all those who have taken an interest in the London special schools for physically defective children are proud of the schools which the London County Council have established. These crippled children are the Tiny Tims of the nation, but by the operation of this Circular the Board of Education is playing the part of Scrooge to these Tiny Tims. It is now proposed to increase the number of children in these cripple schools from 20 to 30, which is an increase of 50 per cent.

I have been dealing with the boys, but now let me deal with the girls in the physically defective schools. What will happen if this proposal is carried into effect? When these crippled girls are old enough to leave school it is very difficult for them to obtain employment, because an employer does not employ people out of philanthopic motives, and if he is given a normal girl and a crippled girl to choose from, he generally takes the normal girl because a crippled girl is more likely to have an accident. This means that when the crippled girl leaves school it is absolutely necessary that she should be more highly skilled than the normal girl. These schools for girls have been a great success, and there is such a demand for these crippled girls after they have been trained that one or two firms in Bond Street take many of them as they leave school because of the high skill they have attained in blouse making and similar work which they are able to do efficiently on account of their special training.

These girls are employed, and there is a good demand for them, but that is only possible because the classes are small and the teachers are experts, and they can bring the girls to a high degree of skill in their work. If, however, you raise the number of the class from 20 to 30, how is it going to be possible, even for a highly-skilled teacher, to be able to train these children to such a high degree of skill as to enable them to be more skilful with their fingers than the normal girl, and if they are not more skilful their chances of employment will be very small indeed. Let me say just a word about this proposal as it applies to London. To apply this circular to the London special schools is almost impossible. Up to now London has led the world in its system of special schools. The Minister of Education has told us to-day that there is going to be an Imperial Education Conference in London. I feel perfectly sure that many of those delegates who are going to attend, before they leave the Colonies, will make up their minds to come and see the work which is being done in the London special schools. During the Easter Adjournment the President of the Board of Education suggested that when he issued this circular it would be found to be partly in the interests of the local authorities themselves, but, at any rate, that does not apply to the London County Council. No one would suggest that the London County Council consists of a body of spendthrifts, that they are wasteful, or anything of that sort, and, so far from thanking the President of the Board of Education for issuing this circular, the Special Schools Sub-Committee of the London County Council has passed a resolution protesting against this circular.

These London special schools have been carefully and patiently established during the past 30 years, and I ask the right hon. Gentleman not to wreck London's special schools, for that is what this circular, if carried out, assuredly means. We have been told that the object of the Board of Education is in the first place simplification of the Regulations and in the second place a reduction of the cost. The first will not be attained. The regulations and requirements of special schools are bound to be complex in view of the different types of schools and the various defects of the children. The second object, which is the reduction of the cost, will inflict hardship upon the children, and I suggest that for every 1s. saved by the Board of Education in this way the Board of Guardians will have to pay at least £1. In London it means the spending of additional large sums of money in structural alterations, or else there will be serious overcrowding of the special schools. I apologise for the time I have taken up going into these details, but I have tried to speak from a point of view from which other hon. Members are not able to speak. I appeal to the right hon. Gentleman to give these schools a chance. We are proud of the work done in the London special schools, and I ask him not to apply this circular in the way it is intended, because it will do serious and irreparable damage to the London special schools.

I would like to congratulate the Minister of Education on the speech which he made earlier this afternoon, and particularly I would like to join in the tribute paid to the teachers for the part they have played in trying to economise. The right hon. Gentleman certainly showed us that he understood the children, and sympathetically understood them, but I hope these economies will not be continued very long. I fully appreciated the references which he made to adult education, and all those who are keen on this question will realise how important it is to have this extra help. The Minister said that economy is a very hard part to carry out, and so it is when it is being practised to the detriment of the education of this country. It is not exactly a question of pounds, shillings and pence, because in education we cannot cry a halt for the reason that if children are denied to-day they are denied for ever.

There can be no standing still in this matter. In the last 50 years we have made great progress, and we have got now to step forward and improve matters. When the Geddes axe fell last year, reaction set in at once. Now we are faced, not so much with legislation, but with the introduction of circulars and regulations which are of the most reactionary character, and I am alarmed at them all. There are three in particular to which I object. One of them is in regard to the special schools, a question which has been so ably dealt with by the last speaker. Another is the curtailment of domestic subjects and handwork, and the third is the appointment of unqualified teachers for children under six years of age. May I say that the present standard in infants' schools has only been achieved by a great deal of hard work and study during the last half century, and research in child psychology has been very much increased. The present system of teaching in infants' schools has been evolved out of the teachings of great educationists like Montessori, John Locke and others, and the curriculum during the last half century has altered very considerably.

Twenty-five years ago it was the great pride of a certain schoolmistress that one of her girls could back-stitch as neatly as a sewing-machine. Perhaps many hon. Members do not know what back- stitching is, but all I need to say is that when it is completed it is very much of the nature of the work done by a sewing machine, and this teacher was very proud that the child was able to do it. That shows the great alteration which has taken place in the curriculum. That is because we realise the importance of the development of the child itself. The position to-day of the children in the infant schools, and the teachers, more especially in regard to the girls, is very unsatisfactory. The tendency now is to introduce supplementary and unqualified teachers in London schools and the circular allows urban schools to do the same thing.

Infant teachers up to the present time have always had a specialised kind of training for infant work which has helped them to teach young children in a psychological manner. I think all real educationists acknowledge that special training is needed, because unless the foundation is right it is a waste of money. It is just as important to have a good teacher for a child's education as it is to have a good foundation for a building. The suggested proposals are that in the infant schools the attendance up to the age of six years is to be optional and untrained and unqualified teachers may be put into these schools. Most of these children were born during the period of the War; some of them lived in the area where the Zeppelins came, and many of them are more or less a bundle of nerves, and it is those children who need particular care in our schools at the present time.

It being a quarter past Eight of the clock, and there being Private Business set down by the direction of the CHAIRMAN OF WAYS AND MEANS under Standing Order No. 8, further Proceeding was postponed, without Question put.

Private Business

LONDON, MIDLAND, AND SCOTTISH RAILWAY BILL [ Lords ]. ( By Order. )

Second Reading deferred till Monday, 4th June.

London County Council (Money) Bill (By Order)

Order for Second Reading read.

Motion made and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read a Second time."

Perhaps I ought to give a short explanation to the House of the reason why this Bill is put down for discussion. Some hon. Members may know that in the case of ordinary municipal corporations in the country, if they wish to borrow capital money for any purpose, they have to apply to the Ministry of Health, and the Ministry send down an inspector before whom they are called upon to present a, prima facie case for leave to borrow the money. If they can do so, leave is given and the matter goes forward in that way. But in the case of the London County Council it is different, and by an Act of Parliament it was decided that no such inquiry should take place, but that the County Council should come direct to Parliament and make a request for any loans it might need to raise for capital expenditure. This Bill comes annually before Parliament and asks for Parliamentary sanction in respect of a large number of capital sums required for the purposes of London County Council work. Undoubtedly it is the duty of the House to be satisfied by the County Council that there is a prima facie case for borrowing the money; otherwise the whole proceedings would be a farce.

Year by year this matter is brought before the House. Questions are asked of the promoters of the Bill upon certain figures which appear in it, and the House is more or less satisfied that it is expedient that the county council should have power to borrow these particular sums. The Bill this year compares somewhat favourably with some Bills put before the House in the past. The hon. Member who is in charge of it will, I am sure, be able to answer such questions as I put to him very fully, and in that case I shall not probably occupy much time. Last year we had a very amusing speech from the representative of the county council— Major Gray, who is no longer a Member of this House—but we received practically no information from the hon. Gentleman, and we subsequently had no other oppor- tunity of raising the question. If, as is unlikely, the present representative of the council does not give the information we seek, the House will have it within its power to take such action as it may deem necessary. This Bill deals with various capital sums of money. First, I want my hon. Friend to tell me on what terms it is proposed to borrow them. What I mean is, what are the Sinking Fund arrangements as far as the money is concerned? The capital sums are being borrowed for a variety of undertakings, including building, tramway plant, and such things as the renewal of ferry boats. In the first instance, perhaps the hon. Member will let me know upon what sort of Sinking Fund terms the county council propose to borrow these large sums of money.

The Schedule of the Bill contains various items for which power is sought to borrow money. The first is a somewhat small item of £55,000 for the laying out and improvement of open spaces, and there is also a small item of £3,000 for the adaptation and equipment of the Shorne Estate for the purposes of small holdings. Next we come to an item of £2,417,050 for carrying out schemes under the Housing Acts, 1890 to 1921, and for the acquisition of land and erection of dwellings and other expenses. I should like to know whether that large sum includes amounts which are becoming due or likely to become due under the Housing Bill now before Parliament, and I would ask for some more details as to the number of houses the County Council hope to build and how many houses will be subsidised through private industry. Then there is a small item of £19,000 for the provision of new boats for Woolwich Ferry. I want to know how this sort of sum is to be repaid. Is it a capital expenditure at all, or is it not ordinary working expenditure which should be taken out of the profits of each year? Let us see whether or not the County Council is using capital for interest purposes, or whether this is genuinely capital expenditure which will be repaid during the lifetime of these particular boats. The next items deal with various tramway improvements and widening schemes connected therewith. I see that £120,000 is asked for the Old Street and Kingsland Road extension. There is an item of no less a sum than £500,000 for the construction, reconstruction and equipment of tramways and for the provi- sion of buildings, power stations, machinery and rolling stock and other purposes.

This is a capital sum, and I want my hon. Friend, if he will, to tell us how much of these amalgamated sums is really for tramway extension—whether the County Council are extending their tramway system at the present time, and really propose to carry further the system, which, apparently, from a financial point of view, is not very profitable. I should like to be told whether this sum of £500,000 for construction and so forth is really for mere renewals, and is hardly a capital sum at all, or whether there is any sinking fund to replace that £500,000 for the reconstruction and equipment of tramways, which will be worked off during the life-time of the plant bought in that way. Before we sanction such a large sum for the construction or reconstruction of tramways, we ought, as business men, to know more or less how much is capital and how much is upkeep of the tramway system at the present time, and what prospect there is of its being repaid. There is one small item of £16,000 for provision of new offices and plant for testing gas-meters, and possibly my hon. Friend can tell us whether these new offices are to be put about at different places, or are to be added to the new County Council Hall.

Those are the main questions that I desire to ask upon these particular items and I come now to the last one, on which I have asked for information on various other occasions, namely, the further expense of £237,000 for the new County Hall—for erection of buildings, raft foundation and incidental expenses. I have heard very often of the raft foundation, but am not very clear about what it means, and no doubt my hon. Friend will explain it. That, however, is a detail. What I want to know is, firstly, how much has been spent up to the present time, not including this item, upon the Council Council Hall. Last year Major Gray's figures were very difficult to follow, and, although I understood that the amount was something between £3,000,000 and £4,000,000, I could not make it out very clearly. Perhaps my hon. Friend can say definitely what sum has been spent, not counting this further sum of £237,000 which we are asked to sanction to-night, on the County Council Hall, and whether originally, when it was first started before the War, any estimate was ever got out for the cost of the hall. As far as I am aware, none was ever got out at all, but possibly my hon. Friend can give me accurate information as to that, and also as to what literal sum has been paid for it, whether this further sum of £237,000, plus £20,000, is likely to complete the hall or not, and, if not, whether the County Council have any estimate now in their minds as to what further expenditure will be required. Before we part with this matter, I think we should get that figure, and should know at once how much has been spent, whether this considerable estimate which we are asked to sanction to-night is conclusive, and, if not, how much more it is expected to spend out of capital on the building.

To Part II of the Schedule I somewhat object, and I should like to have an assurance from my hon. Friend with regard to it. It has always been a little difficult to understand why Part II of the Schedule should be necessary at all, but what I dislike about it is that it has grown very much. It relates to expenditure which may be authorised by the Treasury beyond the amounts specified in Part I of the Schedule. That is to say, assuming that we pass to-night Part I of the Schedule, and allow the County Council to borrow so much money, then they take power here in addition, if they can get the authority of the Treasury, to borrow further sums of money. The defence which I have generally heard of that part of the Schedule is, in a broad substantial way, that you cannot estimate with exactness, and that it would be very awkward if they had not power, before the Bill comes forward next year, to borrow a small further amount for the purpose of carrying on the work for that time. Obviously, however, that additional sum ought not to be large. This House, and not the Treasury, is the tribunal that should say how much the County Council should borrow, and though I agree that it would be right to allow a certain sum to make up for expenses, it has kept on growing. Last year it had got as far as £250,000, which seemed to me to be too large a sum, as I said at the time, unless the control of this House is going to be made a farce, to allow the Treasury to grant for extra borrowings of the County Council for any purpose connected with the Act. This item, therefore, should be watched with care. This year it has increased to £500,000, and I do want my hon. Friend to explain to us why it is necessary that so large a sum should be in that way put quite outside the control of this House, simply to be borrowed if the Treasury gives leave. There is a similar figure in Part III of the Schedule, and I should like a word of explanation as to that also, because it is rather a kindred point.

Not only are these figures which I have just dealt with a matter for comment, but in Part III, which deals with amounts estimated to be required for loans, there is a further figure, in connection with loans to Metropolitan Borough Councils of £1,000,000—which is not above the average, I agree—together with £100,000 for boards of guardians and £25,000 for other public bodies and certain schools. Then comes this item:

I am glad that there is something in this world about which I need not worry. I assume that they take care, and, that being so, I submit that that £100,000 ought not to be left outside the control of this House, because, after all, we have either to make the control of the House a farce—which I am sure no hon. Member here wishes to do—or we must be satisfied as to what we are passing; and to leave an extra item like this to be borrowed or not according to the sanction of the Treasury instead of the sanction of this House, seems to me to be leaving an unnecessarily large margin to cover any want of estimate that may occur. I am sure my hon. Friend will realise that it is in no hostile spirit to the County Council that I am bringing these matters forward. I am simply bringing forward the points on which I want to be satisfied, and which strike one as being rather the larger items in the Bill. I bring these matters up, as I do year by year, because it is the duty of the House to check this Bill, without in any way being hostile to it. It is our duty to go into it, and we ought to have, as I hope we shall have, some sort of explanation from the County Council as to the details before we give the County Council authority to borrow these very large sums. For our own sake more than for the sake of the County Council we ought to be satisfied that they have a prima facie case for borrowing these large sums, and that can only be done by bringing the matter up in this way. I do not propose to move any formal Motion against the Bill, because the Motion that is now before the House will afford an ample opportunity for discussion.

I have seconded my hon. and learned Friend in opposing the Money Bills of the County Council for the last three or four years, and I look forward with great pleasure to hearing the reply to the points which we have to raise. My hon. and learned Friend has touched upon most of the more important points, but there are one or two details I should like to know about. The first is with regard to the provision of new boats for Woolwich Ferry. Is this in addition to the present accommodation of the Woolwich Ferry? How long have the present boats been in commission, what type of boat is really required, and are you getting new boats or are you getting boats marked for disposal? During the last few years a great many craft of various sorts have been paid off by the Navy or by the Shipping Control Committee, and I do not know whether any of them can be adapted for use on the Woolwich Ferry. Then the tramway system has frequently been criticised in the Press and elsewhere, and it is alleged that it does not pay its way. The money of the public was originally sunk in the trams before motor omnibuses came in, and it is said that any attempt to change the system would be throwing good money after bad. It is always a matter of debate as to whether the trams pay their way or not. A good many people think they do not, but the County Council spokesmen in the House have always said that if they were relieved of the charges for repayment interest on the capital funds borrowed in the past they would pay their way. The other day I saw it stated by the Manchester City Council that they had made a profit in one year's working of £560,000 and had carried 285,000,000 passengers. I do not know whether those figures are to be relied on—I only saw them in the Press— but if the Manchester City Council can show a profit of £500,000, is there anything to prevent the London County Council doing the same thing?

There is competition in Manchester as well. I want to know the exact position of the London tramway system. We do not want to criticise it in a hostile spirit. Trams we must have because the workers must get to their work, and if you do not have trams you will have to replace them with something else, and the replacement of the existing tramway system is off the map altogether in these days. We want to be assured that the tramway system is really worked with due regard to economy. I have heard spokesmen of the county council say "if we were only allowed to connect up various points we might be able to make it pay a little better," but that would mean laying trams down Charing Cross Road, Tottenham Court Road, and other busy arteries of traffic. The intelligent observer has it thrust on him that the congestion of traffic daily gets worse and worse. The Minister of Transport is very much exercised in the matter. After all, there is a definite limit to the amount of traffic which can, under the best possible conditions, get through any street at a given time. There is no co-ordinating authority for the repair of streets. Any borough council can pick up a street and start in to repair it. They can pick up parallel main arteries of traffic and start in to repair them at the same time, and the condition of traffic is indescribable. Anyone who has attempted during the last few weeks to go along the Strand or to go past the Blackfriars Corner up Queen Victoria Street, or along Holborn or Oxford Street will know exactly what I mean. Is the county council representing to the Minister of Transport that something must definitely be done? After all, the tramway system is as much involved in this as omnibuses or anything else. The congestion at certain points is as bad for the trams as for any other form of traffic, and it is a matter that definitely concerns us all. Unless something is done within the next five years, it will be impossible at certain hours of the day for anyone to take a public-service vehicle, whether tram, omnibus, taxi, or anything else, to get from point a to point b, under any conditions. The attitude of the Government is, "that things may get worse, we are sorry, but we have no power."

Is the Noble Lord suggesting that the County Council have power to put this right? Otherwise he is not in order.

First of all, I want the County Council to bring influence, and assist others to bring influence, to bear on the Minister of Transport to get something done on the lines of Lord Ullswater's Committee, or something of that sort, and, secondly, I want them to press on with street widening. If the trams are so impeded in their passage through the street that they are subject to any serious delays, it will only mean that the tramway system will pay worse in the future than it possibly has done in the past, and they are as intimately bound up in this question as any other member of the public outside. I hope the spokesman for the London County Council will be able to give us some idea of their position so far as street widening and the general congestion of traffic are concerned. This year the Council proposes to take power to borrow £150,000 up to 31st March, 1924, and £123,715 up to 30th September, 1924. Those sums to me seem rather small. After all, the Mare Street widening, I should imagine, is a very important work from what I know of Mare Street. It seems to me that the sum taken for that, £400, is very small. I hope the Council realise the importance of this question, and I would like to get an assurance from them that they will do what they can to assist other bodies and individuals to bring pressure to bear upon the Govern- ment to set up some co-ordinating authority to organise London traffic properly, and, possibly, to enable the County Council trams to pay their way better than they have been able to do in the past.

The next question which calls for attention is the provision for Metropolitan ambulances. We have seen lately in the Press accounts of occasions where persons who have suffered as a result of street accidents have been left lying in the street for a considerable time. I heard of one case where a man was left, lying in the street for three quarters of an hour before an ambulance could be secured. I have seen a statement in the Press that in the whole of the county council area there are only seven ambulances to be had. That number is hopelessly inadequate. This question must be tackled on the lines on which it is tackled in New York and other great cities. I am told that in New York, which is a smaller city than London, they have 70 ambulances. There must be something wrong with a system which can leave the unfortunate sufferer from a street accident lying in the street three quarters of an hour before the county council could get him to hospital. The sum taken on this account is £7,360. What can you do with that sum in the way of providing additional stations and ambulances? [An HON. MEMBER: "Why do not they provide their own ambulances?"] I appeal to hon. Members opposite to realise that this is a serious question. There has been a considerable outcry in the Press about it, and I hope hon. Members opposite will assist me to get an explanation from the hon. Member for East Greenwich as to the ambulance position in London and what additional ambulances the county council are going to set up. There is considerable anxiety in the mind of the public in regard to it.

Another question is that of the County Hall. Year after year the County Hall has been a feature in these Estimates. One year there will be a call for a sum of a quarter of a million, another year for half a million, perhaps another year for a million, and yet further items come along. Can the hon. Member for Greenwich (Mr. Hume) tell us whether we are going to reach finality in this matter? How much longer is it to be a prominent feature in these Estimates? I would like to know what the ultimate expenditure will be. I do not want to cramp it, but I would like to know, as an ordinary member of the public, how much has been spent on the County Hall, and how much more it is anticipated will be required in order to complete it. I have seen criticism of the County Hall in the Press. It is said that members cannot make themselves heard in the building. We have heard Members on the Treasury Bench in this House who cannot make themselves heard, and it is rather disappointing that in a new and beautiful building, erected on the most modern lines and with all the improvements that science can suggest, members cannot make themselves heard. I do not say that that is true. If it is, it is very disappointing. There has been criticism of Part II of the Schedule. It represents a very large sum, and I hope that the hon. Member for Greenwich will be able to give some explanation why the sum required is so much larger than the amount required last year. I am told that the cost of most things is going down, and yet we have here a sum which is more than twice as much as last year. The same remark also applies to Part III.

Another matter which calls for attention has been the cause of much complaint on the part of the public and that is, that when they wish to board or to alight from a tram they frequently find a motor vehicle passing on the near side. The majority of motor drivers wish to drive with the greatest possible care. My observation assures me that the majority of drivers of motor traffic, such as 'bus drivers, taxi-drivers, and so on, although they are not compelled to do so by law, allow passengers to get on and off a tram and stop their vehicle while they do so without driving on to their inconvenience. There are, however, occasions when a tram—I speak here from experience, and many others can confirm my assertion—pulls up very quickly, very much more quickly than other traffic on the street, and the motor vehicle that has been following behind has to pull up quickly, one way or the other. Would it not be possible to fix some sort of indicator on the tram which would give some sort of signal as to the intention of the driver of the tram? Most forms of traffic give signals of what they are going to do. Certain signals have been approved by the Commissioner of Police to be given by the drivers of motor vehicles, and it is also customary for horse-driven vehicles to give signals. The only vehicle which gives no signal is the tram. An omnibus may be driving closely behind a tram, and the street may be a bit slippery. The tram can pull up as quickly on a rainy day as on a dry day, but a vehicle with rubber tyres, such as an omnibus or a motor-car, is liable to skid, arid that makes it difficult to pull up. That emphasises my suggestion that there might be some sort of indicator adopted on the trams which will give following traffic some indication of the intentions of the tram driver.

Another point is that people who wish to embark either on trams or omnibuses often have to stand in queues. Would it not be possible for the county councils to put up shelters to protect them while they are waiting? During the rush hours there is no more pathetic sight in London than queues of workers waiting for trams or omnibuses, standing in the rain, getting wet through and contracting colds, pneumonia, and perhaps something worse. Would it not be possible to extend the system which we see at the end of Blackfriars and along the Embankment, of putting up some sort of light shelter, where the queues of people could stand and avoid getting wet? Those who have to use these vehicles would look upon this as a great boon. I hope that the hon. Member for Greenwich and the Council as a whole will not consider that I have raised any points in a hostile spirit. Though I have criticised both the trams and the County Hall, I wish them both well, and I hope that the Council will be able to assist us in getting value out of the very large amount of money which has been spent on these undertakings.

The task which I have to undertake is not a very light one, especially in view of the fact that this is the first time I have taken occasion to address this honourable House. The Noble Lord has dealt with this matter in such a way as to make my task as light as possible. We on the London County Council realise, as we ought to realise, that in carrying out these large works and these very important duties, as it has been laid upon us to come before this House to ask for statutory powers in connection with large capital sums, we cannot complain if questions are raised, and if the House takes an interest in the proceedings of the Council. To me, personally, it is a refreshing thing to find myself in the dock on suspicion of being extravagant. The story which we hear in another place is a very different one, but I have been struck by the suggestions of the Noble Lord the Member for South Battersea, because they are an echo, and not even a faint echo, of some of the suggestions which are made to us in another place, every one of which always involves the spending of money. Perhaps it would be more convenient to this House if I deal with the questions that have been raised somewhat in the order in which they are found in the Bill. I hope that I shall be able to satisfy the questioners as to some of the details for which they are asking.

9.0 P.M.

Probably the House will consider that the most important item in this Bill is Item No. 5, asking for a sum of £2,417,000 for housing purposes. Without going too much into detail I may state that some £313,000 of that amount is for slum clearances. £1,351,000 is required for housing under the Addison scheme. We have still to finish oft the schemes which we took in hand, and which we are obliged to carry through. Something like £750,000 is asked for, to carry out works under the new housing scheme which is now passing through Parliament. I think that every penny of that money will be required. It looks like a big sum, but the reason why it is asked for is, as hon. Members will realise, the uncertainty as to the amount of work which it will be possible for the Council to do in housing, and it is contemplated that, if anything should have to be done by way of call on that contingency fund, it will be for housing purposes and housing purposes alone. The Council have been exceedingly anxious this year to keep down, as far as possible, the amount of money which they want power to raise, with the result that we are running nearer to the margin, and it becomes more important that we should have a sum to fall back on in case of necessity. But so far as the Council are concerned, I am sure that I am right in saying that it is mainly in connection with housing that that money will be required. It has been stated already, and there is no secret about it, that this can only be an estimate of a very unsettled amount, because so much depends on varying conditions. But the Council have based this estimate on the hope that within the next two years the Council themselves will be able to put up something like 6,000 houses, and to induce private enterprise to come in with a contribution of something like the same number of houses. Under the Addison scheme the Council put up 7,000 houses. It must always be remembered that a tremendous amount of preparatory work had to be done over some years before the houses appeared. Under this scheme we are in a position to go ahead, and I hope that in two years we shall be able to get more houses than we have been able to get under the late scheme.

As regards improvements, it may be convenient to deal first with ferry boats. The number of boats which we have in use on the ferry—which I may remind the House is a free ferry—is three. Two boats have to be crapped because of age, having been in service for something like 32 years, and two new boats have been acquired. They have been built specially for the council, and designed for that particular service. The House will realise, and especially those acquainted with the service, that it is very difficult to adapt any sort of boat to this work. The boats have to be of special construction. Vehicles have to be carried on the upper deck and passengers on the lower deck. Only a small sum is being asked for this year in respect of that service.

As to improvements, a question has been raised regarding what is said to be the largeness of the sum allocated, though I believe that the Noble Lord the Member for South Battersea (Viscount Curzon) said that the sum was too small. When unemployment was rife it was the Council's duty to spend all the money possible on works which would provide employment rather than on the purchase of property. We have been moving extremely slowly with regard to the purchase of property, but on works, for instance, arterial roads, we have been spending a very large sum of money. The £600,000 referred to covers arterial roads to a considerable extent. £17,000 has been spent on property at Shooters Hill and Hackney and Hammersmith. We have spent something like £1,000,000 on unemployment works in the county. There are sums for improvements which have been carried out under the tramways and improvement Acts of past years. These are only clearing up payments. There is not a single new tramway extension in contemplation in these Estimates. Item No. 8, £3,835, is for clearing away the booking office at Dalston. As to High Street and East Hill, Wands-worth, I can again assure the Noble Lord. The sums included do not represent the amount of work done. The total estimate is £229,000, as shown in the first column, and the smaller sum which has been mentioned is a clearing up sum. The same remark applies to Item No. 11, £400, which is merely a final payment in respect of works being carried out. In the Kingsland Road we have an improvement which London badly needs, for it is one of the arterial roads leading from the centre of the Metropolis. The Council is putting aside £70,000 for street widening. I hope the time is coming when we shall be able to undertake work in Old Street. Engineers are at work already in preparing plans.

I have seen frequently in the Press lately complaints that people meeting with accidents in the streets have to wait a long time for an ambulance. Most of these cases have been inquired into, and it has been found that the County Council ambulance service has not been at fault at all. One case mentioned to-night was that of an accident at Woolwich, where a man and women had to wait for three-quarters of an hour. In that case, unfortunately, two ambulances had been called in different directions, and nobody on the spot seems to have had the sense to try to get the injured people to a hospital, which was within a quarter of a mile, by using a stretcher or some other vehicle. The Council fully realises, however, that there must be a development of what is really an excellent ambulance service. The service is to be developed by something like 50 per cent. We have six ambulance centres now all over London, and three more are to be added, one at Highbury, another at Paddington Green, and a third at Clapham Junction. The sum which is allocated to this work is a very good example of the economical and efficient way in which the Council proceeds.

There are six centres, and, I believe, one ambulance in each centre. The £7,360 is a sufficient sum for putting up the necessary ambulance sheds. Item No. 15, with reference to the Sale of Gas Acts, the testing of gas meters, and so forth, represents a statutory duty which the Council has to perform. This is not an extra sum which is being brought in to aid us in the work on the new County Hall. In April, 1905, the estimate of the complete cost of the County Hall was £1,700,000, and it was on that estimate that the work was undertaken. As the House knows, the work was suspended during the War, not by the Council's own volition, but because a stop was put to all work of that kind with the result that the Council was driven to build in a period when costs had gone up immensely. The Council found themselves faced with the necessity of proceeding with the building because, obviously, the structure could not be allowed to remain unfinished and unprotected, but when that time came, prices were so uncertain that no estimate was taken at that moment but revised estimates were prepared in July, 1920, of the cost of the three sections known as sections A, B and C, and the revised cost was estimated at £3,316,000. I am glad to be able to tell the House that the cost will actually work out at less than that figure, and, taking the estimated total cost of all four sections A, B, C and D, the figure is now £4,083,000. That is the total for the four sections—for completing the building— and, even then, it is hoped that it may work out at less. It is not intended to proceed at present with the extension— section D—but the House may be interested to know that the whole of the County Hall is built upon a concrete raft, which was found necessary in view of the condition of the subsoil. On the advice of our architect and engineers we have proceeded to complete the raft, and we have a complete "saucer" which will be ready and prepared to take the fourth or D section when it is determined to proceed with it and complete the building. I cannot give the House any particulars as to the date when it will be completed. It will depend on many things, upon the amount of money available, upon how prices rise or fall. For the moment no decision has been taken as to the completion of the fourth section beyond the construction of the raft. The actual amount of total expenditure up to the end of March, 1923, is £2,936,910. I think I have covered the larger portion of the ground regarding that matter.

There is one subject regarding which my Noble Friend has greatly tempted me, but I do not know if I should be in order in going into the whole question of tramways and of traffic in London. I may say at once that I absolutely agree with the Noble Lord that the traffic problem in London is one which is going to force itself on the attention of this House. I understand it is not suggested that the London County Council is at fault, but even to suggest that the County Council can do any more than it has done will not assist us. This is one of the problems which the County Council more than any other body has followed with close attention. There have been Royal Commissions, there have been inquiries, there have been Select Committees of this House, there have been Advisory Committees of the Ministry of Transport, one and all making proposals for dealing with the traffic problem. The London County Council has pressed in season and out of season that a Traffic Board of some sort should be established, but nothing has been done. Various methods have been suggested, and at the recent inquiry into London government the traffic problem was the main problem. The Royal Commission reported in piecemeal fashion, the majority Report being signed by only four members out of something like nine or ten. That set us back in our efforts to deal with the problem, and we have once more painfully to try to get the problem taken up. I tell the House that we shall have on the London streets before the summer is over something like 1,000 more omnibuses, and I think hon. Members will realise that it is not in five years' time that the congestion will have become intolerable, but that it will be intolerable by next spring. Is it not time that we should go further into the matter?

I wish to speak about the much-criticised trams. My Noble Friend persists in doubting that the trams are a paying proposition. I do not know of any traffic undertaking which, in the years 1919–20 and 1920–21, was able to withstand the conditions and show a flourishing economic position. I may tell the House that in spite of all the burdens which have been referred to, the tramways never came upon the rates until 1919–20, when they did come on to the tune of £100,000. In 1920–21 there was a very heavy slump and they came on to the extent of £590,000. In the year following they recovered themselves and the deficit was about £80,000, and this year our surplus, after paying expenses and sinking fund and interest on the debt, will be something like £100,000. Like every undertaking, it had its dip down and it has come up again. I believe every undertaking takes more time to recover than to crash. Let us compare the position of the combine at the same time—an undertaking which bears none of the burdens we have to bear and which receives such laudation in certain quarters as being the undoubted successor of the tramway undertaking. It is well known that the combine has the assistance of a pool from which the weaker brethren can have help. In the year 1917 we find that the General Omnibus Company paid nothing into the pool, but took £190,000 odd out of it. In 1918, again, nothing into the pool, but £210,000 out. The following year £582,000 out, and in 1920, £400,000; or a total of £1,383,000 odd taken out of the pool, and nothing put into it. The total deficit of the London County Council over the years which I have mentioned has amounted to something like £650,000, and no more. The undertakings may well be compared from that point of view, with all the burdens on the one undertaking, and the fact that the tramways cannot carry out legitimate extensions because they are blocked in every direction, while the combine can send omnibuses where and when they like. They do not undertake the heavy burdens the tramways have to carry in the shape of special considerations. As hon. Members realise, I do not know what would happen to them after the last train has gone if it were not for London's tramways. Taking the system as a whole, I venture to suggest to this House that the tramways are still in an exceedingly efficient condition, and fully capable of taking care of themselves for a time yet.

There is, however, another very serious problem arising, and that is the question of how far the tramways as a whole and the Tubes will be able to withstand possible developments in the future. Of course, if an omnibus could come anywhere near the carrying capacity of the tram, the doom of the tram in our large cities would be reached. There is not the slightest doubt that a fixed rail in a congested area is not a thing to be put up with unless it is absolutely necessary, but you cannot handle your traffic problem to-day unless you have your large unit vehicles on the road. The congestion would be too terrible if you tried to do away with them. As the question has been put to me, I would like to assure the House that, owing to the conditions, the refusal of local authorities, the difficulties in this House and the other in getting tramway schemes through, we have to leave the tramway system at present in the disjoined condition in which we find it. Of the amount we are asking for, £150,000 is wanted in order to re-motor the tramways, to give motors of more power in order to speed up the trams for the convenience of the travelling public, and also because it will prove more efficient in the long run. We are improving the coaling arrangements at the generating stations. Every penny asked for is for improving the undertaking and its work. I have been asked, in addition, as to how we are proposing to raise the money. Of course, the Council if necessary will borrow and the money spent will be the subject of a Sinking Fund. I will tell the House of the practice in connection with Sinking Funds. To provide for the repayment of debt in connection with land, street improvements, and other long-lived or permanent purposes, the term is 60 years. 25 years are allowed for such items as ferry boats, machinery, and other things quite capable of lasting for 60 years, while shorter periods are adopted for other items where 25 years would be too long a permissible time. 25 years, also, is the average for all periods between 15 and 60, and I may say that the Treasury have approved in every case. I hope I have not detained the House too long. My remarks, necessary, have had to be extremely disjointed, and I have had to leave on one side most tempting subjects, down the avenues to which my Noble Friend has sought to lead me.

I am sure the House will congratulate the hon. Member for Greenwich (Mr. Hume) on his first speech to this House dealing with a very compli- cated subject, and on the manner in which he has delivered it. There are only one or two points upon which I wish to touch. I congratulate the forces who are opposing the hon. Member who has just sat down on securing a new recruit in the person of the Noble Lord the Member for South Battersea (Viscount Curzon) who has ranged himself on the side that others of us take in another place, and who has shown that in some respects he is seized with progressive ideas, which gives us hope for the future. We shall be reinforced by the knowledge that we shall have his support on the matters about which he has spoken to-night. He has helped us considerably in drawing attention to the inadequate supply of ambulance services so far as London is concerned. As he pointed out, it is absurd that for a population running into about 5,000,000, and with the tremendous number of street accidents which occur daily, there are only six ambulances available for this particular work. If we have to come forward with an estimate for an increased number I imagine we shall have his support in getting it through this House. The Noble Lord will be interested, in connection with another matter he raised in calling attention to the amount of money for street improvements, to know that £101,220 of that is to be expended in respect of the widening of Piccadilly between Sackville Street and the Circus, which is a very necessary reform on the lines he has indicated, and which will make for the better handling of traffic and the improvement of London generally. There are about £90,000 odd included for the widening of the Strand and for alterations along there, a very much needed improvement, as the Noble Lord has intimated and no doubt has found by experience with motor traffic in that direction. The right hon. and learned Gentleman the Member for Cambridge University (Mr. Rawlinson) remarked that the estimate had been exceeded in the amount of money expended on the new County Hall. I am in the position of defending a party that I have to fight in another place, but after all we are citizens of London and we want to do the best we can, having had our differences and fought them out across the road. It is true that the Estimate has been exceeded, but that is due to the interregnum of the War period, when prices went up at a tremendous rate, and to the resistance of the right hon. Gentleman's friends to getting on with the new County Hall at an early date when prices were lower and we could have proceeded at greatly reduced cost. It is also fair, for the comfort of the right hon. Baronet the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury), when I heard he was a little concerned about the amount of money that was borrowed to meet a certain deficit on the tramway system, and in order to anticipate any criticism that comes from him, for me to remind him that the omnibus combine during that time was subsidised to a very much larger extent than the trams were subsidised out of national funds, and they happened to be a private interest. Yet, actually with these advantages, and having regard to the pool arrangement to which the hon. Member for Greenwich has referred, the tramway system of London showed a better working margin and profit and has recovered very much more quickly than the combine.

Then there is another side, for which the citizens of London owe a very great debt of gratitude to the tramways. By their action the mid-day fare has been lowered both on the trams and omnibuses through the London County Council. They introduced a uniform fare of 2d. for the greatest distance during the hours of 10 and 4, the omnibus combine tried very hard to get that removed, but as they were unable to do so they have had to follow it, particularly on those routes where the omnibuses and trams run together. In that respect, therefore, the tramways have done excellently for the citizens of London. Then, over moneys in connection with the tramways, in addition to re-motoring the trams, that has been mentioned, the money is wanted to cover new plant at the power station and sub-stations, and to provide for other necessary replacement of plant that has fallen due during the last year or two. One of the speakers opposite asked a question, which I am not sure that my hon. Friend the Member for Greenwich answered, as to loans lent to the smaller borough councils in London. The position there is that the amount actually lent by the Council to the Metropolitan Borough Councils in the financial year 1922–23 under the powers contained in the Money Act of 1922 was £266,968. In addition, £700,822 was provided for loans to Metropolitan Borough Councils out of the proceeds of the issue of local bonds for housing, making a total of £967,790. There are no further moneys now available from this source. They have all been used up, and consequently further loans are required by the Metropolitan Borough Councils to carry on their housing schemes, and it is largely for that purpose that this money is provided, in order that when they call for money to be able to go on with lighting schemes, electricity, housing, and street works there will be some funds from which we can supply them. I think that between us we have covered the whole of the points that have been raised by the previous speakers, and I feel sure that the House will give us this Bill, feeling that the money has been well safeguarded and will be properly expended.

I should like to say a few words in reference to the speeches of the hon. Member for Greenwich (Mr. Hume) and the hon. Member for North Camberwell (Mr. Ammon). I was not here during the whole of the former speech, but, if the hon. Member will allow me, I would like to congratulate him upon the very clear way in which he put an exceedingly difficult subject. I understood him to say that the County Hall has cost about £3,000,000, which means that the unfortunate ratepayer has had to pay £3,000,000 in order that the County Council might be housed in an imposing building. I have a great admiration for the London County Council, but I do not at all like giving them such an enormous sum of money in order that they might be housed in an imposing building. They were quite well housed at Spring Gardens, and I think they might well have stayed there. I want to ask the hon. Member for Greenwich whether he will spare the ratepayers of London any further burden and exercise his influence on the Council to prevent the additional million pounds to which he alluded being spent on that particular building.

In regard to the congestion of traffic, I have been a resident of London for a considerable number of years. It has been my misfortune, owing to heavy taxation, not to be able any longer to keep horses in London, but up to that unfortunate period, some seven or eight years ago, I kept horses in London, which I always drove myself, for a great number of years, so that I know something about the problem of the congestion in the streets of London. I have always heard it said that this problem of congestion must be solved at once, and I remember that at the opening of the first London underground railway we were told that the congestion would be solved. That was many years ago, and we are now told that the congestion is so great that it must be solved within a very short time. I will give a hint to the hon. Member for Greenwich as to how he might in some way solve the problem, and that is to scrap all the tramways. If hon. Members had driven about London, as I have done, they would know that if there is one thing which stops traffic more than another it is the tramways. You cannot pass a tram on the near side or on the off side. There they stick, in the middle of the road, stopping all the traffic behind them and all the traffic in front of them, and, therefore, if there is anything which adds to the traffic congestion in London, it is the tramways; so that I say, scrap the tramways to begin with. You will save a great deal of money by so doing. The hon. Member for North Camberwell said that the Combine have done worse than the tramways, or as badly, but when he said that the Combine was subsidised, I presume that he included the underground railway.

I think I am correct in saying that the hon. Member for Greenwich (Mr. Hume) made distinct reference to the pooling system, which does include the Underground Railway.

What I said was that the London Omnibus Company paid nothing into the pool, but took something out of it.

Yes, the hon. Member's illustration was concerned with the working of the omnibuses, and not with the working of anything else. If my memory serves me rightly, I do not believe the Metropolitan Tube Railways were taken over by the Government during the War, and I think they were treated as separate concerns, but I do not know whether they received anything by way of assistance for their working expenses.

There is a very good reason why the omnibus company lost the money. The hon. Member for North Camberwell said, "See what the inhabitants of London have gained. The London County Council have given them low fares in the middle of the day." Yes, out of the pockets of the ratepayers. [HON. MEMBERS: "NO."] If you lower your fares and lose your money, the probability is that if you had not lowered your fares, you would not have lost your money. What happened was that the omnibus company resisted the lowering of the fares, but they were obliged to give in, because the County Council, having the ratepayers to fall back upon, were able to run the tramways at a loss, and gain a little popularity, ill-deserved, by using somebody else's money.

Yes, that is what they do in Poplar. The unfortunate London General Omnibus Company had been induced to lower their fares and make a loss because the London County Council chose to take out of the pockets of the ratepayers a certain sum of money to enable them to carry passengers in London at a loss. That is really what it comes to. In those circumstances, I think I am right in saying that, even if they do not block the traffic, we do not want to see any further development of tramways in London by which the money of the ratepayers is used to carry the friends of the London County Council at a loss. Therefore, I ask the hon. Gentleman to spare us a little, to be content with the magnificent building he has already erected, and not to complete it, and to do his best to do away with the tramways in his province.

There is no member of the county council who will resent the criticism which has been made in this Debate. While I have no desire to delay the House, I think there are one or two things which have been said by the right hon. Baronet to which I should say a word in reply. It is true that the Budget of the London County Council, expressed in figures, is very enormous, and it is quite right that this House should exercise vigilance over that expenditure. But we must remember that, after all, the London County Council is not a pettifogging little authority. It is the greatest local government body in the world, and it has to deal with an area which is so great, and with a population which is so great, that the figures in which it must express its work are of necessity enormous. When you recall the fact that the London County Council has something over 50,000 employés—as many people as there are living in the city of Oxford, for example—you will see how very considerable its expenditure must be, if it has to run the capital city of our Empire in anything like efficiency. It has been suggested that the London County Council is a spendthrift body. As one who has the privilege of sitting on the Council, may I assure the right hon. Baronet that the Finance Committee of the London County Council is as niggardly and as stoney-hearted as even the most reactionary person could desire, and that if we want to get an extra £1 out of them for the public service, we have to go on our knees and beseech them almost on behalf of that which seems to be almost absolutely indispensable. Therefore, hon. Members opposite, I think, may rely upon the fact that no wasteful money is spent.

The right hon. Baronet referred to the new County Hall. He was good enough to call it a palace for the government of London. It is hardly that, but it is an efficient workshop where the business of London can be carried on with great efficiency, and, we think, with considerable economy. It was also said that ii the extra wing on the County Hall were built, it would involve an additional staff, which would have to be paid for. The staff is already there, and it would involve nothing of the kind. The right hon. Baronet, and those who take his view on London matters generally, should remember, that although the Hall has cost a very considerable amount of money, yet the Council does save some £60,000 a year in rent which it would otherwise pay, so that it is not fair to look at the figures on one side, and not take into account those on the opposite side. There was a point, too, about scrapping the trams. When the worst has been said about the London tramway system, I think it can without doubt be affirmed that it is the most efficient tramway system in the world at the present time. We simply could not get on without the London tramway system, and if a London tram has had the misfortune at some time to hold up the right hon. Baronet's brougham, as he suggested, he must remember that, after all, there were perhaps 50 people in the tram, and only one or two in the brougham. He is, I am sure, far too good a democrat to object to that.

There was a point about shelters mentioned by the Noble Lord the Member for South Batersea (Viscount Curzon). The Council would be very glad to provide those conveniences, but the police authorities have to be consulted, and there simply is not room in very many of the places for the erection of these shelters. It is not any fault of the Council. There was the further point about ambulances, in regard to which I desire to say a word, as I have the honour of sitting on the Committee which has to deal with that business. We must remember that this abulance portion of our work is a comparatively new departure, but is developing, and if the Noble Lord will give us his help and afford us an increased Money Bill next year, I dare say the London County Council will be quite willing to spend more in the provision of ambulances. What has happened is that these ambulances have proved to be of such enormous value during their short existence, that there is a sudden demand for their being greatly extended. We hope they will be extended, but you cannot have it both ways. The Noble Lord cannot, on the one hand, wish us to be deprived of our Money Bill, because we spend on things, and, at the same time, demand that there shall be increased expenditure in this or that direction.

We were told there were only six ambulances in London. Have not the police a perfectly efficient ambulance service throughout London?

It is misleading, is it not, to suggest there are only six ambulances in London?

We are only speaking of ambulances belonging to the London County Council. The police authorities have some in the City, and co-operate as far as they can. I would like to say about the question of low fares on the tramways that, singularly enough, directly we reduced the fares, returns began to increase. When the mid-day fares were introduced, there were prophecies of disaster. What happened was that the use of the trams enormously increased, and the twopenny fare has paid its way and made a profit. So that hon. Members need not be alarmed at that. In conclusion, I would ask the House to give us this Bill, not in any niggardly spirit, but in the full assurance that the London County Council does its best to get efficiency on the one hand without extravagance on the other. After all, our local government service is, perhaps, our most precious service in this country. We must run it efficiently. We cannot run it efficiently if the necessary expenditure is objected to on the one hand, and yet, when inefficiency reveals itself, it is harshly criticised on the other hand.

One would think to hear hon. Members opposite speaking about the trams that the London County Council could do what they like, go where they like, and whenever they like, with the trams. I should have thought hon. Members who are conversant with a good deal of the administration of London would know that the borough councils—some 28 of them—have the benefit of a veto on the County Council whenever the County Council desires to go anywhere through their territory. It is not the fault of the County Council that we have got so many dead-end places. The County Council have tried on more than one occasion to get consent to take the trams from Aldgate, through a portion of the City, down to the Minories, round by Tower Hill and Mansell Street, and back again without having a dead end. That probably would have relieved a good deal of the congestion of traffic. But the friends of hon. Gentlemen opposite who happen to be in power in various quarters of the place and especially the City of London, where it is almost infra dig to talk about running a car, have prevented us getting this extension.

10.0 P.M.

The County Council, on the other hand, have done a great deal for borough councils which very often, I think, they do not appreciate. Having had to drive around the streets of London for the past 46 years, I know what improvement has taken place in the roadways, and know the contrast between what they were before the trams went through and now. Most of us who have had anything to do with London traffic know very well when the County Council took over the old horse tram system what condition the roads were in, and know the improvement now! The County Council has to come to Parliament to ask for consent to put trams into the road—take any road you like—they have also to get the consent of the borough councils. The County Council has to go to the expense of taking up the middle of the road, putting down the material and the rails, and keeping it all in repair to the extent of a foot on each side of the rails all the way through. They have no control over that part of the road upon which they have spent the ratepayers' money by way of capital for the tram enterprise. On the other hand, the omnibus companies can select any street they like and go through it without having to pay anything extra to the local authorities. Then, when the local authorities find that the omnibus companies are tearing and cutting up their roads and streets, which have never been prepared for such traffic, they come along to the County Council and ask them to use all the influence they have to the Ministry of Transport to object to this sort of proceedings, forgetful of the fact that they themselves earlier have opposed the County Council in a way that is not perhaps very thoughtful in all the circumstances. In the first instance they have done their best, in some cases at least, to prevent the County Council from having access to the road, or good road, to carry their trams through. Then, as I say, when the omnibus companies come along, the local authorities ask the County Council to help them out of their difficulties.

Again, in respect to the trams stopping. The trams do not stop unless there is some real cause. The cars only stop at the proper stopping places, which are indicated by signs where they stop by request, or where they stop by regulation of the Board of Trade. If the trams stop in any other place but those specified it must be because there is something in the road, not because it is their desire to stop. As a matter of fact, the council or the Board of Trade do not allow drivers to stop between stopping places to pick up or set down passengers; even if they want to do so, they cannot stop where they like. The omnibuses can stop where they like, when they like, and how they like. That is the difference between the trams and the omnibuses. This is all brought about by the representatives of the class of people to which the Noble Lord the Member for South Battersea belongs. That, I say, is the position of the trams as against the omnibuses.

We are trying at all times to get a rearrangement of these many stopping places and these many dead ends which now apply to the trams traffic. It will be a great relief if at the time when this sort of Bill comes forward we could get this great Assembly to see how much advantage it would be, not only to the trams, but to the travelling public. Perhaps the Noble Lord in respect to the stopping place would like the County Council to have a man behind the cars with a red flag? Very possibly such a course would stop the Noble Lord! running into it. I am glad the Noble Lord raised the question of the ambulances, but as the Member for East Woolwich (Mr. Snell) has said, it is no fault on the part of the Council. They are doing useful work, and it would be a great pity if they were to have to stop. I am hoping we shall get the increase in our Vote; that we shall get the consent of the people in this House—I am sure you will get it on this side—to carry this through, and to make this improvement which is vitally necessary.

Question "That the Bill be now read a Second time," put, and agreed to.

Bill read a Second time, and committed.

Supply

Again considered in Committee.

[CAPTAIN FITZROY in the Chair.]

Civil Services and Revenue Estimates, 1923–24

Class IV

Board of Education

Postponed Proceeding resumed on Question proposed on Consideration of Question,

"That a sum, not exceeding £25,934,047, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1924, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Board of Education, and of the various Establishments connected therewith, including sundry Grants-in-Aid."

Question again proposed, "That a sum, not exceeding £25,933,947, be granted for the said Service,"

Other hon. Members are anxious to speak on this subject, so I will very shortly conclude the remarks I commenced before the interruption. I was dealing with the proposals now before the education authorities to place unqualified teachers in the schools to teach children up to six years of age. Last year the London County Council adopted a scheme, and in September a great many unqualified teachers were put into Council schools. Recently the suggestion has been made that other authorities should follow suit. I think that is a very serious thing. Up to that time the practice was to have trained teachers, and the result of these proposals will affect seriously both the children in the schools and the remaining teachers. A period of 50 years' experience studying the psychology of children proves how complex is the child's mind and the delicate care that is required in regard to its education. It has been suggested that preference has been given by the head teacher to placing these unqualified teachers in these lower classes, but wherever a supplementary teacher is appointed it is laid down by the Board of Education regulations that she must be sent to the lowest class of school. I wish to point out that the head teachers have not full discretion to put supplementary teachers where they like, and these proposals make it quite impossible for the best teacher to take charge of the lowest classes.

The effect upon the children of placing these unqualified teachers in the school is very serious, because the mental machinery is a very important thing, just as in driving a motor one needs an efficient chauffeur. It is just as important to have efficient mental machinery for the training of children. In the training of children inefficiency is both wasteful and injurious, and once the opportunity is missed during the early years of a child's life, the deficiency can never be made up afterwards. We should not think of having an unqualified doctor to attend to a child's body, and why should we have an unqualified teacher to train its mind? Trained teachers only can watch carefully over the health of the child.

What will be the effect of these proposals on the teachers? These unqualified teachers are being engaged for a period of seven years. They will have no pension and no promotion, and they are working in a blind alley. By employing teachers in this way you cannot expect to have efficient teaching, and this is also very unfair to the qualified teachers. The London County Council's staffing reports suggest that the teachers should have certain qualifications. At the present time they have an unattached staff of 1,030 fully-qualified teachers counted on the permanent staff, and they are used for this temporary shortage. It has been suggested that this staff shall be reduced by 200. Therefore, the newly-appointed teacher is going to displace the trained teachers, and the result will be a great deal more unemployment of trained teachers. In February last there were 200 male teachers out of employment and 479 women. During the year 1923 there will be some 2,000 students leaving the training colleges, and this will mean that there will be considerable unemployment. Besides this, it means that the status of the trained teacher is going to be lowered. It is impossible for a trained teacher to work beside an untrained teacher without having extra work to do. All this kind of thing very seriously discourages the incentive for better education which we have been asked to encourage amongst the teachers in the schools.

There is a great danger of the urban districts trying to follow the example of the London County Council in this matter, and if they do then we shall have much more inefficient teaching in our schools. I think that the best teachers should be employed in order to secure the efficient education of the children. You pay an unqualified teacher £112 a year and a qualified teacher £187. The question of domestic subjects and work was touched upon by the Minister of Education. The code suggests that the girls should be given an opportunity of doing domestic work. The value of such work consists of their preparation for home life because such training raises the standard of home life, and means that there are going to be many more happy homes. It is also going to improve the health of the homes because you teach the future mothers of the country such things as the proper feeding of children, cooking, laundry work and keeping accounts and generally the best way of looking after a house. It is useless to say that the girls can learn this kind of thing at home. For these reasons it is of national importance that these subjects should not be curtailed.

I regret to say that the Lindsey Education Authority has dismissed its domestic teachers and its handwork and physical drill teachers. This is only one case, and I hope pressure will be brought to bear to get this authority to rescind its resolution. It is said that by curtailing this list of subjects this authority will effect a saving of about £4,000. There was a suggestion that the teachers in this authority should have their salaries reduced by 25 per cent. Their present salaries are not very large to begin with, but I think it is unreasonable to expect them to accept such a reduction. If they do not accept the reduction they are in danger of losing their pensions and their time of service. I urge the Minister of Education to try and prevent this local authority from continuing its present policy. With regard to the special schools, they were dealt with so admirably by the hon. Member for North Tottenham (Mr. R. Morrison) that I will not go into that question. We hope that the Minister will, as he has promised, use all his powers to keep supervision over this subject, because his Circular does give a chance for appointing unqualified teachers. If the classes are enlarged the children cannot get the same individual attention. It is just as impossible a situation as it is for a nurse in a hospital to look after a large group of patients. I hope the right hon. Gentleman will do all he can to prevent the schools becoming less efficient than they have been.

My right hon. Friend the President of the Board of Education has, I think, had sufficient experience of his present office to realise that, however efficiently he may discharge its functions, he stands but a small chance of giving any very lively satisfaction either to those who are anxious for the progress and development of education in this country or to those anxious to arrest it. I think he will find that among his political friends, if he launches forth into any very ambitious programme, he will lay himself open to a charge of not getting value for the money spent, while if he uses discrimination in the matter of economy he will have to answer an accusation that he is starving the poor men's children of their birthright. In intervening in this Debate for a few minutes I have no wish to add to my right hon. Friend's embarrassment, although I am not presumptuous enough to think that anything I say will cause him uneasiness. I do, however, desire to offer some criticism—not in a factious spirit. Like a number of hon. Members on both sides of the House I hold the view that education is of vital importance to this country, and I should like to be reassured on one or two points which are of some moment to all constituencies in the United Kingdom, including the industrial town which I have the honour of representing.

In looking at these Estimates it must be kept in view that much that was salutary and efficient in the Education Act, 1918, has been relegated to the pigeon-hole of the Department. If we could have afforded it, the Measure of 1918 would have had my cordial support, but I do not think that those responsible for it realised that they were placing a too ambitious programme before the country. I think it showed bad judgment on their part, and also, if I may be allowed to say so, bad taste, that they tantalised this nation with so appetising a bill of fare, at a time when we certainly could not afford such a sumptuous repast. If, in the few remarks I have to make, it may appear to my hon. Friends on this side of the Committee that I am advocating a policy which would increase the commitments of the Government—which, after all, has been returned to power on the express mandate to decrease those commitments—I should like to say in self-defence that I have always advocated, on every platform on which I have spoken, that the Government should not increase its commitments in the aggregate on all the services, but should so readjust its finances as to enable it to spend far less on non-essentials—and there are a good many non-essentials still with us—and more on essentials, in which category I most certainly place education. Now that the unfortunate taxpayers have been told that we are at last going to be released from the Babylonian captivity, I think we are entitled to hope that we may have some more funds free to spend on a service which will give us a better dividend than many of those services on which we have lavished expenditure and which have produced such meagre and trivial results.

The first subject to which I desire to invite the attention of the Committee in connection with higher education is the restriction by the Board, for grant purposes, of maintenance allowance for certain free-place scholars in secondary schools. In the constituency which I represent—and I draw the inference that there is a precisely similar situation in every other constituency—the majority, or certainly a great part, of the pupils in elementary schools are the children of unskilled or semi-skilled labourers, whose earnings are small and whose standard of living is below the average. The result is that the children of such parents are not able to take advantage of the opportunities which they have won in open competition. That, surely, is not an ideal situation. I believe I am right in saying that the additional cost of maintenance of such scholars to the parents would be about £5 per annum. The restrictions of the Board hitherto, I believe, have only enabled such maintenance grants to be allowed in very necessitous cases. A case was brought to my attention in my own constituency, of a child who had gained the eighth place in an open competition in which there were 2,800 entrants from the elementary schools of the borough, and yet was not able to become a candidate for the scholarship because the parents were not able to afford the additional cost of the provision for maintenance.

Surely, that is an absurdly false economy. When we are told, as we have been told, that this Government has inherited a sacred obligation from its Coalition predecessor to play ducks and drakes on the River Euphrates, surely we are entitled to reply that this Government has inherited a sacred obligation from all the ages to preserve to its use the best brains of this country, from whatever class they may come. I have very little patience with the arguments which are brought against the reasonable provision—and I say, advisedly, reasonable provision—for higher education for those who are not able to afford it. I have even heard it said, by some of the rather more stalwart reactionaries in the party to which I belong, that, if you give everyone higher education, there will be no one to perform the unskilled labour. One remembers that the question was asked in the old doggerel remember the days of his youth, when he and I sat on the same bench in the same class in the same school, and doubtless gave the same amount of tribulation to the hon. Member for Windsor (Mr. A. A. Somerville). I understand it is the case that attendances at elementary schools are decreasing owing to the decrease in births, but the demand for secondary education is steadily on the increase. We have heard from the Minister himself that it has doubled since 1913–14. This demand is very salutary, but the situation is that, both in the number of schools and the places in existing schools, there is not the proportion of accommodation that there should be in view of the increased demand for secondary education. The clamour for secondary education is very great and the supply is not equal to the demand. I hope the Minister will make it clear that the demand will be met.

Another point I should like to have cleared up with regard to the supply of teachers is the limitation of admission to training colleges. I was interested to hear the right hon. Gentleman the Member for the English Universities (Mr. Fisher) declare that he would much sooner draw teachers from the open market than from the training colleges. That was a pious hope, but I want to deal with the situation as it is. I do not think the right hon. Gentleman can say it is an altogether satisfactory situation. Owing to the limitation of admission a large number of students who expected a continuous training now fail to get admission to the training colleges, or if they get it, run a serious risk of being unemployed when they have got through. I think the right hon. Gentleman admitted in answer to a question that there are 627 unemployed teachers at this moment. Whatever our opinion may be on the subject of training colleges we run the risk of not getting the right kind of teacher when at the outset he sees there is a chance of his being unemployed. It is all important that we should get the best type of teacher In this matter of the supply of teachers, education has suffered from continual change. It has alternated between glut and shortage. In 1920, I think, the Board was doing everything to create an adequate supply of teachers, and now, for some reason or another, the policy has been reversed. Not only are admissions restricted, but the status of the teachers is declining, and there are about 30 per cent. of teachers who are not fully certificated. That situation requires looking into. A certain amount of economy is likely to be effected owing to the fact that the annual number of births is declining. I do not know whether it is a pious or an impious thing to wish that that situation should continue, and should not be accentuated. I have no doubt that economists in education would derive considerable satisfaction from the large headlines which I saw in the evening newspapers a few nights ago to the effect that the slump in marriages continues. Whether it is a wholesome symptom that there is a slump in marriages and births, I leave others to decide. There is no doubt that the overpopulation of these islands is one of the factors that is going to cause my right hon. Friend embarrassment in his education policy, and anything that can alleviate that situation will undoubtedly help him in the problem he has to solve.

There is another question which calls for attention, that is the question of evening classes. These are deservedly popular institutions. I do not know whether they draw much upon public funds, but I think we do get value for the money spent. Such subjects as book-keeping and other practical subjects taught in these classes are all to the good. The fact that attendance at these classes is optional probably ensures that the students will assimilate knowledge with all the more zest. I have been struck with the fact that the attendance at these classes in a district of East London with which I am familiar have been raher more assiduous than one would have thought would accord with the inclination and the temperament of the young people who dwell in that district. So much was I struck with it, that I prosecuted my inquiries, and I discovered that it was not only the young people of the male sex who attend the classes but the young ladies also. I congratulate whoever was ingenious enough to institute what I may call mixed educational bathing. I think this system is likely to make for better attendance and to ensure that the benefits of the evening classes will continue to increase.

If there is anyone on my side of the House who may think that I have expressed views which are heterodox, I would remind them of the record of our party in regard to education. I have expressed much the same views that have been expressed from this side ever since the 'seventies of the last century. I think it was the hon. Member for Coatbridge (Mr. Welsh), in his maiden speech, two or three months ago, who paid a most splendid and generous tribute to that record, and I think we can look with confidence, from what we have heard tonight, to the Minister of Education maintaining our reputation in that respect. I appeal to him, and I appeal to the Treasury—who have, I hope, at last abandoned the evil custom of allowing the spending Departments to indulge in any expenditure that they like without the sanction of the Treasury—to pursue a policy of educational development which, while not wasting our resources needlessly, will make for the moral and economic welfare of the nation.

On several points of the Minister's speech I find myself in the very happy position of being able to offer him my congratulations. I congratulate him on the generosity he has shown during the present financial year in regard to the subject of adult education, and I thank him on behalf of the movements engaged in that work. I am glad also that he should have found it possible to maintain for the time being the grants for training colleges. Having paid that small need of tribute I now proceed to a little less favourable comment upon the activities of his Department. The right hon. Gentleman told us this afternoon that educational economy had been rendered possible because of the fall in prices, the generosity of the teachers, and the fall in the birth rate during the War years, and also because the schemes for ex-service men have come to an end. There is an element of truth in each of these statements, but economy has been made possible, on the scale on which it has been made possible, at the expense of the children and not through any automatic operation of the fall in prices and the ending of certain special experiments.

I think that it is clear that in a hundred different ways educational standards have during the past four years gradually been degraded until in some senses they have fallen to or sunk below the level of pre-War days. As I understand, the right hon. Gentleman takes a sort of middle line. He repudiates people who sit on the benches opposite who believe in economy at any price, and he also repudiates the educational enthusiasts who do not believe in economy at all, and says that we must have regard to the practical facts. I speak as one of those educational enthusiasts by whom we should not be guided. I am an unrepentant educational enthusiast. I do not believe in educational economy at all. I do not believe that we can economise in education at the present time to the extent of £1,000,000 without cutting into the living organism, that you do in effect by your economies to-day strike at the root of the system, and that the essentials we have heard so much about on which we can economise are relatively unimportant. If there be possibilities for economy by all means let us economise. On these benches there is no Member who would wish to waste a pound. But the truth is that what is called educational economy is in fact a reduction of expenditure at the expense of the education which is now being carried on in the schools.

The right hon. Gentleman told us that it was to the credit of the former President of the Board of Education that he faced the facts. I submit that he ran away from the facts and that he ran away from a great more than the facts, that he ran from very vital principles, and we in a sense are, and the right hon. Gentleman in a sense is, inheriting the rapid retreat of the former President of the Board of Education. What is called by the right hon. Gentleman treading the hard path of economy means that education has to tread the hard path of economy at the very time that the Air Force is to be allowed to spend an extra million pounds, that the educational system is to be pared down by another £3,000,000, while £11,000,000 is to be devoted to the construction of a naval dock at Singapore. I do not call that treading the hard path of economy by the nation; I call it the treading of the hard path of economy by the most defenceless section of the community, the rising generation, at whose expense these various economies are being made. I do not blame the Board of Education. The truth is that the late Government and the present Government, like many of the people, have suffered very severely from Geddesitis, from an itching at all costs to reduce national expenditure. They have been driven into a very difficult position. The Board of Education, instead of being, as it used to be, a lash to the backward authorities and an encouragement to progressive authorities, is to-day in the position of applauding the reactionary authorities and discouraging the progressive authorities. Through every section of the national system of education we have had, during the last two years, economies which have degraded standards. In our elementary schools, which the President of the Board described as the foundation of the educational edifice, we still have a large number of buildings which are utterly inadequate, which are out-of-date, which were condemned before the War, and the only consolation that the President gives us to-day is that when the time comes to build new buildings, at least they will be cheaper than they would have been had they been built when they were really needed. That is not an argument which is likely to carry weight or to be regarded as an adequate defence of the policy of the Board in the long-continued use of some hundreds of school buildings which are totally unfit for the purpose to which they are put.

The trouble is not merely in the schools. We have had an attempt made during the past year to deprive, or a policy adopted the effect of which will be to deprive, a number of children of medical treatment. We have had an attempt made, without any alteration of the law, to introduce a new policy and to compel the payment by parents of fees for the treatment of their children. We have had an attempt made to reduce very substantially the amount devoted by the Board to school meals. The only effect of that has been to leave more children hungry or to put an additional burden on local authorities. The real effect of the Board's policy during the past two years has been, not to save money, but to push expenditure upon the locality. One of the obvious evils and difficulties of the elementary schools to-day is the size of the classes. Classes are tending to increase in size. I understand that if the Board were rigidly to enforce the standard of 44 children per class, over 11,000 teachers could be employed. The effect on the elementary- school system of carrying out that policy would be enormously greater than any possible saving that is possible by keeping 11,000 teachers, if there are as many, unemployed.

The utilisation of old school buildings means that the buildings are more inefficient than they were 10 years ago and that we are sinking below the level of 1913–14. The new pettifogging policy with regard to school medical treatment and school meals, and the reactionary policy with regard to the size of the classes are reducing the efficiency of the elementary school system. As regards special schools, something has already been said. I deplore the statement made by the President that he wants to find a system, just a little cheaper, but as efficient. Cheap education is bad education, more particularly when you are dealing with abnormal children. There is no cheap way to educate sub-normal and abnormal children. I think it has been shown conclusively from these benches to-night that the special school is a school where you cannot deal with children in the mass, and, as teaching cost is the main cost in education, it clearly follows that special school education must be, proportionately, more costly than elementary school education. Admitting, if you like, that we are placed in a desperate financial position, it seems a dreadful thing, even at this time, that any attempt should be made, in the case of a few thousand children, to have education cheapened and worsened. I do not believe the alternative is between giving all those abnormal children some education and giving a few of them a good education. The duty of the Board is to give all these children the right kind of education for their particular needs.

The President referred to the growth of the demand for secondary education. Here, again, I think the policy of the Board is open to the gravest criticism. A Board of Education which does not take every possible step to satisfy the demand—which does not indeed, itself, do all that is possible to develop the demand for secondary education—is not doing its duty. The truth is, that during the War and since the War the secondary schools have been full to overflowing. The demand has been far bigger than the supply, with the result that each year some thousands of children have been barred from entrance to the secondary schools and deprived for ever of the advantages of secondary education. In 10 years that will mean that scores of thousands of boys and girls who would otherwise conceivably become far more effective citizens in the future, will have had the doors of the secondary schools slammed in their faces, for no reason except that the Government do not choose to find the necessary money. Not only so, but the policy of the Board of Education, in pursuit of economy, has tended to make secondary education more expensive. It is making it more expensive by limiting the number of free places in the secondary schools, by converting the old minimum, as far as it can, into a maximum and encouraging local authorities to raise fees —a double policy which means keeping out of the secondary schools many boys and girls of the working class who cannot possibly enter, if they have to pay fees, and particularly if they have to pay the fees which are being charged at the present time.

I think the extraordinary policy of the Board of Education as regards economy is seen most clearly in the case of teachers. For some years there had been a shortage in the supply of teachers. Then the Board of Education wakened up to the seriousness of the situation. It very wisely took steps to encourage boys and girls to enter the profession. In many ways it did attempt to make good a shortage which was growing. Then the Board of Education, because of its need for economy, began to restrict the development of education, and therefore the opportunity for the employment of those people they had attracted into training and into the profession, with the result that to-day, while we still have large classes in our schools, many hundreds of qualified teachers are unemployed or engaged in occupations quite different from that of teaching. Only a few months ago in a northern city I was passing a big multiple shop with a professor from one of our big universities, and he told me that some of the best graduates and some of his most competent students were at that time engaged in selling ribbons over the counter. That is the inevitable result of developing a supply of teachers, and then restricting the demand for them.

The Board of Education, finding that there is in the country a number of teachers unemployed, begins to take active steps to damp down the supply of new entrants into the profession, and to make things as awkward as possible for people who desire to enter. It is now restricting and reducing the number of entrants to the training colleges. It did intend, but for the pressure of public opinion, to reduce the grants to municipal training colleges, which necessitated a substantial increase in fees and ruled out a very large number of possible entrants to those colleges, and, therefore, diminished the possible supply of teachers. In this case the Board of Education, in pursuit of this phantom economy—because there is nothing real about it—is now in process of creating an artificial shortage of teachers. The real evil about that is not that we are having large classes to-day and that we shall have large classes as a consequence in five years' time. The real trouble is that when in five or ten years' time, as the case may be, there is public pressure to make a big move forward as regards education we shall be met, as we were met five years ago, with the statement that the teachers are not there, and that, therefore, these great plans cannot be put into operation. In other words, the temporary expedients now being applied by the Board of Education with regard to the teaching profession will have the effect of inflicting a permanent injury during the whole of our generation upon the educational system.

One further point is that the effect of this educational economy and of rationing has been inevitably to compel the Board of Education—I do not say they have done it willingly—to strengthen its hold upon the local authorities and to deprive them more and more of their freedom and initiative. In other words, local education authorities to-day who are finding the restrictions of the Board of Education somewhat irksome are in part themselves to blame for allowing the policy of educational economy to be put into effect. What is the object of all this economy? During this year it is to save £3,000,000 odd. The Government have reduced the Income Tax by 6d., nearly a penny of which you can enjoy at the expense of the rising generation. That, I submit, is no economy at all, and the taxpayer of 10 or 20 years hence will reap the fruits of the folly of to-day. The right hon. Gentleman this afternoon asked whether we were getting our money s worth, and he tried to show that we were. I suggest that we are not, and that we are not going to get our money's worth by further restricting expenditure on education. There is only one way to obtain full value for the money which is now being expended, and that is by spending more money upon education and by increasing the efficiency of the system from top to bottom. As I said earlier, I am an educational enthusiast and make no apology at all. I believe that there is nothing in the national situation to-day which warrants the saving of a single penny upon education. I suggest that you can only spend your money once, and you have the choice. This Government and the previous Government have chosen to spend their money in other ways than upon education. It is not that the money is not there, because it can be found for Singapore and for the Air Force. It could to-morrow, if need were, be found for another war. If people need money and feel sufficiently strongly about it, they can find it, and our view is that, as regards education, the money should be found and that the adult generation of to-day should not go down to posterity as the generation which made itself rich at the expense of the child population.

We have heard some extraordinarily interesting speeches this afternoon, and there has been, as there always is when a Debate upon education takes place, a kind of gloom over the proceedings. I think that is due to the remembrance that we all have of the days when we were being educated, but it is entirely unnecessary, because whatever we do, at all events, every Member of this House is safe from having to go again through the dark passage of primary education. We have done with that ourselves, and we now propose to impose it on the rising generation. There is no doubt that education can be viewed in a number of ways. In this House it is always regarded as something to be given to, or imposed upon, the child. Nobody ever seems to regard it as something to be received. We are always talking about the privileges of education which the children enjoy. I wonder whether any Members of this House have suffered from the same nightmare that I sometimes have. I wake up in a cold perspiration, having dreamed that I was again at school, because in my time education was something imposed, something given, a ready-made article imposed upon the young. Now, if we were to regard education rather as something to be received, if we were to consider, not so much the teacher, the school, and all this apparatus that we hear about, but the recipients of the education, and what they want, what they are capable of receiving, the aspect of the whole question would be entirely changed. We talk about schools, primary schools, secondary schools, that we are carrying on, but nobody has any sort of idea, I make bold to say, as to the educational capacity of the children at these schools.

It being Eleven of the Clock, the Chairman left the Chair to make his Report to the House.

Committee report Progress; to sit again To-morrow.

Public Accounts

Ordered, "That Major Boyd-Carpenter be discharged from the Select Committee on Public Accounts."

Ordered, "That Sir William Joynson-Hicks be added to the Committee."—[ Colonel Gibbs. ]

The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.

War Bond Policies

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House do now adjourn."—[ Colonel Leslie Wilson. ]

I wish to ask a question, which there was hardly time to do fully at Question Time, and that is whether the Government can take no steps to try to save the rights of holders of War Bond policies who receive no protection from the Act which has just been passed until it comes into operation on the 1st January next year? Hon. Members who were present at the Debate during the passing of the Bill in this House will know that there was on all sides of the House a very strong feeling that something should be attempted on behalf of the many hundreds of thousands of holders of these policies, a great many of them ex-service men, and that the Government should find some means of giving them relief. In fact, the Solicitor-General, I think, rather hinted that the Government would be prepared to do something in that direction. There were thousands of people affected during last year. There are 111,000 odd of these lapsed policies, and unless they have been in operation two years there is no surrender value. I really think the Government, if I may make a practical suggestion, should consult these two companies affected, the Prudential and the Pearl, and see whether they cannot come to some agreement to afford some relief to these people.

The question that the hon. and gallant Gentleman has raised is one which was very thoroughly discussed in this House not many days ago in connection with a Bill which has just passed another place, and which, I hope, will shortly receive the Royal Assent. This question of the Government taking action in regard to these War Bond policies would have been very much easier if the hon. and gallant Member had interested himself, and taken action three or four years ago, and had then put forward the proposals he is doing now.

I do not think the hon. and gallant Gentleman reported the matter with quite so much force as he has done recently. The Government introduced a Bill which is shortly, I hope, to become law in consequence of the recommendations of a Commission with which we are all familiar. They recommended that special provision should be made for persons who were interested in policies of this kind, and who were not in a position to fulfil the obligations into which they had entered. It is quite obvious that while proposals of the sort can be easily carried out with respect to policies that are in existence, while you can take a policy and introduce into it terms that will make it more equitable, that proposal itself is rather of a drastic character. It was, however, made with the consent, or at any rate, without the dissent of the companies affected. But such a proposal becomes impossible in regard to policies that have lapsed. How can you arrange for the payment of premiums on policies which lapsed five or six years ago? How can you arrange for reviving those policies? The hon. and gallant Gentleman suggests that the Government should get into touch with the companies concerned. I am not at all sure that is the duty of the Government. The Par-moor Committee was set up to consider these various proposals, and the Government endeavoured to carry out the recommendations of the Committee. Now the hon. and gallant Gentleman asks that the Government should do something else. As a matter of fact, it would be better for the hon. and gallant Gentleman himself and others interested in the matter to get into touch with the companies. I am in a position to say that both the companies concerned, the Prudential and the Pearl—who, I think, are the only companies interested—not only in the past have considered each case on its merits, if policies have lapsed before two years' premiums have been paid, which would give them a surrender value—which, I am told, is 60 per cent.— but they are now prepared to consider the application of any person who has an interest in a lapsed policy, or any application from the personal representative of these people.

I am not prepared to say what they will give. What I understand by their willingness to consider these cases even now is that they are prepared to return some portion of the premiums. It would not be the full amount of the premiums, and I cannot give any pledge at all on behalf of these two companies. In consequence of the discussion which took place on the Government Bill dealing with this subject, these two companies have addressed communications to the President of the Board of Trade and to myself, and they say that they are prepared even now to consider applications from the persons interested in lapsed policies where less than two years' premiums have been paid. The Government cannot do anything more in the matter, and they cannot compel these companies to do more than the Bill provides for. I suggest that the hon. Members who are interested should take up this proposal with the companies.

Could the Solicitor-General ask the President of the Board of Trade to send that communication to the newspapers, so that people may know about this offer? I have followed this question very closely, and this is the first time I have heard that the companies were willing to do anything at all. I do not suppose that the report of what the Solicitor-General has stated will get out, but if he will ask the President of the Board of Trade to send to the Press a copy of the letter from the companies, I think we may be able to get something for these unfortunate people.

The letter from the Prudential Company states that in practice the company in the past have always considered these cases on their merits and is still prepared to do so in cases where policies have lapsed after being in force for two years. The letter from the Pearl Company is in similar terms.

Will the hon. and learned Gentleman inform us what the position will be for holders of those policies which lapse between now and the date on which the Bill becomes operative? There is no machinery for dealing with them. Of course, if the Solicitor-General says the Bill will operate immediately, that will dispose of my point, but I should like to impress upon him the point made by the hon. Member for Bow and Bromley (Mr. Lansbury) as to the advisability of making as widely known as possible the concession which the companies have intimated to the President of the Board of Trade they are prepared to make. It is, of course, quite generous on their part, but unless it is widely published its beneficial effect will not be felt by the poor people who have lost their policies in this way. Let it be scattered abroad through as many newspapers as possible, and I will suggest to the Solicitor-General, who has shown himself so very sympathetic, that he should take steps to ensure that this concession is made known everywhere so as to ensure that the largest possible number of people who have lost their money will take the necessary steps to recover something from these companies.

I rise to endorse what has been said by hon. Members as to the desirability of wide publicity being given to the very sympathetic statement of the hon. and learned Gentleman on the Front Bench to-night. I took some active part in helping the Industrial Assurance Bill through Committee, and through the House, and if I had known at the time I helped that Bill of the number of cases of real hardship that have arisen in the case of these lapsed policies, I would have pursued a different course. I would strongly urge, after the statement of the learned Solicitor-General, the companies in their own interest to extend the fullest possible consideration to the case of these poor people, who, in a moment of patriotic exuberance, invested their small savings in these policies, and have lost in the aggregate so large a sum of money. The last thing any hon. Member wishes to do is to inflict injustice on struggling people who invested their savings in these policies. I hope that, after the helpful statement of the hon. and learned Gentleman, these companies will realise that they now owe a great debt to this House for having helped them as it has done in co-ordinating insurance policy in this country, and that they will render the fullest possible measure of justice to these poor people in dealing with them.

Length of Speeches

I wish to raise a point of privilege, Mr. Speaker, concerning private Members of this House, and to ask for your ruling upon it. In the course of to-day's Debate, three hours were occupied by three Front Bench speakers, and if it had not been for the accident of one Minister arriving five minutes too late the House might as well have gone home. When it is known that the Debate will probably last only 4½ hours, is it not possible to bring pressure to bear on Front Bench speakers that they ought to set a better example so far as the length of their speeches is concerned?

Of the sufferers I think I am the chief. I only wish I could do more than I am able to do to shorten the speeches, and thereby get a greater variety of speakers; but there is no means available to me that I am aware of other than what I believe is called peaceful persuasion. That I do endeavour to exercise as far as I can, without, I am afraid, sufficient effect. I hope that what the hon. Member has said will have its effect. Certainly he will have all my good will in any endeavour he may pursue to shorten speeches in the future. The wisdom of Front Benchers does, in my opinion, require considerable dilution.

Question put, and agreed to.

Adjourned accordingly at Twenty-one Minutes after Eleven o'Clock.