House of Commons
Monday, June 4, 1923
Private Business
Bootle Corporation Bill [ Lords ],
Read the Third time, and passed, with Amendments.
Caledonian Railway Bill,
Read the Third time, and passed.
General Reversionary and Investment Company Bill [ Lords ],
Read the Third time, and passed, with Amendments.
Port of London (Dock Charges) Bill,
As amended, considered; to be read the Third time.
Caledonian Insurance Company Bill [ Lords ],
Chelmsford Corporation Water Bill [ Lords ],
Read a Second time, and committed.
Great Western Railway (Additional Powers) Bill [ Lords ],
To be read a Second time To-morrow.
Morley Corporation Bill [ Lords ],
South Elmsall and District Gas Bill [ Lords ],
Wakefield Corporation Bill [ Lords ],
West Gloucestershire Water Bill [ Lords ],
Read a Second time, and committed.
London, Midland, and Scottish Railway Bill [ Lords ], (by Order),
Second Reading deferred till Monday next.
Oral Answers to Questions
Questions
India
Lord Lawrence's Statue, Lahore
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether he has information that the municipal committee has determined to remove the statue of the first Lord Lawrence from the Mall at Lahore and to replace it by another statue without an inscription and with a different pose, the cost to be borne by the State and the municipality, respectively, in the ratio of three to one; if so, can he state the terms on which the Committee accepted the statue; the grounds on which it has now determined to remove it; and what it proposes to do with the statue when removed?
As it is impossible to reply adequately to this question without unduly trespassing on the time of the House, I hope that my hon. Friend will, despite its importance, allow me to circulate a reply in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
Following is the reply:
According to the information which I have, the municipality passed a resolution on the 19th May in the following terms:
"That the present statue be removed and in its place another statue of Lord Lawrence of a different kind, without the inscription and the position, which are considered objectionable, be put up as early as possible; the cost to be shared by the Government and the Municipality in the ratio of two and one, respectively."
It is important to observe that the resolution is only a recommendation to the Government, and that it cannot take effect of its own vigour. The statue was presented to the municipality by the sculptor, Sir E. Boehm, in 1887. It was set up on land which is the property of the Government, but has been placed in charge of the municipality, like many other plots of land within municipal limits. The Local Government are advised that the municipality hold the statue in trust, on the implied understanding that it is suitably installed and maintained. But the municipality con-
Military Expenditure (Economies)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India if any steps have yet been taken to carry out the recommendation of the Inchcape Retrenchment Committee for expediting the conclusion of a final settlement of the basis of payment of depot and other charges in England in connection with the British troops in India; and whether, in view of the economies which are being effected in military expenditure in India, an early decision on this question may be looked for?
The question is under consideration. Important issues are involved, and I regret that I am unable to say when a decision is likely to be reached.
Punjab (Revolutionary Movement)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India if he can give any information regarding the revolutionary movement in the Punjab by certain Baba-Akali Sikhs; what is their programme; how many murders and outrages have been committed by them; and what progress has been made in restoring confidence in the districts affected?
The best information that I have is a communiqué published by the Punjab Government on the 24th April, and an extract from an official report dated a few days later. I will circulate copies of these in the OFFICIAL REPORT. The arrests of large numbers of persons suspected, including two believed to have taken an active part in the murders, are said to have created a good effect. Of the latest crimes I have no information to add to what has already appeared in the Press, but a large extra force of police is on the spot endeavouring to track down the murderers.
Is it the case that the programme of this society is to murder all officers and kill every foreigner?
I have seen a statement to that effect, but I prefer, until these men have been tracked down and brought to trial, not to make any statement on the subject, as what they have done will form the basis of judicial proceedings.
Following is the information promised:
"COMMUNIQUE PUBLISHED BY THE PUNJAB GOVERNMENT ON THE 24TH APRIL.
The following communique has been issued by the Punjab Government: Within the last two or three months a series of cold-blooded murders have been committed in the Jullundur and Hoshiarpur districts by a gang of revolutionaries styling themselves the "Babbar Akali Jatha." The victims have in all cases been persons known to be well disposed and loyal to the Government. The following is a list of these murders:
On the 10th February, S. Bishen Singh, a retired deputy-collector, Canal Department, and zaildar of Kapurthala State, was shot dead on his way to his village from Chiheru railway station on the borders of Jullundur district and Kapurthala State.
On the night of the 10th March at the village of Nougal Shaman, near Jullundur City, 10 or 12 persons committed a dacoity at the house of Buta Singh, lambardar. Buta Singh and his grandson were killed, the former being shot with a revolver. The wife and second grandson were wounded. A considerable amount of jewellery was taken by the dacoits.
On the 19th March Labh Singh, ex-mistri of the Police Training School, Phillaur, was shot dead about sunset near the village of Dadial in the Hoshiarpur district when returning from a wrestling match.
On the early morning of the 17th March Hazara Singh, brother of the headman of the village Basbalpur, in Hoshiarpur district, was shot dead. The deceased and his relatives had been boycotted because they had given shelter to a patrol from a neighbouring punitive police post.
On the 17th April a retired subedar named Gainda Singh was shot dead at his village, Gurial, in Jullundur district. The late officer had been active in assisting the police.
Information in the hands of the Government is to the effect that all these murders were committed by men dressed as Akalis, and it is significant that during the period in which these crimes were committed a cyclostyled leaflet entitled, "Babbar Akali Doaba Akhbar" made its appearance from time to time in the districts in question. One issue of this leaflet definitely advocated the use of violence as opposed to the nonviolent doctrines of the Shromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee. It incited soldiers to murder their officers and called on the people generally to "kill the foreigners and establish a free Government." Another issue of this leaflet claimed credit for certain of the murders described above and contained threats that indicated that further murders would be committed. Certain persons suspected of complicity in these crimes are already under arrest, but some of the actual criminals are still at large. Special measures are being taken for the apprehension of the murderers, and a large force of extra police has been sent to the two districts concerned. The Government is determined to spare no effort or expense in hunting down this band of ruffians, and information leading to the arrest of any of them will be handsomely rewarded."
"LETTER OF THE PUNJAB GOVERNMENT (EXTRACT).
The simultaneous arrest of some 50 persons suspected of complicity in the crimes is said to have created a good impression in the two districts affected. The arrests include at least two men believed to have taken an active part in the murders. The arrests were effected by strong bodies of police, assisted in one locality by a company of Indian infantry. The Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee, as the result of a hint from Government, have now issued a statement repudiating the doctrine of violence as preached in the 'Babbar Akali' leaflets."
Public Seevices Commission
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether it is proposed to proceed further with the Indian Services Commission, in view of the attitude towards the Commission adopted by the Indian Assembly; and, if so, can he give the name of the Chairman of the Commission?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. As regards the second part, as I announced on 15th May in reply to the hon. and gallant Member for Bilston, Lord Lee of Fareham, G.B.E., K.C.B., has consented to allow his name to be submitted for the Chairmanship, and I hope soon to be in a poistion to announce the names of the members.
Locomotives (Obders)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether, in view of the grave distress caused by the closing down owing to lack of orders in locomotive works in Springburn, the Indian Government could anticipate its requirements for railway locomotives?
During the present year orders for 87 locomotives at a cost of £394,000 for the State Railways have been placed and the High Commissioner is now placing orders for 10 more locomotives at a cost of about £50,000. The High Commissioner has no authority to anticipate requirements, and the hon. Member will understand that in placing orders the Government of India are necessarily bound by their railway programme and by ways and means. I will, however, suggest to my Noble Friend that a copy of the hon. Member's question should be sent to the Government of India.
Salt Tax
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether, seeing that no Indian Native States border on the sea coast with facilities to manufacture salt, or to directly import it from abroad, the Viceroy of India has, while enforcing higher duty on salt in British India, taken proper measures to give due and legitimate relief from the rise in the price of salt for consumers in the Indian native states over whom the Viceroy's Council does not exercise a fiscal control?
Under the Indian Sea Customs Act no drawback is allowable in the case of salt which is re-exported after payment of import duty.
Is it a fact that revenues are raised from subjects of native states and spent entirely on subjects in British territory?
That is an Act which has been an Act for a very long time.
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India if the Viceroy has raised the tax on salt that is manufactured in India or imported by land, or has he imposed a similar tax on salt imported into India by sea and shipped from Liverpool or other European ports?
Under the Indian Finance Act, 1923, and the Indian Tariff Act, the increase in the duty on the various classes of salt referred to by the hon. Member is identical.
Death Sentences (Appeals)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India if the decision of the Appeal Court against 172 death sentences in the Chauri Chaurá case is given; and, if so, will he tell the House what the final verdict is?
I can give the particulars of the High Court's decision, and of the orders passed by the Governor of the United Provinces in Council after considering the recommendations for clemency made in the High Court's appellate judgment. The High Court dealt with 170 persons sentenced to death. In 19 cases the death sentences were confirmed, and in 110 cases they were commuted to transportation for life. There were 38 acquittals and three persons were convicted of rioting only. Of the 110 whose sentences have been commuted to transportation for life the High Court recommended for the consideration of the Governor in Council reductions to eight years in 19 cases, to five years in 57 cases, to three years in 20 cases, and in 14 cases made no recommendation. The High Court's recommendations have been accepted throughout, and orders reducing the sentences accordingly have been issued.
Kohat and Khyber Murders
asked the Under Secretary of State for India whether the men responsible for the Kohat and Khyber murders are now in Afghan territory; and whether the Amir has been approached with a view to their extradition and trial before British courts in India?
The answer to the first part of the question is, according to my latest information, in the affirmative. The Afghan Government have informed the British Minister that orders have been issued for their immediate arrest, and His Majesty's Government are entitled to expect that these orders will be promptly carried into effect. Further arrangements await discussion.
S. S. "Kioto" (Arrest Ofmaster)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether he is aware of the circumstances under which the master of the s.s. "Kioto" was arrested by the local police of Karachi and subsequently discharged by the Court, who expressed surprise at the extreme action of the police, and that a delay of 12 hours was caused to the ship; whether he will order an inquiry into the action of the police in this case as to who issued the warrant and on what grounds the master was arrested; and whether he will take steps to see that action of this kind is not taken in future?
Yes, Sir. The case has been brought to the notice of my Noble Friend the Secretary of State by the Imperial Merchant Service Guild, and the Government of Bombay are being requested to furnish a full report.
British Indians (Unitedstates)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether he is aware that by a recent decision of the United States Supreme Court British-Indians are now debarred from becoming American citizens, and thus lose in some States any right to own or lease land, and that this decision refers to Indians already naturalised as well as to those desiring to become naturalised; and whether His Majesty's Government propose to make representations on the subject?
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether any complaints have reached the India Office as to the recent decision of the United States Supreme Court that no Indian can become an American citizen; and whether he is aware that the rights of Indians owning and leasing land in several States of America are seriously endangered by the decision?
My Noble Friend is aware of the decision referred to and understands that in some States British Indians will no longer have the right to acquire ownership or leases of land. No complaints have been received directly by the India Office, but the matter has been brought to notice by His Majesty's representatives in the United States of America through the Foreign Office. As regards the last parts of the question of the hon. and gallant Member for New- castle-under-Lyme (Colonel Wedgwood), the precise effect of the ruling, particularly in regard to Indians who may have already acquired rights in land, is still under consideration.
Do the United States debar any other race or nation from citizenship in this way?
I should have to have notice of that question. It should properly be addressed to the Foreign Office.
Afghanistan and Persia(British Representative)
7 and 8.
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India (1) whether any representative of the Government of India is attached to the Government of Afghanistan; who represents the Government there; what staff he is allowed; what powers he possesses as representative of the India Government;
(2) whether the Government of India is at present represented in Persia; who is their representative; will he state briefly what powers he possesses; and whether he has authority to conclude treaties and trade agreements?
I am not very clear as to the intention of these questions. His Majesty is represented by Ministers in Teheran and Kabul, who deal with questions concerning India equally with those concerning other parts of the Empire. Any further questions as to the position or functions of the Ministers should be addressed to the Foreign Office.
Crown Agents (Dividendrequests)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies why the Crown agents refused to accept from executors a dividend request for Natal stock drawn up in the form commonly used by the great banks and great trading concerns; why the agents insisted on the request for the transmission of dividends being presented in the special form prescribed by them; will he allow their requirements in respect of dividend requests to be overhauled so as to bring the methods of the Crown agents into line with modern requirements in order to save expense to executors of deceased estates; and, if not, will he consider the advisabilty of transferring to the Bank of England the keeping of the books of inscription and the making of dividend payments of stocks now handled by the Crown agents?
I understand that the form of dividend request which the Crown agents were asked to accept in the case in question differed from the wording of the usual Crown agents form and in particular contained no request that warrants should be forwarded at the stockholder's risk. It was understood from the company's representative, who handed in the form, that there would be no difficulty in substituting the other form. The form used by the Crown agents includes a request that warrants should be sent at the stockholder's risk and that the signature of the payee should be taken as a full and sufficient discharge and importance is attached to these requirements, which are also insisted upon by various banks. My Noble Friend feels unable to require the Crown agents to adopt the suggestion in the last part of the question.
Why do the Crown agents adopt this inconvenient and antiquated form, which is quite inconsonant with the practice of the Bank of England?
I am informed most of the joint stock banks adopt a similar form. It is very necessary that Crown agents should have this discharge certificate as part of the dividend.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that this request was made by mistake on a form issued by the London and Westminster Bank?
Swaziland
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies if he is aware that the refusal to redress the grievances as put forward by the paramount chief of the Swazi nation is causing unrest amongst the natives of Swaziland, diminishing belief in the impartiality of British justice in relation to natives, and thereby affecting other native tribes in South Africa; and will he consider the advisability of appointing a small commission to make inquiry on the spot?
The answer to both parts of the question is in the negative. The paramount chief has received a full reply to his petition, and I am satisfied that there is no ground for a further inquiry into the matters raised.
Traffic in Girls, Far East
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he has yet received information upon the number of persons convicted annually in Hong Kong for engaging in the traffic in girls?
Not yet. I will send the information to the hon. Member as soon as it is received.
Is the hon. and gallant Gentleman aware that the ex-Colonial Secretary (Mr. Winston Churchill) promised me that his Department would abolish this pernicious system of trafficking in girls in 12 months; and will he take stringent measures to deal with the offenders?
I know it has been engaging the attention of the Government of Hong Kong, and reports and statistics have been called for, but it takes many weeks to get a despatch out and back. The expense of telegraphing a request is prohibitive.
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether the Reports have yet been received from the Governments of the Federated Malay States and the Straits Settlements upon the existence of a mui tsai system in these dependencies; and, if not, will he inquire the reason for the delay?
Preliminary reports have been received, but the Governor and High Commissioner has not yet forwarded the full report for which I have asked with his recommendations. He is in communication with the Government of Hong Kong regarding the steps which are being taken in that Colony, and will no doubt profit by the experience which is being gained by that Government.
Rhodesia
Revenue Surplus
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether his attention has been drawn to the suggestion published in the Rhodesian Press that the administration surplus of revenue over expenditure, subsequent to the issue of the Report of the Judicial Committee, will be retained by the Chartered Company for the benefit of its shareholders; and whether His Majesty's Government will take steps, as suggested by Sir Charles Coghlan, so that these surpluses will be secured and retained by the new Government of Rhodesia?
The Secretary of State has just received a telegram from the High Commissioner for South Africa communicating a message from the Elected Members of the Legislative Council of Southern Rhodesia which refers to this matter. He would wish to have an opportunity of carefully considering this telegram before making any statement on the subject.
Lands (Commercial Ownership)
asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware that over two years have elapsed since Earl Buxton's Commission recommended that the only satisfactory method of dealing with the claims of the British South Africa Company to the commercial ownership of the lands of Northern Rhodesia was that of submitting those claims for consideration to the judicial committee of the Privy Council; that the prolonged delay in dealing with the claims is disturbing to the tranquillity of the natives and the settlers; and whether he will see that a case is submitted to the judicial committee of the Privy Council without further delay?
Earl Buxton's Committee recommended that the claims of the British South Africa Company to the lands in Northern Rhodesia should be decided by the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, in so far as they were open to doubt. The arrangements so far made for a reference to the Judicial Committee were explained in an answer given by me to the hon. and gallant Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme on the 27th February. His Majesty's Government have, however, been considering whether it would not be possible to arrive at some settlement of the company's claims in respect of Northern Rhodesia without recourse to lengthy and expensive litigation.
Ceylon (Constitution)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he is now prepared to publish, for the information of the House, the last despatch of the Governor of Ceylon on the proposed reforms and other connected papers?
Further papers relating to the Ceylon Constitution, including a despatch from the Governor reporting the recent debate in the Legislative Council, are in preparation and will be published in due course.
Gold Coast (New Railway)
asked the Under Secretary of State for the Colonies whether any decision has been taken in connection with the proposed construction of a new railway in the Gold Coast; and, if it has been decided to construct such a railway, whether he can state through which province of the Colony it will run and what route it will follow?
The Secretary of State has given his approval of the construction of a new railway in the Central Province of the Gold Coast Colony. The new railway will start from Huni-Valley Station on the existing Sekondi-Kumasi Railway, and will run thence to Kade in the north-eastern portion of the Central Province, a distance of approximately 100 miles. The railway will be built departmentally by the Colonial Government, the estimated cost of construction being £1,134,000. Much of the necessary survey work has already been carried out, and it is hoped that it will be possible to start construction at an early date.
Will there be an Imperial grant towards the cost of this very excellent line?
No; the Colony has sufficient reserves and balances to provide for it.
Does the hon. Member's reply mean that the Colony will construct this railway direct, without the intermediary of the Crown Agents?
No; the Crown Agents no doubt will provide material and things of that kind. The real construction in the Colony will be carried out by the local Director of Public Works.
Palestine (Advisory Council)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he can now give the exact composition of the Advisory Council which, in view of the failure of the election in Palestine, is to administer the country; and whether an opportunity will be afforded the House at an early date to discuss the whole position in Palestine?
Details as to the composition of the Advisory Council have already been published. It includes 12 unofficial members, of whom eight will be Mahommedans, two Christians, and two Jews. As its name implies, the functions of the Council will be advisory and not administrative. Palestine will continue to be administered, as in the past, by the High Commissioner, acting under the instructions of His Majesty's Government. It will be possible to discuss the policy of His Majesty's Government in Palestine on the Colonial Office Vote.
Does not the result of the elections show the complete failure of the Government policy in Palestine so far, and shall we have an opportunity of discussing the matter on the Colonial Office Vote?
That is a matter for arrangement. I do not agree with my hon. and gallant Friend. Palestine is more peaceful and is going ahead better in the last few months than at any previous time.
Kenya (Native Reserves)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether any and, if so, how many natives in Kenya Colony possess secure individual title to their lands; whether the reserve areas occupied communally by the tribe have been delimited and security of title given to the natives; and whether he will consider placing the whole of the lands occupied by the natives in the hands of a suitable trustee?
It would appear that in some cases native custom recognises individual occupation of plots of land inside the Reserves. With that reservation it may be said that no native in the Colony of Kenya possesses a secure individual title to land. The Reserves have not yet been completely delimited and gazetted. The Governor's attention has been drawn to the importance of making all possible progress with this work. The establishment of a native land trust has been recommended by a local Commission, and the Secretary of State is awaiting the comments of the Governor on the Commission's Report.
Will the Report be laid before the House?
If the results of the discussions between my Noble Friend and the Governor are concluded by the time the Colonial Office Vote is taken, I will endeavour to make reference to it in introducing the Vote.
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he is aware that the Land Tenure Commission of Kenya Colony has recommended that a native land trust should be created, and that such Commission should have wide powers, including the power to alienate native reserve lands to non-natives, without reference to the Secretary of State; whether, during the visit of the Governor of the Colony to this country, it is proposed to discuss this matter with him; and whether the Secretary of State will be prepared to insist upon a provision in any trust deed which will preclude the alienation of native reserve lands without the prior sanction of the Secretary of State?
The Governor of Kenya is now engaged in preparing a Report for the Secretary of State on the recommendations of the Land Tenure Commission, and the point raised in the question will be very carefully considered when the Governor's Report is received. My Noble Friend will not have failed to notice that the alienation suggested is by way of lease and that it is only contemplated for purposes directly benefiting the natives.
Jamaica (Kingstonpenitentiary Staff)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether the scales of pay recommended by the Jamaica Re-grading Commission have been applied to the Kingston Penitentiary staff?
The views of the Legislative Council in regard to the recommendations of the Re-grading Commission have not yet been reported to the Secretary of State.
Irish Free State
Crown Solicitors (Compensation)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether his attention has been drawn to the position of the Crown solicitors in Ireland who were dismissed by the Free State Government on 5th January, 1923; and will he take steps to have a fair amount of compensation awarded to those officials who, in many cases, have served their country for 20 or 30 years, and who have in most cases been only awarded as compensation an amount barely equal to their salary and emoluments for the year 1922?
In accordance with Article 10 of the Treaty, the claims of Crown solicitors for compensation have been considered by the Committee established by the Government of the Free State under the chairmanship of Mr. Justice Wylie, and I have no reason to suppose that the compensation awarded by that Committee is less than would have been awarded by the Civil Service Committee contemplated under the Government of Ireland Act, 1920.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that these men have given the best years of their service to the Crown, and does he consider that one year's salary is sufficient compensation; and will he make strong representations to Free State Government to give them adequate and just compensation?
I am not aware that it is limited to one year's salary. I agree that it is a difficult case, and I will bear the hon. Member's question in mind and look into the matter again.
Have the Government considered whether the compensation awarded to these men is in their judgment sufficient, and, if not, will they insist upon the carrying out of the terms of the Agreement?
The view of the Government is that the terms of Article 10 are carried out. The Article lays down that the terms of the compensation shall be not less than those under the Government of Ireland Act, 1920, and the terms of the Government of Ireland Act, 1920, probably are no better than these terms.
Passports
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether it is proposed to make the carrying of a passport obligatory on travellers to and from the Irish Free State?
As regards travellers between Great Britain and the Irish Free State, the answer is in the negative.
How will it be possible to exclude undesirable aliens who land in the Free State from landing in this country?
I have not the slightest idea.
Rumania (Loan Sinking Fund)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he will inquire of the Rumanian Government whether the terms of the Rumanian Government 4 per cent. 1908 loan included the obligation to maintain a sinking fund; whether that sinking fund has been suspended; if so, whether it will be immediately restored; and, otherwise, will he protest to the Rumanian Government against the default by that Government on its sinking fund obligations to British holders of the Rumanian Government 4 per cent. 1908 loan?
I would refer the hon. Member to the reply given on the 7th ult. to the hon. Member for Sunderland, to which I have at present nothing to add.
British Embassy, Madrid(Personnel)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he is aware that there has been an increase in the personnel of the Embassy at Madrid from seven to 20 persons; and what is the nature of the work that necessitates so large an increase?
In addition to the staff of seven mentioned by the hon. Member there was, in 1914, a Commercial Attaché with his headquarters in London. The total staff of the Embassy, including five persons in the Commercial Secretariat, is now 13. It will be seen that the increase is due to the appointment of a Commercial Secretary with the necessary staff.
Slave Trade Bureau, Brussels
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs the amount of financial assistance accorded by Great Britain to the anti-slavery bureau in Brussels during the last 10 years; and whether His Majesty's Government limits its co-operation with the bureau to providing financial assistance?
The financial assistance accorded by His Majesty's Government to the Slave Trade Bureau in Brussels during the last 10 years amounts to 1,230·95 francs. The Slave Trade Bureau ceased to function on the outbreak of war in 1914 and the "Convention revising the general Act of Berlin, 26th February, 1885, and the general Act and Declaration of Brussels, 2nd July, 1890," signed at Saint Germain en Laye, 10th September, 1919, makes no provision for its re-constitution. The second part of the question, therefore, does not arise.
Peace Treaties
Saar Valley
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he has information to the effect that the Governing Commission of the Saar has decided to introduce the French franc as sole legal tender in the Saar territory at an early date?
Reports to this effect have appeared in the French Press, but His Majesty's Government have received no official information on the point from the League of Nations.
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he has information to the effect that the Governing Commission of the Saar Valley maintains an office in Paris; and, if so, what are the purposes for which this office is maintained and who pays for the cost of its upkeep?
Inquiries are being made through the Secretary-General of the League of Nations, and if the hon. and gallant Member will repeat his question in a week's time, I hope to be in a position to furnish the desired information.
German Reparation
asked the Prime Minister whether he has information of a fresh reparation offer from the German Government; and whether he is contemplating any steps towards ending the present reparation difficulties, including the French action in the Ruhr?
No fresh German reparation offer has yet been received. As regards the second part of the question, I would refer to my reply on 30th May to a question by the hon. and gallant Member for Loughborough.
Are we to understand that the Government are not considering any policy for ending the present state of affairs?
The Government always have a policy and are always considering it.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that nobody except the Government knows what that policy is?
The hon. and gallant Gentleman is mistaken.
Could the hon. Gentleman say what that policy is?
I do not think that I could state the Government policy in answer to a question.
Ruhr Occupation (Customsduties)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs what steps are actually being taken to deal with the question of the disposal of moneys collected by the French customs posts on British merchandise entering the occupied areas of the Ruhr; whether any note or notes have been addressed by His Majesty's Government to the French Government or verbal conversations held; and, if so, what has been the result of these notes or conversations?
This question is being held over pending a general resettlement of the Reparation accounts.
Are we to understand that we are not taking any steps in this matter, and is the hon. Gentleman aware that I have been putting questions to the Chancellor of the Exchequer on this very important matter for some months without getting any satisfactory answer?
I am aware of the hon. Member's industry. I do not think he is entitled to infer from my reply that nothing has been done. All I said was-that the question was being held over, as far as negotiations with the French Government were concerned, pending a settlement of the Reparations account.
Meanwhile, what is being done with the money that is being taken from these English merchants?
The answer to that Question was given on the 17th April by the Financial Secretary to the Treasury.
Do the Government concede that the French costs of the occupation of the Ruhr have a. prior claim?
I cannot say whether the Government concede that or not. It is not for me to say.
Russia
Conversations With M. Krassin
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he can make any statement as to the result of the conversations between M. Krassin and the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs?
I am not yet in a position to make any statement on this subject.
Is it not a fact that the full text of the Note has been published in the newspapers in London?
Even if that be the case, it does not absolve us from an honourable undertaking entered into in the matter.
British Subjects (Residence Permits)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he has received any information to the effect that the Council of People's Commissaries is about to sign a decree relating to the Regulations for foreigners resident in Russia which will necessitate all British subjects visiting Russia procuring residence permits, which are to be issued for periods of three weeks only at a cost of Rbls. 12,000,000 (twelve million roubles); whether he is aware that details must be supplied giving the exact addresses of all persons who will be visited by them while in Russia as well as their status and political opinion; whether he is aware that exceptions from these Regulations are only to be made for German nationals; and what action he proposes to take in the matter?
The British Agent at Moscow reports that new Regulations are to come into force as from 15th June under which foreigners will, after one month's residence in Russia, have to obtain from the People's Commissary of the Interior an extension of permission to remain in the country. The particulars to be required by the Commissary and the fees to be charged for permits are not yet known, but the new Regulations will apply equally to foreigners of all nationalities.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that this sum represents less than a shilling in sterling?
The hon. and gallant Gentleman knows, or appears to know, a good deal more about it than I do.
British Property (Confiscation)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether at the recent interview between M. Krassin and the Foreign Office representations were made as to £180,000,000,the property of 300,000 British subjects, which has been confiscated; and was the Soviet representative informed that unless a scheme of restitution or recognition of the property confiscated was come to the trading agreement would be annulled?
I would refer my hon. and gallant Friend to the reply I gave to the hon. and gallant Member for South Hackney on 30th May.
Does not the answer mean that nothing is being done as regards compensation?
What it means is that this question is not to be mixed up with the narrower question now under discussion.
When is the question going to be taken up? When is it going to be discussed?
I am not in a position to inform my hon. and gallant Friend on that point.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that there is a very strong feeling in this country that, by reason of this Trade Agreement, the sale of British goods which have been stolen in Russia is legalised?
I am quite aware of that.
British Note (Publication)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs why the reply of the British Government to the Russian Note was communicated to one journal in preference to all others and before it was communicated to Parliament; and whether he has any statement to make upon it?
I would refer the Noble Lord to the statement issued by the Foreign Office which appeared in the Press on 1st June, to which I have nothing to add.
Arcos, Limited (Tradingarrangements)
asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware that in August, 1922, Arcos, Limited, sent four vessels from London to the Kara Sea, carrying a cargo of about 9,000 tons, consisting of agricultural machinery, and implements, tools, saws, binder twine, and medicaments, and that the return cargo, the greater part of which was brought to England, consisted of 5,500 tons of Siberian raw material (leather, horsehair, wool, flax, hemp, asbestos, furs, etc.); whether he is aware that Arcos, Limited, are unable to go ahead with the preparations to send a still larger cargo this year owing to the uncertain position created by the threatened breach of Anglo-Russian relations; and whether, under the circumstances, His Majesty's Government will without delay give an adequate guarantee to Arcos, Limited, which would enable the firm to proceed with the arrangements for this year?
I have no reason to doubt the substantial correctness of the statements in the first part of the question, but I am not aware of any impediments in the way of Messrs. Arcos proceeding with any legitimate business arrangements in which they may be engaged.
Greece
"Goeben" and "Breslau" (Coalsupplies)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he has any official information to the effect that M. Venizelos authorised the supply of coal to the German warships "Goeben" and "Breslau" in 1914; and whether he is prepared to make any statement on the subject?
I am much obliged to the hon. Member for giving me this opportunity to throw light upon an incident which has of late been misinterpreted in certain quarters. There is no reason to doubt that coal was supplied to the "Goeben" and "Breslau" by the order of M. Venizelos, but I ought to state that at the beginning of hostilities with Germany and, therefore, before giving this order, M. Venizelos went out of his way to consult His Majesty's Government as to the course which he should adopt in such circumstances. After full consideration, His Majesty's Government suggested to him that he should follow the principle of International Law and afford belligerent ships enough coal to take them to their nearest home port. British warships were similarly treated and supplied with coal by the Greeks, who were at that time neutral.
Refugees (Resettlement)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether any Report has yet been received from the Representative of the Financial Committee of the League of Nations sent to Greece in connection with the proposed loan for the resettlement of the refugees; and what steps, in view of the desirability of resettling the refugees before next winter, His Majesty's Government is taking to expedite and facilitate the proposed loan?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative, so far as His Majesty's Government are aware. The question of the loan is entirely in the hands of the League of Nations. Should the League approach His Majesty's Government, they will be prepared to afford such assistance, short of an actual financial contribution, as may lie in their power.
British Ambassador,Washington
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether any proposal has been made for changing our representation at Washington; and, if so, who has been invited to succeed Sir Auckland Geddes?
The hon. Member doubtless refers to the reports which have recently appeared in the Press. These reports are entirely unfounded.
Ex-Service Men
Government Departments
asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been called to the very large number of professional and highly-trained ex-service officers and men at present unemployed, amongst whom are some men who served His Majesty as admirals and colonels; and whether he will cause inquiries to be made in all departments of the State as to the possibility of finding employment for some of these men by discharging men at present temporarily or permanently employed who, in addition to salary, are in receipt of pensions exceeding £250 a year?
Preference is, wherever possible, given to ex-service men and ex-officers for all permanent as well as temporary posts in the Civil Service. In the case of permanent employment, it is not considered desirable to exclude from the established Civil Service persons otherwise suitable and competent on the ground that they have been rewarded by the State for past service. As regards temporary employment, it is the practice, subject always to considerations of efficiency, to give preference in present circumstances to persons not in possession of private means. In computing private means, account is taken of retired pay or civil pension, but not of disability pension. I do not consider that the interests of efficiency would be promoted by action on the lines described in the second part of the hon. Member's question.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that Lord Haig has stated that he knows admirals and colonels who are unable to obtain employment, while the Government have in their employment 30 or 40 gentlemen drawing pensions of £1,000 a year, and could not some of these admirals and colonels get the jobs now held by these men?
Is not the one consideration to be kept in mind in selecting people for positions in the public service the benefit of the State, by obtaining the most efficient service for the State, and that the service of the State is not to be regarded merely as a means of relieving those in want?
What my right hon. Friend says is quite true. The first thing which has to be done in the Civil Service is to get the best possible men who will do the best possible work. That is the overriding consideration.
The only consideration?
No, but the overriding consideration is to get the best men, so that we may get the best work. In reply to the hon. Member for Bow and Bromley (Mr. Lansbury), I am aware of the speech which was made by Lord Haig, and I regret it deeply, but it is impossible to take out of the public service men who are doing good work in order to replace them by other men, however deserving.
Will the right hon. Gentleman inquire from Lord Haig about these gentlemen to see if some of them could not displace some of the men who have got very big pensions?
I am prepared, without pledging myself in anyway, to write to Lord Haig and ask him to give me particulars. At the same time it is only fair that I should consider the whole question in reference to the position of proposed candidates.
Small Holdings, Bedfordshire
asked the Minister of Agriculture whether his attention has been called to the fact that the Ministry has agreed to an abatement of 25 per cent. in the rents payable at Michaelmas. 1922, by ex-service men of land acquired by the Bedfordshire County Council from the executors of the late J. N. Hall; and if he will consider the possibility of giving the same consideration to the ex-service tenants of the Sandy Parish Council who hired part of the same land from the county council on the distinct understanding that it should be let in plots to ex-service men?
I am aware that the rents charged to ex-service tenants of small-holdings on the land referred to in the first part of the hon. Member's question have recently been reduced. The land referred to in the second part of the question is, however, leased for a period of 14 years from Michaelmas, 1921, to the parish council for the purpose of providing allotments. The principle underlying the Acts regarding the provision of allot ments by a parish council is that the undertaking should be on a self-supporting basis, and I regret that I cannot agree that the Ministry should accept responsibility for any loss which might be incurred by the Bedfordshire County Council by reason of a reduction of rent granted to the Sandy Parish Council.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the land referred to in the second part of the question is part of the same estate? Consequently there are holdings side by side, one portion of them with the rents reduced and the other portion with no reduction, although the condition was enforced that the land was to be let to ex-service men.
The reason for that is that part was let for allotments and part for small-holdings. The part used for allotments was let on lease to the parish council.
Are we to understand that there are no powers vested in the Board of Agriculture which would enable them to assimilate the procedure in both cases, seeing that when different rents are charged the result must be public dissatisfaction?
I should like to have notice of that question.
Madrid (Commercialsecretary's Office)
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department what is the number of persons employed in the office of the Commercial Secretary at Madrid; whether they perform any duties not previously carried out by the Secretary of the Embassy, who acted as Commercial Secretary; and if he can give an estimate of the value of orders secured for British manufacturers as a result of this increase of staff?
The number of persons employed in the office of the Commercial Secretary at Madrid (excluding messengers) is four, in addition to the Commercial Secretary himself. Prior to the creation in 1919 of the present post of Commercial Secretary for Spain, one of the Secretaries to the Embassy received an allowance for dealing specially with commercial business, and there was also a Commercial Attaché for Spain and Portugal, whose headquarters were at the Foreign Office, and who visited Spain and Portugal from time to time. Under the present system, the work of these two posts is entrusted to a single officer, who is responsible both for reporting on commercial matters to the Department of Overseas Trade and for assisting and advising the Ambassador on all questions affecting British trade. The answer to the last part of the question is in the negative.
Empire Settlement
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department if he can state the average percentage of the total emigrants from this country who migrated to other parts of the Empire during the years 1910–14, inclusive, the proportion in 1922, and for the first three months of this year?
Measured by the excess outwards of British subjects in the passenger movement between the United Kingdom and non-European countries (the only measure available for all of the specified periods), the percentages of the total emigrants from the United Kingdom who migrated to other parts of the Empire were as follow:
Is it not the case that, as far as Scotland is concerned, the emigration figures are added to largely by the failure of the Board of Agriculture to settle people on the land?
British Empire Exhibition
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department whether his Department propose to have an exhibit at the British Empire Exhibition next year; what space has been reserved; what approximate amount it is proposed to spend on it; and the nature of the exhibit of his Department?
It is proposed that there should be a combined display by a number of Government Departments in the British Empire Exhibition, and an exhibit showing the work of the Department of Overseas Trade will be included. The questions of the nature of the exhibits, of the amount of space required and of the expenditure involved are still under discussion, and I am not yet in a position to give the hon. Member information on these heads.
Agriculture
Sheep Scab
asked the Minister of Agriculture whether the proposed new Order relating to the eradication of sheep scab has yet been issued; and, if not, when it may be expected?
The proposed Order may be expected to be issued about the end of the present month.
Conciliation Committee Agreements
asked the Minister of Agriculture if he can now state when the Bill dealing with the compulsory registration of conciliation committee agreements will be introduced?
I regret that I am not yet in a position to make an announcement on this subject.
Is it the intention of the Government to pass the Bill without fail this Session?
I hope so.
Freshwater Fisheries
asked the Minister of Agriculture whether any action has been taken on the lines of the recomemndation of Lord Desborough's Committee on Freshwater Fisheries; and whether action is proposed in the future?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. In particular, the recommendation of the Committee regarding investigations of the effects of pollution on freshwater fish life is being put into effect at the Ministry's research station at Alresford, and generally through the activities of the Ministry's Committee on River Pollution, and the recommendation of the Committee that the existing Salmon and Freshwater Fishery Law shall be consolidated and amended in one Act has been adopted in the Bill now before Parliament, which, among other things, will facilitate the adoption by Boards of Conservators of other recommendations of the Committee. I think the hon. Member will recognise that it would be impossible within the limits of oral answer to particularise further.
Is the Ministry taking account of the statement of Lord Desborough's Committee that a grave waste of national resources was taking place with regard to freshwater fisheries?
I am sure that all relevant recommendations have been taken into account.
House of Commons (Lifts)
asked the First Commissioner of Works whether, in view of the speeding up of Parliamentary work, whereby Members are working under considerable pressure, in which time is of the greatest importance, he can see his way to accelerate the painfully slow and deliberate movements of the service lifts which supply the Committee Rooms and which are used for the convenience of the staff as well as that of hon. Members?
The financial conditions have prevented the possibility of carrying out desirable improvements to these lifts, but my right hon. Friend will reconsider the question in connection with the preparation of the Estimates for 1924–25.
Will my hon. Friend bear in mind the very great amount of dissatisfaction among all Members of the House with regard to this matter? I mean all Members who serve on Committees.
Scotland
Intermediate Education
asked the Under Secretary to the Scottish Board of Health if he is aware that the intention of the Scottish Education Department is to cease granting intermediate certificates in 1924; that education authorities in Scotland object very strongly to the proposed abolition; that the present certificate is highly valued as a national recognition of the attainments of a scholar who has completed a full three years' course of instruction after the age of 12; and will he take steps to ascertain the views of authorities with a view to retaining preferably the intermediate certificate, or a certificate of national significance?
The Department's view as to the future of the intermediate certificate was expressed in Circular 44, which was issued in December, 1921. Since that date the question has been discussed in all its aspects both with representatives of individual education authorities and with a committee of the educational authorities' association. These discussions are still proceeding, and the hon. Member may rest assured that the opinions of the various education authorities are being fully and ably stated.
Will the hon. and learned Gentleman tell us whether any education authority in Scotland has, so far, expressed approval of this policy?
I must ask for notice of that question, which does not arise out of the original question.
asked the Under-Secretary to the Scottish Board of Health if he is aware that in the reorganisation of education, as the result of The Education (Scotland) Act, 1918, education authorities have set up three-year intermediate technical courses; that schemes for the approval of the Scottish Education Department have been submitted with a view to these courses and schools being recognised as intermediate schools; and that so far no official recognition has been granted; and will he favourably consider the request of any authority for the said recognition?
Courses such as those to which the hon. Member refers have been instituted by various education authorities. The Department are fully alive to their value and importance, but to recognise them in the manner suggested would have been difficult, if not impossible, in view of the terms of the Code of 1915, which is still operative. The recently issued draft Code, while not adopting the precise terminology employed in the question, makes ample provision for this promising development.
Is the hon. and learned Gentleman aware that the 1918 Education (Scotland) Act compels education authorities to submit schemes for primary, intermediate, and secondary education, and that the new Code proposed seeks to override the 1918 Act?
Do the Government propose legislation to enable them to do this?
It does not require any fresh legislation; it is quite within the power of the Government with existing legislation.
Is the hon. and learned Gentleman aware that a guarantee has been given to this House already that the new Code would be placed on the Table of the House and lie there the necessary time for objections to be raised to it? That being so, and if objections are taken, will it be possible to send the Bill before the Scottish Grand Committee, as it is entirely a Scottish question?
Is the action of the hon. and learned Gentleman's Department to be such that when a child is compelled to break the three years' arrangement it will be part of the policy of the Education Department to try to crush instead of help the technical training of the youth of Scotland?
So far from that being the case, it is perfectly competent under the proposed new arrangements to make as full provision as is made under those now existing.
Local Taxation Account
asked the Under-Secretary to the Scottish Board of Health the sums paid to the Local Taxation (Scotland) Account under the provisions of the Agricultural Rates (Congested Districts and Burgh Land Tax Relief) (Scotland) Act, 1896, during the last completed financial year and the various purposes to which such sums were applied?
As the answer involves a number of figures, I propose to circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
In the reply will the hon. and gallant Gentleman indicate what amount still falls upon the ratepayers in respect of relief?
The hon. Gentleman will see that in the reply, which is somewhat long and detailed.
Is it proposed to divide the Bill mentioned in the question into two parts, or are we going to have a Scottish Act amended once again by this Government in an English Bill?
Following is the reply prepared:
During the financial year 1922–23, the amount paid into the Local Taxation (Scotland) Account under the Agricultural Rates (Congested Districts and Burgh Land Tax Relief) (Scotland) Act, 1896, was £181,737 5s. 10d.
This amount was applied as follows:
£ s. d. Burgh Land Tax Relief 7,989 19 10 Board of Agriculture for Scotland 15,000 0 0 Parish and County Councils (Relief of Agricultural Occupiers) 158,747 6 0 Total 181,737 5 10
Dyestuffs
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he is aware that British colour users now have to pay far higher prices for dyestuffs than those charged to competitors abroad; that the textile industries of this country are being penalised in consequence and are losing business; that British firms are sending goods to Switzerland, Belgium, and Holland to be dyed on account of the much lower prices of dyestuffs ruling there; and if he will introduce legislation to repeal the Dyestuffs (Import Regulation) Act?
I have no reason to suppose that the price of dyestuffs is the main cause of British goods being sent abroad to be dyed; the answer to the last part of the question is in the negative.
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he is aware that, though the British and Cotton Wool Dyers' Association has never applied for a licence to import dyes unless it had a good primâ facie case, in many instances, after much correspondence, extending over three or four weeks, it has been refused licences; that such procedure is not calculated to lead to an improvement of trade nor to a reduction of unemployment in the cotton and woollen manufacturing industries in this country; and if he will now consider the repeal of the Dyestuffs (Importation) Act?
I am aware that the British Cotton and Wool Dyers' Association, Ltd., have made numerous applications for licences to import foreign dye-stuffs, and that these have been granted in the majority of cases. In those cases in which applications have been refused, I have no doubt that the Licensing Committee, which, as the hon. Member is aware, contains a majority of dye users and independent members, have given full weight to all relevant considerations. The answer to the last part of the question is in the negative.
Is my Noble Friend willing to make some inquiry as to the subject matter of this and the preceding question; is he aware that there is grave dissatisfaction; and, if he is not aware of the implications of these questions, will he take steps to become aware of them?
I think I am fully aware of the implications of the questions, and I am afraid they do not accord with the views of His Majesty's Government.
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he is aware that it was not with the approval of the Colour Users' Association that the distribution, of reparation dyestuffs was transferred from the Central Importing Agency to the British Dyestuffs Corporation, and that on many occasions the prices of reparations dyes is more than the prices at which they could be obtained from Germany under licence; and if he will consider the advisability of removing all restrictions upon the free import of foreign dyestuffs?
In answer to the first part of the question, the chairman of the Colour Users' Association has publicly expressed (the last occasion being on the 14th April) the association's appreciation of the manner in which the distribution of Reparation dyestuffs has been handled by the British Dyestuffs Corporation. As regards the second part, an advisory committee on prices has been formed on which two out of the four members are representatives of the Colour Users' Association. The answer to the last part of the question is in the negative.
May I take this opportunity of expressing my regret—[HON. MEMBERS: "Order!"]
Coal Industry
Prices
asked the Secretary for Mines if he can give the latest information at his disposal showing the average pit-head price of coal and the average selling price f.o.b. for export and the average price retailed to the consumer in the home market?
The average pit-head price of coal disposed of commercially during February was 18s. 10d. per ton. The average value of coal exported in that month was 23s. 2d. per ton. f.o.b., and in April 26s. 1d. These are the latest available figures. The retail price of coal sold to consumers in the home market varies widely with the quality of the coal and the distance between the pithead and the consumer. It is quite impossible to give an average figure.
Is it not the case that the Departmental Committee set up by the hon. and gallant Gentleman's own Department has reported to him, and given him the average prices?
Is it not a fact that if the Secretary for Mines wanted to get the average price, say in Scotland, he could get it by telephoning?
I have given all the information available. Perhaps my hon. Friend will put down a further question.
Arising out of the reply to the original question, did that Committee point out that selling agencies are controlled by colliery companies and that, apart from the commercial disposal value, these selling agencies get a fixed price per ton —apart entirely from the value of the coal? Will the hon. and gallant Gentleman take steps to see that this is prevented in future as it was in the past?
That does not arise out of this question. [HON. MEMBERS: "It does."]
Do retailers not locally exhibit and circulate retail prices, and cannot the information be obtained directly from that source?
I will see what information I can give, if the right hon. Gentleman will put down a further question.
Is the hon. Gentleman not aware that a common retail price is 50s. per ton?
Wages
asked the Secretary for Mines if he is aware of the large percentage of the output of coal in this country where the owners have a direct interest in steel, iron, and other concerns to which the coal is supplied; and if, seeing that the wages of coal-workers are based upon the selling price obtained by the coalowners and that there is an economic inducement for coalowners to sell coal to themselves or to concerns in which they are financially interested at an artificially low price, he will consider the introduction of legislation to amend the present method of regulating colliers' wages?
It is part of the agreement between the colliery owners and the miners' representatives that in cases of this kind fair transfer prices shall be fixed based on current market values. Full provision is also made for the adequacy of these prices being checked by the miners' accountants, and, if necessary, referred to the joint district board or its independent chairman for decision.
What possible steps can the hon. and gallant Gentleman take to prevent a colliery owner from selling coal to himself under another name?
Of course, transactions of that sort are very difficult to detect. The miners' accountants have full access to the colliery books, and that would be the best way to detect such transactions.
Is the hon. and gallant Gentleman not aware that with a firm which controls coal mines, iron works and steel works the value of the coal is not the pit-head selling price but the selling value of that coal to other steel or iron works which have not got their own supplies?
Obviously that would be the case. If it is desired to prevent wrong entry the accountants should be able to secure this.
Is the hon. and gallant Gentleman aware that the practice is growing of colliery owners establishing large coaling zones and selling coal to themselves in those zones, and that when prices are low it benefits them to carry on that practice; and will he take steps to see that it is discontinued?
The hon. and gallant Member should put that question on the Paper.
Pension (Royal Fieldartillery, T. G. Jude)
asked the Minister of Pensions whether his attention has been drawn to the case of Thomas George Jude, driver, No. 1853, Royal Field Artillery, who was admitted to the County of Durham Asylum on 9th February, having been discharged from Willington Sanatorium on the 7th of that month; whether he is aware that the guardians have expressed the opinion that Jude should be recognised as a service patient, and that the man is suffering from 100 per cent. disablement as the result of tuberculosis due to war service: and, seeing that it is probable that his debilitated physical condition was the primary cause of his mental trouble, if he will state on what grounds his medical advisers decided that the mental trouble was neither due to nor aggravated by war service?
The mental condition is regarded by the Ministry's medical advisers as being in no way related to service. The man has, however, appealed against the decision of the Ministry rejecting the claim in respect of insanity, and the case has been referred to the tribunal for hearing. I may add that pension at the maximum rate has been warded for tuberculosis which has been accepted as due to service.
Is the hon. and gallant Gentleman aware that this man, in spite of the fact that he has a full pension for tuberculosis, is now in the hands of the union as a workhouse patient; and how can the doctors tell, in the case of a man who has had a 100 per cent. pension since his discharge from the Army, that there is no connection between his physical condition and his mental condition?
These are matters for the doctors. The question is referred to an eminently qualified board of doctors to decide, and it is for them to do so.
Would the average person assume that if a man had been physically incapacitated, since his discharge from the Army under these conditions, it would be likely to affect his mind, and why should the man be subject to a board?
I should point out that the hon. Member's question deals only with the question of insanity not with tuberculosis, and the board simply decided that the man's insanity was not due to war service.
Is it not a fact that the patient is drawing full pension for tuberculosis?
That is so.
National Health Insurance
Medical Service
asked the Minister of Health what is the total sum paid out in each of the last three completed years under the National Health Insurance scheme by societies for members who have not selected panel doctors; and by what amount the panel doctors have benefited each year over and above the fees agreed upon through the action of those who have not selected a panel doctor?
The hon. Member is under some misapprehension. The right to medical attendance is not affected by the insured person's previous neglect to choose a doctor. Insured persons not infrequently put off selecting a doctor until they become ill, but they have a right to treatment immediately they are in need of it, irrespective of whether they are at the time on any doctor's list. The panel practitioners, therefore, are collectively at risk in respect of all insured persons entitled to medical benefit. The actual number of unassigned persons, which cannot be precisely calculated, is roughly 700,000, but the proportion of these who do not avail themselves of their right to treatment when they need it is a relatively small and diminishing number. My right hon. Friend has no information as to the distribution of unassigned persons between different societies.
Is the Noble Lord aware that there is the utmost difficulty in a patient obtaining medical advice from a practitioner other than his regular panel doctor, and would he reply to that part of the question?
I do not think it is part of the question. Such difficulties do arise, of course, and it is very desirable that persons should select their panel doctors in advance, but that is not the question.
Sickness, Dundee
asked the Minister of Health if he is aware that the excessive sickness in Dundee is playing havoc with a number of approved societies; if he can give any reasons why the sickness in Dundee is much above the average of other parts of the country; and if he will take action in the matter?
I have been asked to reply to this question. The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative. Sickness expenditure in Dundee is not so high as to imperil the financial stability of societies with members in that city. Such expenditure is no doubt higher in Dundee than in many other parts of the country, but it is not clear that in this respect some other industrial areas might not provide a parallel. With regard to the second part of the question, contributing factors, are the high rate of employment of married women in Dundee, the character of certain of the trades in which they are employed, and congestion in housing. As regards the last part of the question, I am not clear as to what special action the hon. Member suggests should be taken in this instance.
Unemployment Relief Work (Wages)
asked the Minister of Health if he is aware that a number of local authorities in different parts of the country have passed a resolution that the Government be urged to vary the wage conditions fixed by them so as to empower local authorities to pay to unskilled men employed on relief works the full standard rate of wages for the district in lieu of the 75 per cent. and the 87 per cent. fixed by the Government; and if he will take action in the matter?
A small number of resolutions on this subject have been received; but the present rates have been generally acquiesced in by local authorities, and my right hon. Friend does not see his way to alter them now.
Is the Noble Lord aware that there is universal dissatisfaction in consequence of the decision of the Government allowing only 75 per cent.?
No, I am not aware that there is considerable dissatisfaction, and the communications received by the Ministry do not bear that out.
Is the Noble Lord not aware that in different parts of the country and by different local authorities there have been discussions in regard to this matter, and that many resolutions of protest have been sent in to the Government?
Will the Noble Lord consider whether he will not issue a circular informing local authorities that they may pay the full 100 per cent. wages to efficient workmen, as is done in many parts of the country? Why not everywhere?
In reply to the last question, that is the question on the Paper, and in my right hon. Friend's opinion he cannot do so.
May I ask if the Noble Lord is aware—
On a point of Order. I understood the Noble Lord was just going to reply to the first supplementary question, and therefore I raise my protest at this stage against another question being put until he has had an opportunity of answering mine.
The hon. Member for Silvertown (Mr. J. Jones) can be heard first.
Is the Noble Lord aware that a short time ago the Department which controls the issuing of these circulars received a deputation from some local authorities and gave them permission to pay the full rate providing the men employed were capable of doing the work, and that a large number of authorities are now paying the full rate upon that decision?
In regard to the last question, of course, each case has to be treated on its merits, and, as the hon. Member knows, where the men are fully qualified the 100 per cent. is allowed. With regard to the first supplementary question, I have already said, not that there have been many protests received, but that there have been a small number, and only a small number, of resolutions received.
Is it not the case that strikes have taken place in certain parts of the country over this matter?
Nurses Registration Act
asked the Minister of Health whether, in view of the fact that under the Nurses Registration Act. 1919, the date after which no existing nurse can get upon the register is 14th July, 1923, unless application for registration has been previously made, and in view also of the fact that a new modification of Rule 9(1) was laid upon the Table on 28th May affecting such registration, he will try and obtain immediate facilities for considering the proposed modification in order to give an opportunity for any applicants to whom the change applies to take advantage of it and make application in time?
The hon. Member is under a misapprehension. Under the provisions of Section 3 (3) of the Nurses Registration Act, rules made by the council come into operation as soon as they are approved by the Minister of Health. My right hon. Friend has approved the rule in question, and there is nothing to prevent nurses who come within its scope from applying at once for admission to the register.
Aircraft (Oil Engines)
asked the Secretary of State for Air whether he is aware of the application in France of oil engines to aircraft, with the object of securing greater safety in the air; and whether any experiments of the kind have been or are being made in this country?
I am aware that the use of oil engines in aircraft has been considered in France, but, according to my information, no actual trials have been made. In this country test-bench experiments of aircraft engines using heavy oil have been proceeding with promising results for some time past, and are still being continued.
Is it not a fact that we hold a wonderful record, from the point of view of safety in the air, second to no other country?
I believe that is the case.
Jute Industry Dispute, Dundee
asked the Minister of Labour whether he would, in Dundee's industrial crisis, now recommend abandonment of the original single point in dispute, already disposed of by his Departmental Inquiry, in order that the lock-out might be ended, and that negotiations might be conducted for a fresh inquiry to deal with points since brought under discussion, including maximum number of spindles to be operated by the workers?
I understand that the negotiations which have been in progress with a view to a settlement of the dispute have, unfortunately, not succeeded. In view of the interests involved, I have invited representatives of the employers and of the workers to come to London to meet me to-morrroow, and in these circumstances I would deprecate any discussion here of the points in dispute.
Is it not the case that the proposal in the first part of my question has been accepted as per telegram since come to my hand, and, if so, would the right hon. Gentleman see that the omission of one of the unions from the invitation to the meeting to-morrow is rectified by including the Mill and Factory Workers' Union representative?
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that some other burghs in the near neighbourhood of Dundee are adversely affected by the lock-out, as, for example, Brechin, in the Montrose Burghs, and will he take action so as to ensure that the interests of the workers there are not overlooked in the negotiations which take place to-morrow?
The further issue suggested by the hon. Member for Montrose Burghs (Mr. Sturrock) is, of course, a much wider one, and I cannot deal with that at the moment, but both that and the question of the hon. Member for Dundee (Mr.Scrymgeour) illustrate the difficulty of dealing with a complicated industrial situation like this by question and answer across the Floor of the House, and I must repeat the suggestion which I made in the last part of my answer, namely, that I think such questions are better, at any rate at this stage, not pressed.
Has the right hon. Gentleman the information, or has he not, that the proposal in the first part of my question has been accepted, leaving over the question whether it should be a trade board to deal with it?
Those are all matters of argument, which will come up in the course of the discussion.
No; it is only a matter of fact, as to whether the right hon. Gentleman has information to that effect or not. He declines to answer.
Attack on Greek Patriarch,Constantinople
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he has received confirmation of the attack on the Greek Patriarch Meletios at Constantinople by a number of Greek roughs, repudiated by all the respectable Greeks of the city; whether it is a fact that this attack was organised by Turks; and what steps the British Government, in conjunction with their Allies, propose to take to prevent such outrageous attacks in future?
Before my hon. Friend answers this question, may I ask you, Mr. Speaker, on a point of Order more than anything else, whether questions such as these are submitted to you first of all, before being put in this House on the ground of urgency; and, if not, whether they should not be so submitted, in order to save the risk of the time of the House being wasted by these questions being put, when they could be put in the ordinary way, as is done by other Members of the House?
This question was submitted to me, and I passed it.
May I further ask whether, in your opinion, this is a matter of urgency?
It is clearly so, or I should not have passed it.
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. In reply to the second part, I am not at present in a position to express any opinion. The acting British High Commissioner is concerting with his Allied colleagues' measures for securing adequate protection for the Patriarch.
Amendments to Bills
I want to ask your advice and assistance, Mr. Speaker, on a point of some interest to Members of this House. As you are aware, when a Bill has received a Second Reading, it is open to any hon. Member to put down Amendments for the Committee stage. Hon. Members line up on your left with their Amendments in their hands, and the Clerks, properly, and according to the Rules of the House, accept them in the order presented to them, and so they appear on the Paper. After the Second Reading of the Finance Bill, a few days ago, I myself, and, at any rate, one of my colleagues, desired to put in Amendments as soon as possible, and, accordingly, we lined up, and handed in our Amendments. He was second and I was third, so that we were both placed. One hon. Member of the Labour party, who, evidently, had not even attended the Division, had in his hand a large sheaf of Amendments, all typed. I knew what was going to happen. He came off first, and next day I saw that six pages of Amendments had been handed in by one Member, not alone on behalf of the Labour party, but also on behalf of the Liberal party. [HON. MEMBERS: "NO."] Obviously, I myself was blanketed, and so was my hon. Friend. I have been a Member of this House for some time, and I have handed in Amendments repeatedly, and it has always been the custom of private Members to hand in their own Amendments, or, at any rate, Amendments to which their names are attached, and I ask you whether it is in order for any Member, not in an official position, to hand in Amendments to a Bill like that in one great batch, all typed?
I may say that this practice of syndicating Amendments is not a new one, and it is not confined to one quarter of the House, nor to two quarters of the House. For myself, I do not think it is a practice which is in the interests of private Members of the House, but it is not out of Order. I have no authority of which I am aware to stop it. What I would suggest would be that there should be a friendly consultation between Members in all parts of the House, to consider whether it would not be better to revert to the old practice of Members personally handing in their own Amendments. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] I am afraid I cannot go further than that. It is a matter of goodwill, and a desire, which, I believe, exists in the House, to maintain the rights of private Members, particularly those who act by themselves, and not in relation to any group.
May I ask whether it is the custom sanctioned by the rules of the House that Members hand in their Amendments in the order in which they stand at the desk on your left, or whether it is in order for Members to throw their Amendments over the heads of those standing there, and does the Clerk take such Amendments in preference to the Amendments of hon. Members standing in order on your left?
Under present circumstances, the Clerks are given a quite impossible task, and that is one of the points I would ask Members to consider — to see whether it is not to the benefit of all to revert to the practice which obtained some time ago. I recollect this matter myself as far back as 1912, but it has been growing in intensity in recent years.
May I ask you, Sir, whether the Chair could not, as a matter of fact, in Committee control the practice when an Amendment was reached, by calling upon whoever the Chair thought fit, and not necessarily, the name standing first on the Order Paper, in which case no great advantage would accrue in syndicating Amendments, and the practice would be abandoned?
That is a valuable suggestion which, I believe, on the Report stage, I have practised already to some extent. The Chair is not bound by the precedence obtained by these means. Perhaps the Chairman of Committee will take note of what the Noble Lord has said.
Selection (Standing Committees)
Standing Committee D
Sir SAMUEL ROBERTS reported from the Committee of Selection; That they had added the following Member to Standing Committee D (during the consideration of the Dentists Act (1921) Amendment Bill): Sir Norman Rae.
Report to lie upon the Table.
Standing Committees (Chairmen's Panel)
Mr. WILLIAM NICHOLSON reported from the Chairmen's Panel: That they had appointed Sir Cyril Cobb to act as Chairman of Standing Committee B (in respect of the Mines (Working Facilities and Support) Bill [ Lords ]; Sir Neville Jodrell (in respect of the Agricultural Credits Bill); and Sir Samuel Roberts (in respect of the Workmen's Compensation (No. 2) Bill); Mr. Gilbert to Standing Committee D (in respect of the Dentists Act (1921) Amendment Bill and the Rating Returns Bill); and Mr. Hodge (in respect of the Merchant Shipping Acts (Amendment) Bill).
Report to lie upon the Table.
Orders of the Day
Agricultural Rates Bill
Order for Second Reading read.
I beg to move, That the Bill be now read a Second time."
The reason I am moving the Second Reading of this Bill is because it concerns questions of rating. Rating is one of the many subjects quite unconnected with health which come under the aegis of the Health Minister, but the purpose of the Bill is not concerned with reform in our rating system. The purpose of the Bill is to give assistance to agriculture, and to put into legislative form the undertakings which have been given by the Prime Minister and my right hon. Friend the Minister of Agriculture. Therefore, my task is concerned not so much with the policy as with the machinery of the Bill, and I shall have to ask the House to give me some indulgence while I endeavour to expound, as shortly as I can, the provisions of the Measure, which is of a very technical character, and not very easily understood by those who are not conversant with the intricacies of rating, and particularly of Scottish rating.
4.0 P.M.
Before I come to the Clauses, I should like to say a word or two about policy, because my right hon. Friend the Minister of Agriculture will not be speaking till towards the end of the Debate. As I see upon the Paper a number of notices for the rejection of the Bill, I think, perhaps, it would hardly be courteous to those who have put them down, if I were to introduce the Bill without making some brief statement as to the reasons which have led the Government to put it forward. I start with a fact which, I think, will be accepted by all quarters of the House, namely, that agriculture is in a desperate condition. Profits in many cases have vanished altogether. Wages have come down to a level which can only be characterised as deplorably low, and, indeed, unless something be done to assist the industry, it is clear that much land which is now arable must either go out of cultivation altogether, or else go down to grass, with results that would be disastrous, not merely to those who are actually engaged in the industry, but also to the dwellers in the towns who are themselves in no condition to Stand further additions to the ranks of their unemployed or to enter into a fresh and ruinous system of competition. I think that statement will be generally accepted, and, when the late Prime Minister, in response to an appeal from the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George), appointed a tribunal of economists to investigate the conditions of the industry and to make recommendations, his action was generally approved. The House will remember that that tribunal made an interim report last March, in which they made a number of recommendations, some of which the Government have accepted and some of which they have not seen their way to take up. Perhaps the most important of those recommendations was one which suggested a further relief of rating, and, although we have not accepted the letter of the recommendation of the tribunal, we have accepted it in spirit; indeed, I think that the proposals that we put into this Bill will do even more to effect the purpose which the tribunal had in mind than if we had taken their recommendations exactly as they stood. That then is the genesis of the Bill.
What are the reasons which are put forward for its rejection? They may be classified under two heads. The first-objection is that the benefits which the Bill gives will, it is said, go into the pockets of the landowners instead of those whom it is desired to benefit, and the second is that other people are needy as well as agriculturists, and that it is not fair that we should tax the community for the benefit of one particular section. With regard to the first of those objections, I do not think that it can possibly be argued that at the present time, when farmers find it impossible to make both ends meet, the owners could exact a greater rent from them. I think the argument in the minds of hon. Members must rather be that that might be the ultimate effect of these proposals. If that be so, I would like to point to one consideration which shows that at the present time the circumstances are rather different from what they were in 1896. I mean the fact that the number of owner-occupiers has very largely increased, and, so far as they are concerned, I do not think that there can be any question but that the benefit will go to the right quarter. As to the rest, it is a matter which might be argued indefinitely without coming to any conclusion, because it is one which is not susceptible of proof. I personally suspect that the relief which may be afforded through the system of rating is likely to be small compared with what would be derived from an increase in the price of corn, and that the distribution of rewards in agriculture, as in other industries, varies from time to time among those who are concerned, according to the play of economic forces, so that at one time it is the owners, another time it is the farmers, and another time it is the labourers who have the advantage, but that on the whole any relief which is given to the industry will benefit all three classes, although probably not all three simultaneously. In making that suggestion, I think I am on pretty sound ground, because I have the agreement of all three classes themselves. The House may possibly know that last year a Memorandum was prepared and submitted to the Government by the Central Landowners' Association, the National Farmers' Union, the National Union of Agricultural Workers, and the agricultural section of the Workers' Union, and in the introduction to that Memorandum here occurred a passage which I should like to read to the House: reform. If they are agreed, no matter what the distribution of the relief may be, and they are all at one in desiring that it should be made, I do not think that it is for the Government or for this House to express any other view.
I come to the second objection, that we ought not to tax the community for the benefit of one particular section. I must say that that objection comes rather strangely from the Labour party, who are continually urging us to do that very thing more and more; but perhaps I should be right in assuming their views might be more accurately, if somewhat more crudely, expressed in another way. They might say, "We are not so much interested in the country as we are in the towns in which the bulk of our supporters are to be found. Therefore, we are against giving any assistance to agriculture at the general expense, but, if we cannot convince you and if this relief is to be given to agriculture, then at any rate we are going to demand a quid pro quo for the towns." I am not going this afternoon to discuss the case of the so called necessitous areas. They have their case, and in due course it will have to be considered upon its merits, but I utterly repudiate the notion that there is any analogy between their case and the case which we are considering this afternoon. We are concerned this afternoon, not with relief to rural ratepayers generally, but with assistance to a specific industry, which, if it be not assisted in this way, must be assisted in some other way which perhaps hon. Members would like even less, or perish.
The Farmers' contention—and I have always thought that there was a great deal to be said for it—is that in this matter of rating he has been treated very unfairly. He compares his position with that of the manufacturer or the small shopkeeper. They may be making just the same income as the farmer, but they can carry on their business on a comparatively small piece of ground—it may be only a fraction of an acre—whereas the farmer, from the very nature of his business, must be concerned with many, many acres. In fact, the land of the farmer is his stock-in-trade, and he argues —and I think not unreasonably—that, since the stock-in-trade of the shopkeeper or the manufacturer is exempt from rating, it is wholly inequitable that he should have to bear on his stock-in-trade this great and overwhelming burden. That seems to me to be a very strong, if not an unanswerable case, I do not say for total exemption, but at any rate for a considerable measure of relief.
There is a Motion for an Instruction on the Paper in the name of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Ross and Cromarty (Mr. Macpherson), who I regret to see is not in his place. It is in reference to the inclusion in one Bill of provisions dealing both with England and Scotland. I confess that that Motion was not altogether unexpected by me. The existing law in the two countries is different. Acts, both of which this Bill seeks to amend, and therefore it would have been both natural and logical that we should have had two amending Bills. Nevertheless, we have not taken that course. We have put the Amendments to both Acts into one Bill, and we have done that, not for the sake of England and certainly not for my sake, but for the sake of Scotland. I will explain why. This is a Bill to relieve agricultural land, not at the expense of other ratepayers in the district, but at the expense of the general taxpayer. In Scotland, it is the custom of the parish councils to strike their rates in the month of July for the year. Therefore, unless this Bill becomes law by 31st July, the parish councils will be in a position of very great difficulty and embarrassment. Indeed, if by that time the Bill is not law and they have to strike their rates on the old basis, then the relief to the Scottish farmer will not be lost, but it will be delayed, and it will be one-quarter or perhaps one-half of the year before he obtains the benefit that will be obtained by his English rival. I think that is an argument which will appeal to Scottish Members, because, although they may have plenty of criticism to make upon the Bill, I do not think that they will wish to push it so far as to risk a delay of the relief to the Scottish farmer, or to put the parish councils to the inconvenience when would certainly be caused them if the Bill did not become law; and, when one considers the congestion of Parliamentary time— the amount of business that we have to get through; it will take us all our time to get a single Bill through all its stages this Session—if we had two Bills with two Financial Resolutions, two Report stages, two Third Readings as well as two Committee stages upstairs, then, I think, it must be clear to the House that there would be very considerable danger of our overrunning the date. That, then, is the reason why we have not taken what appears to be the logical course, and have included our Amendments to both these Acts in the same Bill. One last point I must deal with prior to coming to the Clauses. I would point out to the House that this is a temporary Measure. It expires on 31st March, 1925. In order to explain that position, I must quote a short passage from the Gracious Speech from the Throne, in which these words occur:
Will that include Scotland?
There will be a Bill for Scotland. That Bill will contain permanent provisions in regard to the rating of agricultural land. In view, however, of the condition of the industry at the present time, the Government felt it could not wait until that Bill was before the House, and, accordingly, we have introduced this Measure, and have made it operative for the time that will elapse before the introduction of the more permanent and larger Measure, and which we hope will be sufficient. With these preliminary observations I come to the Bill itself.
It will be seen that the first six Clauses deal with England, which for the purposes of this Bill and without prejudice to any other considerations, includes Wales. The occupier of agricultural land now pays one-half of the rates to which this Bill applies; under Clause 1 he will in future pay one-quarter. I may, perhaps, explain to the House that the English, and Welsh farmer now pays the full rate upon his buildings, while upon his land he pays the rates which vary from one-half in the case of the poor rate to one-third of the lighting rate, and one-quarter of the general district or special expenses rate. Then there is the case of the consolidated rates, where he pays a different proportion in different localities varying from one-quarter to one-half. In future under this Bill he will in all cases only pay one-quarter.
Will that include the county rate?
That relief, unless some other provision were made, would, of course, have to fall upon the ratepayers of the district, which include the farmers themselves, who, although they would only pay one-quarter of the rate, would have to pay that quarter upon an increased poundage if relief were not forthcoming from some other quarter. But the Chancellor of the Exchequer has undertaken to temper the wind to these shorn lambs, and under Clause 2 of the Bill it is provided that every year the estimated deficiency which will arise in consequence of the relief will be paid into the local taxation account, and that every half-year there will be paid out of the local taxation fund the various shares which will be due to the different spending authorities. I want to say that this term "spending authorities" is the term to be found in the Act of 1896. It includes the county and town councils, the rural and the urban district councils, the boards of guardians, and the Metropolitan police.
Clause 3 lays down the procedure for calculating the deficiency, and the repayments in and out of the different taxation accounts. It is estimated that in England and Wales the amount necessary during the current year will be about £2,750,000. The procedure will be quite straightforward and will not be at all costly. It has been done in this way. Every half year the spending authorities, as soon as they issue their precepts on the rating authorities, will supply the Minister of Health with a return giving him the particulars which are necessary in order to enable him to calculate the difference in the produce of the rates with and without the provision of this Bill. That difference will represent the share of the spending authority, and the sum of the differences represents the total amount which will have to be paid out of the Consolidated Fund into the Local Taxation Account. If hon. Members have provided themselves with the White Paper to be found in the Vote Office, they will see there that I had an example worked out, because the formula under which this calculation is to be made is not so very easy to understand. Hence the example which, I trust will render it easier for hon. Members to see how the procedure will work. Perhaps I should say just a word about the proviso to Clause 3 which deals with the local rates and which looks rather mysterious. It is quite simple. In the majority of cases the maintenance of the district highways is charged by the municipal boroughs and the urban district councils upon a general district rate to which the farmer pays one quarter. Under Section 216 of the Public Health Act it is open to these local authorities to charge the maintenance of these highways upon the special highway rate, and in that case the farmer pays a half. Under the provision of this Bill, of course, he will pay one quarter in any case, but it has occurred to us that certain local authorities might be sharp enough to see that, if they were to make a further transference from the general district rate to the highway rate, they would be creating a largo deficiency upon which they would have a claim upon the Exchequer. This would not be of any benefit to the farmer, but would create a sort of artificial claim upon the Exchequer for money which would not go to the farmer at all, but to the local authorities. The proviso, therefore, to Clause 3 is to prevent the possibility of any occurrence of that kind. I do not think I need trouble the House by any description of Clause 4 and the definition of agricultural land, or Clause 5 which refers to some of the new modifications contained in the Schedule.
Before we pass from that point perhaps the right hon. Gentleman would make one thing clear. He spoke of an estimate of £2,750,000, as at present the sum necessary. Do I understand rightly that would be the sum necessary to make up the difference between the half rates and the quarter rates he now proposes? Would that include any sum necessary to make good the deficiency on the half rates already excused in the case of the agricultural land over and above the fixed Imperial contribution under the Act of 1896?
Yes, Sir, that is quite correct. We have not touched the provision under the Act of 1896, which is a fixed provision, but the provision in this Bill is a varying provision. Therefore no discrepancy will arise in future in respect of this new provision as in the past.
Can the right hon. Gentleman tell us the amount of the discrepancy from the £1,333,000 fixed by the Act of 1896 for agricultural rates?
I have not the figure in my head, but I will get it and let the right hon. Gentleman have it in the course of the Debate. Clause 6 is an important Clause and deals with the adjustment of excess payments of rates. According to the statement made by the Prime Minister the benefit under this Bill is intended to accrue to the farmer for the whole of the current year. That is to say, the Bill dates back to 1st April. Clause 6 provides that he will be able to obtain a rebate of any excess on the next payment of rates; the proviso to Clause 6 also deals with a possible case where the occupation might be changed in the meantime.
I come now to the Scottish Clauses, which are from 7 to 12 inclusive. I thought well, in view of the Scottish lawyers whom I see opposite to me, subject to correction by them, to explain for the benefit of the English and Welsh Members why these Clauses, which are based on exactly the same principle as the English Clauses, have to be differently framed in view of certain differences in the system of rating in the two countries. In the first place, in England the relief which is given is given to agricultural land only. It does not apply to the buildings. In Scotland it applies to the buildings as well as to the land, or to the heritages, for I understand that in Scotland the law refers to buildings of every kind as well as to land and any machinery that may be attached to it. That is the first difference.
The second difference is this: that whereas in England relief is given by way of a reduction in the poundage paid by the farmer, in Scotland the farmer always pays the full rate, but he pays it on a reduced assessment. The effect is the same in the long run. In the one case he pays upon the reduced rate and in the other upon a reduced, assessment. Thirdly, there is another and an importane difference. Whereas in England the rates fall only on the occupier, in Scotland the burden of the county and the parish rate is shared by the occupier and the owner, roughly speaking, in the proportion of half and half. Under the Scottish Act of 1896, the owner of agricultural land pays the full rate upon the full assessment and the occupier pays the full rate upon a three-eighths assessment. Under the present Bill that state of things comes to an end altogether, and in future both the owner and the occupier of agricultural land will pay upon one-half, or four-eighths of the full assessment. Under Sub-section (2) of Clause 7 of the Bill the occupier will be enabled to take from his rent half the amount of rates he has paid, so that the final result will be that the owner will pay three-quarters and the occupier will only pay a quarter of the rate. One would have thought it would have been simpler for the owner to pay three-quarters and the occupier a quarter, but the Scottish mind is rather more subtle than that, and prefers to maintain a theoretical basis of half and half. But they can take and adjust the thing between themselves. The House will see that, on the whole, the relief to Scottish owners and occupiers is three-sixteenths of the whole as compared with four-sixteenths, or the quarter given to the English and Welsh farmers. If anyone wonders as to the difference in these two cases, I would remind them that in Scotland relief is given, not only in respect of land, but in respect of heritages, which means the buildings on the land. In view of that explanation, I think it ought to be fairly clear that Clause 8 corresponds to Clause 2, and Clause 9, which deals with the machinery by which the calculations are made, corresponds to Clause 3, and as the relief is three-sixteenths of the whole, taking both owners and occupiers into account, that may be well expressed by putting three-eighths as the owners' share, which is half of the whole.
There only now remain some minor Clauses to deal with. Clause 10 restores the division of the relief between owner and occupier to one-half instead of the proportion maintained under the existing Act. Clause 11 abolishes the last of the certified classifications in Scotland. I may explain, for the benefit of English Members, that in Scotland there have been in the past a number of classifications in certain parishes under which the ratepayers were divided into different classes and paid at different rates in those different classes. The Act of 1896 abolished a great number of them, but there still remain a few which will be finally swept away by Clause 11 of this Bill. Clauses 13 and 14 are common to the whole Bill. Clause 13 is the financial Clause, and Clause 14 the Short Title and Duration of the Act. I have now briefly completed my task, and I hope that I have clearly explained some of these difficult matters. It only remains for me now to commend this Measure to the favourable consideration of the House.
I beg to move to leave out from the word "That" to the end of the Question, and to add instead thereof the words on land values. The statement has been made that this Bill is only a temporary Measure, but if the landowners find this to be a Measure worthy of their support, in my view it will be maintained much longer after the date registered in the Bill itself. It was interesting to notice how we were reminded that we should be the last in this House to single out, as a point of criticism, the throwing of taxation on part of the community in order to benefit another. Speaking for myself, I have never been an advocate of predatory taxation, and I have never asked that one section of the community should bear all the taxation for the benefit of any other section.
When we discuss land, the values attached to it and the rates imposed thereon, there is a great difference, and this must be very obvious now even to those who sit in this House as well as to people outside. The taxation of industry hinders industry. It increases the cost of production and creates unemployment. But when it comes to the value of land and using that as a basis of rating and taxation, there is a great difference between that and any other form of rating and taxation. Undoubtedly the Labour party are committed to the rating and taxation of the value of land. In putting forward that principle, we do not think that we are pursuing a policy which can justly be described as taxing one section of the community for the benefit of another section, because the value of the land is not the creation of the owner but is the creation of the whole community, therefore, the community have a right to take that value in relief of rates. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] Hon. Members on the Government side do not appreciate that very obvious truth, but can they prove that the owners of land create all the value of that land? Can they prove that, if there were nobody on the land but the owners, the land would be as valuable as it is to-day? If they cannot prove those two things, then I fail to understand their hilarity at the present moment.
I want to put this Bill in its true perspective and make a review of the atmosphere of the country in regard to it at the present moment. Every local authority in the country is heavily burdened with rates. Superimposed upon that there is unemployment and the expenditure in relation to doles, and all the charges necessary as a result of all that. Every industrial centre could advance many reasons why the rates of those industrial centres should be reduced, and they could make out a better case than any agricultural district in this country at the present moment. Take the housing conditions of my own district. There the houses are rated at almost 20s. in the £, and the death rate among children is 50 per 1,000 higher than in any other part of Great Britain. The cost of unemployment doles is running up every week. I have often thought what a state of things we should have if we pursued the policy of the landowners on this question, when we consider what the rates and other charges are at the present time. We want all sorts of things in industrial centres. When the right hon. Gentleman introduced the Housing Bill I offered him my sympathy, because I considered it was the most hopeless Housing Bill the House of Commons has ever seen. Nevertheless, the right hon. Gentleman will have to carry it through. Now the Government supporters are pressing the right hon. Gentleman to reduce the rates in agricultural districts on the plea that it is going to benefit farming in this country.
There are one or two questions which I should like to put with regard to this relief of rates. In the returns which we have had with regard to rating in the urban areas of England, in the last White Paper issued in 1913, I noticed that the total area amounted to 3,884,139 acres in the urban districts. In that total 2,533,000 acres were entered as agricultural land, that is to say, accommodation land and land used for grazing by local butchers and other purposes, but it was land suitable for building should the towns extend. The rates levied in that area amounted to £35,429,301, and the 2,500,000 acres of agricultural land contributed towards that the sum of £400,000. I want to know if this land, which is highly valuable as a marketable commodity in and around our towns, will gain any advantage under the Bill now before the House? I notice in working out the figures I have given from this White Paper that we come to this beautiful contrast, that out of every 20s. in 1913 collected in rates on this urban land, the so-called agricultural land, which I suspect will come in for benefit under this Bill, contributed only 2¾d. in each £ raised on the other heriditaments. I want to ask if this highly valuable land is standing to gain from the new facilities created by this Bill? Let me review in contrast with the present conditions in the towns what has been done lately for agriculture. The other evening I intervened somewhat heatedly when the Minister for Agriculture sailed off in a most serene manner with his very handsome little Bill dealing with agricultural credits. Under the 1896 Act there was relief to agricultural rates of £1,300,000. Then came the Corn Production Act, which increased the value of agricultural holdings up and down the country. During that period the owners of land took full advantage of the increased value of land and pressed all sorts of people who were their tenants to buy the land or clear out. The result was that from 1917 to 1921 we had an unprecedented boom in land purchase. In 1922 a concession was made to the agricultural interests, when the assessment under Schedule B was reduced from the annual value to the single annual value of the holding.
Last week we had the Credits Bill, in which we were asked to support the farmers with many concessions to clear off the debts standing over their heads as a result of the purchase of land during the Corn Production Act period. I think I have now shown that agriculture has not been neglected, and certainly will not be neglected so long as beneficent Conservatives sitting on the opposite benches hold power in this country. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] I am glad to receive that assent to that statement, because it gives the workers in towns a clear understanding where directly their interests lie. When the Bill was introduced in 1896 many arguments were used which will be used again in this discussion. It was stated then that any advantage given by relief from rates would register itself for the benefit of the landowner. I notice that the right hon. Gentleman opposite, in introducing this Bill, had a rather quaint way of getting out of that difficulty. He said that if the advantage of the relief from rates is registered in the value of the soil, that circumstances showed that, by virtue of the increase in the large number of small owners which had taken place since 1896, advantage will go to the right people. That supports the contention which we make on this side of the House —that the advantage will go to the owner of the land, be he a small owner or a large one. It gives us very little consolation to be told that the small landowner is gaining, because we have got a very strong conviction that in this matter absolute landowning, in the sense that we know it to-day, will have to give place to something else. Security of tenure under other circumstances is equally as good, and, indeed, better, for the individual concerned and for the community as a whole, and that is what we are striving for. I will recall some statements made with regard to these proposals in years gone by. Richard Cobden, in 1850, said: it would seem that, despite the Bill which has been introduced to-day, the arable land will get less advantage than the grass land. Then there is the question how much is to be contributed under this Bill. The amount given under the Act now in force totalled £1,300,000. I see that the rates paid on agricultural land in 1921 and 1922 in England and Wales amounted to £7,400,000. Half the sum of £6,100,000 had to be made up by additional rates. That was the sum asked for when the right hon. Gentleman was introducing his Bill. £6,100,000 had to be met, including, of course, agriculture, over and above the standard amount of £1,300,000. Now this Bill comes in. It seems rather strange to those who do not know the Conservative mind that the Bill should have been rushed so hurriedly as to give us a bare figure of another quarter. Yet this quarter (roughly 2¼ millions) will be far in excess of the original half of the total amount that was advanced.
5.0 P.M
There is evidence, as I said at the outset, that the Government are committed to do something for the landed interest. The farmer and agricultural labourer are now being made the pretext for advancing this money. But what does it matter; it will be made up out of that passive creature the indirect taxpayer of this country. In my opinion this Bill should be relentlessly opposed. I quite believe that if the ordinary worker in the industrial parts of this country knew the contents of and purposes behind this Bill there would be an outcry up and down the country that would stop even the most powerful Government from carrying it through. We on this side, I suppose, will be voted down by the automatic majority which goes into the other Lobby. It would be indeed a miracle almost equal to that of the visit of St. Paul to Damascus if the wisdom that fell from this side should convert anyone on the other side. The whole rating system of this country is archaic and chaotic. When the right hon. Gentleman was introducing his Bill I am sure many hon. Members must have wondered where we were getting when he referred to the five-eighths, the seven-eighths, the three-quarters and the one-half. We were wondering when the rating system of this country would be made the subject of inquiry. It is true the right hon. Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) promised that an inquiry would take place in the law of rating, and I think it would have been well for this Government if it had prefaced this Bill by such an inquiry and not rushed it in before an inquiry could be held. But the impetuosity of the agricultural interest would brook no delay. No one knows in these days of changing Governments how long the present Government will last. The agricultural interest therefore decided to take time by the forelock and get the best terms they could. I support the Amendment down in our name. I had meant to give the House one illustration after another to show how the market value of land has not fallen despite the awfully distressing cries we hear about the depression in agriculture. The present condition of agriculture possesses the same characteristics as were observable in 1896. At that time farms were snapped up. There was a great competition for farms, and yet then as now we were told that agriculture was suffering from distress. To listen to hon. and right hon. Gentlemen opposite, one would think that nothing had happened in this country since 1896. Do right hon. Gentlemen opposite and their supporters remember anything that happened in 1909 and 1910? Do they remember that the whole attention of the people of this country was called to the land question through the activities of the Liberal party then in power? Do they forget the land valuation that was made? [HON. MEMBERS: "No! There have been no houses built since."] I purposely touched upon that, because I wanted to anticipate the arguments that will be used in the course of the Debate. It seems, from the remarks of hon. Members opposite, that they do not forget that famous valuation. It will be the purpose of the Labour party to make the ordinary rank and file in the country cognisant of the fact that there is a land valuation at Somerset House, and that that valuation should be brought to light and brought up to date. [ A laugh ] I cannot understand why hon. Gentlemen opposite smile, because I can assure them on the very best authority that that valuation can be brought up to date within six months.
It being used now for probate purposes.
We want to use it for other purposes, which, I dare say, hon. Gentlemen opposite will not like. That valuation, however, is there. I should have thought that the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) would have been in his place to-day, because here at least comes his glorious opportunity of recouping his position; but perhaps he has dropped this trump card and is looking for another. When the attention of the country was called to these facts, Noble Lords in another place protested, not so much against the petty tax that was then proposed, but they protested vigorously against any Government or any inquisitorial authority demanding to know what was the value of the assets that they held in land. These things now look like matters of bygone history, but they have left their mark on the page of history, and some of us, from that day until now, have watched the land question, have kept a keen observation upon the activities of the tax-gatherers—aye, and upon the subtle manoeuvres of the Landowners' Union—we have read the speeches of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Chelmsford (Mr. Pretyman), and have watched the anxiety with which the right hon. Baronet the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury) used to try and bury the land valuation on the plea of economy. We have watched these things, and, taking them as an indication of how the landowners of this country are ever alert in their own interests, we intend to raise these things again, and not to try to give relief to rates, not to try to adjust this system which will not work, and which is becoming unworkable, certainly so far as the towns of this country are concerned. If it were given to us to carry through, we should not persist in adjusting rates here, in adjusting rates there, in giving subventions here and subventions there. That policy has been pursued since 1835, and where are we? Rates are still piling up. Every local authority, as I said at the outset, is becoming waterlogged with rates and debt. People have been complaining, and rightly complaining, about the rates upon houses. The whole rating system will have to give place to a more sane system of rating the capital values of land up and down the country, irrespectively entirely of the use made of the land.
Whenever agriculture is up for consideration and for credits, doles and facilities, it is always the farmer and the labourer who is spoken about. What we want to bring to light is the marketable asset, the value of the land. [ Interruption. ] I cannot hear the interjections, or I would attempt to deal with them. The value of the land sometimes bears a different relationship entirely to the rent received, and we want to get these values brought into the light, so that it may be seen that this present system of rating is a hindrance, not only to agriculture, but also to civic development. Although we are opposing this Bill, I do not wish anyone in the country to think for a moment that we on this side of the House are against doing something for agriculture; but we are against doing anything for a vested interest. The agricultural labourer is the poorest paid man, his children are badly educated, and, certainly before the War, his houses were the talk of the civilised parts of Europe. We would relieve the pressure that now bears heavily upon such men as the agricultural worker, and even the honest farmer. We would, as far as possible, take the taxes from the food of the agricultural labourer, and would also remove the rates that are now levied on the farmer's buildings. We would assess the value of the labour expended in agriculture, and do all in our power to slacken the rates and taxes levied upon that labour; and, side by side with that, and as an alternative to the present system, we would, as I have said, bring the valuation of the land up to date and make the value of the land the basis of rating and taxation instead of the industry of agriculture.
We have every confidence that agriculture would be advanced by removing this grip of landlordism, which is obvious around all our towns. The land is rated at anything from 4s. to 6s. per acre, but when you want to buy it for building houses it runs up to £300, £400, and sometimes £1,000 an acre. This is the so-called agricultural land, the advocates of which are always saying, "Do give us a little more of the money which is levied now on the agricultural labourer's tea and sugar, on the farmer's income, on the industry of honest agriculture. Do condone our action in taking more out of the pockets of the labourers and out of the rates of the honest users of property in other parts of the country, in order to appease the landowners and keep them so that they may not lose rents, but that they may be able to demand more rents". As Byron said long ago, the last and ultimate thought of these gentleman, it matters not how the world wags, is rent. In my opinion, this is the basis of the whole matter. The land monopoly stands blocking the way to building, to farming, to every form of human activity in this country. Despite the fact that we claim to have even such an institution as our House of Commons, of which we are justly proud, a great constitutional force, a great democratic development—despite that, we are the talk of almost every country as the most terribly landlord-ridden country in Europe; and now the last word of the Government is that we should advance along the line of reducing agricultural rates, on the plea that we are benefiting agriculture. We on this side still hold to it that the mode of procedure marked out in this Bill is not the mode of procedure to be pursued by those who honestly endeavour to help agriculture, but lies in quite another direction. It will not be by easing the burden of the landowner, but rather by passing more taxes on to him and taking them off honest labour, so as to give labour a chance.
I beg to second the Amendment.
In doing so I want to claim that we on these benches have, probably, a more genuine regard to real assistance to agriculture than any other section in this House. Obviously, the Labour party should do everything that can possibly be done to give assistance to the people working the land—the agricultural labourers; and we have every inducement to support any Measure brought before this House which would be calculated to make things better for the agricultural labourer and for the farmer. It is because we believe that this Measure will not help either farmer or labourer that we oppose it. The Minister of Health, in introducing this Bill to-day, gave us two reasons for commending it to the House. The first was that the Bill is necessary because of the desperate condition of agriculture, and the second was that it ought to be accepted because the landowners, the farmers, and two trade unions specially concerned with agricultural labourers, were in favour of the principle of the Bill. I want to make two remarks, and two remarks only, upon those two reasons.
I submit that we have no evidence, and none has been submitted to this House, that agriculture as a whole is in anything like the desperate condition that some people seem to imagine. I suppose we are all aware that in some agricultural districts, and in some forms of agriculture, there is depression. That is not contested. On the other hand, it is equally true that in large parts of the country, in pastoral areas, in milk-producing districts, in stock-raising districts, agriculture is not in a desperate condition at all. It is probably only in the arable, wheat-growing areas, mainly in the Eastern counties, that the condition of agriculture is bad, and the defect of this Bill is that it makes no discrimination between agriculture which may be tolerably prosperous and agriculture which may be in a depressed condition. Its effect will be to give most to those who are already comfortably well-to-do, who have got most now, and to give least to those who are most in want of it. Obviously, the poor lands, which give bad results, are invariably rented at a lower rent, while to the better lands, which yield higher rents, will go the major portion of this relief. On that ground the Bill is inconsistent. It has not been proved that there is anything like a generally desperate state of agriculture, and it is for those who have put forward this Bill to advance proof of that to the House.
Does the hon. Member sit for an agricultural constituency?
I want to refer to the other reasons put forward by the Minister who introduced the Bill. He said that surely, when the landowners, the farmers and the trade unions concerned with labourers, are all agreed, that should be quite sufficient to induce the House to accept the Bill. The right hon. Gentleman is the Minister of Health, and he is interested in housing. May I put this point to him? If the contractors who build houses and the monopolists concerned with the manufacture of building materials and the masons, bricklayers and carpenters all agreed that certain costs ought to be placed upon houses, would that be a sound policy to adopt? That is exactly what we are asked to do to-day. It is contended that, because the landowners, interested in keeping up his rent, the farmer, intersted in making profits, and two trade unions naturally wanting high wages, have agreed, this House ought to accept that policy. It is a perfectly unsound policy and one which will not, I think, commend itself to the House.
May I call attention to one or two other aspects of this Bill? The Minister has said it is only a temporary Measure of short duration. The last Clause says the duration is for two years. When the Act of 1896 was introduced, which reduced the liability of agricultural land to half its rateable value, we were told exactly the same story. It was originally for five years. That was 27 years ago, the Act is going as strong as ever, and we are now being invited to bring the half-liability down to a quarter. I read in the Press a few days ago that, in discussing with farmers the question of the kind of relief which should be given to agriculture, the Minister urged that relief should be sought on the lines of this Bill, "because that is the kind of relief which will never be reversed". May I fortify that by quoting from a speech by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith) in 1896, when the Bill of that date was before the House:
May I ask the House to recall what has actually taken place with regard to these Bills of relief? Under the Act of 1896 the Treasury undertook to make up the difference caused by relieving the land of half its rateable liability by contributing an annual sum of £1,300,000. In addition, the Act imposed upon the ratepayers in the localities an additional liability of £6,000,000 a year, to make up the difference, and so, from 1896 down to the present time, the localities and the Treasury have contributed no less than £189,000,000 for the relief, not of farmers at all, but of the landlords, Now we are asked to give our assent to an additional £2,750,000. Under the Act of 1896 a liability of £7,000,000 was transferred from land to the taxpayer and the non-agricultural land occupier in the shape of rates, which will make a total of close on £10,000,000. Behind this £2,750,000 there is also the declared intention of the Government to contribute another £1,500,000 from the Road Fund towards the relief of agricultural ratepayers. That is a special subvention which is to follow on the passing of this proposal. Already this year we have had something like £10,000,000 raised in taxation upon industry, and upon motor traffic especially, for road purposes, which is devoted mainly to agricultural main roads. I think it is reasonable to assume that of the £10,000,000 which this year will be devoted from the Road Fund for the upkeep of roads, say, £4,000,000 will go to agricultural districts, and yet therefore get an annual subvention of something like £15,000,000 a year. Who is going to bear this additional taxation? It is the general taxpayer. On every pound of sugar that the worker's wife buys she is being asked to give her quota to the relief of agriculture. On every ounce of tobacco the small wage-earner buys, and on every pint of beer he drinks, he is asked to make up this difference. Is that the kind of policy which should commend itself to the House? If is not a sound policy. No distinction is drawn in this Bill between the prosperous farmer and the farmer who is down and out. For these heasons, because we on this side of the House are satisfied that the Bill will simply have the effect of increasing rents and because it will not be of genuine benefit to agriculture, we are opposed to it.
May I refer to the effect of the Bill upon rents? went to the trouble of making inquiries the other day from an authority who is concerned with this question, and I asked his opinion as to the effect of the Bill upon local rating. In his reply this sentence occurs: "Your question as to the ultimate effect of this kind of legislation is one, I suppose, on which a good deal could be said, but personally I consider ultimately it is bound to increase the value of land and therefore benefit the landlord." I do not see how-anyone can get away from that. On that aspect of the question as to who is going to get the benefit, I want to quote the words of a former Member of this House when the Act of 1896 was before it. The Minister has said that we object to the Bill on the ground that we hold the view that the relief will go to the landlord and the burden will fall upon the general taxpayer, and we do object on those two grounds. Colonel Kenyon-Slaney, in 1896, made the following remark, which was received with cheers by his colleagues:
I hope the hon. Member will quote me correctly. What I said was that it was difficult to find the exact figures, but that it was certainly not more than 25 per cent. I believe it was very considerably less.
I am glad of that correction, because I want to remind the right hon. Gentleman that an official of the Farmers' Union said the other day that their figures disclosed the fact that the average rise was 30 per cent. from 1917 to 1921. These are the facts of experience, and I submit that if this Bill becomes law we shall see the same thing happening again—the landlords benefiting and the farmers remaining the same.
I sincerely trust that the speech delivered by the hon. Member for Burslem (Mr. MacLaren) will be printed and circulated in every agricultural constituency, because it will be worth thousands of votes against the Labour party. Throughout the whole of that speech there was not one word of appreciation of the difficulties of the labourer, or the difficulties of the farmer. There was not one single word of any constructive policy to assist either of the two classes which I and other hon. Members represent. If that is the policy of the Labour party, the more it is shown up the better, because it is absolutely hopeless for those who are living in the country districts if they look to such a policy for any help. I can assure the hon. Member of this one fact, before he advances his views on land values, that there is already in this country a law under which, going back I think to the days of Elizabeth, timber-growing land is rated on the unimproved value of the land. I have seen this tested in many Courts, and I can tell him that before the War in the majority of cases of agricultural land the undeveloped value of such land was nil. I have seen it established and proved prior to the War, when labour was cheap and expenses were low, that the cost of buildings, fences, roads, drains, and so on, for making the land fit for production, amounted to about £25 an acre, and in these days, with the alteration in the value of money, it would run into anything between £30 or £35 an acre at least. Let me remind the hon. Member of one sentence that he used. He stated that he would not tax in any shape or rate anything that was put into the land by labour. The whole cost of bringing land to the producing stage in this country and making it of any value for that purpose has been brought about by labour of the present occupier or of his predecessor.
The two hon. Members who have spoken against this Bill adopt the line that a subsidy is going to be given and that the subsidy will go into the pockets of the landowners, and not the person for whom it is desired. I entirely object to the word "subsidy." It is not a subsidy. Is not the answer to that statement this, that the hon. Members cannot find a single farmer throughout the country who is opposed to this Bill? Do they think that the farmers are going to support the Bill unless the money which is to be obtained is going to be for the benefit of the farmers? Do hon. Members think that the farmers are going to support a Measure to put money into their landlord's pocket? I should like those hon. Members to show a little sympathy with the industry. I should have liked them to recollect that in many farming districts of England our farm-men are having 25s. a, week wage with which to support their wives and families. I would have liked them to consider whether the farmer likes the position in which he is placed, that he not only cannot pay more than these wages, but that he does not know where the means are coming from by which he is to continue to pay that miserable wage.
Does the hon. and learned Member guarantee that the farm labourer will get an extra 1s. as a result of this Bill?
I am only afraid that the concession that is being given to the farmer directly is insufficient to pay an additional 1s. a week in wages. I come from a county where we are not the worst hit so far as this industry is concerned, but it was estimated by the chief valuer in my division, who had no fewer than 55 farmers' accounts of all sizes and kinds—
I would remind the hon. and learned Member that if you estimate the relief you find that it works out at 3s. to 4s. per man per week.
—that the losses last year on the farms amounted to £3 per acre at least, and probably up to £4. These losses are sufficient to put in jeopardy every tenant farmer. In my view, the position of the agricultural worker can never be made satisfactory and his wage can never be increased to be at all proportionate to the wages of the town worker without subsidy or protection. For the time being, neither one nor the other is possible, though I am fully convinced that ultimately the members of the Labour party, if they have any sincere desire to increase the wage of the agricultural worker to anything at all proportionate to what the town worker receives, will have to turn their attention and their ingenuity to devising some scheme of subsidy to bring about that desirable result.
Until that sort of policy is possible, I say, speaking on behalf of the farmer and the farm worker, that we welcome this Bill. It will not go very far, but it is something. We do not regard it as a subsidy. We do not regard it as a gift in any way. We say it is right, but it does not go to the full extent. Why should the farmer who farms 100 acres or 500 acres bear the huge expenses which are put upon him to-day? Let me take a farm of 300 acres—an average rent would be £300. Why should the man who farms that land pay local rates on £300 a year, which is the average income of a man farming that land? The shopkeeper in the country town, or the doctor, or others earning an income of £300 a year have to pay rates not on that £300 but on the rent of his house, which may be £40, £60 or £70 a year. Is there any justice or fairness in that?
Why should we who occupy and farm land have the whole expense of the repairs of the roads thrust upon us, when those roads are used by the townsmen who come upon the roads in their chars-à-bancs and motor cars, while the tenant farmer who has no motor car is driven off the roads even for the use of his horses. Yet he has to pay on the assessment of the full value of his land for local burdens. Is it fair that we who live in the country districts and educate children there who go to the towns— our population is not increasing, our industry is not increasing, but our population increases in its earlier stages, so that we supply the towns with the population that it wants—should have these public burdens put upon us when we do not get the benefit from these particular services? It is because the whole method of assessment as between the townsman and countryman is unfair.
Hear, hear!
Not in the way suggested by the hon. Member for Burslem, although I would go some way in having the whole system of rating altered. It is the unfairness of the assessment as between one and the other of which we complain, and it is only brought to a head at this moment. The Government have recognised the urgency of it now. They are unable to deal with a great rating scheme which they have lying in their offices somewhere—whether it will ever come forward I do not know —but they have rightly seen the critical position of the man on the land at the present time, and that this one injustice and inequality stands out more than in any other branch of the rating law. They have realised the serious financial plight of the tenant farmers to-day, and they have come forward to deal with it really in a piecemeal way, but in a manner which is vitally urgent. For these reasons. I thank the Government for what they are doing, but this is not a matter of gift or subsidy but one of justice.
Under the Act of 1896 it was the intention of Parliament to pay from the Exchequer one-half of the rates on the agricultural land as distinct from rates on houses and buildings. It was never anticipated, when that Measure was passed, that that was to be only an Exchequer grant of what was then the half of the contribution paid by the land. It was found at the end of the first year that half of the then existing rates, which were only about 2s. 6d. in the £, amounted to £1,300,000, and that amount, instead of increasing as the rates increased, was found to be a fixed sum, and that fixed sum is what has been available every year since then, though the rates have increased until the average to-day is about 12s. in the £. So this Bill is only carrying out what Parliament intended to do in 1896. The extra increased rates have been divided between houses and land, but on a 50 per cent assessment of land under the Bill. The block grant of £1,300,000 is first given to the local authorities. It is then divided up among each spending authority. Suppose one spending authority has a grant of £1,000, and suppose that it is called upon to raise £8,000, it will deduct the £1,000, and instead of the precept being for £8,000 it will be for £7,000. Therefore to the extent of the £1,000 the land and the buildings will still bear their share, as one to two. So far as the £7,000 is concerned, the authority will then estimate on the footing that the land is to bear an assessment of 50 percent., and the buildings are to bear their assessment, and having found what that is they will then divide the assessment on the land by half, and they will get a fresh grant paid half-yearly from the Exchequer for that amount. Further, so far as the rates paid by the occupier of agricultural land are concerned he will still continue liable for the district special expenditure. The parish council rate is not a subject of this Bill, but as it is only a matter of about 6d. in the £ I do not propose to say anything further about it.
Now in reference to the relief which this Measure is likely to give to agriculture. In my view £2,750,000 will amount to about 2s. or 2s. 3d. in the £ or from 2s. to 2s. 3d. an acre. I do regard it as a very substantial assistance to the people engaged in the industry because it is applicable to all sorts of land, but 2s. 3d. an acre applied to land growing wheat would mean from 1s. to 1s. 3d. a quarter on wheat and on a farm of, say, 100 acres it would amount to about £10. That will not go any considerable way towards paying additional wages. But it will go some little way to help, and on a purely corn-growing farm it will go still further though it has to be borne in mind that in corn growing more labour will be employed. But the real way to look at the matter is this. This is an alleviation which will be felt by the farmer each year. It is lessening his expenses in one direction, and it gives a little more hope, and as the industry does get more profitable it will be an addition to the profit that the farmer makes, and the farmer will be able to pay additional wages as the whole industry becomes more profitable. I do not think it fair or possible to look to a small amount like this to enable the farmer to give the direct benefit in wages. It is only at the moment an item standing to his credit in the balance of his profit and loss account, and helping to make good his loss, but it is one item to the good, and I thank the Government for it, and I have not the least doubt that the farm workers will be among the first to gain by the increased prosperity or the cessation of adversity in the industry.
The hon. and learned Member who has just addressed the House charged those who moved the rejection of the Bill with a want of sympathy with the agricultural industry. As a farmer myself, I hope that he will not charge me with that same want of sympathy, though I rise to oppose this Bill. The hon. and learned Member in the last few words of his speech gave away the whole case for the Bill. He says that this will not help agriculture, that the labourer has no chance of getting any increase of wages. It is one of these many elusive hopes which are held out to keep people farming when they would be much better employed at something else. If farming is not a commercial proposition it had much better not be carried on, and if farming is a commercial proposition it does not require the elusive hopes that are held out. Therefore the hon. and learned Member destroyed the little case which he had made out for the Bill. I do not think that the agricultural industry will be altogether grateful to him for the faint praise with which he damns this great effort, but I am surprised myself that anybody who has studied the agricultural position and thought of what ought to be done to help agriculture would support a Measure for spreading £2,750,000 over all kinds of land and farms whether they are making money or making a loss.
I do object to agriculture being called an industry. Agriculture is not an industry. It is at least fifteen industries and includes such things as dairy farming, market garden farming and all the other varieties of farming which are carried on now, and it causes a great deal of confusion when we are discussing the subject of agriculture to talk as if wheat growing were the only form of agriculture. It is the most primitive form of agriculture. It is the first form carried on on a virgin soil before farmers begin to be able to carry on the much more highly technical occupation of dairy farming, on the Danish lines, which it is much more important to develop in this country than to attempt to continue to compete with the virgin soil of new countries in the growing of wheat. Therefore a Bill of this kind which takes no account of the burden of rates in each district which vary all over the country, or the particular part of the agricultural industry which wants to be assisted, is a Bill which is only a plat-form Bill, which may appeal perhaps to agricultural constituencies, but has no real value to anyone who seriously wants to help the British farmer.
If this money were used to establish subsidised beet sugar factories throughout this country, thus bringing down the price of sugar and giving the British farmer a new market for his root crops and new feeding material for his cattle, or a similar amount were spent on drainage for the land, it would do very much more good in improving the pastures, for you could double the output of cattle and milk in this country by improving the pastures. There are other directions in which money could be equally well spent, but the Bill comes back to this primitive and futile remedy which has been applied before, which has been advocated from those benches repeatedly, and which every time has failed. In 1896 we were told that agriculture was terribly depressed, and that the rates must be relieved, and now in 1923 we are told that it is still depressed and we must relieve the rates. Does it not occur to hon. Members who are supporting this Measure that what failed in 1896 will still fail again in 1923?
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Then there is another point. Cobden already in 1850 pointed out that which no economist can deny that a reduction of rates must inevitably lead to an increase of land values. That is not a question which one can argue about. It is a fact. You may say that landlords at present will not increase rents. I do not believe that they will, but if an estate is sold— and they are being sold every day as will be seen by a glance at the advertisement lists—then the purchaser, if he is a business man, or his agent, if he is a business person, will obviously take that into account in fixing the rent. The first thing you have to do, if you want to justify this sort of legislation, is to stabilise your rents. Otherwise, either in the form of rent or increased capital value, you are merely adding the subsidy to the capital value of the agricultural land of the country. That is one reason why I hope this Bill will be opposed with violence and vehemence by all those who object to national money being used in order to enrich one class of the community, a class which, though at present going through bad times, yet has for long had a good time.
Since when?
Since many centuries. I do not want to weary the House with details. Go back to 1896 and you will find in the Debates at that period eminent economists like Sir Charles Dilke and Sir William Harcourt arguing on the very same lines as have been followed to-day. Although the date is altered, economic facts do not change. Sir William Harcourt called the Measure of 1896 a Measure gross and palpable in its injustice, simply a dole to be dealt out to a particularly distressed industry, and doles, he said, were very bad things. It was said that the Bill gave relief which was really insignificant in the one case and relief which was not wanted in the other. Fancy the absurdity of taking a parish with a rate of 1s. in the pound and reducing it to 6d., and another parish where the rates are 4s. and reducing them only to 2s., and calling that a settlement of the great question of local taxation. The Minister of Health admitted that this was no settlement of the local taxation problem at all. He is much too skilled in this subject to say otherwise. I was glad to hear that he is going on with a project which was started under the late Government, and in which I took a very considerable interest. That was a real reform of the method of valuation and assessment in our rating system. That being so, why introduce a Measure of which the Government will never be able to get rid?
The Act of 1896 has remained, whether agriculture was depressed or did surprisingly well. I must say to those who particularly represent agricultural interests that the one thing they ought to remember is this: It is quite true that during the last year or two agriculture has not been doing well. To say that agriculture's conditions is desperate is an exaggeration. I was reading recently an analysis of 38 farming accounts made by a Professor of Economics at Leeds. His figures showed a book loss of about £3 an acre and a cash profit of about 5s. an acre. That means that owing to the fall of values, valuations have come down considerably. But the actual cash loss is a very different thing from a farm valuation. The mere fact that you wrote up stock during the War and are writing it down now does not point to a real loss, but is a mere fiction of bookkeeping. You have to take all that into account in dealing with this question. I would remind the House that during the War the agricultural interests did very well. I would also remind the House that during that time they never paid Excess Profits Duty. Agriculture is by no means as depressed to-day as is the cotton industry of Lancashire, or the pottery industry. There is no agricultural district where you have the same proportion of unemployment as is to be found in Sheffield or Barrow, nor can you find any district where there has been the same phenomenal rise in rates.
Farmers do not want as big profits as the manufacturers.
The manufacturers are to-day all making a loss, and they have to continue at a loss. They are not in the happy position of the landlord, who, apparently, gets interest on his capital whether the money is making a loss or not. Rent is a constant factor. I see in this Bill no proposals to reduce rents in order to help the farmer to get over his difficulties, and to secure the labourer a higher wage. Not at all. The cry is: "Let us put our hands into the pockets of the general, urban taxpayer, whose rates are higher and whose industries are more depressed. Let him help us. "It is a most unreasonable demand. The Minister of Health referred to the necessitous areas, with which I had a great deal to do when I was in office. I opposed their demands for a subvention from the Treasury on the broad ground that local burdens should be borne by the localities. How is the right hon. Gentleman to oppose such a proposal in future? How can he differentiate? If the shipbuilding industry of Barrow is at a standstill, as it has been, owing to the depression of shipping, if there are thousands of people on the poor rate there, if the rates are so high that the cost of manufacture is almost prohibitive, how can the right hon. Gentleman argue that he must do nothing for those people and yet hand over £2,750,000 to the agricultural interest alone? It is an impossible position, which no one can maintain. If you once enter on the slippery slope of subvention of distressed industries, which is really what all this legislation comes to, there is no limit.
I am amazed that the Prime Minister and Chancellor of the Exchequer, of all people in the world, should have so surrendered the key to national economy, of which we have heard so much. There is to be no reduction of the Sugar Duty, no reduction of indirect taxation; there is no money to relieve districts like West-Ham, Sheffield, and Barrow. But £2,750,000 is to be thrown out of the window, although it will result in no real benefit to agriculture and will merely help the landlord. It is the old Tory policy; we recognise it. We have fought this sort of thing all our working lives. There is in it nothing new except the pretence that labour is involved in some mysterious way. [HON. MEMBERS: "If the labourer lives 100 years!"] In the dim and distant and vague future some little thing may trickle through to the labourer. I am astonished that the Minister of Health should seek to justify the proposal, which I cannot believe he has really at heart, that the farmer is rated on his stock-in-trade. When I pay rates on my farms, I do not pay rates on the stock, machinery, and implements, any more than I do in my works. I pay the rate on my rent. An absurd system of rating it is. You take the buildings and rate them at one price. You take the land and rate it at another, and give a subsidy. But the buildings are valueless without the land, and the land has no rental value without the building. Has anyone ever thought of a more fantastic method of assessing anything? It does not quite work out that way in practice, because it cannot be worked out; you base it on rent. By this system of putting a full rate on buildings and reducing the rate on the land, you are encouraging the vice that you want to abandon, which is the improvement of buildings and farm machinery. You are back again to the most vicious principle of the whole system of local taxation— you are continually rating and taxing the man who wants to improve things, and are continually assisting the man who wants to do nothing. This is a classic illustration of reversion to the old path.
I hope that the Bill will be most carefully examined. With his great dialecti- cal skill the Minister avoided every economic argument and every pitfall. He glided over difficulties and dealt with the most problematic and contentious matters as though axiomatically accepted by all parties, and then entertained us with a long and detailed and most interesting account of the machinery of the Bill, in the hope that our minds might be distracted from what underlies the Bill fundamentally. I know the right hon. Gentleman has plenty of worries. But this Bill will not do. It cannot be done. The real objections to the Bill are just the same and just as fundamental as ever they could be, and they cannot be changed even by the blandishments of my right hon. Friend. It was evidently thought that the Ministry of Health would be more popular for the introduction of this Bill than the Ministry of Agriculture, the representative of which we naturally expected would have been the first to speak on the necessity of doing anything for agriculture. We have not yet heard a word from him on the subject. We shall be compelled to fight this Bill at every stage. We cannot be asked to proceed with a Measure so retrograde and reactionary with a palliative so futile and a principle so pernicious.
Apparently the House is to be favoured with another example of Liberal unity. My right hon. Friend has denounced this Measure with all the wealth of his rhetoric. He is to oppose this Bill. I propose to speak in favour of it, and to support it. My right hon. Friend says he is a farmer, and has made a profit.
I did not say I was making a profit.
I would sooner have my right hon. Friend's commercial profit than his farming profit. Apart from that, this Bill, in my judgment, is the first gleam of agricultural sanity that has shone through this House for many years. I remember an Act that was passed two or three years ago. I am not sure that it was not passed by the Government of which my right hon. Friend was a distinguished member—it was passed one year and repealed the next year. It is so easy to talk about these glorified aspirations for agriculture. Everybody on getting up on a platform says, "We must help agriculture, and we must do something to keep the labourers on the land. We must feed the great towns from those who have been born and lived in the country." The Government is doing something to-day to help agriculture. I have been quite consistent in the matter. I supported the Act of 1896 and I shall support this Bill to-day. I think the Minister of Health is wholly wrong in making this a temporary Measure. If he will take the advice of one who has been in Parliament a good many years, he will make it permanent. The rating question is a very serious one indeed. I do not believe this Government will tackle it. I do not know when any Government will tackle it. I heard promises from the late Prime Minister in regard to it. I heard 10 or 15 years ago that we were to have rating reform, but it has not come yet. Therefore, I am sorry my right hon. Friend has made this a temporary Measure, and I hope before the Bill goes through he will make it a permanent Measure. If, when a Measure of rating reform is introduced, he cares to repeal it, well and good, but let us have a permanent Measure now.
I have heard a good many speeches on this side of the House, and all round, giving advice to the agriculturists. One of the most enlightened chairmen of county councils in the West of England— the chairman of the Cornish County Council—was speaking to me some time ago as to why lecturers on agriculture were not appreciated, and he said the real reason was that the farmer knew far more than the lecturer and, in this matter, the farmer knows far more than the lecturer, even though the lecturer may be so distinguished a farmer as my right hon. Friend the Member for West Swansea (Sir A. Mond). Go down to any farming constituency, go into the agricultural districts, and you will hear from the farmers themselves that they are in favour of this Measure. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] I hear some of my hon. Friends dissent from that statement, but, as I say, if they go into the agricultural districts and go among the people who understand this question, they will find that those people are in favour of the Measure. Let us remember that, since 1896, the burden of rates has risen enormously. New duties have been placed on the local authorities and I think the House has been very unwise in that matter. I am glad to note, from the speech of the hon. Member who moved the rejection of the Bill, that he recognises that there is a bottom to the purse of even the local authorities. You cannot keep on piling burdens upon these local authorities and imposing upon them new duties the carrying out of which costs money without overburdening the ratepayers. The hon. Member referred to agriculturists and the payment for education. I remember the Education Act of 1892 being passed in this, House, and it was a squabble between Church and Chapel. When the county councils were entrusted with the duty of administering education up went the education rate, and it fell upon the ratepayers. But why should agriculture, in this matter, be burdened with an education rate which is, surely, a national charge? Take, again, if you like, the roads.
How is the farmer rated?
The farmer is rated upon the whole of his land, house and buildings. In the towns the rating is only upon buidings alone. That is the real distinction, believe me. The farmer to-day is rated on the full value of his land, of his house, and of his buildings.
May I put it that the farmer is rated on the rent which he may be expected to realise from year to year—not on the actual value, but on the rent?
If my hon. Friend will allow me to say so, the farmer is rated upon the gross annual value of what the land is expected to make. Of course, rates are based upon the annual rent.
It is the land owner who puts up the rents.
I will deal with that question in a moment. I am coming to it. I was asking, why should farmers be expected to bear all the cost of roads running through their localities? It is only recently that the cost of the roads has increased so enormously. I have an example in my own constituency—a case where there are 300 miles of road in one local union, and they are only getting a grant of 15 per cent. for 50 miles, and the whole has to come out of the local rates. My hon. Friend said something just now about rents going up. As a matter of fact, let me put it, as a practical person who is accustomed to these matters, and who sat on an Agricultural Commission some five and twenty years ago, that the landowners of the country do not put up their rents annually. I ask hon. Members to believe that I know what I am talking about, land has been very lightly rented in this country for a good many years. Many landowners have sold their farms because they cannot afford to maintain the buildings, and you have an enormous number of owner occupiers. Surely my hon. Friends will, at any rate, say that the owner occupier receives some benefit under this Bill. As one who has thought a good deal about agriculture generally, I believe one of the difficulties in the near future will be the maintenance of the buildings and equipment of agricultural land. The cost of building to-day is enormous. There is no man who, if he properly equipped even a small holding, could expect to get an economic rent for it.
I will give an example which came to my notice before the War. A farm was sold in my own county for £2,500. The purchaser went over the buildings to find out what they should be insured for, and came to the conclusion that they could not be erected for less than £2,000. To-day the same buildings could not be erected for £4,000. When you talk of land values it should be borne in mind that in a large number of agricultural constituencies, including my own, the fee-simple of the land is worth no more than the buildings and improvements upon the land. I am not seeking to make any political capital, nor do I wish to tell the House anything except what I believe to be actually true. I have always told the farmers in my constituency and all over the country that they could never have a protective duty on food. It is impossible. I never believed that this country would tolerate a tax upon the farmers' product—food— but if you cannot tax food in this industrialised country, surely you can give the farmer and those interested in the land fair play as regards rates and taxes. Take the question with which I was dealing a moment ago, namely, of buildings. There is world-wide competition with every article of produce from the farm, but, supposing a farmer or landowner wants to put up buildings, there is no competition there. That is a protected industry with a ring round it in this country. If landowners were to suggest that Chinese labour should be brought in for putting up agricultural buildings, public opinion would naturally be outraged, but you have Chinese eggs coming in to compete with the farmers' produce in this country.
I stand here as a Free Trader, but I say, in all fairness, and from my own agricultural experience, that unless the farmers are given some encouragement they will lose heart. Landowners are not getting exorbitant rents at the present moment—if they were, I should be the first to point to the fact—and I assure hon. Members that in my own part of the country the farmers are only just making a living by hard work. When we hear of the agricultural labourer, I implore hon. Members to think of this one thing. If a farmer has got to pay money in rates, he has not that money to pay in employing labour. There is no way out of it. If a farmer has to pay £5 or £10 more in rates, he has not got that money to develop the land. If we are to have any land development in this country, we must give some encouragement to those who are endeavouring, in the face of great difficulty, and in the face of the open competition of the world, to cultivate British land to the best advantage. I have heard of farmers being called clodhoppers. That is all very well. They are only called clodhoppers by the men who do not know them. When a man who has been in the habit of referring to farmers as clodhoppers takes a farm and tries to farm it himself, he usually either lands himself in the Bankruptcy Court or makes a considerable draft on his private means. I support the Bill. I believe it is a message of hope to the agriculturists. They want it, and I am grateful to the Government for bringing it in. I am sorry my right hon. Friend the Member for West Swansea opposes the Bill, but he represents a town constituency. I ask other representatives of urban constituencies to remember that we, in the country districts, are struggling: that their prosperity depends upon our pros- perity, and that it is vital for this country that its land should developed by cultivation to the utmost possible extent.
I do not rise in my capacity as the representative of an industrial constituency to speak on this Bill, and I wish to make a respectful protest against the course which this Debate seems to be taking, in that each speaker is showing an excess of particularism with regard to his own constituency. If I may say so with the greatest respect, I think the speech to which we have just listened was a most flagrant instance of that. My right hon. Friend said he represented a farming constituency and that the farmers in his constituency wanted this Measure. Is that in itself a sufficient reason why he should vote for it? I maintain that it is not. It is his duty, and the duty of everybody in this House, to consider this question from the general and national point of view, and it is not a sufficient reason for supporting the Bill that one represents a country constituency, nor is it a sufficient reason for opposing the Bill that one represents a town constituency. We have to consider the Bill from the point of view of justice to the community as a whole. The right hon. Gentleman the Minister of Health referred to a memorandum, but I am doubtful if he has read that memorandum. He seemed to think that the memorandum of the Central Landowners' Association, the National Farmers' Union, the National Union of Agricultural Workers, and the Workers' Union supported this proposal. May I tell the right hon. Gentleman what these bodies do actually support? If he will. turn to page 4 of their report, he will find this: the Legislature at that time to pay from the Exchequer a sufficient sum to make up the diminished proportion of the agricultural rate, so that the urban ratepayer should not have to pay more; but we know that the total amount levied in agricultural rates has increased from £35,000,000 in 1896 to £173,000,000 in 1922, and the Exchequer contribution has remained the same, with this result, that the deficit representing the 50 per cent. of the agricultural rate, which amounts to about £11,000,000—£5,500,000 therefore—has to be made up. As to £1,300,000 only, has it been met out of the Exchequer, and as to the balance of £4,000,000, the ratepayers as a whole are shouldering that burden. The grievance is one to which this Committee call attention, and, instead of doing anything at all to remedy that grievance, you are proposing to single out one particular section. I am not saying a word against them. I do not think they are clodhoppers, and I am sure they know their own business much better than I do, but they are, at any rate, not the only section who are in a very distressed condition.
If you come to the county in which my constituency lies, the county of Durham, I can take you without difficulty to distressed shipbuilding yards, to distressed iron and steel works, to distressed factories. Hon. Members opposite laugh, but I can assure them that some of these factories are carried on at a loss at the present time, largely in order that employment may still be given to the men by employers who take an interest in their workmen, but I cannot take you to one farm in the county of Durham which is as distressed as some of these works. What do you propose to do I Without remedying the grievance to which I am calling attention, namely, without relieving the ratepayers as a whole of the necessity of finding the deficiency of some £4,000,000 a year, you propose to make another grant-in-aid to this particular industry, although this industry, considered in certain parts of the country, is not so distressed as others. Is not the real solution of this question and of the grievance which undoubtedly exists a solution which is to be found on broader lines? The right hon. Member for South Molton (Mr. Lambert) instanced the case of the farmer, and said, "Why should the farmer have to pay for education?" Why, for that matter, should the shipbuilder have to pay for the upkeep, for example, of the lunatic asylums, or for education, or for roads? Why is it that many services which in their essence are national—
Are ships rated?
Shipbuilding yards are certainly rated. If my right hon. Friend will take the trouble to read the report of this Central Landowners' Association he will see that they deal with this very point, and that they point out, at great length, that the grievance is one which is not limited to farmers only. It is a grievance which applies to all sections of the community, and representing, as I do, a distressed area, am I not entitled to ask my right hon. Friend this: When, oh when, are we going to have something done for us? If I can show my right hon. Friend that the conditions in the shipbuilding yards are worse than the conditions in agriculture, will he help us? I do not press it, I do not ask for it, because I realise that we must not press for any particular interest, but consider the country as a whole. But, if he is going to ask this for agriculture, I am entitled to press him to do something for every industry which is in a state of distress. The only real ground on which he supports this Bill is that agriculture is in a distressed condition, and I ask him two questions: If agriculture were not in a distressed condition, would he advocate this Bill? I assume he would answer, "No." Very well then, is he in the future prepared to say that the distress of any particular industry is a good ground for coming and getting a subsidy in relief of the rates, and if he will answer "Yes" to that, I can furnish him, from my own constituency, with three or four instances of other industries which are in at least as great a state of distress.
I think most of those who belong to the party to which I have the honour to belong will adopt the same line as our distinguished predecessors adopted during the course of the 1896 Debate. I, at any rate, shall oppose this Bill, because it seems to me to single out one particular industry, and because the relief which it is going to grant to that industry is not a real relief. How can anybody advocate this Bill in the interests either of the farmer or the agricultural labourer when there is not one word in the Bill to guarantee that the agricultural labourer is going to get a penny more, and not one word to guarantee the farmer that he will have a stable rent, and will not have to pay more in the way of rent? Surely now we see it in this Bill, in the case of Scotland, that the Government are proposing directly to subsidise the landowner, and in this country, when an agricultural tenancy comes to an end and the question arises as to who is to take it on and how much he is to pay, the hypothetical tenant must approach the question in this way. He must say to himself, "How much can I afford to pay? That depends on how much my outgoings will be." He looks at the rates, and on that basis he offers the sum of rent which becomes the rent of the farm. Therefore, I say that this is a Bill really to relieve landowners. I do not believe landowners are a bad or a hard class. I know the contrary. I know that in many cases the landowners will pass on the incidence of this relief, but it remains true to say that in every case if they like to apply the ordinary economic law they can do so.
The other reason which the right hon. Gentleman gives for supporting this Bill is that it would encourage the growing of crops as opposed to grass. Does he really think that? May I ask him to compare the case of two counties almost alike? I draw these figures from a table that has already been referred to, but they are really, I submit, conclusive on this point. If he will compare Cambridgeshire with Derbyshire, he will find that the area of those two counties is almost exactly identical—490,000 acres in the one and 492,000 acres in the other. In Cambridgeshire, arable is far greater than grass—370,000 acres to 120,000 acres. In Derbyshire, grass is infinitely greater than arable—403,000 acres to 86,000 acres. What pays under the Act of 1896? In the case of Cambridgeshire, grants under the 1896 Act are £13,000, and in the case of Derbyshire they are £26,000, or exactly double, so that the effect of this Bill will be to give relief, not in proportion to the need, but exactly the converse. The land which least wants relief will get the most, and the land which most wants relief, such as the corn-growing land in the Eastern counties, will get the least.
One further point I wish to make. It is said that there is a strong ground for this Bill in view of the fact that the occupier has in many cases recently become the owner and that he bought his farm, or stock, or implements at inflated prices by reason of the situation then prevailing. Is that any ground for the Bill? Are you going to subsidise or give relief to the people who bought their stocks of timber when the price of timber was inflated, to people who bought their houses, their machinery, their factories, their buildings, when the price of these things was inflated in the recent boom? Is the new doctrine this, that anybody who buys in a boom and subsequently has to go through a slump may be subsidised out of the public funds? Surely not. I entirely agree with the Landowners' and Farmers' Unions that the right way to approach the question is much more broadly, to consider the matter as between the National Exchequer and the local rates, that at the present moment rates as a whole are bearing many services which they ought not to be called upon to bear, and, if you take those out of the rates and put them on to the Exchequer, you will automatically relieve, not merely one section of ratepayers, but all sections of ratepayers, and you will get over the difficulty, which at the present time is being felt in some of our urban districts, that the mere height of the rates, brought about by unemployment and so on, is causing further unemployment owing to the impossibility of getting work.
Considering this matter broadly and generally, bearing in mind the traditions of this House, that we have ever preferred the consideration of the welfare of the whole to the consideration of the welfare of any one particular section, however strong or influential that section may be, and bearing in mind this, that I am certain that the agricultural section would themselves refuse State aid if they thought they were getting it at the expense of their more unfortunate brethren, that they are too proud, and, indeed, too honest, to accept it under those circumstances, I ask this House to say that this Bill to grant State subsidies to landlords, when there are other sections of the community who are far more entitled to subsidies, is a Bill which should be rejected and not allowed to pass into law.
I am very sorry that the right hon. Member for West Swansea (Sir A. Mond) is not now in his place, because I wanted to point out to him how very short his memory is in regard to agricultural questions. He referred to words used by Sir William Harcourt when the Agricultural Rating Act, 1896, was passed, and I would have liked to point out to the right hon. Member that Sir William Harcourt was a member of the Government that set up the Commission to inquire into the state of agriculture during the period between 1893 and 1895, and that that Commission reported that something must be done to relieve the rates upon agriculture, and as a consequence of the Report of that Commission, set up by a Liberal Government, of which Sir William Harcourt was a member, the Agricultural Rating Act of 1896 was brought in. I think, therefore, that that particular part of the right hon. Gentleman's argument falls absolutely to the ground.
It was the finding of an Interim Report, but not exactly of that Commission to which the hon. Member has referred.
The Commission was set up by a Liberal Government, and the succeeding Conservative Government carried out its recommendations. The second point was this. It is said that we ought not to give subsidies to any industry at all. If that be so, what becomes of the fact that the right hon. Gentleman was a member of a Government which set up the Act of 1919, which gave the greatest subsidy ever given to English agriculture, some £17,000,000 to £20,000,000 in one year? I cannot understand a man blowing hot and cold with one breath. Circumstances, as Lord Beaconsfield used to say, alter cases, and apparently when the right hon. Gentleman is sitting on the Treasury Bench he speaks in one way and when he is sitting in Opposition he speaks in another language, and the end of the whole thing comes to this, that when a man of that sort, who wobbles about like a weathercock, gives his opinions, we do not think much of them. A good deal has been said about the position of the agricultural landlord and about the position of the farmer. May I leave these two for a moment and put up the position of the agricultural labourer? When I do that, I want hon. Members to bear in mind that I am not a landowner, because I do not own an inch of land; I am not a farmer, because I do not farm any land; and I am not a labourer, because I have got a better job.
I am the secretary of a big benefit society, with between 18,000 and 20,000 members, both men and women, about 80 per cent. of whom are agricultural labourers. I started that society 33 years ago. I have been secretary of it from that day to this, and I venture to say that if anybody knows the conditions under which agricultural labourers live and think, I do. To show the need of some help for agriculture, let me mention something I stated in this House four years ago. In October, 1913, the year before the War, an agricultural labourer's wife came to me to know whether our benefit society would give a little assistance to her husband to go to the Droit-wich salt baths, because he was suffering from rheumatism. We settled that, and she said, "I daresay you would like to know how it is that my husband, being in regular work, wanted a little help. I will tell you. He works for farmer so-and-so" —I know the man very well; he lives in a, little village five miles from where I live—"and because he is a better man than the common run, he gets 14s. a week during the winter, and the rest of the people get only 13s. I will tell you what he does with the money. My husband, being quite a sober, steady man. only keeps back 2s. a week for beer and tobacco. Then we pay 1s. 6d. a week for a very good cottage, because we have water laid on, a garden, and three bedrooms. I do not grumble about that. What does that mean?" I said, "That leaves you 10s. 6d." Then she said, "We pay 9d. a week for the club, and 3d. for national insurance. What does that leave?" I said, "9s. 6d." She said, "Then we put by 1s. a week for coal, and what does that leave?" I replied, "8s. 6d." Then she said, "There is my husband, my girl aged 11, and my boy aged 9. We four have got to live on 8s. 6d. a week for food. How much is that?" I said, "That is 2s. 1½d. apiece." Then I said, "There is one thing you have forgotten, and that is how do you get your shoes, stockings and clothes?" She replied, "You know as well as I do. My husband gets piece-work during summer, and works a good deal longer during harvest, and I help, too, and the work we do overtime in summer helps to pay for our boots and clothes, and a hard matter it is." Just think: 2s.1½d. to keep a fully-grown labourer for a week in food, and the same amount for a fully grown woman and for a growing boy and girl, who often eat more than a man or a woman. And to-day, although the wages are 25s., owing to the increased price of everything, including the poor man's beer and tobacco, they are worse off than they were then. That being so, I want to know from hon. Gentlemen opposite what they are going to do to help these people? We say we have got something, and we ask what are they going to do? It is said, of course, and many people believe it, that the farmers are improvident, and that if they had not rent to pay—
They are tyrannical.
That is the hon. Member's experience?
That is my experience.
Let me point this out. I have got a friend who is a land agent, and also a very practical farmer. This friend, who is a Liberal, made this public statement in the course of the last General Election. He said he was asked by the directors of a wholesale cooperative society whose headquarters are at Manchester, if he would see them. They wanted to consult him as to how they were to stop the losses upon farming. It turned out that they owned something like 34,000 acres of land, 4,000 of which are in my own County of Gloucestershire, and, when my friend went into their figures, he found on that 34,000 odd acres of land, they had lost nearly £180,000 in one year. On the 4,000 acres in my own county they had lost £7,020 in one year, and, after that, the House will not be surprised in the Midlands agriculture is being given up by co-operative societies very largely. I have the figures of a farm, bought and farmed by a co-operative society about six miles from where I live. These figures were handed to me by the agent of the society, and they refer to the 12 months ending the 31st March, 1922. Of course, now there is no rent paid, but before the co-operative society took it over, four years ago, this farm of 650 acres was let to a farmer for £487. It is better land than the average Cots- wold Hills land of Gloucestershire, so that you cannot call that a very extravagant rent. When this co-operative society took it over and farmed it themselves, just consider what burden this 650 acres of land had got to pay in one year—poor rates, £208 2s. 1d.; Income Tax, under Schedule A, £96 16s. 2d.; Income Tax, under Schedule B, £372; Land Tax, £18 15s. 2d.; and tithe rent-charge, £58 14s. So that this farm, not owned by a greedy, grasping landlord, not farmed by a tyrannical farmer, found itself in the position on its year's working of having to pay rates, taxes, and outgoings amounting to £754 7s. 5d. How, on earth, it is expected that farmers can pay good wages when their taxes alone come to over £1 an acre passes my comprehension?
Let me go a step further. When hon. Gentlemen opposite talk about landlords charging high rents, and that the first thing to do to enable farmers to pay better wages is to cut down rent, I wonder if they have the slightest idea in their minds what rents are. I make this statement, knowing what I am talking about, that if you take the ordinary Cotswold Hills farm, there is not a penny piece paid in rent for land at all. If you only charge 3 per cent. upon the cost of buildings, the laying on of water, drains and roads, that is all that the landlord gets, and that only upon the cost of the buildings and so on. The land is thrown in for nothing. Even then they cannot make it pay any more than the co-operators can make it pay. An hon. Gentleman opposite said just now that we must look at things nationally or broadly. I absolutely agree, and I am pleased to see the right hon. Member for Carnarvon (Mr. Lloyd George) in his place, because, in spite of the fact that his Government repealed the Act of 1919, by which they did give a big subsidy, I believe in his heart and soul he does believe that agriculture wants a great deal of relief from overwhelming taxation. I am also certain that when he spoke in the Caxton Hall some years ago, and told the people there, and through them the people of England, that something had got to be done to save farmers from going back to their old bad times before the War, he meant what he said. Now I ask, What are you going to do? You admit something has to be done; you admit that agriculture cannot pay its way. Let me ask one or two questions from a national point of view. For the last two years, certainly, the farmers of this country have been supplying their goods under cost price. The farmers of this country have been giving the population of this country a subsidy in the way of supplying goods to them under cost price. Is that to go on, or is it not? Point 2—Are you prepared to see the industry fall even lower than it is to-day? Because it will, if something be not done. Are you prepared to see about 1,000,000 agricultural labourers, and their families lingering on the miserable pittance I outlined just now? If hon. Members are ready to permit that, they are not worthy of the name of being Parliamentarians.
7.0 P.M.
I say most emphatically that one of the most loyal, one of the most quiet, one of the most law-abiding sections, aye, and one of the most Christian classes in this country, is the agricultural class. I have known them all my life, and I do say most emphatically that it is a shame and a scandal that in a Christian country like this, men and their families should be supposed to linger on such a miserable pittance. [HON. MEMBERS: "We all agree!"] What I say is, that if I cannot have half a loaf, I will have a quarter. [An HON. MEMBER: "That is no good!"] I will pocket it willingly. When the mining industry was not paying very well, did not they come to this House and have relief? When the railways were not paying their men very well, did not the same thing happen? Did not hon. Members opposite say to this House, that it was wrong that men should work and slave for a small wage, and they were helped out with a subsidy? It is only now and again with them, but the agricultural labourer is always down on his luck, and I say point-blank that something must be done to bring that man's position up to a level of a decent living, remembering that a real agricultural labourer, who knows his job, is as skilled a man as any engineer, and ought to have a skilled wage. He is not going to be quiet much longer, and I hope he will not, when he sees what other people, who do not work half as hard or as long hours as himself, are getting. He is certainly awaking to the fact, and he will not be contented much longer. I should not think much of him if he were. I want something actually to be done. I quite admit we have been told from the Treasury Bench that only two things can be done to put an end to the present state of affairs. One is protection, and the other is subsidy. I point this out to agricultural labourers very often—"You agricultural labourers are only about one-sixth, if you are as much as that, of the working population of this country. Do you expect the other five to pay more for their food and clothes and everything else on purpose to benefit you, the sixth part? They will not do it." On the other hand, there is this question of the subsidy. I am very sorry the farmer was let down, and I am glad to say I was one of those who spoke for the Bill in 1919. I was also one of those who opposed its repeal in 1920, and I spoke and voted against it. Am I to go back to my 18,000 or 20,000 labourers and their wives, and say, "I have put your case before the House of Commons, and they simply laughed and jeered at you. They will do nothing for you. As you were in the beginning, so it shall be, now and for everlasting. Amen"? Is that what I am going back to tell them? If not, what am I to tell them? Is there any hope for them? Take this Bill. It has been said that the relief may possibly run to 2s. 6d. or 3s. an acre. Supposing it runs to 3s., if you take a farm of 300 acres, that comes to £45. How much is that going to help the farmer or the labourer? It will not keep the farmer's head above water. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] What does that cheer mean? It simply means that as the farmer is now discouraged, you are going to discourage him still more. I want the farmer to feel that at last hon. Members in the House of Commons are taking this question seriously; that they are looking at it as a national matter, not only as a farmer's question or landowner's question, but also as a labourer's question. Hon. Members should remember that for every farmer there are six labourers, and that for every landowner there are six farmers. We want to look after the biggest number first of all. The farmer is the second dog, as it were, and the agricultural labourer is the under-dog. Except for about two years during the War, he has always been the under-dog. For goodness' sake, before we part to-day, let us give the agricultural labourer some hope that his lot is going to be bettered instead of worsened. If you do not do something on these lines, his lot will be worsened.
From the society of which I am the secretary we have advanced considerably over £600,000 on mortgages on building land and houses. I can assure hon. Members that the position of the farmer to-day is worse than it was in 1906, when an Act was passed at the instigation of a Liberal Government. I do not see any way out. What knocks the farmer worse than anything else is the fact that you are encouraging emigration from this country, and that you have paid £45,000,000 in 15 years to assist people to emigrate to compete with the English farmer. You do not send all these men abroad unless they are agricultural labourers, who will work on the land, and whatever they produce abroad must come back and compete with our farmers.
No. We do not send the people abroad to compete with us.
The hon. Member will excuse me when I say that we do. £3,000,000 is paid every year, and is given primarily to those people who are going abroad to work on the land. They must sell the stuff they produce, and where do they sell it if they do not sell it here? They must sell it here. While I am in favour of emigration, I want us to be very careful not to discourage our agricultural industry to a greater extent than it is being discouraged to-day.
One thing more, and I have done. [HON. MEMBERS: "Go on!"] I am not going to be coerced to go on. You might coerce Ireland, but you are not going to coerce me. There is one class of person which has been almost left out in this Debate, and which was left out during the Debate on agricultural values and so forth last week. I have over 2,000 smallholders and market gardeners in my benefit society. In Gloucestershire we have bought something like 14,000 acres of land, on which we have planted smallholders. Those men, to-day, are in a very parlous condition. Nearly all of them were soldiers, because, until the soldiers were satisfied, civilians were not allowed to come in. What makes it so much worse is the insensate way in which we rate them. See what happens. I had a case given to me, and figures were supplied to me, from a parish called Kemerton, about five miles from Tewkesbury. When the land was taken over and turned into small holdings, the rates at once were more than doubled to the smallholders there. Their secretary sent me a letter, in which he said something like this—it was two years ago, and I have forgotten the exact terms of the letter—"Dear Mr. Davies. I want to call you attention to this. We took over this land—some 160 or 170 acres —last Lady Day. We paid the first rates, which came, I think, to about £8, as soon as we got it. The next time the rates came, on that same amount of land we had to pay £17 odd. Is it fair that we men, who have worked for our country, who have fought for it, bled for it—some of us have died for it—who have been planted on the land, should have to pay double?" Surely that cannot be right. [An HON. MEMBER: "Tell us the reason."] The reason is this, that you, in London, insist upon the blood money coming from these men whether they make it or not, because you insist they shall pay a rent which you term an economic rent. What is an economic rent? That depends from what point of view you look at it. Let me ask, what is an economic wage? The farmer says, "It is such a wage as I can pay out of my profits," and the labourer says, "It is such a wage as I can live on decently and steadily."
It is exactly the same thing with a small holding. What did the Government try to do? Either the Ministry of Health or the Ministry of Agriculture, I am not quite sure which, was the culprit. They actually sent circulars to every county council, telling them that they would have to increase the rents to their small holders, of all people under the sun, because, if they did not do so they would not be economic, and the charge would have to fall on the rates or taxes. Personally, rather than see these men go to the dogs, as they would if that were done, I would see the money paid out of the rates or by the taxpayers. The small holding class is very often left out in our Debates, but no class will be so benefited by this Bill, because they are rated so high in proportion to the small amount of land they have got, and because the higher they are rated the more relief they will get under this Bill. That being so, I shall be very pleased to support this Bill, through thick and thin, and I hope it will be carried. It will carry out, very largely, what I said in my election address. In my election address I said that things had got into such a desperate pass in our part of the country that if I were elected I would try to get the House of Commons to take away all the rates on agricultural land, for at any rate a period of years, and then we could see whether it would be possible to work it or not.
If the hon. Gentleman who has just spoken returns to his constituency and tells it that, when he spoke here of the serious plight of the farm labourer, his story was received with jeers and mockery, I think he will entirely misrepresent every hon. Member in the House.
May I point out to the hon. Gentleman that I should be most sorry to go back and say that the labourers' plight was received here with jeers. It was not, but every reference to relief to the farmer, which must react on the labourer, was received with jeers.
That is an entirely different question. It is a question of how relief is to be obtained, and not of what measures are being introduced here and whether the Measure now proposed does give the relief that is claimed. I want to refer to a remark I made when the hon. Member was speaking, when I said that the farmers are tyrannical. I did not mean, in a general sense, that all farmers are tyrannical. I returned this morning from Norfolk. The hon. Gentleman who has just spoken has told us a terrible tale about the position of the farm labourer. I believe that, generally, the recital he gave was correct, and that the story he told of the woman is fairly applicable to the farm labourer, particularly in the southern and eastern portions of this country. It is a very terrible position. The hon. Member says he hopes the farm labourer will not be content to remain in that position, but will demand a change. I would say that, under those conditions, the hon. Member would probably agree that if any men had a right to combine to improve those sad conditions, surely it would be the farm labourers. The farm labourers recently fought a fight—and I maintain they were justified in fighting—to maintain the standard they had obtained. However desperate the condition may be, the farm labourers were justified in the fight they recently made to maintain their standard. Yet, down in Norfolk, they tell me that, after that fight is over, and has been settled on composition terms, and after we have been told that there is amity on both sides, 1,500 men are still being victimised. Every one of these men took a prominent part in the Agricultural Labourers' Union. That is tyrannical conduct, and that is what I had in mind when I said that the farmer was tyrannical. It is tyrannical, because the men were justified, and in a fair, straight, stand-up fight there should be no conduct of that description.
It has been admitted by the right hon. Gentleman who introduced the Bill that the benefits to the farm labourer from this Bill, so far as wages are concerned, will be very problematical. Another hon. Member, who opened the Debate from the Government Benches, also gave the whole case away by admitting that the farm labourer would come out badly, and would get little or nothing. The Minister of Agriculture admitted that in the last few years the rents of land had increased not more than 25 per cent. There seems to be some dispute as to whether the maximum is 25 per cent. or 33 per cent. I suggest, if it be true that rents have increased in the last few years by anything from 25 to 33 per cent., then, seeing the appalling condition to which agriculture has come, it predicates that there must either be relief through the taxpayer or a re-turn to pre-War rents, and that the rise will have to be given up. I believe it is fairly true to say that this Bill is introduced as an alternative to a reduction of rents. The Bill of 1896 was described in the same way. I have the authority of the right hon. Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George), who on that occasion said, in regard to the Agricultural Rates Act, that it was not for. agriculture at all, but for the landlords, and for this reason, that it was known for a fact that if this relief were not extended to the land, rents would inevitably go down. If it were true then, and if it be true now, as the rise of rents would seem to indicate, this Bill can be very safely described as a Bill for the preservation of rents
I should like to know what the farmers have been doing to allow their industry to get into the position in which it is? It has been stated, from these benches, that in the last few years farmers have not done so very badly, after all. I have here the Returns of the Inland Revenue, giving the annual assumed profits from the occupation of land for 1914–15. In that year, the profits of the farmers were £17,197,000. In 1915–16 the profits had increased to £51,000,000. The corresponding figure of 1916–17 was £51,480,000. For 1917–18 it was £51,000,000, while for 1918–19 the profits had gone up to £98,800,000, an increase between 1915 and 1920 of something like £80,000,000.
What does that come to when it is divided among the acreage?
I do not know, but at any rate it is an increase of 400 per cent.
Could the hon. Gentleman give me the figures for 1921–22?
I have not the figures for 1921–22, unfortunately; but we have the figures which I have quoted, which show the huge increase to which I have referred, and on which no Excess Profits Duty was paid. Surely with no Excess Profits Duty paid farmers ought to have had the common sense to see that that state of affairs would not last, and should have made some provision for the lighter years which they might have expected to come. At any rate, we have the right to know, when this relief of another quarter of the rates is to be given to the farmers—which doubtless will ultimately find its way to the pockets of the landowners—what is to be done for the farm labourer? This is the man whose condition is most deplorable. He is the man about whose condition everyone here, on occasion, assumes indignation. Therefore, why does not the Government put a Clause in the Bill that the farm labourer shall benefit to the same extent as the others? There is no guarantee at all, when we hand over out of the taxpayers' pocket another £4,000,000, that any of it will go to the farm labourer!
Might I suggest that the Minister of Health, if he thought this matter out, would find a way of spending the money that would benefit agriculture far more adequately than is the case under this Bill? From figures, I find that we have got in various counties about 2¼ million acres of land—in Lancashire, Cheshire, Derbyshire, and Somerset. Again, it is not at all certain that the dairy farmer is suffering in the same way as the wheat producer in these various counties. So far as I know, it is not complained that the dairy farmer is losing money. He has not been concerned even in the late wages dispute. In the districts around Lancashire and Cheshire, I believe, fair profits are still being made—sufficient to pay fair wages. Why, then, give relief to these people? That is where the differentiation comes in. I protest because you are not giving this relief to the right people, but are giving it to the people who do not want relief; people whose businesses are of a profitable kind, whose costs and price of raw material have actually decreased, because, after all, a man who is buying cake and corn for cattle is buying it now at the expense of his Eastern confrere. He has to buy it at the expense of the man who grows oats, wheat, and barley. The men who are engaged in the production of milk, butter, and cheese, and in the distribution of these—thanks to your milk trusts and combines—are all doing fairly well, and I protest against this relief being given so far as they are concerned.
It does seem to me that the farmers of this country have to face a few facts. They are in competition, and they should not forget it, with the wheat-growers of the prairies of Canada, of the United States, and of the Argentine. If you cannot go on profitably producing wheat because of the world competition—because it is not here in your markets that the prices are fixed—Winnipeg and Chicago fix the prices which you cannot control, because your output is not big enough—why do you not turn your attention to the production of commodities for which there is in this country an unlimited demand and against which competition does not hit you nearly so badly? At any rate, figures on this have been quoted by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George), who very well knows about the matter, though it is not a fresh discovery. I maintain that in this country our land is of such quality that we ought at least to be able to do as well as the farmers of Denmark, provided we have got the same scientific, agricultural education that the Danish farmer gets. I would suggest, if the Minister of Health desired to benefit agriculture, that he might do worse than spend the £4,000,000 a year in the institution of agricultural colleges for the scientific training of farmers, and the people who work on the land, and thus benefit agriculture in a far more material way than you can by this revision of the rates, which does not, to my mind, benefit the real people. We ought to get at least out of our land an equivalent to that got out of the land of the Continent. Our land is good land. That is not denied. Our output ought to be as good as the others. It is only because of the stupid conservatism of the people connected with the land that this is not achieved. It is still laid down in many of the leases that so much land must be kept for grass and pasturage in order to hunt foxes. [ Laughter. ] Oh, yes, and it would be a good thing for agriculture if the foxes were shot. Agriculture in this country might be considerably improved. It is the conservative methods that stand in the way. Enlightened and scientific methods will ultimately get you out of your difficulty.
In the first place, I would congratulate the Government on fulfilling at this early date one of its pledges, which, from an agricultural point of view, is, to my thinking, one of the most important of its pledges. It is all very well for Members who represent constituencies where the only crop grown is the construction of ships to point to a Measure like this as of no benefit to the farmer, but hon. Members might do worse than ask the farmers about the value of this Measure. It has been said by more than one speaker that a debate somewhat similar to this took place in 1896. I have no doubt such a debate did take place, but the comment I should like to make upon that is that between 1896 and the present year of grace there has been no effort—that is, no effective effort—made by the parties now sitting on the benches immediately opposite to repeal the Act upon which they now attempt to throw so much contumely. For the moment the people of this country have to face the facts, and the fact of the matter is that to repeal the Act of 1896 would be an extra blow to agriculture of this country—just as the addition of the Act which is now being discussed will be of real assistance to agriculturists.
I should like to say why I support any Bill which will reduce the rating on agricultural land. I do not think this Bill has got anything to do with any specific agricultural emergency, though certainly we are in the middle of one now, but the taxation or rating of agricultural land, as it appears to me, is on a totally different basis from that of the rating of any other subject, for the simple reason that agricultural land is, in truth, the raw material of the farmers. It is all very well for the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Swansea (Sir A. Mond) to hint—he did no more than hint; but a subsequent speaker from the opposite benches actually stated—that if you relieve the rating burdens on agricultural land you are, therefore, bound to relieve the rating burdens on shipyards and shipbuilding, which are also in a bad state. That does not follow at all! Ships do not grow out of the ground like corn does. The right hon. Gentleman, whose business occupation is, I believe, that of chemical manufacture, does not grow chemical trees which flourish and bear rich, rare, and refreshing fruit! The basis of agricultural land, from a rating point of view, is totally different from other ordinary rateable subjects, because it is the actual raw material or the practical equivalent of Taw material. Nobody can say that a shipyard is the raw material of a ship. You will have to rate your plates, your beams, the keel, and the other parts of the ship if you are going to establish this matter on an equivalent basis to your rating of agriculture. Therefore, I do not enter into the question as to whether or not this is an agricultural emergency, but what I do contend is that agricultural land ought not, in fact, to be rated at all, because it is the raw material of an industry.
This is the second chapter of the present Government's agricultural code, and it seems to me to be as satisfactory, but no more satisfactory, than its first chapter. I myself believe that one other chapter remains to be written. I myself believe that definite measures; definite, positive, and direct measures, must be taken to deal with the case of the agricultural labourer. That is a question which can in many districts be dealt with by an adequate rural housing scheme. I must not be taken to mean that no advantage is to accrue to the agricultural labourer through the passing of the Agricultural Credits Bill or from the present Bill, but there still remains direct steps to be taken on his behalf. When these two things are done I think we shall be able to show to the agricultural community of this country what I believe to be a matter of vast importance, namely, that the Conservative party can help the agricultural industry and other industries to help themselves, and that without the imposition of a protective tariff on the people of this country.
There is a danger in this Debate that those who support the Bill should address themselves to one set of considerations and those who criticise it should address themselves to quite a different set of considerations. The hon. Member who has just spoken and the hon. Member for Cirencester (Mr. T. Davies) claimed that the dangers: which faced agriculture and the importance of the Government coming to its assistance were considerations which ought to be urged with all their force. That no doubt is quite true, but, on the other hand, criticism of the Bill rests more with the Bill itself, and the question is not whether agriculture urgently calls for the attention of Parliament and wise legislative effort being directed towards its assistance, but whether or not this Bill, this long promised Measure, is going; to bring relief to the agricultural labourer and deal with agriculture as a great national question.
The difficulties of agriculture are those which can be appreciated in general terms by hon. Members who do not claim to be agricultural experts. Broadly, they fall into two classes, and to take those classes either separately or together is a rather serious thing. We are told that these are temporary conditions under which agriculture finds itself. There is the readjustment to a new price level which is so seriously disturbing the whole of this great industry. This is a difficulty which is common to other industries, but in the case of agriculture it is one which is greatly aggravated by recent capital outlay, and in many cases unwise capital out lay, at the time of the recent boom. There is the financial trouble which faces-some of the great interests in industry. There is the case of the small landowner. I hope my hon. Friends on this side of the House will be prepared to see that the small landowner is recognised as somebody who has a tremendously hard problem before him, without any regard as to whether he happens to be the owner of the land. This is a temporary difficulty of the greatest possible gravity to many small people all over the country. There is the case of the corn-growing farmer quite separately from the ease of the dairy farmer, or the man interested in pasture land. Those are temporary conditions, but they are serious enough.
On the top of that there are conditions which threaten to be more or less permanent, and I will put before the House two figures to show how serious these conditions are which are tending to become permanent. I will give two figures illustrating this increasing urbanisation of our country, and they are taken from the population returns. In 1871, about 50 years ago, in England and Wales the percentage of our total population classed as rural was, I think, 38² per cent. Fifty years have passed, and if I extract the corresponding figure for the year 1921, the percentage of our total population in England and Wales classified as rural population has fallen from 38·2 per cent. to 20·7 per cent. That is undoubtedly an indication of a very serious change indeed of a more or less permanent character.
Take the acreage of agricultural land in Great Britain and contrast it with the population at two convenient periods. Take, for example, the year 1891. In that year the area of agricultural land in this country was very nearly 33,000,000 acres, it fact it was 32,919,000 acres, and the population in that year was just over 33,000,000 inhabitants. So that at that moment the number of agricultural acres was almost exactly the same as the number of the total population in 1891. How has that matter changed in the period that has since passed? Pass on for 30 years, from 1891 to 1921, and you will find that the acreage of agricultural land in Great Britain has gone down and is now, I think, somewhere about 30,874,000 acres, whereas the population of Great Britain has substantially increased to 42,767,000. Whereas only 30 years ago the agricultural acreage of this island happened in acres to be exactly the same almost as the number of the population, we have now the startling disparity suggested by these later figures. It would be perfectly absurd for anybody not to recognise that the features which I have described as temporary conditions, and what I have referred to as the more permanent conditions, do not call for the most serious attention of the House of Commons.
With great respect to hon. and right hon. Gentlemen opposite that is not really the question which we have to decide on the Second Reading of this Bill. Here is the Bill. Is it likely to produce all the great and satisfactory consequences which the hon. Member for Cirencester (Mr. T. Davies) hopes and believes will follow? The Minister of Health told us this is merely a temporary Measure, and by the final words of the Bill we are told that this Measure is to come to an end on the 31st March, 1925. Therefore it is, after all, only a stop-gap. If indeed it is going to produce not merely substantial relief, but if it is really going to make a substantial contribution towards a solution of the problems of agriculture, then the authors of it are very fortunate people in being able to secure so important a result by means so comparatively insignificant.
The right hon. Gentleman, when introducing this Bill, made a reference to the Report which was made to the Government in March of this year by the three wise economists whom they thought would be the best people to advise them how to find a cure for British agriculture, and the particular part of the Report of these three wise economists which may be supposed to have something to do with the subject matter of this Bill is paragraph 25. These economists make a recommendation in that paragraph which has very little to do with the provisions of this Bill, and indeed cannot be quoted in support of it. The paragraph I allude to is one dealing with local rates, and this is what these three wise men say: Act reduced the rates to be paid on agricultural land, excluding buildings, to a half of what would otherwise have been payable, and it sought to get a contribution from Imperial funds of the difference in this sense, that the contribution from Imperial funds was to be the amount which would be necessary on the basis of the figures of 1895. That figure was ascertained to be a sum of £1,333,000, and the consequence was that under the Agricultural Eating Act of 1896 the amount of agricultural rates to be paid in England and Wales was split into two, and the State paid £1,333,000 from the Imperial Exchequer. That may be right or wrong, but in 1896 it put no burden on any other ratepayers. It was a subvention from Imperial funds which was co-extensive with and commensurate with that which certain favoured but distressed agricultural ratepayers are excused from paying.
What has happened since 1896? Although the burdens of agricultural rates have been increased, the amount which is to be paid by the Imperial subvention has remained at £1,333,000, and the consequence is, that to-day the Agricultural Kates Act of 1896 works in this way. First that you divide the amount which was normally to be paid by certain payers of agricultural rates by two, and ask them for half only; and, secondly, that you profess to fill up the gap from the Imperial Exchequer, which is millions short of the amount required, and, therefore, you leave not only the ratepayers but the agricultural ratepayers as well to bear the higher burden in order to provide the sum which has to be found. If you are going to deal with these matters on those lines there is a grievance, and the three wise men in the paragraph, which I have quoted, were talking about the grievance. They recommended: to fulfil the recommendations of these three wise men and put things back in the position in which they were in 1896, "I must get from Imperial Funds something like £6,000,000.
No, only another £1,000,000—£3,750,000.
That rather surprises me. Perhaps the figures can be verified later? By a simple form of rough calculation we can get at the total amount of rates. I suppose these fractions are necessary. At any rate, it is a substantially larger figure, and I am at a loss to understand why the right hon. Gentleman, in recommending this form to the House, said, "I really feel I am acting in the spirit of the recommendations of the three wise economists. "
The purpose of the three wise men, as my right hon Friend describes them, was to assist the agricultural industry, but the proposal which they made would only affect 23 per cent. of it. The proposal of the Government will benefit the whole industry.
The fact seems to remain that if this Bill were passed in its present form, while it is true a difference of between one-half and a quarter is going to be made up, as I understand it, year by year, the full amount of the deficit between the £1,300,000, which was the fixed Imperial contribution in 1896, and the total sum needed to make up the rates is in no way supplied. It seems to me that the real gravity of the agricultural problem throughout the country amounts to this: whether this Bill presented to the House at this stage is a Bill calculated to provide the assistance needed.
There is a second point which I venture to make. It was mentioned by the hon. Gentleman who moved the rejection of the Bill (Mr. MacLaren). I should like to put his point in a rather different way. Is it not right to say that the whole scheme and method of the Agricultural Bates Act of 1896, and the extension now proposed, is that you are going to give the maximum of relief to the best land? It proceeds on the basis of fractions. If you have some very fine land—grass land, which calls for comparatively little labour, but which is of a high rateable vaue, that land is the land which is going to get a very substantial subven- tion, whereas, on the other hand, taking land which calls for the use of a great deal of labour in order to make it productive—land which may be nearer to the margin of profitable cultivation, as arable land, is land with a email rateable value and to that land you are going to give a very small subvention. Is that a sound principle, I would ask, as between the two sets of ratepayers? Is it right to say to one man who has that you are going to give him a big subvention, and to say to another man who has not that you are going to take away from him even what he has in order to fill up that gap which has been created in the course of years by the Act of 1896?
Again, I would ask is it a sound principle from a national point of view? I should have thought that from that point of view it was desirable so to frame your legislation as really to encourage the employment of labour on the land, and the use of the land of the country as far as might be possible in a way that it might be productive and of assistance to the population. You do not do that if you say, "I have land which is of high rateable and rental value and employs little labour and to land of that sort I am going to provide a very substantial subvention, while as to land which may be rated at a very low figure, and which it is very difficult to carry on, the relief will be on a much lower scale." That, as I understood it, was the point put by the hon. Member for Stoke-on-Trent when he proceeded to compare the counties in East Anglia with an equal number of counties elsewhere with approximately an equal acreage. He pointed out that a Bill of this sort, however it might be worked, would give the maximum amount of help in cases where help was least needed. Does that not give strong reason for saying that Parliament should concern itself with the real needs of agriculture? We ought not to have hon. Gentlemen throwing up their hats and saying "This Bill justifies everything we said about the Conservative party at the General Election." One hon. Member said "I am now going back to my constituents to tell them that all I said has come true, and it will please everyone, the labourer, the farmer and the landlord." The real truth is that it is very difficult for any party in this House seriously to deny that these proposals are calculated to have the effect of securing later on, and not so very much later on, an indirect subvention for the owners of land.
8.0 P.M
I do not join in that hue and cry which treats a man merely because he is a small owner of land as though he were an outcast from decent society. I am interested to see that that is not the effect. A very famous, a very much beloved old Member of this House whose loss we have recently had to deplore—Lord Chaplin— who spoke if ever anyone did as the very embodiment of strict Conservative views on the subject of land and landlords, fox hunting and many other agricultural occupations, may be quoted with complete assurance by anyone who defends this proposition, because he laid it down that, in his view, the rates were really borne in the end by the landowner. May I point out to the House that some recent experience greatly confirms that theoretic view? Consider the recent and short-lived effort of the House of Commons to come to the assistance of the agricultural interest by fixing prices. Does anyone seriously deny that the legislation of this House which sought to fix prices for certain agricultural commodities operated to assist owners of land? The result was undoubtedly that very large numbers of owners of land sold their land and sold it at very high prices, because it was believed that the result of legislation of that sort, however well intended, was actually to increase the value of the ownership of land. The same result will follow here. They tell me that in Scotland they have customs of their own by which an ordinary agricultural lease is for a term of years, but if you take the ordinary farmers' occupation in this country it is a short occupation where the rent is liable to be revised without breach of contract at very short intervals. Can anyone dispute that to-day, thanks to the assistance of a Conservative Government, there is going to be established this new agricultural rates relief and that in due course, when a demand is made for a fair rent, the reply will be there are reasons for forcing up the rent, because the land can bear a higher rental. That is what happened in the case of fixing prices, and that is what is going to happen under this Bill.
For these reasons those who take the view I have expressed do not feel able to accept this Bill as a satisfactory solution of the agricultural difficulty at all. If this were a Bill which secured the full economic use of all suitable land—a proposition recommended by a statesman so universally accepted as a fair authority on the land as Lord Selborne— if this Bill were going to secure the full economic use of the land, if hon. Members were going to be able to say to their constituents that agricultural labourers are now going to reap the real blessing of a Conservative Government, if we were going to have legislation calculated to enforce a minimum wage for labour, if the Bill was going to secure the easier transfer of land or the cheaper transport of commodities of the land, then there might be some reason to say it was the beginning of a better era for the agricultural interest. As it is, the Bill is a stop-gap, a makeshift. It is introduced with the comforting assurance that we are going to see the real reforms of the Government at an early date, but in the meantime I find it difficult to believe that it is really going to introduce the agricultural millennium when I read, "This Act shall continue in force till the thirty-first day of March, nineteen hundred and twenty-five."
The speech to which we have just listened is one of those speeches which we are accustomed to hear from hon. Members who belong to the party to which the right hon. Gentleman belongs. Such speeches are really the despair of all who are interested in agriculture. We are always told, "This little Bill will not really do any good," or "This is not the millennium," or "This is not the right way in which to help agriculture," or "A great claim is made for this Bill, but see what a little it does, and it is only going to last till 1925." What we who are really interested in agriculture are asking is that we should have some instalment that should help this great industry. No one claims, and no one believes, that this is going to be a nostrum which will benefit agriculture for ever. We all know that we must proceed by steps to try and get rid of our difficulties.
When, however, the right hon. Gentleman, professing to have some sort of interest in agriculture, and dealing with this question, sets aside the Report of the three wise men, he thereupon, I suppose, asks us to believe that at least we were listening to one wise man. I think he drew a distinction between the three wise men and one wise man, and it recalls to my mind a story that was told to me over, 20 years ago in Lincolnshire. There are different standards of wisdom. I should like to pay my tribute to the right hon. Gentleman as one of the ablest and wisest lawyers that I know. We constantly have the pleasure of meeting one another in the Courts, and I well know what his value and ability are; but we do not all have the same standard of ability for all purposes, and I do not think that the right hon. Gentleman's standard of ability in agricultural matters is a high one at all. Let me tell him about the difference in standards. I remember talking to a farmer in Lincolnshire in 1900, and he said to me, "I do hate these Londoners. "I said, "That is a broad proposition." I felt that I had come from London, and was a little uncertain as to whether I was included." Well, "he said, "I do hate these Londoners. They assume such airs, and pretend to know so much, but they really are an ignorant lot. I do not know one of them who could set a row of peas if you put him to it." Much as I believe in the forensic ability of the right hon. Gentleman, I would not select him to set a row of peas, because I do not think he could do it at all.
In these circumstances, I must ask for a little more experience and knowledge of agriculture. [An HON. MEMBER: "Could you set a row of peas?"] I am perfectly ready to do so, for a considerable life in Lincolnshire has taught me how. I learned something about these matters, because I kept silent and was taught by those extraordinarily able men who are farmers and labourers in that particular county. If you want to learn something about farming, go to a farmers' ordinary and sit quiet and listen, and you will learn and understand and be taught. I think the only point that my right hon. Friend really made was the last one. He saw in the Bill, of course, as hon. Members of his party always do see somewhere or other when you are dealing with agriculture—they see a landlord, and they see red. That is really their objection—that it is going to help land- lords. When the Bill of 1896 was passed, a great cry arose that the only person who would benefit would be the landlord, and it was said over and over again that in fact rents would be raised in consequence of that Act. I remember that the question was a burning one in Lincolnshire at the time when I was there, and everyone was looking out to see whether or not any rent was raised in consequence of the 1896 Act being passed. With the exception, however, of one case, and that was a very uncertain case, which I myself think certainly was not proved, there was no case at that time in which the rent had been raised in consequence of the 1896 Act. Now, however, the same argument is brought out again. It is said that, wherever you look in the Bill, you will find that it is all to work to the advantage of the landlord. It is not. It did not then, and it will not now, but it will assist a number of persons—farmers—some small and some large, who are, by concession, urgently in need of assistance at the present time.
Let me take another point that was made by the right hon. Gentleman. He called attention to the Report of the three wise men, and said that they had faintly supported the Bill. I doubt very much whether their attention need have been called to this Bill, because, for the last 20 years, all agriculturists have been agreed that, if there was one matter which needed amendment, it was that a larger relief should be given in the matter of rates upon purely agricultural land. It needed no three wise men, nor two wise men, nor any wise man, to tell agriculturists that that was an important and urgent matter for remedy by this House. It is not necessary to look back to any particular Report; we are all agreed upon this point. May I remind the right hon. Gentleman, however, that, if he will look back at the Report on which the 1896 Bill was founded, he will find, if my memory serves me, that what was demanded at that time in that Report was not that relief to the extent of one-half of the rates should be granted, but to the extent of three-fourths; but the Old Squire—I mean Lord Chaplin; perhaps my reference may be forgiven—was only able to secure that one-half should be allowed. What was the reason that he had, and deservedly had, such a wonderful position among all agriculturists? Why was it that every one who was engaged in agriculture felt his loss last week so severely? It was because he understood the whole system of agriculture, and he brought relief, by that Act of 1896, to the poor people who were working upon the land. They got that relief and, they were grateful to him for having carried out a scheme which his ability, experience and knowledge enabled him to put forward to this House. If we are to found ourselves upon the Report of 1896, or to go back to that Bill, let us remember that for some 28 years there has been a demand, and a Report which suggested, that three-fourths of the rates on agricultural land should receive a subvention from the State.
There are two other points which the right hon. Gentleman made. The first was with regard to the amount which is to be given, and I think the right hon. Gentleman in charge of the Bill fully disposed of that point. Although we may deal with the question of exactly what amount is to be filled up by the State, at any rate the contribution that is to be made by the State is a very limited one indeed; I think it is £2,330,000, and no more. Let those who are anxious to find objections to this Bill quite understand that, although they may talk in loose and large terms about a subvention to the landlords, and about putting their burdens upon others, remember that the relief that is given is really quantified at the figure which the Minister gave to the House, and which I think I was right in saying, adding the two sums together, is £2,330,000, and no more. That is a very small relief to agriculture. The other point- made by the right hon. Gentleman was that most is being given where the land is rated the highest. I think that the basis of giving relief in some proportion to the rates is a right one. It is very difficult to estimate, county by county, what is the precise burden that shall fall, and does fall, upon agricultural land, but, if relief is given in respect of an aliquot portion, you are really adopting some sort of system which can be made applicable in all areas, and that is the reason why you take one-third, or one-fourth, or whatever the figure ultimately becomes, in order to see what is the proportion of the rates that should be paid.
It is not a case of the good grass land, rented at high values, which the right hon. Gentleman has in mind. We have to think of the small farmers who are dealing with something like 50 acres, or it may be less, or at any rate something round about that; and to them the smaller relief that they get may well be of very great value indeed. It will remove, or partially remove, a great grievance which they have suffered for a number of years. Finally, I want to point out this: We want to help agriculture. The right hon. Gentleman is just as keen on helping agriculture as we all are. He thinks that, if something were done to deal with railway rates, or some thing to deal with the problem in other ways, we might do something to help agriculture. You cannot, however, help agriculture as a whole. It is really a combination of industries. You have the grazier, the stockbreeder, the arable farmer, the milk purveyor—you have a great number of industries all embraced under the one term "agriculture"; and you have to help—
Where does the landlord come in?
The hon. Member will forgive me, but I am afraid I do not follow the relevance of his interruption.
The right hon. Gentleman was speaking about the various activities in agriculture, and I merely asked where does the landlord come in? What does he do?
I am afraid the hon. Member has not been following my argument. It was quite unnecessary for me to refer to the landlord at all. I was giving a catalogue of various industries which are carried on upon the land. I was not thinking at the moment, nor was it relevant to my argument to think, about who was the owner of the land—whether it was privately owned, or publicly owned, or anything else. I was dealing with a number of industries, and, perhaps, if the hon. Member will be good enough to listen, he will follow the argument. If, however, he has merely a concluded mind, so that whenever he hears of agriculture he thinks of the landlord, I cannot venture to hope to make any impression at all upon his mind, and I shall not endeavour to do so. What I was saying was that, inasmuch as, in dealing with agriculture, you are dealing with a number of different industries of different kinds, you must try to help each in series, and not believe that you will, in one all-embracing Act, sweep away the difficulties under which agriculture suffers. My answer to the right hon Gentleman when he says that this is only a stop-gap is, that we are grateful for stop-gaps, but we must have a number of them, in order to assist the different industries which are embraced in the word "agriculture." For that reason and because this Bill is some help to agriculture, I cordially support the Second Reading.
The case which has been made by hon. Members who have spoken for English constituencies against the Bill, strong as it is, appears to me to be very much emphasised and supported by the case of those who represent Scottish Divisions and the objections which we hold to this Measure. In listening to the Debate, the proposals put forward by the supporters of the Bill and by the Minister in charge suggested that in the case of a distressed industry there ought to be for the first time some substantial consideration afforded in the way of rating relief. The matter has been treated as a case of giving a necessary concession to the agriccultural industry in respect of relief of rates. But that is really not what the Bill is. The Bill is intended to extend an existing concession which already, in the case of England, affords relief to the agricultural occupier to the extent of one half of the rates, and, in the case of Scotland, to the extent of five-eighths of the annual assessable value. It is intended to extend the relief in the case of England by halving again the liability and making it a quarter, and in the case of Scotland, not only by reducing the occupier's liability, but, for the first time, by creating a new precedent and introducing a new principle in rating, namely, the exemption of the owner from a portion of the rate which will otherwise fall upon him. I have followed the Debate with interest, so far as it has been conducted by Members representing English constituencies, but it has not been brought out, as it might have been, that the Bill follows upon no general recommendation made by any of the bodies which have considered the question during recent years. If you go back to the Commission on Local Taxation of 1896, or the Departmental Com- mittee of 1912, the very furthest they suggested the matter should be carried was by continuing the Act of 1896 in its present form. The agricultural tribunal of investigation which has just reported also made very different recommendations from those which are being given effect to in this Bill. We have therefore the situation arising that no body that has dealt with these matters has given a definite recommendation that this further relief should be given to agriculture and the principle extended in the manner proposed.
In the case of Scotland, my objection to the Bill is twofold. In these matters I voice also the views of some of my colleagues who represent Scottish Divisions. I protest very strongly against the manner in which Scottish Clauses have been tacked on to an English Bill in order that the whole matter should be considered as one, notwithstanding the fact that the subject matter of the Scottish Clauses raises very different issues indeed.
I am aware that the right hon. Gentleman, in his good humoured way, suggested that it was "for the sake of Scotland" that the Government had considered it wiser that the Bill should be taken as pail of an English Measure. But the Scottish Members are perhaps the best judges of what Scotland wants and they are in the best position to voice the views of Scotland in the Scottish Standing Committee, which is the constitutional method provided by this House for having Scottish Bills considered and put into shape. The explanation was not altogether very convincing to my mind that this tacking on of provisions in an English Bill was necessitated in order to secure its speedier passage into law. The Scottish Standing Committee could have sat perfectly well along with another Standing Committee which could have been considering the English Clauses at the same time, and so far as the Committee stage was concerned, there was no reason whatever why there should have been any delay in sending the Scottish Bill to a different Committee On the one and only occasion on which the Scottish Committee have so far met, there was a somewhat commendable celerity and the Bill which was being considered was practically carried before lunch. With regard to the Scottish provisions, we are dealing in the first place with the amendment of a Scottish Act, which was a separate Statute altogether from the English Act of 1896, dealing with different issues and raising different questions. We are also here dealing with an entirely different system of rating from what prevails in England, where the burden of the rates is carried by the occupier, whereas in Scotland it is divided between the owner and the occupier. We have also had a separate Committee on local taxation in Scotland which has dealt with this issue and whose recommendation is in the very teeth of the Bill, because the recommendation of Lord Dunedin's Committee, instead of supporting the extension, was to the effect "that the Agricultural Rates Act should remain in force without alteration." There are six out of the 14 Clauses relating entirely to Scotland, and two additional Clauses dealing with finance, and the Short Title and Duration, which are applicable to Scotland as well. In fact, we have a Scotch Bill practically tacked on to an English Measure, and we protest against this particularly glaring case of Scotland having its legislation considered by a side door in an English Committee, on which there will be a very small proportion of Scottish Members able to voice the views of their constituents. I trust the Government will take it from the Scottish Members that if the Government introduce a Measure which is regarded as of real service to Scotland, they will not find Scottish Members in an obstructive mood, but we shall secure with the greatest possible despatch the passage into law of any Bill which we believe to be to the advantage of our country.
The second objection I have to the Bill is in regard to its actual proposals is affecting Scotland. We have here the introduction of an entirely new principle so far as Scottish rating is concerned. We have relief proposed in the first place to owners of one particular class of heritable property, agricultural land, and the Solicitor-General for Scotland has again proceeded in the very face of the recommendations of the "Royal Commission of 1896. That Commission reported in 1902 and submitted a separate Report dealing with Scotland, and while it suggested that the Agricultural Rates (Scotland) Act, 1896, should be continued in its present form, it went on to add: Therefore, for the first time you are introducing a proposal which has been considered and which is in opposition to the view of one of the most responsible authorities which has reported in regard to local taxation in Scotland. This proposal is also at variance with the Report of the Dunedin Committee. There was indeed a minority recommendation, but that was to the effect that if relief were to be given it should be provided so as to meet the burden placed on ratepayers which is not going to be met by this Bill, and if that could not be done the Act of 1896 should be repealed. But I want specially to deal with the situation from the point of view of the pledge which wag given by the Government in the King's Speech that they were about to introduce a comprehensive measure of rating reform. It seems to me that, in view particularly of the period which has been inserted in the Bill, for the Government to ask the House to afford such a much wider measure of relief to owners and occupiers of agricultural land when they propose to do something it may be entirely different in the next two years is a very unsound and unwise step. I am glad to hear that they have in view the carrying out of a pledge with regard to rating reform, but I could have wished that, if they are as far advanced as to circulate a Bill amongst local authorities in Scotland, they might have held their hand until they had the opinion of these local authorities in Scotland and of others concerned instead of introducing this Measure. We know what has been the effect of these agricultural rating relief Acts in the past. They have all been temporary, but they have been extended and continued from time to time, and great difficulty has arisen with regard to any alteration, once relief of this kind has been given. It is the worst possible step to take, to give relief at the present time at the expense of the other taxpayers to a class of owners and occupiers whose ease you may have to review within the next few years.
What happened under the Act of 1896 in Scotland was that the substantial relief of five-eighths of the actual rate-able value was given to the occupier of agricultural lands and heritages. At that time there was strong objection taken to the principle and to the results which would undoubtedly follow. I was all the more surprised that this proposal should have received the assent of the Scottish Office when I remembered that the Secretary for Scotland was most prominent in 1896 in opposing the provisions of the Agricultural Eating (Scotland) Act. I cannot help thinking that the wise words which he spoke in this House on that occasion have to-day even more application than they had in 1896. He said: burden created by the failure to supply an adequate grant in the first instance. Will the Solicitor-General tell the House what is the amount of the burden which still falls upon the ratepayers in Scotland in respect of the grant originally made in 1896, which has been insufficient to meet the increase of rates since that date? We have had the figure for England, but we want to assure ourselves in regard to Scotland how we stand upon this point. We believe in the relief of taxation in Scotland on a broad, sound and comprehensive basis. There are many industries which are suffering far more than agriculture. Will the Minister of Agriculture consider this question? Is he not aware that in Scotland and in England there are the greatest variations in prices and in the effects of depression on agriculture at the present moment? I could take him to Scottish sheep farms to-day where things are booming, and I have no doubt it is the same in England. I could take him to other places where there is great competition for agricultural land, for arable farms. There is a great demand for the best class of farm. It is not true in all existing circumstances agriculture is suffering more than any other industry. It may be in certain directions. In those directions you ought to get a remedy which will not place an unfair burden on other very large classes of taxpayers and ratepayers.
The Dunedin Committee in its Report was seeking to arrive at some solution, which would enable the Government to relieve the general burden of rates. I regret very much that that Committee did not deal more fully with the question of local Income Tax. Evidence was given by one of the most distinguished authorities on local taxation in Scotland on this question of local Income Tax. I believe that along these lines a great deal could be done to meet the burden of rates which has become so heavy in Scotland. We want a scheme which will not seek to give an advantage to any one section by penalising other sections. There are many other ways and more helpful ways in which agriculture could be assisted. I introduced a small Bill in this House which dealt with the levying of the education rate in Scotland upon the gross county valuation instead of the net parish valuation. The present system is grossly unfair in its allocation of the rate which it forces upon rural parishes in Scotland, and this Bill provides that all ratepayers should have as far as possible the burden laid equally upon their shoulders, so that no one of them may be asked to pay for the others. Along these and other lines I think that something more could be done in the case of agriculture, and of other industries of the country which embrace other classes of ratepayers, when we come to consider the comprehensive scheme which the Government have in view. Let them bring in a scheme which will amend our rating laws upon just and sound principles without penalising other classes of ratepayers.
This Bill, I believe, will be criticised very severely in Scotland because it does nothing for the farm servants. It makes no provision whatever to secure better conditions for those who at present are suffering most in our agricultural districts. I do not believe that the relief offered to the farmers will go into their pockets. I believe that it will go into the landlords' pockets. I believe that, so far as farm servants are concerned, they will get nothing out of this. It has been suggested by one or two hon. Members opposite that if further relief in rates is given it will go automatically to the farm servants. I doubt it. We have seen no such results on previous occasions. Certainly there is nothing in this Bill which will result in immediate relief of any kind being given to farm servants in Scotland, who are one of the most deserving classes of our workers. I have so far never known such a thing as an agricultural strike in Scotland, but one was threatened the other day. I am glad that it was settled, but it is a symptom of the times. The agricultural workers, who are suffering most, are the last to receive consideration. I, for one, shall not support a Bill which is going to relieve rates which are paid by the owners and farmers of Scotland, and which fails to provide for the relief of the burden of other ratepayers, and to deal with the present position of the farm workers in Scotland. I hope sincerely that the Government will even yet listen to the view that they should do what is just first, instead of relieving the burden of any one particular section of the population at the cost of the others.
The right hon. Member for West Swansea (Sir A. Mond) ex- pressed the opinion that this Bill was a futile remedy for the agricultural position, and he hoped that all those who were opposed to this Bill would speak vehemently against it. I hope that all those in favour of it will speak with equal enthusiasm in its support. I am certain that all owners and occupiers of agricultural land, outside this House, will welcome this Bill with open arms, and not only owners and occupiers, but also thousands and thousands of agricultural labourers, who are beginning to realise the many anomalies and many injustices of our rating system. The agricultural labourers see the endless stream of motors and motor lorries which emerge from our towns every day, which go over the country roads and destroy these roads, and cause a very high rate in order to keep those roads in repair, and those agricultural labourers are just as anxious to get relief as the owners or occupiers of the land themselves. The principal opposition to this Bill, so far as I can see, from both parties who are opposing it, is because they say that it is going to do nothing for the agricultural labourer and that the whole benefit is in the end going to come to the landlord. To many hon. Members opposite the landlord is like the red rag to the bull, but landlords form a very important section in the agricultural districts, and under our present system of land tenure a good landlord is a very essential factor.
Quite irrespective of party, I deplore the present state of the agricultural labourer. It is only a man with a very hard heart who has got no sympathy for the agricultural labourer in the eastern counties, who to-day is working for a very poor wage, a wage on which I do not understand how he is able to keep his wife and family, and I am sure that we all deplore the very bad housing conditions as well of many of the agricultural labourers. But those conditions are bad in many cases because of the bad financial state of the landowner. I remember very well a Debate in this House some three years ago on the question of agricultural land, when endless figures were brought forward which showed conclusively that a man who was entirely dependent on agricultural land for his income had not got sufficient money left him, after he had paid all the burdens on the land, to keep his estate in repair. The burdens on the land include Income Tax, an enormous levy of rates, and also what is called tithe in England and stipend in Scotland; and when all these things are paid, not enough is left to the landlord, if he has got no other income than the rent of his estate, to keep his estate in a proper state of repair, and not in such a state of repair as good landlords would like it to be. That is the reason why a very large number of the cottages in which the agricultural labourers are living to-day are in a deplorable state.
I should like to say a few words in regard to this Bill from the Scottish point of view. I am sorry to see that woodlands are again excluded, as they were by the Act of 1896. Although the growing of trees is not such a vitally important question to the people of this country as the growing of wheat and corn, the growing of trees is becoming of greater importance every year. It is of greater importance to us now in view of the fact that so many of our woods and forests were depleted during the War, at a time when there was such an enormous demand for timber for war purposes: It is not only in this country that the forests have been depleted. The same thing applies in almost every other country in the world, and unless this country and all the other countries, including America, Scandinavia and Russia, take steps to replant the forests which have been cut down, there is a chance in the near future of there being a world timber famine. Therefore, the question of afforestation and the replanting of our woods that were cut down becomes of very vital importance to this country. Although I realise that probably woodlands cannot be included in this Bill, which is only of very short duration, until 1925, I hope that when the permanent Bill is introduced the provisions dealing with agricultural land will include woodlands as well as what we know as ordinary agricultural land.
We have had a long discussion on the Bill, but, so far as I have heard, there has been very little information elicited about the details. I should like to put a few questions to the Solicitor-General for Scotland with regard to the Scottish aspect of the Bill. As a Scotsman, I am particularly interested to see that Scotland is going to get her fair share, because she did not get her fair share under the 1896 Act. The rating system is, of course, quite different in Scotland from the rating system in England. In Scotland the owners pay half the rates and the occupiers pay the other half, while in England the whole of the rates are paid by the occupiers. The intention of the 1896 Act was to give 50 per cent. relief to the agricultural ratepayers, and in England the agricultural ratepayers were relieved to that extent, but in Scotland the assessment of the occupier's rate was reduced by five-eighths, and instead of paying rates on the whole amount of the assessment after 1896, he only paid rates on three-eighths of the assessment of his farm. In order to make good the deficiency thereby caused, a grant of eleven-eightieths of the amount given to England was given to Scotland. Agricultural land for rating purposes forms a far larger proportion of the total rating subjects in Scotland than it does in England, and it was very soon found that the proportion of eleven-eightieths was not enough to make good the deficit caused by reducing the assessment on the agricultural occupiers, and in 1898 another Act had to be passed to make good the deficit, the Scottish (Local Taxation) Act, which allocated a further grant to Scotland, the intention being to give in Scotland what was done in England, namely, a 50 per cent. relief to agriculture.
The Act of 1898 was passed and an extra £100,000 was voted to Scotland, but that £100,000 did not go to the relief of the agricultural industry. It was diverted by that Act to all sorts of other purposes. It was diverted to the payment of burgh land costs, to improvements in congested districts, to certain police grants, to sea fisheries, and to secondary and technical education. All these are very worthy objects on which we require to spend money, but the money, which was intended for the relief of agricultural ratepayers, ought to have gone to their relief and for agricultural purposes and not for these particular objects, which affect ratepayers and taxpayers as a whole, and in which the agricultural ratepayers have no particular interest. This has always been a grievance amongst Scottish agriculturists, and on reading an article in the "Scotsman," I had some hopes that it was going to he met, but I cannot quite see how that can be so in this Bill, because there is nothing about it in the Bill. The article in question was by a legal contributor to the "Scotsman," on the 30th May last. In the article the contributor says:
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I should like at the outset to deal with the point which was raised by my hon. and learned Friend the Member for East Fife (Mr. D. Millar) with regard to a separate Bill for Scotland on this matter. I think that matter was dealt with very fully and clearly by my right hon. Friend who introduced the Bill. Under Section 37 of the Local Government (Scotland) Act, 1894, the parish councils must budget next month, and therefore it is absolutely essential that we should get this Bill through the House with the greatest possible despatch, otherwise there will be delay or else very complicated questions of repayment will inevitably arise. Let me point out that another Bill would mean a considerable number of Parliamentary days, which would make it impossible to attain our object and have the Bill through before the parish council's budget. There would have to be two Second Readings and two Financial Resolutions. It may be said that the Committee stages could run concurrently, but hon. Members know that we shall have the Committee on the Rent Restrictions Bill, and there is a Committee on the Housing Bill, with other Committees, and it would be very undesirable to have a large number of Committees running together. Then again two Report stages and two Third Readings would be necessary, and there would also be the double procedure in the House of Lords, altogether making a considerable amount of Parliamentary time and rendering it quite impossible to have the Measure through within the period desired. Let me, in a few words, deal with the first matter so clearly put by my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for the Ashford Division of Kent (Major Steel) with regard to what took place in 1896 and the succeeding years. In 1896 it was provided by the English Bill that occupiers of agricultural land in England should only pay one-half of the rates charged on the occupiers of other classes of land. It was estimated that in order to supply the shortage caused by this concession a sum of £1,560,000 would be required in England. Scotland was given an equivalent grant of eleven-eightieths, which was not, however, a sufficient sum to effect the same purpose in Scotland, as the proportion of agricultural land in the total valuation of Scotland was larger than in the case of the Southern country. As I say, the English sum was estimated to be £1,560,000, but when the position was gone into more fully, it was found that this was an over-estimate and that a smaller sum of £1,333,116 was required, which automatically reduced the Scottish grant from £214,000 to £183,000.
It was thought that the original Scottish sum of £214,000, though obviously quite insufficient to effect what was being done in England, would be sufficient to give relief to the extent of five-eighths to the occupiers of agricultural land in Scotland, and in addition that a sum of £7,000 per annum should be appropriated to pay the Borough Loan Tax. This was an old tax which was rather difficult to collect, and rather burdensome, falling upon boroughs. It was provided that this sum should be paid out of this money to the Inland Revenue in order to acquit the boroughs of this troublesome old tax. There was also £15,000 set aside for the congested districts in the Highlands, so that there was really earmarked for purposes other than the relief of agricultural occupiers a sum of £22,000. With the revised calculation it was found that there was only £160,000 available for the relief of the agricultural occupiers, and that was not even sufficient to give- them the five-eighth relief, but fell short by a sum of £20,000. Two years later, in 1898, the principle was conceded that the eleven-eightieths scheme should not be applied strictly in this matter and that Scotland should get what England got, a sum which would amount to half of the total rates on agricultural land whether levied on the owner or the occupier.
Why was that done?
On this occasion Scotland was given more.
Why was she given more?
It was found in 1898 that the eleven-eightieths basis did not give Scotland adequate or fair treatment.
Is the hon. and learned Gentleman willing to undertake that he will get the Government to give effect to that precedent on future occasions?
We must remember that whereas in some cases in Scotland we do not fare well with the eleven-eightieths principle, we have got to be very careful, because in other things we fare rather better than we are entitled to. I would ask my countrymen not to look at one particular case, but to look at the whole matter. If we stress too much one point where we think we are not getting our full share, there will be quoted against us other cases in which we are perhaps getting more than our share. At all events, as regards 1898 the principle was conceded that Scotland should get the same as was provided for England, namely, one-half of the total rates on agricultural land. It was found that a sum of £640,940 represented the portion of rates falling on agricultural land, and heritages. Let me remind the House that these rates in Scotland fall both on lands and heritages—that is, buildings, etc.—whereas in England they fall purely on the land. Of this sum one-eighth was in respect of buildings, and thus one-eighth fell to be deducted, and Scotland was therefore getting seven-eighths of half of £640,000 which worked out at £280,000. Already she had got, under the 1896 Act, a sum of £183,000, and that left a balance due to Scotland of £97,000.
That is the sum to which my hon. and gallant Friend refers as having been applied in various other ways than that of agriculture, but £20,000 was applied in order to bring up the money to the proper sum to give the agricultural occupier his five-eighths relief. It was impossible at that time, so soon after the 1896 Act, to disturb the whole basis which had been arrived at, and the money was applied to other purposes in Scotland, namely, £25,000 among the police authorities as a contribution to the cost of pay and clothing of the police, £15,000 for providing and maintaining vessels for marine superintendence, and the balance, after those two sums had been applied and the £20,000 that was used for the agricultural ratepayer, was applied for purposes of secondary or technical (including agricultural) education in Scotland. It was found that £20,000 was sufficient at that time to carry out what was intended under the 1896 Act, namely, to give the agricultural occupier his five-eighths relief, and therefore the money was used for other Scottish purposes at that time. By the Act of 1898, as I have said, the gap was filled, and Scotland got the amount of money which put her precisely in the same position as England.
To pass to another point made by my hon. and gallant Friend, namely, the question of woodlands, while there might be much to be said for that, it is not a matter that could be considered under the present Bill, as it would mean a widening of the definition Clause of lands and heritages under the 1896 Act, and that would mean that more money would be required. In these circumstances, I cannot consider it in the present Bill, as the scheme is drawn up on the existing definition of lands and heritages as given in the 1896 Act.
The hon. and learned Member for East Fife said the total shortage as regards England had been stated earlier in the Debate, and he asked what the like figure was for Scotland. The grant paid in relief of agricultural rates under the 1896 Act and the supplementary provisions of 1898 was, in all, £180,000. It was recently estimated that the amount required to fill the gap caused by the reduction of the occupier's rating basis at five-eighths in 1896 would be about £700,000. From that, of course, would be to deduct the £180,000, leaving a shortage of fully £500,000. This shortage is not to be made up under the present Bill, which only pays a grant to fill the new gap caused by the further reduction in the rating basis, and that will be calculated from year to year, and it will not be a cast-iron sum, as under the 1896 Act, where it was taken on the basis of the rates for 1895–6 and remained a constant sum throughout the years, independent of what happened to the rates. In this case, as we know, under the Bill, it is calculated from year to year and fills up the new gap created by the alteration in the rating basis.
Do I understand that there will still be a sum of something like £500,000 which will have to be borne by other ratepayers in respect of there not being a sufficient grant to meet the whole relief to the agricultural occupier? Will that be allowed to continue?
This Bill deals with the future, and provides for meeting the shortage caused by the new alteration in the rating basis.
I want to get this point quite clear. I understand the Bill, so far as any future liability is concerned, will not throw any additional burden upon ratepayers in respect of the relief which it grants, but, in regard to the existing liability up to the date when this Bill was introduced, there still remains something like £500,000 annually which will be thrown on the shoulders of other ratepayers in respect of the relief which had been given before that date?
That will not be thrown on the shoulders of other ratepayers, but will not be given to the agriculturists.
Did the hon. and learned Gentleman say that it would not be thrown on the shoulders of other ratepayers?
As I understand the matter, this shortage which has grown up since 1896 remains, and the gap is not filled up. That is quite right. For the future, as I have endeavoured to make clear, the gap caused by the new rating basis will be filled up as calculated from year to year. My hon. and learned Friend made two points. He said the Dunedin Committee had not recommended anything in the nature of what we propose in this Bill. It is true that that Committee did not make any recommendations for increasing relief to agriculture, but it should be remembered that they were prohibited by their terms of reference from making any recommendations which would involve an additional Exchequer grant. He also said that no such recommendations had been made by the Royal Commission which reported earlier, but he will remember that they reported in the year 1902, which was only a very short time after the date of the 1896 Act, and it was obviously not necessary for them to consider an extension of the relief at a date when the Act was only six years old, and only four years after the gap had been made good by the proposals of the Act of 1898.
My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Ashford asked certain questions with regard to the Scottish Clauses in the Bill. He will see that Clause 7 provides for the valuation being half as regards owner and occupier, and the second Sub-section of that Clause provides that the occupier can retain half of the rates from the owner. It was to Clause 9 that the hon. and gallant Mem- ber drew special attention. The agricultural owner's rating basis is reduced by four-eighths, but the agricultural occupier's rating basis is increased by one-eighth. The result is a net reduction of three-eighths of the rating basis for the agricultural owner's rates. The agricultural owner's rating basis is reduced by one-half, or—it is very convenient to take it in eighths—four-eighths, and the agricultural occupier's rating basis is increased by one-eighth. Under the 1896 Act, he is only rated on three-eighths, and under this Sub-section (2) he is rated on one-half, that is, one-eighth more. Of course, we know he does retain from his landlord two-eighths, so that, reading the two Clauses together, the landlord pays on three-quarters of four-eighths, and the reduced rent as regards the others two-eighths, and the tenant only pays on one-fourth.
People may ask, Why go about the matter in this roundabout way? It may be said that the result is that the landlord pays on three-fourths and the occupier on one-fourth, and why not provide for that direct, instead of proceeding in this manner? But that would alter the balance of the rating system, and make it even worse than it is now. The Scottish system is part on the owner and part on the occupier, and, in view of any rating reform—it was stated earlier that we hope to produce a measure of rating reform, and this is merely an instalment—it would surely be undesirable to complicate the matter further, and make the rating system, which is complicated by the Act of 1896, more difficult still, and upset the balance more than ever. We effect the same purpose by this rather roundabout way of treating both in the same way, namely, a four-eighths valuation, and then making an arrangement whereby one of the parties who pays on the four-eighths, deducts from the other party, the occupier, who deducts half the rates he pays. The result of that is that each is on a four-eighths basis, though, of course, when the two Clauses are looked at together, the real burden is borne in the proportion of 3 to 1.
There is a further point which makes it desirable to proceed in this way. It is very complicated and very difficult to understand. I must apologise for not making it clearer, but I am doing my best. Another reason for proceeding in this way is that in Scotland, in county rating, the rate is a flat rate per £ for all ratepayers, whether owners or occupiers, but when you come to parish rates, they are levied half on owners as a class and half on occupiers as a class. In dealing with the various rates, if you rate the owner on three-fourths and the occupier only on one-fourth, the occupier still, as regards parish rates, would have to find one-half. You would, therefore, fall very severely on the non-agricultural occupiers. Each party, the owner and occupier as a class, has to produce one-half of the parish rates. If you make the agricultural owner pay three-fourths and the agricultural occupier only one-fourth, the occupiers among them have to produce half of the rates, and you are therefore putting a heavier burden on the non-agricultural occupiers. Therefore, we proceed in this rather roundabout way, which really effects the result, although it may seem rather difficult to follow. Clause 9, therefore, provides for ascertaining, first, the share of the rates payable by all owners; and, secondly, part of such share payable by the agricultural owners, which, of course, depends on the proportion of agricultural rental in the rating area to the total rental.
The question is how the deficiency comes to be estimated each year. Whatever the deficiency comes to, it will be paid by the Exchequer to the Local Taxation Account of England, but in Scotland you are fixing the determining of the amount by some arbitrary method. Supposing this arbitrary method of determining the amount does not turn out to be enough, as in the case of the 1896 Act, then what are you going to do? [ Interruption. ]
Hon. Members must join with me in endeavouring to master the mysteries of the Scottish rating system.
The sum must be estimated from year to year, and is to be enough to fill the gap. It is quite different from the 1896 Act, where you had the sum fixed once and for all. This is a yearly calculation. If the hon. Member will look at Sub-section (2), he will see that it
"shall, to the extent of three-eighths there-of, ascertained and certified by the Secretary for Scotland with respect to each local financial year, be the amount payable with respect to that year to the rating authority in respect of that rate out of the Local Taxation (Scotland) Account."
It provides for every year filling up the gap, so far as it is caused by this alteration of the rating basis. I hope I have covered the points that have been raised.
To return to the general aspect of this Bill, we have heard to-day the usual taunts against the Labour party of being unsympathetic to the unfortunate farmer. I feel very deeply convinced that, so far from it being true, it is the opposite of the truth, and I speak in a position, not shared by all my colleagues, or representing a purely agricultural division. I feel that, before I record a vote against this Bill, I should like to tell the House that the farming community is certainly not unitedly in favour of this proposal. I know a great many farmers in Norfolk who belong exactly to the class which this Bill is supposedly intended to relieve. Some of them were supporters of mine, but even among those who are not supporters of the Labour party, there is a very strong feeling of doubt whether this Bill is the thing that they want. It is, of course, popular to support any Measure which seems to relieve one's feelings of indignation against the rate collector. We none of us like him very much, but, in spite of that instinctive feeling, it is evident to a great many agriculturists in Norfolk, and even to farmers, that there is a danger hidden in accepting this apparent boon, which is offered in the shape of a direct money contribution to every occupier of land.
There are many of us who regard the proposal as in the nature of a red herring. It is quite clear to us that it is not a sound way of dealing with the rating question, still less is it a sound way of dealing with the agricultural depression. It is a red herring in this way, that it puts off the agricultural community with some appearance of generosity on the part of the Government, when in reality what the farmers want is something really to put them in a sound position. It does nothing big enough, even if the principle were right, to make a difference in the position of a farmer in the hard-hit arable districts. They see, clearly enough, that what really is the trouble is that if they are in a slump, as they are now—we on these benches, largely with personal acquaintance and close association with farmers, see that they are in a position which calls for our utmost sympathy in the arable districts—hat if this Bill passes, the demand that a real reform should be brought about is greatly diminished. Farmers see that if they are in a grave financial difficulty now, it is very largely because their rents have not been adjusted to the new conditions. There are in East and North Norfolk several properties where the owners have dealt with the matter on the basis of a reduction, more or less proportioned to the fall in prices, and there the difficulty has been removed. There is, on most properties, an adequate margin of rent out of which the difficulty can be adjusted, and very often has been. The dole, as we must fairly call it in regard to rates, is more likely just to enable the landlord not to call his tenants together and make them an adequate reduction. It is therefore a thing at which they look askance, and I am voicing a large section of the farmers in Norfolk, for whom the Bill is supposed to be designed, who are not in favour of it, but who are, on the contrary, as anyone may see who reads the farming papers, quite violently against the Government, and are by no means satisfied, and are extremely indignant with what they consider the indifferent treatment that the Government has given. The farmers, and the labourers. too, feel this grave doubt in regard to the Bill, and they know that if there is going to be relief to rates, the money has got to be found somewhere. It has got to be found by the taxpayers, and they see that the Bill, while giving a very small relief to the arable areas in Norfolk. is giving a very large relief to the non-arable parts of England, which will receive the greatest benefit and need it the least. They do not see any fun in contributing, as taxpayers, to the relief of farmers in other parts of England, who are not suffering at all, or very little, by the depression.
Even apart from these questions of their interest, they are not indifferent to a sense of justice, and when they see a Bill which is so topsy-turvy, which is, as we think, so absolutely devoid of all true principles of legislation, there is a limit to the toleration with which they can regard such a Measure. One must give a meed of praise to, for instance, the farm labourers in East Anglia, who see quite well that downright protection would in a way be a help to them in the immediate present. In spite of that, they stick to their Free Trade principles, and say, "We will not have Protection or subsidies at any price." Both on grounds of principle and expediency they are not at all strongly in favour of this Bill.
It seems to me to-day, unless the Minister of Agriculture is going to supply the need, that we have not been given the sort of concrete evidence required to prove the merits of this Measure. We have not been given any individual cases, any illustrations, which show how individual farmers are really going to be helped by this Bill. I should like to give two or three cases which happen to be within my own acquaintance. To begin with, I take a typical North Norfolk and East Norfolk farmer—not one of the biggest—who is rated at about £200. He may possibly score out of the Bill £25 a year, but that is not going to make a real difference to him or enable him to employ any more labour, and he knows quite well that if it is a just contribution to him it means that his farm is not worth so much rent as it was, and that the relief ought to come in another form.
Take a case representing the other class, which is the majority of British farmers, who are dependent largely on grass and who are doing very well, for instance, in the West of England. I met the other day a Shropshire farmer. He had quite lately bought his farm out of recent profits. It was a farm of 600 acres, a very good farm, good land. That man has not complained that there was any slump at all, but he is to receive, like the manna from Heaven, an annual tribute of about £130 a year. Scarcely any Norfolk farmer will rake in anything approaching that sum, but the tenant in this case undoubtedly will get the contribution. This man is owner, as well as farmer; he will simply receive a boon without any ground at all—a gratuitous loss to the taxpayers, improving the value unquestionably in the case of those who own their farms, in a form which is based on no sort of reason or injustice whatever.
To go back to Norfolk. There is another class of men, small farmers.
Certainly the smallholders will gain by the Bill. If they could have been specially selected for generous treatment, there would have been some reason in it. If it were confined to them there would be a great deal that I should like to support. Here is the case of a man I know very well, a small farmer, owning his own farm of about 40 acres. He happens to have on it a very good farmhouse and very good buildings. I saw him lately, and asked what he thought about the Bill? He said he was rather afraid he would lose as much as he gained, because he saw that in course of time there would probably be a higher rate on property that was not strictly agricultural. He would pay something more in course of time on his buildings, as the owners of buildings had in course of years after the Act of 1896, and he thought that the benefit in that way was very problematical. Whether that be right or wrong, the point is, that he thinks it would be no good to him. I think the object of the Minister of Agriculture is to keep land under the plough, and to prevent land going to grass or pasture, therefore, it is desirable to know what the farmers think of it, whether it will give them the necessary sense of encouragement, and will prevent them taking steps to lessen the amount of arable land, or to increase that already existing. If this man, and similar men, think of it as I have suggested, it will not have that psychological effect which the Minister had in view.
To put it shortly, the Bill, it seems to me, is such that, however great a fact it may be to one's friends or constituents, it offends every political canon to such an extent that there is a limit to one's human endurance, and one cannot consider supporting such a Measure. But the main point is this against it: it will not effect its purpose. If its aim is to increase the arable land of the country, or even to maintain the land that we have got in cultivation, will the right hon. Gentleman show us any case where this little contribution will really make the difference? I am told that at the most it is equal perhaps to 3d. a ton on potatoes and 6d. a quarter on wheat.
Even if it were to make agriculture prosperous—which nobody says it will do—it is still no use whatever to wages. We have had from the opposite side of the House many generous references to the pitiable state of the labourer. What nobody has attempted to show is that when farming profits have been high wages have also been high! On the contrary, it is undeniable that when profits were highest wages were lowest. In 1870, at the very top of the 19th century boom, wages were at their very lowest point. Therefore, unless some system of regulating wages goes with it, it is simply idle to say that this will benefit the labourer. Secondly, supposing you are going, even at the best, to give a useful tip to a very considerable number of men, could you imagine a more mischievous way of doing it? You are going to spend nearly £3,000,000 a year to pay that which is a demand from only, perhaps, one-third of the farmers in the country who are very seriously affected by the slump in prices. We are presenting £2,000,000 a year, which represents nearly a capital value of £50,000,000, to men who do not want it. Talk about burning down the house to roast a pig: this is burning down the whole town to roast the pig. The total annual contribution is equal, perhaps, to a capital value of £80,000,000. Yet we are told—and it is the fact—that during the years from 1914 to 1919 the capital value of the farmers' stocks alone, apart from the land, increased by £290,000,000. It is a fantastic proposal that you should give away to those who do not need it; to pay away so much public money to effect a tiny result.
Again, note the utter inequality of the benefits. You take, as has been suggested, the area of the arable counties and of the grass counties, and if you map out a similar area in acreage you find the grass counties—taking five of them before me—you give them £200,000, while you give a similar area of arable land £126,000. In Cheshire you have a lot of people who pay as much as £4 an acre for good land, and these will receive £1 per acre, while in Norfolk you have a good deal of land letting at 10s. per acre, and these people, who are the ones you need to benefit, would get 2s. 6d.
Finally, it has been adequately shown by the evidence of Lord Chaplin and others that the owner has been the gainer in the end. Whether the intention is that the owner should gain or not this seems to me, in effect, a corrupt proposal. If the benefit is going to the farmer it is mostly wasted. If it is not going to the farmer, the owner will then—we know from the Chief Conservative expert, Lord Bledisloe, the owner is really only a rent-receiver—get it. To my mind there is something immoral about the proposal, in fact, if not in intention.
The natural retort to use is, "What would you do?" "What is the proposal which ought to take the place of the present?" I know what the farmers in Norfolk need. They want to know where they stand in reard to security. They want to have their rents adjusted by reliable authority from time to time. They want removed again what Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman called, "the hostile tariff of rates on improvements." They know perfectly well these are a continual discouragement, and a depressing influence upon their activities, and that their efforts may constantly be thwarted by the attentions of the Assistant Overseer. I should like to quote, before I finish, an authority that will not be disputed by the other side. I refer to the Duke of Bedford, who says, in his book "The Story of a Great Agricultural Estate"—
It is a niggling way of dealing with the subject, but it would be better than nothing. If my right hon. Friend cannot think of any reform such as this, well, then, we are thrown back upon downright opposition to the whole of this Bill. It produces neither a real encouragement to the farmer by security with adjusted rent, and it does nothing at all (unless you add to it a proposal for a wages board) to deal with the most numerous class concerned in agriculture. On these benches we could not possibly support this Bill unless it deals with these things. If we had a definite promise that the labourer question would be dealt with at the same time matters might be different. Unless there is a taking of the rates off the farmers' improvements and giving him security, and ensuring that the benefit shall go to the worker; unless we can be convinced that the Bill is based upon some definite principle of public utility, then it is impossible for us to support it because it fails to put the real interests of agriculture before a vested interest.
I wish to support this Bill. I shall be brief because so much has been said and well said that it is not necessary for me to repeat the arguments. I should, however, like to express my appreciation of the speech of the hon. Member for Cirencester (Mr. T. Davies). It was an admirable speech, in fact it was the best speech on agriculture that I have heard in this House. It was a practical speech, and some of the speeches which have been made have been good in theory but they have not been practical. The hon. Member who has just sat down said he was speaking for a certain section of farmers who were not in favour of the Bill. I do not know what organisation he may be referring to, but -I can say definitely that I am speaking for the largest organisation of farmers in the country, and they do definitely appreciate this Bill and wish me to support it. The Government themselves do not say that this is a remedy for agricultural depression. No one in a sane moment can suggest that it is a remedy, but it is a relief, and you cannot always get all you require. After all, the causes of depression in agriculture are varied, and we shall find that the remedies by which we hope to bring the industry back to prosperity will also have to be varied.
There was one expression of opinion with which I do heartily agree, and it is that we desire to see the industry put back again into a sound financial position, and that really is the crux of the whole question. Figures were given with regard to the amount of relief which would be given to certain farmers. May I point out that those figures are only relevant insofar as they are given with the proportion of acreage to which those various figures refer. One man on a large farm may receive, and would receive naturally, a larger amount than a man on a smaller acreage, so that the acreage should have been given before those figures can carry much weight.
The hon. Member for Northern Norfolk (Mr. N. Buxton) said that he would have supported this Bill if it had applied to the smallholders only. I am quite as much in sympathy with the smallholder as any hon. Member of this House. I have had a great deal to do with placing ex-service men on smallholdings. I have great smypathy with them, and I hope we shall do something to assist, not only ex-service men, but other smallholders. I cannot conceive the frame of mind which would say that you would be in favour of a system of relief for a particular size of farm and not be in favour of relief for a larger farm. The principle is the same, and it is only a matter of amount. Reference was also made to a certain farmer of the hon. Member's acquaintance who had been asked what he thought of the Bill, and he said that was a few days ago. May I point out that this Bill has only been introduced a few days, and I should like to be assured as to whether, before that farmer gave his opinion, he had read the Bill, which I think is extremely doubtful.
The hon. Member for Merthyr (Mr. Wallhead) said the relief to be given amounted to £4,000,000. May I point out that it will only be £2,750,000 in England, and the remainder of the £4,000,000 to which he refers includes relief from the Road Board, and that is money which is already due for the maintenance of the roads and cannot therefore be considered in relation to this Bill. It is quite a misleading to make that statement. Then again he referred to education. I am one of those who believe that a great deal can be done and has been done for agriculture by education, and by higher and better methods of farming. At the same time no amount of education or improved methods can improve the price of the article produced. In fact it has no reference to it. Science can increase the quantity produced, but it has no economic effect on the price which the article is going to command.
I do not consider that this Bill is going to be an absolute remedy, but it is a relief, and it is on that ground that I shall support it. I agree that it is a very technical Measure, and I shall not go into technicalities, which the legal Members of this House are very much more competent to deal with than I am. Undoubtedly there will be Amendments if the Second Reading is adopted and this Bill goes to Committee, and that is the time when these points ought to be dealt with. I wish we could always think of proposals of this kind as relief for food production, because that is the main point, and the greatest necessity which this country has at the present time is to increase our food production. That policy has this advantage. The production or the increase of production at home will not fix the price at which the article is to be sold here, because unfortunately it is quite correct to say that the bulk of the commodities which has been produced by the farmer for some considerable time have been sold at less than the cost of production, still the amount produced here has a steadying influence on the price fixed by the foreigner in regard to those food products which are sent over to this country. In addition to that, it stabilises the price, because there is a supply here which can be drawn upon to prevent great fluctuations which might occur from the importation of food from abroad.
The relief given under the Act of 1896 amounted to £1,330,000. That is a fixed amount and it has not varied since then. I believe if adequate relief had been given to the local rates the amount which would now be required would be very much more likely to be £6,000,000. It is quite true that those who pay rates upon other property have had to find that difference. Let me point out that the agriculturist also has had to find his proportion of that deficiency. Consequently it is not correct to say that this Bill is going to give one-half, or that we shall pay one-quarter of the rates on agricultural land. It is far more true to say we are going to pay one-half of the half which we are now paying, and that is not quite the same thing. I was pleased to hear the Minister say that it was proposed to bring in the other Bill at a later date. I hope that we shall have some time in the near future one valuation for all purposes. That is important, and I trust the Government will consider the possibility of making arrangements for it to be done. The question of the inequality of rating at the present time was dealt very fully by the hon. Member for East Grinstead (Mr. Cautley), and I need say no more about that. But I should like to draw attention to facts which I can furnish from a rural parish which is typical of many others. Take in the case of that pariah the doctor, the butcher, the grocer and the farmer. Their respective rateable values, were £33 10s., £31 10s., £25 10s., and (for the farmer) £452. There is a great deal of difference, it will be seen, in these rateable values. It may easily be assumed that the profits the farmer is making only equals those of the butcher or the grocer, and are under the income of the doctor. But the rates actually paid in 1922 were 17 guineas by the doctor, 16 guineas by the butcher, £13 6s. 8d. by the grocer, and £134 by the farmer. When one comes to speak of percentages, the same increase of percentage applies to each of them, but when it comes to be expressed in £ s. d. it is a very different thing, because whereas the increase in the rate in the case of the farmer since 1905 was over £90 the increase so far as the others were concerned was only about £12 each.
I noticed in the Bill there is a reference to the Schedule in the 1896 Act. That Schedule does not include parish councils, and I would like the Minister to say if it is intended to bring those bodies within the Schedule of this Bill, because there are certain expenses, and other matters, such as voids and the compounding of rate for cottage property, which otherwise will not be brought under this Bill. The hon. Member for Burslem (Mr. MacLaren), referring to the assessments under Schedule B, said agriculture had received relief to the extent of a reduction in the assessment of from two years' rent to one year's rent. Even bearing that in mind, the increase is very large on what was the case before the War, when we were assessed at one-third of the rent. The assessment was raised to the rent— which was throe times as much—and then it was raised to double rent, which meant six times as much. Even now the assessment is three times as much as it was in pre-War days. The hon. Member for Merthyr spoke of the great profits which had been made by agriculture. I think he made a mistake in using the word "profits," he should have substituted for it "increased values"; that would have been very much fairer.
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These increased values have now disappeared. The hon. Member also stated that the extra profits paid no Excess Profits Duty, but my suggestion is that when the increase was put on it was taken to be in lieu of the Excess Profits Duty. It has been questioned whether it is right that the agricultural industry should have this relief and other industries should not have the same relief. I will state briefly why I consider that agriculture stands on a different plane to other industries. In the other industries the wages of the workers are very largely fixed by Wage Boards and Trade Boards, and they are not fixed on economic principles but on what are termed reasonable standards of living. I am in agreement with those principles; I believe that all should have a reasonable standard of living. But those industries can either pass on the consequences of that wage to the consumer or take it out of the price of the raw material which is being used in the industry. Agriculture, however, is on quite a different basis. If you were to fix wages in agriculture on a reasonable standard of living—and I hope that will be done some day—if you were to do that without first putting the industry in a satisfactory position, you would find you were compelling a wage to be paid which the industry cannot produce and which it cannot pass on to other shoulders. It cannot pass on to the consumer the increased cost because there is no industry open to so much foreign competition as we are. It cannot take it out of the price of the raw material because we are on the land. The source of all.
I heard an hon. Member say, "Take it out of the rent." I cannot agree with that. The fact is very little, if any, of the rent is based on the land; it is based on the value of the buildings on it, and there is nothing left practically for the land. The landlord has provided the capital for the land, and there is no other industry in the country in which capital has been provided for it at so low a rate of interest. Before the War and since the War agriculture has had its capital provided by the landlord. An hon. Member asked, "Why bring in the Bill now?" That question has been adequately answered from the other side of the House. When one speaks of wages at 25s. a week, surely that is an absolute explanation why the Bill has been brought in. It is proof that there is every need for immediate relief and for the application of remedies as promptly as possible. It is a scandal, and I say it as a farmer, that the wages in agriculture should be so much lower in amount, and so much lower in proportion, than in other industries. The man who is engaged in agriculture is as skilled a man as there is in any other occupation in the country, and he should receive adequate remuneration for the services that he renders to the State. It has been said that there is no guarantee that this relief will go to the worker, and I admit, candidly, that there are no words that I can find in the Bill that say that there is, but there are a great many men to-day, and I am glad that there are, who are receiving wages at a higher rate than the industry will provide. Such wages are being paid out of capital, but that cannot go on always, and unless some relief is given to the industry, it will be found that those men will either have to have their wages lowered, or their employer will not be able to provide work for them.
I should like to add somewhat to a question which was put to the Minister by the hon. Member for Burslem (Mr. MacLaren), as to what is going to happen to that land which is situated in industrial areas adjacent to urban districts. If the hon. Member was referring to small fields occupied by butchers and other tradesmen as accommodation land, I think that, perhaps, there was something in his argument, but I should like to remind the Minister that there are very large tracts of purely agricultural land, which are used purely for agricultural purposes—for food production—which are now included in county boroughs, and which previously were in county council areas. That has had a disastrous effect upon the finances of county councils, because it has not only deprived them of large areas of what was in many cases land of the highest rateable value, but they have been left very largely with the same overhead charges, and in many cases with other charges as well. I hope, therefore, that that will be kept in mind, and that some relief will be given in respect of these large areas of purely agricultural land which have been taken into county boroughs.
The Labour party have stated that in their opinion it is a fact that this relief will go to the landlords. They have not, however, proved that, and I do not think they can. [An HON. MEMBER: "Experience proves it."] I do not admit that experience proves it, save in exceptional cases, and you cannot deal with the whole upon exceptions; it is not fair to do so. That fear, however, does exist, but there is, at any rate, on this occasion, a deterring factor which has not existed previously, because, under Part II of the Agriculture Act, if an increase in rent is demanded, the tenant has the right to go to arbitration. That does make a difference, and if the arbitrator, after taking the whole question into consideration, says that the increase is a just one the landlord will be given the right to demand it or obtain possession of the farm. If, however, the arbitrator says there is no justification for the increase, then it cannot be given, and the tenant would be entitled to compensation if he received notice for what would be an unreasonable disturbance. That, therefore, would be a deterrent. I believe that this Measure is something practical, and although it is not as much as I could have asked, or wished or hoped to get, I support it strongly.
The hon. Member who has just spoken and myself have sat for many years together on the Staffordshire County Council, and I known him for an extremely fair-minded man. I think he would agree with me that this Bill is not solely a question for farmers, nor even solely for the agricultural interest. Obviously, the farmers are getting the relief in the first place, but we have in this House to consider the interests also of the whole community—of the people who find the money, and the other people who are interested in the agricultural industry besides the farmer. We must protest against the attitude that the Government has taken up in regard to this Bill. When a similar Measure was introduced in 1896, the House was given, by the Government of the day, a full day for the discussion of the First Reading, three days for the discussion of the Second Reading, the Committee stage was taken on the Floor of the House, there was the Report stage, and then there was the Third Reading. Indeed, when that Bill was introduced in 1896 it was the principal Measure of the Session. It was amply debated, not only by the farming interests, but by every other interest in the House. Indeed, it was noteworthy that, as the Debate continued, man after man on the Conservative side, as he came to see the true inwardness of the Measure, left his own party and came over to the Liberal party, as it was in those days, in order to voice his opposition to that particular Bill. I think the late Liberal Whip, Mr. Whiteley, now Lord Marchamley, came over on this very subject. He was Member for Stockport, and he resented the idea that his constituents should be taxed in order to provide assistance for ratepayers in agricultural areas. He changed his side of the House on that question. To-day we have hardly scratched the outside of the Debate. How can you have a Second-Reading Debate on a great question such as this and the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Chelmsford (Mr. Pretyman), the President of the Land Union, has not been able to get in to make his speech? He is the power behind the Throne in this question, and he is ruled out from the Debate because—
I have not yet risen.
But I saw the right hon. Gentleman trying to bargain with my misrepresentative opposite, the hon. Member for Stone (Mr. Lamb), in order to get his place. It is not a question, however, whether the right hon. Gentleman has risen or not. We want to hear him. He is the master of the Government in this matter, and I think we are entitled to his views on his own Measure. I think it is obvious that, on this subject, we ought to hear other than agricultural speakers, but, so far, we have heard little except from agricultural speakers. I hope the Government will see that, on further stages of the Bill, adequate time is given for discussion, and also that we may get adequate discussion of it in the country, because this Bill is, perhaps, the best material for propaganda that we have had in the last three or four years.
Let me take first the position of the urban ratepayer as against the rural ratepayer. Does not the hon. Member for Stone himself think it is rather hard, seeing that the people in the Potteries are suffering from an abnormal trade depression, and have had now for two years men in the iron trade out of work, that they should be asked to contribute to the taxation of the country in order to assist the ratepayers—the hon. Member himself, indeed—to tide over a difficulty from which, as we all admit, agriculture is suffering at the present time, but which cannot by any means whatever be considered as severe as the difficulty through which the coal trade or the iron trade is passing to-day? We want people to realise what is being done. We want the electorates in the towns, as well as the farmers' associations in the country, to know and to realise what is going on and what all this means. Further, when we are speaking of remitting the rates on the shipyards, as was suggested by the hon. and learned Member for the Hartlepools (Mr. Jowitt), we must remember that any such remission is ultimately passed on to the consumer of ships—that a reduction in the rates on the shipyards means cheaper ships, that a reduction in the rates on the coalpits means cheaper coal, that a reduction in the rates on the pot bank means cheaper crockery. The consumer benefits. We have actually passed the Second Reading of a Bill, just recently, urging that movable machinery should be relieved from rates in order to cheapen production in this country. That being the case, I cannot for a moment accept the proposition that the relief of the rates falling upon factories, houses, machinery or other improvements is at all on all fours with the relief of the rates upon purely agricultural land. Let us understand where we are. Any relief of rates which fall upon improvements benefits in the long run the consumer of the goods made in those factories or by those machines. A reduction in the rates on houses means cheaper houses. A reduction in the rates on agricultural land does not mean cheaper land. Unfortunately it means dearer land. The right hon. Gentleman who introduced the Bill admitted that in the long run—
We have not got a long run.
If we get into power it will not have a long run. If we are to judge by the history of the late Act, which was also to have a short run, that run may be unduly prolonged, and therefore when the right hon. Gentleman speaks of the advantage of this dole finding its way into the landlord's pocket in the long run—
I did not say so.
The right hon. Gentleman will find it in the OFFICIAL REPORT to-morrow.
What I said was that I thought that must be the argument in the minds of hon. Members opposite.
I speak in the recollection of the House, and that was not the point made by the right hon. Gentleman. But if he denies it, we will let it go at that. We have plenty of other authorities, including, indeed, his own father. The author of the policy of ransom is now having compensation, I notice, and we are having from the son the ransom, not of the landlords, but of the taxpayers. Let me give one or two examples of real, sound Conservative statesmen, who take an opposite point of view to the right hon. Gentleman. I take, first, Lord George Hamilton, who was for many years member of the Cabinet and a highly respected Member of the Conservative Government. His report of the Royal Commission on Local Taxation reads as follows: As Liberal reunion is in the air, let us go back, not to Gladstone or anything short-sighted like that, but to a Liberal opinion which will impress right hon. Gentlemen opposite. Take the views of Lord Goschen. He was a Liberal Unionist, a sound financier, with a greater reputation as Chancellor of the Exchequer than any we have had since. This is a letter written by Lord Goschen, quoted in his evidence before the Royal Commission, written to Sir Julian Goldsehmidt who, like so many authorities on finance, suddenly discovered a new system of taxing people without their knowing it. He sent it on to Goschen. This is Goschen's reply: Laughter. ] When this principle was stated in this House by the late Prime Minister the right hon. Member for Carnarvon Boroughs it was laughed at, as hon. Members are laughing now, by the Ministers who held the same position that Ministers opposite hold. I will not reply in the same way in which the right hon. Gentleman then replied. He casted up the benefit that each of them would receive. He said that Lord Chaplin would profit by £700 a year, and that members of the Ministry on the whole would profit to the tune of £2,000,000, capitalised, by the passing of that Measure. [ Laughter. ]Hon. Members may laugh, but they know it is true. [ Laughter. ]Of course they laugh. Perhaps Ministers nowadays do not own as much land as they did in the good old days. As they are not yet convinced that this Bill is putting money into the pockets of the landlords to any considerable extent, may I quote further evidence; evidence after their own hearts—the evidence of Mr. Harold Cox? How I wish we had Harold back with us now. He was an extremely acute critic of grabs, whether they were grabs by landlords or anybody else. This is his evidence, given before the Select Committee, of which, I think, the hon. Member for Rye (Lieut.-Colonel Courthope) was a Member. It is a perfect example of cross-examination:
Is it suggested that if this Bill goes through, giving £2,750,000 directly to the farmers, and indirectly to the landlords, the unfortunate agricultural labourer is going to benefit in the least? If it all went to the agricultural labourer it would mean at least a shilling a week extra in his wages. How far is this claim of hon. Members opposite to speak for the agricultural labourer justified? There are three people interested in agriculture, the labourer, the farmer, who provides the capital, and the man who takes the rent. May I illustrate to the House whom we are supplying with the dole in this case? Take Bedfordshire. In that county 17 Peers own 114,000 acres out of 287,000 acres. [HON. MEMBERS: "What is the date?"] That is the usual return, the 1873 return. How thankful we would be if hon. Members opposite would allow us to have a more modern return. They have been very careful to keep all more recent figures out of the Blue Books and Parliamentary Papers. We have asked them over and over again to supply the figures drawn from the last valuation. But there is "nothing doing. "They know the danger. The figures are probably worse now. In Durham 16 Peers and other landowners own 213,000 acres out of 567,000 acres, besides royalties. In Northumberland— [HON. MEMBERS: "For the same date?"] If I put a question for figures of a more recent date, can I have a pledge that we shall have the figures supplied? In Northumberland the figures are particularly impressing. The county is so well governed and it has such remarkable by-elections. In Northumberland nine Peers own 327,000 acres out of 1,200,000 acres. These are the people whom you are assisting by this Bill. Robbing Peter to pay Paul is all very well, but when Peter is the unfortunate unemployed or half-employed town worker and Paul is the owner of these thousands of acres, the mere explanation of the facts to the electorate outside will be of use, at any rate, in elucidating the real politics of hon. Members opposite and their real object in passing this legislation.
The Minister of Health, in moving the Second Reading of the Bill, said, almost with a sob, that it would help the unemployed. Will it? I wonder who thinks that this Bill will help unemployment in any way? In the first pace, the bad land, the land which is just going out of cultivation, the land which we want to keep in cultivation, gets practically no assistance The worse the land the less the assistance that it will get from this Bill. As we have seen, the effect of this Measure will be to increase the price of land all round. You are giving £60,000,000 to the landed interests, to the owners of land. Therefore, they will be less ready to part with their land to people who want to use it than ever they were before. Employment depends, particularly in agriculture, primarily upon the access of labour to the land. If you make it more difficult for labour to get access to the land by putting up the price of the land, you are thereby increasing unemployment; you are making it more difficult by ensuring that higher rents will be charged for the use of the land. Let me give one illustration. When the holders of County Council small holdings ask the Minister of Agriculture, as they have done already in many cases and will do in more cases, to reduce the rents of their holdings, what will the Minister reply? Will he reply: "We have, amongst other things, already reduced your rent, and we think that in that step we have met you." Will he use this Measure as an excuse for keeping up the rent of agricultural small holdings?
The hon. Member says the smallholder will benefit. He will benefit much less than the big farmer, because, in proportion to the whole value of the holding, the land bears a smaller part in the case of a small holding than in the case of a big farm, and on the house the smallholder will pay the full amount. How much better off the smallholder would be, if instead of this Measure, you had adopted the Labour party's method of dealing with the rating question and taken the rates off improvements altogether —freeing the farmer at the same time. Let us see whether you cannot, by a sensible system of alteration in your rating system, really encourage production—both by freeing improvements from taxation and, at the same time, reducing the price of land and the rent which the landowner is able to extract from the man who uses the land. What we want to do is exactly the reverse of the policy proposed in the Bill. We want cheap land above all things, so that there may be no obstacle between the man who wants work and the raw material with which alone he can start work. You, by this Measure are increasing the price of land and making that man's job more difficult. We want to make it easier. That is why we shall oppose this Measure, not only on Second Reading, but throughout all its stages, in order really to help the agricultural labourer and allotment holder by enabling him' to get from the Peers and from hon. Members opposite land at a cheap price to produce food.
The hon. and gallant Gentleman who has just sat down has been so thoroughly enjoying himself that certainly I should not complain of the fact that he has left me a rather limited time in which 'to reply to the Debate. Perhaps various hon. Members who have raised points of detail will forgive me if I deal rather with the broader questions raised than with the smaller points. There is, however, one point to which my right hon. Friend who introduced the Bill promised to give an answer. It is simply a point of fact raised by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Spen Valley (Sir J. Simon) who asked about the sum that would be required to pay the proportion laid down under the 1896 Act. To increase the grant under that Act to an amount equal to one half of the amount that the occupiers of agricultural land would have to pay, but for the provisions of that Act, would cost the Exchequer, for England and Wales only, a sum of approximately 3¾ millions annually and only 23 per cent. Of this increase would go to the occupiers of agricultural land. We wish the money that is paid under this Act to help the occupier of agricultural land, and that is why we have dealt with it upon a different basis. The gravamen of the criticisms of the Bill is the time honoured, I might almost say, stale charge that all relief in rates falls to the landlord. Theoretically, that is a plausible theory, and we have had old quotations from all sorts of authorities, from the late Lord Chaplin to Mr. Harold Cox. I leave these authorities to the hon. Gentlemen opposite. I base myself on the facts.
It is the fact that these prophecies were made with equal force, and perhaps with even greater eloquence, in 1896. We were told that all the relief that was given to the agricultural holders at that time would go into the pockets of the landlords. What happened? Rents did not rise a halfpenny. On the whole, in the next few years after the passing of that Act, they declined, but what did rise? What rose were the wages of agricultural labourers, and it is the fact that in just over 12 months after the passing of that Act agricultural wages were 1s. a week, on the average, higher throughout the length and breadth of the country than before. [ Laughter. ] Hon. Members may laugh, but that Is. a week absorbed more than the whole of the grant that was made under the Agricultural Rates Act. The fact is that these time-honoured stories that have been trotted out to-day may be very good in the House of Commons, but no one believes them in the agricultural districts. They do not believe that the landlord gets all the benefit from such proposals as these. Does the hon. and gallant Gentleman opposite think that there are 12,000 landlords in the Berwick Division? I have had the honour of sit- ting for more than 20 years on a county council, and nothing has struck me move —and I can obtain the evidence of my hon. Friend the Member for Wells (Mr. Bruford) over there, who is on the same county council and is, perhaps, rather a sinner in the point to which I refer— than the fact that, whenever any alteration of local government, however desirable, is proposed, you always get, supposing that it tends to increase the rates, the united force of the farmers on the county council against it. Do they do that out of consideration for the landlords? They are practical, business men, and they oppose anything that tends to increase the stress upon the rates, because they know that the payment of the rates is going to come out of their own pockets.
It is not the farmer alone. A document has already been quoted to-day, the Memorandum issued by the Central Landowners' Association, by the Farmers' Union, and by the representatives of the two agricultural labourers' unions. They both signed this document, which was entirely with the object of pleading that agricultural rates should be reduced. Did those two representatives of the agricultural labourers' unions sign it to benefit the landlords? What they advocated was a very much more extensive proposal than any we are putting forward to-day. Really, when I read that document, signed by these distinguished members of the Labour party, I am astonished at my own moderation. What they proposed that the taxes of the country should contribute was not this modest£2,750,000, or, with Scotland, a little over £3,000,000, but that the whole of the National Services of the country should be put upon the taxes instead of upon the rates, which would amount to something over £50,000,000 or £60,000,000. If you compare our proposal with that advocated by the members of the Labour party, nothing could be more moderate than the provision of this Bill. It is a matter of historical fact that when relief is given to the rates, the landlord does not get the benefit. I have shown that that is realised by the farmers, and it is realised by the labourers throughout the countryside. But if it were not so, the case for this Bill would still be very strong. I am against putting an unfair and unjust burden upon any man, even although he has committed the atrocious crime of being a landlord.
As I say, the present rating system, as it stands in this country, is on every ground indefensible. Agricultural rates are historically accidental. They are rationally unjust. If one takes the history of the matter, one finds that the Statute of Elizabeth (1601) authorised the overseers to raise a Poor Rate
That, I think, is sufficient to show that, historically, this incidence of local taxation upon land is accidental. And I say that rationally it is unjust. The point has been brought out several times in this Debate. My hon. Friend behind me who sits on the same council as the hon. Member opposite, instanced the doctor, the grocer, the butcher and the farmer. He showed in detail how, when the income of these different classes of persons might be much the same the rates which the farmer was paying were five or six times higher than those which fell on the other classes. It is the fact that if you have two men living side by side, both making £1,000 a year, the man in any other profession may have to pay £40 a year in rates, because he has to pay on his house alone, while the agriculturist would be spending on his rates something more like £250. He gets no advantage—as to the income that he is earning, his ability to pay, or whether you take the benefit he receives from the rates—he is getting no advantage whatever upon his neighbour who is following some other profession. Take his Poor Law, take education, take police, take roads. Whatever form local expenditure takes, the agriculturist gets no more benefit from it than that which is received by any other class of the population. If in any other industry—the cotton trade has been mentioned, the potteries have been mentioned—a grievance like this existed, there would have been such an agitation that it would have been remedied years ago.
We have been told that this Measure proposes to subsidise agriculture. It does nothing of the sort, but what is happening now is that agriculture is subsidising everybody else. When my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme (Colonel Wedgwood) goes up in his Rolls-Royce, at the beginning of August, to his grouse moor in Scotland, why should the Scottish agriculturist have to maintain the roads that he may gracefully roll over them? It may be said that there is a case why the burden borne by the agriculturist in regard to the rates should fall on other ratepayers, but there is no case why you should throw it upon the Exchequer of the country. It has been said, in the course of this Debate, that the urban population have a right to complain that this consideration is being given to those who cultivate the land and who are in the country. Those of us who come from the country, and who represent agricultural constituencies, have sat in this House and have seen pretty considerable subsidies given to urban interests. We do not forget the £10,000,000 given to the miners a couple of years ago —
On a point of Order. The right hon. Gentleman is putting on the record £10,000,000. It was £7,000,000, odd. [HON. MEMBERS: "That is not a point of Order."]
We do not forget, that on account of the great unemployment in the country, £45,000,000 over a period of years have been devoted to oversea settlement. However beneficial this may be to the country as a whole, it will certainly bring in no special benefit to agriculture. The most unequal case of all is unemployment insurance. In agriculture these is little or no unemployment. There is no insurance, and consequently there is no Government grant. Agriculture, it is true, pays a deplorably low wage, but it does employ its people. In other industries a much higher wage is paid, but a very large proportion are out of employment. Under the unemployment insurance scheme £36,000,000 have been contributed in the last 2½ years by the State. The whole of the benefit of that goes to the urban districts, and agriculture has to pay its share of it. That is in unemployment benefit alone. I should not like to venture to estimate how many millions have been spent on unemployment relief works entirely for the benefit of the urban population —[HON. MEMBERS: "No!"]— and a few thousands for the country. It may have gone to £40,000,000, £50,000,000 or £60,000,000 for the benefit of the urban districts. From this agriculture has got no benefit whatever. We are not opposed to these enormous grants. What we ask is that you might give us the small amount for which we are here asking. Hon. Members in the course of the Debate have said that they would propose other remedies for the benefit of agriculture. I am not asking for this Bill to remedy agriculture; but as a small measure of justice. If you are able to devote any money to agriculture, this is the very best way in which it can be spent, because we know from experience that relief of the rates is the one thing that is not in agriculture repealed. The opposition to the Agricultural Rates Act, 1896, was fierce and pertinacious. In spite of that, and in spite of the opposition of the whole Liberal party, it is the fact that in all the years that have passed since during which the Liberal party have held predominance here, that Act has never been repealed. Mention has been made of the possibility of agricultural subsidies and tariffs. Our experience of tariffs and subsidies shows that they pass away, but that relief of the rates does not pass away!
May I say—
rose in place, and claimed to move, "That the Question be now put."
Question put, "That the Question be now put."
The House divided: Ayes, 270; Noes, 150.
Division No. 174] AYES. [11.0 p.m. Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Ednam, Viscount Lorimer, H. D. Alexander, E. E. (Leyton, East) Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Lyle-Samuel. Alexander Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S. Ellis, R. G. McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Apsley, Lord England, Lieut.-Colonel A. Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Archer-Shee, Lieut,-Colonel Martin Erskine, James Malcolm Monteith Manville, Edward Ashley, Lt.-Col. Wilfrid W. Erskine, Lord (Weston-super-Mare) Margesson, H. D. R. Astor, J. J. (Kent, Dover) Erskine-Bolst, Captain C. Mason, Lieut.-Col. C. K. Baird, Rt. Hon. Sir John Lawrence Evans, Capt. H. Arthur (Leicester, E.) Mercer, Colonel H. Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Evans, Ernest (Cardigan) Milne, J. S. Wardlaw Balfour, George (Hampstead) Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Mitchell, W. F. (Saffron Walden) Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G. Falcon, Captain Michael Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham) Banks, Mitchell Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Molloy, Major L. G. S. Barlow, Rt. Hon. Sir Montague Fawkes, Major F. H. Molson, Major John Elsdale Barnett, Major Richard W. Fermor-Hesketh. Major T. Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Barnston, Major Harry Flanagan, W. H. Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Foreman, Sir Henry Morden, Col. W. Grant Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Forestier-Walker, L. Moreing, Captain Algernon H. Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Morrison-Bell, Major A, C. (Honiton) Bennett, A. J. (Mansfield) Fraser, Major Sir Keith Murchison, C. K. Bennett, Sir T. J. (Sevenoaks) Furness, G. J. Nall, Major Joseph Bentinck, Lord Henry Cavendish- Galbraith, J. F. W. Nesbitt, Robert C. Berry, Sir George Ganzoni, Sir John Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Betterton, Henry B. Gates, Percy Newton. Sir D. G. C. (Cambridge) Bird, Sir William B. M. (Chichester) George, Major G. L. (Pembroke) Nicholson, Brig.-Gen. J. (Westminster) Blades, Sir George Rowland Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon Sir John Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Blundell, F. N. Goff, Sir R. Park Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W. Gould, James C. Paget, T. G. Brass, Captain W. Greaves-Lord, Walter Parker, Owen (Kettering) Brassey, Sir Leonard Grenfell, Edward C. (City of London) Pattinson, S. (Horncastle) Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive Gretton, Colonel John Penny, Frederick George Briggs, Harold Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E. Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Brittain, Sir Harry. Gwynne, Rupert S. Perkins, Colonel E. K. Brown, Major D. C. (Hexham) Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Perring, William George Brown, Brig.-Gen. Clifton (Newbury) Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Peto, Basil E. Brown, J. W. (Middlesbrough, E.) Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W.(Llv'p'l,W.D'by) Plelou, D. p. Bruford, R Halstead, Major D Pilditch, Sir Phillp Bruton, Sir James Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Pollock, Rt. Hon. Sir Ernest Murray Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Harrison, F. C. Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Harvey, Major S. E. Preston, Sir W. R. Burn, Colonel Sir Charles Rosdew Hawke, John Anthony Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Burney, Com. (Middx., Uxbridge) Hay, Major T. W. (Norfolk, South) Prlvett, F. J. Butcher. Sir John George Henn, Sir Sydney H. Rae, Sir Henry N. Butler, H. M. (Leeds, North) Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Rankin, Captain James Stuart Butt, Sir Alfred Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Rawson, Lieut.-Com- A. C. Cadogan, Major Edward Herbert, S. (Scarborough) Rees, Sir Beddoe Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R. Hiley, Sir Ernest Reid, D. D. (County Down) Cassels, J. D. Hillary, A E. Remer. J. R. Cautley, Henry Strother Hinds, John Rentoul, G. S. Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City) Hoare. Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir S. J. G. Reynolds, W. G. W. Cecil, Rt. Hon. Sir Evelyn (Aston) Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (St. Marylebone) Rhodes, Lieut.-Col. J. P. Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord H. (Ox. Univ.) Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy Richardson, Sir Alex. (Gravesend) Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton Hood, Sir Joseph Richardson, Lt.-Col. Sir P. (Chertsey) Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood) Hopkins, John W. W. Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Chilcott, Sir Warden Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford) Churchman, Sir Arthur Howard, Capt. D. (Cumberland, N.) Roberts, Rt. Hon. Sir S. (Ecclesall) Clarry, Reginald George Howard-Bury, Lieut.-Col. C. K. Robertson-Despencer,Major(lsl'gt'nW) Clayton, G. C. Hudson, Capt. A. Robinson, Sir T. (Lanes., Stretford) Cobb. Sir Cyril Hughes, Collingwood Rogerson, Capt. J. E. Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Hume, G. H. Rothschild, Lionel de Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Hume-Williams, Sir W. Ellis Roundell, Colonel R. F. Collison, Levi Hunter-Weston, Lt.-Gen. Sir Aylmer Ruggles-Brise, Major E. Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Hurst, Lt.-Col. Gerald Berkeley Russell, Alexander West- (Tynemouth) Conway, Sir W. Martin Hutchison, G. A. C. (Midlothian, N.) Russell, William (Bolton) Cope, Major William Hutchison, W. (Kelvingrove) Russell-Wells, Sir Sydney Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South) Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H. Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Courthope, Lieut.-Col. George L. Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S. Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney) Craig, Captain C. C. (Antrim, South) Jarrett, G. W. S. Sanders, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert A. Croft, Lieut.-Colonel Henry Page Jephcott, A. R. Sanderson, Sir Frank B. Crooke, J. Smedley (Deritend) Jodrell, Sir Neville Paul Sandon, Lord Curzon, Captain Viscount Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington) Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Dalziel, Sir D. (Lambeth, Brixton) Kelley, Major Fred (Rotherham) Shepperson, E. W. Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead) Kennedy, Captain M. S. Nigel Shipwright, Captain D. Davidson, Major-General Sir J H King, Captain Henry Douglas Singleton, J. E. Skelton, A. N. Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Lambert, Rt. Hon. George Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South Dawson, Sir Philip Lane-Fox, Lieut-Colonel G. R. Somerville, A. A. (Windsor) Dixon, C. H. (Rutland) Lloyd-Greame, Rt. Hon. Sir Philip Somerville, Daniel (Barrow-in-Furn'ss) Doyle, N. Grattan Lorden, John William Spender-Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H. Steel, Major S. Strang Tubbs, S. W. Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George Stewart, Gershom (Wirral) Turton, Edmund Russborough Winfrey, Sir Richard Stott, Lt.-Col. W. H Wallace, Captain E. Wise, Frederick Stuart, Lord C. Crichton- Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull) Wolmer, Viscount Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Waring, Major Walter Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Sugden, Sir Wilfrid H. Warner, Sir T. Courtenay T. Woodcock, Colonel H. C. Sykes, Major-Gen. Sir Frederick H Watts, Dr. T. (Man., Withington) Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley) Wells, S. R. Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward Thompson, Luke (Sunderland) Weston, Colonel John Wakefield Yerburgh, R. D. T. Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Wheler, Col. Granville C. H. Thorpe, Captain John Henry White, Lt.-Col. G. D. (Southport) TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Titchfield, Marquess of Wilson, Col. M. J. (Richmond) Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs.
NOES. Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock) Harney, E. A. Pringle, W. M. R. Adkins, Sir William Ryland Dent Harris, Percy A. Richards, R. Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro') Hastings, Patrick Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Attlee, C. R. Hay, Captain J. P. (Cathcart) Riley, Ben Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Hayes, John Henry (Edge Hill) Ritson, J. Barnes, A Hemmerde, E. G. Roberts, C. H. (Derby) Barrie, Sir Charles Coupar (Banff). Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (N'castle, E.) Saklatvala, S. Batey, Joseph Henderson, Sir T. (Roxburgh) Salter, Dr. A. Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Henderson, T. (Glasgow) Scrymgeour, E. Berkeley, Captain Reginald Hirst, G. H. Sexton, James Bonwick, A. Hodge, Rt. Hon. John Shinwell, Emanuel Bowdler, W. A. Hodge, Lieut.-Col. J. P. (Preston) Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) Broad, F. A. Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath) Simon, Rt. Hon. Sir John Brotherton, J. John, William (Rhondda, West) Sinclair, Sir A. Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown) Smith, T. (Pontefract) Buchanan, G. Jones, R. T. (Carnarvon) Snell, Harry Buckle, J. Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd) Snowden, Philip Burgess, S. Jowett, F. W. (Bradford, East) Spencer, H. H. (Bradford, S) Buxton, Charles (Accrington) Jowitt, W. A. (The Hartlepools) Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K. Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, North) Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Stephen, Campbell Chapple, W. A. Kenyon, Barnet Stewart, J. (St. Rollox) Charleton, H. C. Kirkwood, D. Sturrock, J. Leng Clarke, Sir E. C. Lansbury, George Sullivan, J. Collie, Sir John Lawson, John James Thomas, Sir Robert John (Anglesey) Collins, Pat (Walsall) Leach, W. Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Cotts, Sir William Dingwall Mitchell Lee, F. Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.) Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale) Lees-Smith, H. B. (Keighley) Thornton, M. Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton) Linfield, F. C. Trevelyan, C. P. Dudgeon, Major C. R. Lowth, T. Turner, Ben Duncan, C. Lunn, William Wallhead, Richard C. Dunnico, H. McCurdy, Rt. Hon. Charles A. Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince) Ede, James Chuter MacDonald, J. R. (Aberavon) Warne, G. H. Edmonds, G. M'Entee, V. L. Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline) Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) McLaren, Andrew Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda) Entwistle, Major C. F. Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan) Webb, Sidney Fairbairn, R. R. Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Wedgwood, Colonel Josiah C. Falconer, J. March, S. Westwood, J. Foot, Isaac Marshall, Sir Arthur H. Wheatley, J. Gilbert, James Daniel Middleton, G. White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Gosling, Harry Millar, J. D. Whiteley, W. Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton) Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred Moritz Williams, David (Swansea, E.) Gray, Frank (Oxford) Morel, E. D. Williams, T. (York, Don Valley) Greenall, T. Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.) Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe) Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne) Muir, John W. Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow) Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan) Murray, John (Leeds, West) Wintringham, Margaret Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Murray, R. (Renfrew, Western) Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Groves, T. Oliver, George Harold Wright, W. Grundy, T. W. Paling, W. Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil) Phillipps, Vivian Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland) Potts, John S. TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Hardie, George D. Price, E. G. Mr. Ammon and Mr. Morgan Jones.
Question put accordingly, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Question."
The House divided: Ayes, 286; Noes, 127.
Division No. 175.] AYES. [11.10 p.m. Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Baird, Rt. Hon. Sir John Lawrence Barnston, Major Harry Alexander, E. E. (Leyton, East) Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Barrie, Sir Charles Coupar (Banff) Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S. Balfour, George (Hampstead) Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Apsley, Lord Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G. Bellalrs, Commander Carlyon W, Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin Banks, Mitchell Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Ashley, Lt.-Col. Wilfrid W. Barlow, Rt. Hon. Sir Montague Bennett, A. J. (Mansfield) Astor, J. J. (Kent, Dover) Barnett, Major Richard W. Bennett, Sir T. J. (Sevenoaks) Bentinck, Lord Henry Cavendish- Furness, G. J. Nicholson, Brig.-Gen. J. (Westminster) Berry, Sir George Galbraith, J. F. W. Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Betterton, Henry B. Ganzoni, Sir John Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Bird, Sir William B. M. (Chichester) Gates, Percy Paget, T. G. Blades, Sir George Rowland George, Major G. L. (Pembroke) Parker, Owen (Kettering) Blundell, F. N. Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John Pattinson, S. (Horncastle) Bonwlck, A. Goff, Sir R. Park Penny, Frederick George Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W. Gould, James C. Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Brass, Captain W. Greaves-Lord, Walter Perkins, Colonel E. K. Brassey, Sir Leonard Grenfell, Edward C. (City of London) Perring, William George Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive Gretton, Colonel John Peto, Basil E. Briggs, Harold Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E. Pielou, D. P. Brittain, Sir Harry Gwynne, Rupert S. Pilditch, Sir Philip Brown, Major D. C. (Hexham) Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Pollock, Rt. Hon. Sir Ernest Murray. Brown, Brig.-Gen. Clifton (Newbury) Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Brown, J. W. (Middlesbrough, E.) Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W.(Liv'p'l,W.D'by) Preston, Sir W. R. Bruford, R. Halstead, Major D. Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Bruton, Sir James Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Price, E. G. Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Harrison, F. C. Privett, F. J. Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Harvey, Major S. E. Rae, Sir Henry N. Burn, Colonel Sir Charles Rosdew Hawke, John Anthony Rankin, Captain James Stuart Burney, Com. (Middx., Uxbridge) Hay, Major T. W. (Norfolk, South) Rawson, Lieut.-Com. A. C. Butcher, Sir John George Henderson, Sir T. (Roxburgh) Rees, Sir Beddoe Butler, H. M. (Leeds, North) Henn, Sir Sydney H. Reid, D. D. (County Down) Butler, J. R. M. (Cambridge Univ.) Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Remer, J. R. Butt, Sir Alfred Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Rentoul, G. S. Cadogan, Major Edward Herbert, S. (Scarborough) Reynolds, W. G. W. Camplon, Lieut.-Colonel W. R. Hiley, Sir Ernest Rhodes, Lieut.-Col. J. P. Cassels, J. D. Hillary, A. E. Richardson, Sir Alex. (Gravesend) Cautley, Henry Strother Hinds, John Richardson, Lt.-Col. Sir P. (Chertsey) Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City) Hoare, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir S. J. G. Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Cecil, Rt. Hon. Sir Evelyn (Aston) Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D.(St. Marylebone) Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford) Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord H. (Ox. Univ.) Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy Roberts, Rt. Hon. Sir S. (Ecclesall) Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton Hood, Sir Joseph Robertson-Despencer, Major (I sI'gt'n W) Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood) Hopkins, John W. W. Robinson, Sir T. (Lancs, Stretford) Chappie, W. A. Howard, Capt. D. (Cumberland, N.) Rogerson, Capt. J. E. Clarke, Sir E. C. Howard-Bury, Lieut.-Col. C. K. Rothschild, Lionel de Chilcott, Sir Warden Hudson, Capt. A. Roundell, Colonel R F. Churchman, Sir Arthur Hughes, Collingwood Ruggles-Brise, Major E. Clarry, Reginald George Hume, G. H. Russell, Alexander West- (Tynemouth) Clayton, G. C. Hume-Williams, Sir W. Ellis Russell, William (Bolton) Cobb, Sir Cvril Hunter-Weston, Lt.-Gen. Sir Aylmer Russell-Wells, Sir Sydney Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Hurst, Lt.-Col. Gerald Berkeley Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Hutchison, G. A. C. (Midlothian, N.) Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney) Collison, Levi Hutchison, W. (Kelvingrove) Sanders, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert A. Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H. Sanderson, Sir Frank B. Conway, Sir W. Martin Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S. Sandon, Lord Cope, Major William Jarrett, G. W. S. Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South) Jephcott, A. R Shepperson, E. W. Cotts, Sir William Dingwall Mitchell Jodrell, Sir Neville Paul Shipwright, Captain D. Courthope, Lieut.-Col. George L. Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington) Simpson-Hinchcliffe, W. A. Craig, Captain C. C. (Antrim, South) Kelley, Major Fred (Rotherham) Sinclair, Sir A. Croft, Lieut.-Colonel Henry Page Kennedy, Captain M. S. Nigel Singleton, J. E. Crooke, J. Smedley (Deritend) Kenyon, Barnet Skelton, A. N. Curzon, Captain Viscount King, Captain Henry Douglas Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South) Dalziel, Sir D. (Lambeth, Brixton) Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement Somerville, A. A. (Windsor) Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead) Lamb, J. Q. Somerville, Daniel (Barrow-in-Furn'ss) Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. Lambert, Rt. Hon. George Spender-Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H. Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln) Lane-Fox, Lieut.-Colonel G. R. Steel, Major S. Strang Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Linfield, F. C. Stewart, Gershom (Wirral) Dawson, Sir Philip Lloyd-Greame, Rt. Hon. Sir Philip Stott, Lt.-Col. W. H. Dixon, C. H. (Rutland) Lorden, John William Stuart, Lord C. Crichton- Doyle, N. Grattan Lorimer, H. D. Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Dudgeon, Major C. R. Lyle-Samuel, Alexander Sugden, Sir Wilfrid H. Edmondson, Major A. J. McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Sykes, Major-Gen. Sir Frederick H. Ednam, Viscount Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley) Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Manville, Edward Thomas, Sir Robert John (Anglesey) Ellis, R. G. Margesson, H. D. R. Thompson, Luke (Sunderland) England, Lieut.-Colonel A. Mason, Lieut.-Col. C. K. Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Erskine, James Malcolm Monteith Mercer, Colonel H. Thornton, M. Erskine, Lord (Weston-super-Mare) Milne, J. S. Wardlaw Thorpe, Captain John Henry Erskine-Bolst, Captain C. Mitchell, W. F. (Saffron Walden) Titchfield, Marquess of Evans, Capt. H. Arthur (Leicester,E.) Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham) Tubbs, S. W. Evans, Ernest (Cardigan) Molloy, Major L. G. S. Turton, Edmund Russborough Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Molson, Major John Elsdale Wallace, Captain E. Falcon, Captain Michael Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull) Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Waring, Major Walter Fawkes, Major F. H. Morden, Col. W. Grant Warner, Sir T. Courtenay T. Fermor-Hesketh, Major T. Moreing, Captain Algernon H. Watts, Dr. T. (Man., Withington) Flanagan, W. H. Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. (Honiton) Wells, S. R. Foot, Isaac Murchison, C. K. Weston, Colonel John Wakefield Foreman, Sir Henry Nail, Major Joseph Wheler, Col. Granville C. H. Forestler-Walker, L. Nesbitt, Robert C. White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) White, Lt.-Col. G. D. (Southport) Fraser, Major Sir Keith Newton Sir D. G. C. (Cambridge) Wilson, Col. M. J. (Richmond) Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George Wolmer, Viscount Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward Winfrey, Sir Richard Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Yerburgh, R. D. T. Wintringham, Margaret Woodcock, Colonel H. C. Wise, Frederick Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs.
NOES. Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock) Hastings, Patrick Richards, R. Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro') Hay, Captain J. P. (Cathcart) Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring Attlee, C. R. Hayes, John Henry (Edge Hill) Riley, Ben Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Hemmerde, E. G. Ritson, J. Barnes, A. Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (N'castle, E.) Roberts, C. H. (Derby) Batey, Joseph Henderson, T. (Glasgow) Saklatvala, S. Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Hirst, G. H. Salter, Dr. A. Berkeley, Captain Reginald Hodge, Rt. Hon. John Scrymgeour, E. Bowdler, W. A. Hodge, Lieut.-Col. J. P. (Preston) Sexton, James Broad, F. A. Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath) Shinwell, Emanuel Brotherton, J. John, William (Rhondda, West) Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) Buchanan, G. Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown) Simon, Rt. Hon. Sir John Buckle, J. Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd) Snell, Harry Burgess, S. Jowett, F. W. (Bradford, East) Snowden, Philip Buxton, Charles (Accrington) Jowitt, W. A. (The Hartlepools) Spencer, H. H. (Bradford, S) Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, North) Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K. Charleton, H. C. Kirkwood, D. Stephen, Campbell Collie, Sir John. Lansbury, George Stewart, J. (St. Rollox) Collins, Pat (Walsall) Lawson, John James Sturrock, J. Leng Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale) Leach, W. Sullivan, J. Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton) Lee, F. Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Duncan, C. Lees-Smith, H. B. (Keighley) Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.) Dunnico, H. Lowth, T. Trevelyan, C. P. Ede, James Chuter Lunn, William Turner, Ben Edge, Captain Sir William McCurdy, Rt. Hon. Charles A. Wallhead, Richard C. Edmonds, G. MacDonald, J. R. (Aberavon) Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince) Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) M'Entee, V. L. Warne, G. H. Entwistle, Major C. F. McLaren, Andrew Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline) Fairbairn, R. R. Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan) Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda) Falconer, J. March, S. Webb, Sidney Gilbert, James Daniel Marshall, Sir Arthur H. Wedgwood, Colonel Josiah C. Gosling, Harry Middleton, G. Wheatley, J. Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton) Millar, J. D. Whiteley, W. Gray, Frank (Oxford) Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred Moritz Williams, David (Swansea, E.) Greenall, T. Morel, E. D. Williams, T. (York, Don Valley) Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne) Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.) Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe) Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Muir, John W. Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow) Groves, T. Murray, John (Leeds, West) Wright, W. Grundy, T. W. Murray, R. (Renfrew, Western) Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil) Oliver, George Harold Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland) Paling, W. TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Hardle, George D. Phillipps, Vivian Mr. Ammon and Mr. Morgan Jones. Harney, E. A. Potts, John S. Harris, Percy A. Pringle, W. M. R.
Bill read a Second time.
Motion made, and Question put, "That the Bill be committed to a Committee of the Whole House."—[ Mr. Macpherson .]
The House divided: Ayes, 140; Noes, 267.
Division No. 176.] AYES. [11.20 p.m. Adamson,'W. M. (Staff., Cannock) Cotts, Sir William Dingwall Mitchell Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro') Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale) Groves, T. Ammon, Charles George Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton) Grundy, T. W. Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Dudgeon, Major C. R. Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil) Barnes, A. Duncan, C. Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland) Barrie, Sir Charles Coupar (Banff) Dunnico, H. Hardle, George D. Batey, Joseph Ede, James Chuter Harney, E. A. Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Edmonds, G. Harris, Percy A. Berkeley, Captain Reginald Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Hastings, Patrick Bowdler, W. A. England, Lieut.-Colonel A. Hay, Captain J. P. (Cathcart) Broad, F. A. Entwistle, Major C. F. Hayes, John Henry (Edge Hill) Brotherton, J. Fairbairn, R. R. Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (N'castle, E.) Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Falconer, J. Henderson, Sir T. (Roxburgh) Buchanan, G. Foot, Isaac Herriotts, J. Buckle, J. Gilbert, James Daniel Hillary, A. E. Burgess, S. Gosling, Harry Hirst, G. H. Buxton, Charles (Accrington) Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton) Hodge, Rt. Hon. John Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, North) Gray, Frank (Oxford) Hodge, Lieut.-Col. J. P. (Preston) Charleton, H. C. Greenall, T. Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath) Collie, Sir John Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne) John, William (Rhondda, West) Collins, Pat (Walsall) Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan) Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown) Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly) Oliver, George Harold Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Jones, R. T. (Carnarvon) Paling, W. Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E) Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd) Philllpps, Vivian Trevelyan, C. P. Jowett, F. W. (Bradford, East) Potts, John S. Turner, Ben Jowitt, W. A. (The Hartlepools) Price, E. G. Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince) Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M Pringle, W. M. R. Warne, G. H. Kirkwood, D. Rees, Sir Beddoe Watson, W. M. (Dunfermilne) Lansbury, George Richards, R. Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda) Lawson, John James Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Webb, Sidney Leach, W. Riley, Ben Wedgwood, Colonel Josiah C. Lee, F. Ritson, J. Westwood, J. Linfield, F. C. Roberts, C. H. (Derby) Wheatley, J. Lowth, T. Saklatvala, S. White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Lunn, William Salter, Dr. A. Whiteley, W. McCurdy, Rt. Hon. Charles A. Scrymgeour, E. Williams, David (Swansea, E) M'Entee. V. L. Sexton, James Williams, T. (York, Don Valley) McLaren, Andrew Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe) Maclean, Nell (Glasgow, Govan) Simon, Rt. Hon. Sir John Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow) Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Sinclair, Sir A. Winfrey, Sir Richard March, S. Smith, T. (Pontefract) Wintringham, Margaret Middleton, G. Snell, Harry Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Millar, J. D. Spencer, H. H. (Bradford, S.) Wright, W. Mond, Rt Hon. Sir Alfred Morltz Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K. Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Morel, E. D. Stephen, Campbell Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.) Stewart, J. (St. Rollox) TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Murray, John (Leeds, West) Sturrock, J. Leng Mr. Phillips and Sir A. Marshall. Murray, R. (Renfrew, Western) Sullivan, J.
NOES. Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Chapple, W. A. Greaves-Lord, Walter Alnsworth, Captain Charles Clarke, Sir E. C. Grenfell, Edward C. (City of London) Alexander, E. E. (Leyton, East) Chilcott, Sir Warden Gretton, Colonel John Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S. Churchman, Sir Arthur Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E. Apsley, Lord Clarry, Reginald George Gwynne, Rupert S. Archer-Shee. Lieut. Colonel Martin Clayton, G. C. Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Ashley, Lt.-Col. Wilfrid W. Cobb, Sir Cyril Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Astor, J. J. (Kent, Dover) Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W. (LIv'p'I.W.D'by) Balrd, Rt. Hon. Sir John Lawrence Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Halstead, Major D. Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Collison, Levi Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Balfour, George (Hampstead) Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Harrison, F. C. Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G. Conway, Sir W. Martin Harvey, Major S. E. Banks, Mitchell Cope, Major William Hawke, John Anthony Barlow, Rt. Hon. Sir Montague Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South) Hay, Major T. W. (Norfolk, South) Barnett, Major Richard W. Courthope, Lieut.-Col. George L. Henn, Sir Sydney H. Barnston, Major Harry Craig, Captain C. C. (Antrim, South) Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Croft, Lieut.-Colonel Henry Page Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Crooke, J. Smedley (Deritend) Herbert, S. (Scarborough) Bennett, A. J. (Mansfield) Curzon, Captain Viscount Hiley, Sir Ernest Bennett, Sir T. J. (Sevenoaks) Dalziel, Sir D. (Lambeth, Brixton) Hinds, John Bentinck, Lord Henry Cavendish- Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead) Hoare, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir S. J. G. Berry, Sir George Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D.(St. Marylebone) Betterton, Henry B. Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln) Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy Bird, Sir William B. M. (Chichester) Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Hood, Sir Joseph Blades, Sir George Rowland Dawson, Sir Philip Hopkins, John W. W. Blundell, F. N. Dixon, C. H. (Rutland) Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Bonwick, A. Doyle, N. Grattan Howard, Capt. D. (Cumberland, N.) Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W. Edmondson, Major A. J. Howard-Bury, Lieut.-Col. C. K. Brass, Captain W. Ednam, Viscount Hudson, Capt. A. Brassey, Sir Leonard Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Hughes, Collingwood Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive Ellis, R. G. Hume, G. H. Briggs, Harold Erskine, James Malcolm Monteith Hume-Williams, Sir W. Ellis Brittain, Sir Harry Erskine, Lord (Weston-super-Mare) Hunter-Weston, Lt.-Gen. Sir Aylmer Brown, Major D. C. (Hexham) Erskine-Bolst, Captain C. Hurst, Lt.-Col. Gerald Berkeley Brown, Brig.-Gen. Clifton (Newbury) Evans, Capt. H. Arthur (Leicester,E.) Hutchison, G. A. C. (Midlothian, N.) Brown, J. W. (Middlesbrough, E.) Evans, Ernest (Cardigan) Hutchison, W. (Kelvingrove) Bruford, R. Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H. Bruton, Sir James Falcon, Captain Michael Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S. Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Jarrett, G. W. S. Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Fawkes, Major F. H. Jephcott, A. R. Burn, Colonel Sir Charles Rosdew Fermor-Hesketh, Major T. Jodrell, Sir Neville Paul Burney, Com. (Middx., Uxbridge) Flanagan, W. H. Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington) Butcher, Sir John George Foreman, Sir Henry Kelley, Major Fred (Rotherham) Butler, H. M. (Leeds, North) Forestier-Walker, L. Kennedy, Captain M. S. Nigel Butt, Sir Alfred Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Kenyon, Barnet Cadogan, Major Edward Fraser, Major Sir Keith King, Captain Henry Douglas Camplon, Lieut.-Colonel W. R. Furness, G. J. Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement Cassels, J. D. Galbraith, J. F. W, Lamb, J. Q. Cautley, Henry Strother Ganzonl, Sir John Lambert, Rt. Hon. George Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City) Gates, Percy Lane-Fox, Lieut.-Colonel G. R. Cecil, Rt. Hon. Sir Evelyn (Aston) George, Major G. L. (Pembroke) Lloyd-Greame, Rt. Hon. Sir Philip Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord H. (Ox. Univ.) Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John Lorden, John William Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton Goff, Sir R. Park Lorimer, H. D. Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood) Gould, James C. Lyle-Samuel, Alexander McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Spender-Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H. Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Privett, F. J. Steel, Major S. Strang Manville, Edward Rae, Sir Henry N. Stewart, Gershom (Wirral) Margesson, H. D. R. Rankin, Captain James Stuart Stott, LL.-Col. W. H. Mason, Lieut.-Col. C. K. Rawson, Lieut.-Com. A. C. Stuart, Lord C. Crichton- Mercer, Colonel H. Reid, D. D. (County Down) Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Milne, J. S. Wardlaw Rentoul, G. S. Sugden, Sir Wilfrid H. Mitchell, W. F. (Saffron Walden) Reynolds, W. G. W. Sykes, Major-Gen. Sir Frederick H. Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham) Rhodes, Lieut.-Col. J. P. Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley) Molloy, Major L. G. S. Richardson, Sir Alex. (Gravesend) Thompson, Luke (Sunderland) Molson, Major John Elsdale Richardson, Lt.-Col. Sir P. (Chertsey) Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Moore, Major General Sir Newton J. Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Thorpe, Captain John Henry Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford) Titchfield, Marquess of Morden, Col. W. Grant Roberts, Rt. Hon. Sir S. (Ecclesall) Tubbs, S. W. Moreing, Captain Algernon H. Robertson-Despencer,Major(lsl'gt'nW) Turton, Edmund Russborough Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. (Honiton) Rogerson, Capt. J. E. Wallace, Captain E. Murchison, C. K. Rothschild, Lionel de Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull) Nall, Major Joseph Roundell, Colonel R. F. Waring, Major Walter Nesbitt, Robert C. Ruggles-Brise, Major E. Warner, Sir T. Courtenay T. Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Russell, Alexander West- (Tynemouth) Watts, Dr. T. (Man., Withington), Nicholson, Brig.-Gen. J. (Westminster) Russell, William (Bolton) Wells, S. R. Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Russell-Wells, Sir Sydney Weston, Colonel John Wakefield Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Wheler, Col. Granville C. H. Paget, T. G. Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney) White, Lt.-Col. G. D. (Southport) Parker, Owen (Kettering) Sanders, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert A. Wilson, Col. M. J. (Richmond) Pattinson, S. (Horncastle) Sanderson, Sir Frank B. Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George Penny, Frederick George Sandon, Lord Wise, Frederick Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Wolmer, Viscount Perkins, Colonel E. K. Shepperson, E. W. Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Perring, William George Shipwright, Captain D. Woodcock, Colonel H. C. Peto, Basil E. Simpson-Hinchcliffe, W. A. Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L Pielou, D. P. Singleton, J. E. Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward Pilditch, Sir Philip Skelton, A. N. Yerburgh, R. D. T. Pollock, Rt. Hon. Sir Ernest Murray Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South) Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Somerville, A. A. (Windsor) TELLERS FOR THE NOES — Preston, Sir W. R. Somerville, Daniel (Barrow-in-Furn'ss) Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs.
Bill committed to a Standing Committee.
Agricultural Credits[Money]
Order read for resuming Adjourned Debate on Question [
"That this House doth agree with the Committee in the Resolution, 'That, for the purpose of any Act of the present Session to facilitate the advance of money and the grant of credit for certain agricultural purposes and to amend The Improvement of Land Act, 1864, and for purposes connected therewith, it is expedient to authorise the payment out of moneys provided by Parliament to any special accounts which may be established by that Act of advances and expenses made and incurred by the Minister of Agriculture and Fisheries and the Board of Agriculture for Scotland in pursuance of such Act '."
Question again proposed.
I wish to raise my solitary voice against taking a Financial Resolution at this hour of the night. I am very sorry to see the Government in these early days, and in what I hope is its short life, relapsing into the evil practices of its predecessors. We cannot have a proper control over finance if the House permits these Financial Resolutions to be taken at a late hour after a spirited, heated and interesting Debate. This is the Agricultural Credits Resolution. It is another of the pettifogging measures by which the Government is attempting to solve a very great question. We have had one such measure this afternoon—a measure which will not do anything really to help agriculture, which will not prevent one farmer from going into bankruptcy, or provide employment for a single additional agricultural labourer. As to the Measure to which the Financial Resolution relates, I do not believe it will do anything to help agriculture. I could make a considerable discourse on the evil effects of the present system of banking, which has withdrawn the benefits of the small local family banks from the agricultural community. That is one of the reasons why agricultural credits are necessary. I could also draw attention to the lack of self-help in this respect amongst the farmers themselves. I am surprised that they have had to come to the Government to get this sort of subsidy. One of the means of salvation of British agriculture in the future will be co-operation, such as has been adopted in Denmark and other Continental countries. The British farmer should not have to come to the Government to be spoon-fed in this way. These small Bills for giving credits to agriculture will not help farmers until they adopt business-like methods. My agricultural friends tell me that in many counties of England at present the only farms that are paying are either the multiple farms—
This is not the occasion for a lost Second Reading speech. The discussion must be confined to the Money Resolution, and the Money Resolution is not the Bill itself.
I was attempting to examine the necessity for voting the money, and to point out what would be the effect if a different and better policy had been adopted, but I will not pursue that point. May we have some estimate as to how much money we are voting? It is a matter of some slight importance, and we are entitled to know how much the amount will be in a normal year and what is the total involved. Is there any burden coming on to the exchequer for this year and what is the amount next year? I think these are reasonable questions to ask and I shall be obliged to the right hon. Gentleman the Minister of Agriculture for the information.
The hon. and gallant Member has put very reasonable questions and I am surprised that the Minister did not immediately rise to reply. I was all the more surprised on account of the very eloquent speech with which the right hon. Gentleman concluded the Debate on the Second Reading of the Agricultural Rates Bill. I thought, even at this late hour, he would have been anxious to repeat that oratorical triumph, but I have been disappointed. When we are asked to agree to a Financial Resolution of this kind it is right that the Ministry should state clearly the extent of the liability to which Parliament is being committed. This is not the first time that an effort has been made to obtain such information. I remember in pre-War days that it was usually the function of right hon. Baronet the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury) to raise this question, and I think on a number of occasions the right hon. and learned Gentleman the Member for Warwick and Leamington (Sir E. Pollock) joined him. On those occasions, even though I was a supporter of the Government of the day, I at times also joined with them, believing that they were making a perfectly reasonable request. I expect that good turn will be repaid to-night, and that in consideration of that recollection of fellowship in the past my right hon. Friend will again intervene should the Minister of Agriculture prove obdurate. With regard to my own position in this matter, it was on my intervention that this Resolution was not taken on Friday. I thought that a further explanation was required but I did not take that course because I desired to oppose it. I think this is an attempt on the part of the present Government to do something to minimise the effects of the betrayal which was effected by the last Government. That is another ground which I have for claiming the support of the ex-Attorney-General. There is no doubt there is need for credit on the part of many farmers, on account of the promises made by the last Government. [HON. MEMBERS: "Which Government?"] I am talking of the Coalition Government.
We all know that on the strength of the statutory pledge of guaranteeing prices for a period of four years, many farmers bought their land, and they bought it on a basis of practical compulsion. Now these men are in difficulties, and I do not blame the banks in the matter, because, under such conditions, an ordinary bank is not likely to lend money on a security which is falling in value. It is, therefore, necessary that some special measure of credit should be offered on the part of the Government for the purpose of coming to the rescue of unfortunate people who have bought their farms under such conditions. All that I am concerned with is as to whether the Government have clearly worked out what is the liability which they will have to face. Is there any estimate of that liability and of the probable loss to the State in consequence of granting these credits? We cannot shut our eyes to the fact that, if credits are granted under these exceptional conditions, under which the ordinary banks will not lend, there is obviously a greater risk of loss, and have the Ministry of Agriculture, in conjunction with the Treasury, made any estimate as to the eventual loss which will fall on the Treasury? I hope the right hon. Gentleman will be able to give some information on these points, and that there will be no unnecessary delay in agreeing to the Resolution.
I did not get up before, because I saw the hon. Member for Penistone (Mr. Pringle) crouching to spring. The question which has been asked is a perfectly reasonable one, though it is a very difficult one to answer. We are taking money for Clause 2 of the Bill only. Clause 1 is not affected, because the money for it is advanced by the Public Works Loans Commissioners. Clause 2 depends on the formation of agricultural credit societies, and the money will only be lent. It is not a question of money being actually spent. It will only be lent, and we do not anticipate that we are going to lose money over the transaction. How much money we shall want depends on the success of these credit societies. There will be an Estimate subsequently to ask for money which will be devoted to these advances, but how much that Estimate will be depends, as I say, on how successful the formation of these credit societies seems likely to be. It will be about £ 100,000 to start with, for the remainder of the financial year after these societies are formed. I should not like to pledge myself very much further than that, but money will be voted by Parliament, and then there will be a sum each year that Parliament will be asked to vote to be able to lend in this way, so that Parliament will have full control over any money that is to be devoted to this purpose. I have been asked how much I expect that the Treasury are going to lose over this Bill, but I sincerely hope that they are not going to lose anything at all.
With reference to the statement just made by the Minister of Agriculture, I should like to ask if it is not a fact that the Ministry will practically have to advance to the credit societies £1 for every 5s. paid up in respect of the capital taken up by the co-operative friendly societies. How, therefore, can there be any effective control by Parliament over the money to be voted during the financial year? This Financial Resolution refers not only to the particular part of the Credits Bill mentioned by the Minister, but also says "for purposes connected therewith." I take it, from the Debate we had on the Second Reading of the Bill, that that includes the cost of propaganda and education, with a view to stimulating the formation of cooperative credit societies, and I think it is due to the House, before we agree to the passage of this Financial Resolution through the House, that we ought to have some idea from the Minister as to the steps which are going to be taken by the Minister of Agriculture in spending the money on prapaganda and education. It was stated by the hon. and learned Member for the Exchange Division of Liverpool (Sir L. Scott), on the Second Reading of the Bill, that the Agricultural Organisation Society would offer to the Government the whole of its local organisation for the purposes or propaganda and education, and the preliminary steps to be taken in the formation of the societies. What I want particularly to know is, whether the Government are going to use the whole of the money in this Resolution for propaganda and education through that particular organisation, or whether they are going to use any of it by direct propaganda from the Ministry, or give the other side of the co-operative movement a subsidy, as has been given for the last 16 or 17 years to the Agricultural Organisation Society. I think we ought to know, before giving the Report stage of this Resolution, exactly what the Government have in their mind on that matter.
Representing one of the most important agricultural constituencies in Great Britain—we produce butter in Silvertown, although hon. Members may not be aware of it, but our principal harvest is empty condensed milk tins—I want to say there are other people besides the people who live in the country who are interested in agriculture, and we are being asked to subsidise agriculture, when we refuse to provide subsidies for any other industry. It is most extraordinary that you have got to give subsidies to one particular industry, while you are turning thousands upon thousands of men out of work in all other parts of the country from other industries which cannot expect to have any kind of subsidy. The Government are adamant upon the question. Some of our friends opposite are interested in the building trade, and are anxious for subsidies. I hope they like them, but, as far as we are concerned, at least some of us—I do not pretend to speak for everybody—[HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"]—I agree with hon. Members opposite; I hope I shall never speak for them—the object of this proposition is that certain agriculturists shall be provided with subsidies. We have heard about the burden of the rates, and that they have to pay 13s. in the £. We in West Ham are paying 23s. 6d. in the £. [An HON. MEMBER: "For Socialist administration."] No, it is not Socialist administration at all. We are paying that rate because of our poverty. We are a concentrated industrial district. There are 308,000 people living within a parish, practically, on what you would call an industrial-agricultural area. Forty years ago West Ham was an agricultural area; to-day it is a great industrial centre, and as a result of our growth, and the poverty created as a consequence of our growth, we are now face to face with a rate of 23s. 6d. in the £. Yet we have hon. Gentlemen opposite asking that they should be subsidised because they have a rate, of 13s. in the £.
I am afraid that the hon. Member for Silvertown has mistaken the matter with which we are now dealing. This discussion is on the Financial Resolution of the Agricultural Rates Bill.
I quite appreciate your ruling, Sir. This is the point. If the agriculturists can get credits to save them from the expense of administration, why cannot we get credits? What is the object of the agricultural credits? To subsidise the farmers and the landlords; that is all it means. Why cannot we be subsidised to meet our expenses? [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh!"] Yes, of course, it is all right for you, but it is all wrong for us. We cannot own land. [HON. MEMBERS: "Why not?"] There is no land for us to own; you have pinched it. Thousands of our people went out to fight for their country, and came home to discover that they had not got one. Forty thousand people from West Ham went out to fight for their country, and came home to discover that there was not one for them. All the land they have got is in a flower pot. They are lucky if they can keep it. If the landlords and tenant farmers are down and out, and cannot meet their financial responsibilities, the State has to come to their relief, while at the same time you are sending Scottish crofters to prison.
On a point of Order. Is that anything to do with the Financial Resolution before the House?
It has nothing to do with it. It has only got to do with common sense.
I wish that the hon. Member for Silvertown would address me, instead of speaking across the House; then I should be able to follow the logic of his remarks.
I am only striving to speak, Sir, as far as I know the land question. I know nothing about it, except that eventually I shall be in it. Six feet will be enough for me, I am paying for that 3d. a week.
This is really not relevant to the Resolution.
I will say no more about it. I want to say this, that when we have people who are well placed asking for subsidies from the Government, while, at the same time, they are denying the ordinary workman the ordinary opportunity of enjoying a decent life; while they are robbing the miner and the agricultural labourer of a decent standard of existence, they have no right to come to this House asking for subsidies for themselves.
I am not at all opposed to the agricultural credits proposal, I am only a little uneasy at something which fell from the Minister. Perhaps I misunderstood the right hon. Gentleman, but I understood him to say that all the information he could give the House about this Resolution was that the sum involved would not be less than £100,000. I am bound to say that for a body which is supposed to control finance that is rather a loose estimate. Cannot the right, hon. Gentleman say that it will not be more than some particular figure—not more than £200,000, or £250,000? I really think we are entitled to know that, and the more so because the right hon. Gentleman said that there would be an Estimate in the matter. If there is to be an Estimate, is not the House of Commons entitled to know the sum involved in that Estimate before it agrees to this Resolution?
Question, "That this House doth agree with the Committee in the said Resolution," put, and agreed to.
Gas Regulation Act, 1920
Motion made, and Question proposed,
"That the draft of a Special Order proposed to be made by the Board of Trade under Section 10 of the Gas Regulation Act, 1920, on the application of the Barnsley Gas Company, which was presented on the 24th April and published, be approved."—[ Viscount Wolmer. ]
Cannot we have a reply to the Question of the hon. and gallant Gentleman (Capt. Berkeley) which has just been put?
We have passed that Order.
Is it in Order, Mr. Speaker, to take this after eleven o'clock?
Yes.
On a point of Order. Is it fair to the House to bring in an Order of this importance at such a time of night that it cannot be given adequate discussion?
I understood that hon. Members were agreed upon it.
I have no intention of agreeing. There are several fundamental objections I should like to mention. It is most unfair. Is it in keeping with the dignity of the House?
I think I can relieve the anxiety of hon. Members—
I must rise to a point of Order—
By the rules of the House, this is business that can be taken after eleven o'clock. Therefore the Minister is entitled to move that the Order be approved.
12 M.
I am not only entitled to move, but I am anxious to move in such a fashion as to meet half way hon. Members who have views upon this question. The Gas Regulation Act, 1920, laid upon the Board of Trade the obligation of issuing special orders in regard to gas undertakings in the various localities. The Act lays down the procedure which the Board of Trade is bound to follow in regard to giving notice to the interested parties, and the holding of local enquiries, and it is of a somewhat elaborate nature. Since the Act of 1920 was passed 90 such Orders have been made by the Board of Trade under it, and up to this minute there has not been a single Order that as been opposed in this House. When the Order that I am now moving in regard to the town of Barnsley was taken it was conveyed to me that the Corporation of Barnsley desired to oppose this Order. When I came to study the situation that arose under the Gas Regulation Act I took very much the same view as that which was taken by the hon. Member for the Gorbals Division (Mr. Buchanan) and it seemed to me that the facilities afforded to discuss the question were not sufficient, although there were opportunities under the procedure of the House. Perhaps I may be permitted to say, Mr. Speaker, that we sought your advice, and the result has been that the hon. Member for Barnsley (Mr. Potts) has put down an Amendment on the Paper to refer this Order to a Select Committee. I am glad to say that I am willing to accept that Amendment. If the Corporation of Barnsley think that the Board of Trade has been mistaken, in spite of the very elaborate investigations which have been made, and if the hon. Member for Barnsley thinks we are mistaken, we are quite content that the Order should be referred to a Select Committee, who will go into the matter in a way which this House cannot do and afterwards report to the House.
I beg to move to leave out the word "approved," and to add instead thereof the words
"referred to a Select Committee of Four Members appointed by the Committee of Selection for their Report which shall state whether, in their opinion, the Order should be approved with or without modifications or additions, setting out the modifications or additions, if any, which they propose, or should not be approved, and shall be laid before the House together with a copy of the Order showing the modifications and additions, if any, proposed by the Committee. That the proceedings of the Committee to which the Order is referred shall be conducted in like manner as in the case of a Provisional Order Confirmation Bill under Standing Order 151, and opponents of the Order shall be heard provided that a Statement of Objection has been deposited with the Board of Trade on or before the seventh day after the date of this Motion, but an opponent shall only be heard upon objections which have been distinctly specified in the Statement.
Any Statement so deposited shall be laid upon the Table of the House by the Board of Trade and shall stand referred to the Committee.
If no Statement of Objection shall have been deposited within the specified time the reference to the Select Committee shall be discharged."
The course suggested has relieved me from putting some very difficult points, and it will be much better to have them threshed out in Committee.
I beg to second the Amendment.
I am very pleased that the noble Lord has accepted this Amendment. The only reason why I opposed the Order was that I did not think it was fair to impose upon the House at this time of the night the passing of an Order in regard to which there was some objection.
I understood the Noble Lord to say that you, Mr. Speaker, had guided him in regard to this matter. I submit that it is undesirable that the Chair should be associated with any Minister or politician on a question of this kind.
I only intended to convey that I consulted Mr. Speaker on a point of procedure.
I am pleased to hear that that is so.
Amendment agreed to.
Question, as amended, put, and agreed to.
Resolved,
"That the draft of a Special Order proposed to be made by the Board of Trade under Section 10 of The Gas Regulation Act, 1920, on the application of the Barnsley Gas Company, which was presented on the 24th April and published, be referred to a Select Committee of Four Members appointed by the Committee of Selection for their Report which shall state whether, in their opinion, the Order should be approved with or without modifications or additions, setting out the modifications or additions, if any, which they propose, or should not be approved, and shall be laid before the House together with a copy of the Order showing the modifications and additions, if any, proposed by the Committee. That the proceedings of the Committee to which the Order is referred shall be conducted in like manner as in the case of a Provisional Order Confirmation Bill under Standing Order 151, and opponents of the Order shall be heard provided that a Statement of Objection has been deposited with the Board of Trade on or before the seventh day after the date of this Motion, but an opponent shall only be heard upon objections which have been distinctly specified in the Statement.
Any Statement so deposited shall be laid upon the Table of the House by the Board of Trade and shall stand referred to the Committee.
If no Statement of Objection shall have been deposited within the specified time the reference to the Select Committee shall be discharged."
Motion made, and Question proposed,
"That the draft of a Special Order proposed to be made by the Board of Trade under Section 10 of The Gas Regulation Act, 1920, on the application of the Harwich Gas and Coke Company, Limited, which was presented on the 13th February, 1923, and published, be approved."—[ Viscount Wolmer ]
The opposition to this Order dates back to the year 1900. At that time there was any amount of land which could have been bought quite near to Harwich at a cheap rate which did not present any of the disadvantages of the present scheme. On one or two occasions this gas company has presented its scheme to the Board of Trade, time and again it has been turned down. Harwich is quite a small borough and its total income from a penny rate is only about £200. Consequently they wish to avoid expense. I am not only pleading on behalf of the owners but also on behalf of the tenants and the owners of the small property quite near the spot where it is proposed to erect these additional works for the treatment of gas residuums. The original plan was to take a piece of ground which was not more than one-third of an acre and that would have necessitated the removal of about nine cottages. I believe that proposal has been changed and they no longer wish to take the whole of that ground, and they have withdrawn from the idea of removing those nine cottages. Instead of this, they have taken a piece of land measuring 908 square yards. This means that these works will be within a few feet of the residences on the spot and it is practically within a stone's throw of an infant school, and as this land is on the estuary of the river it means that during the windy weather this most thickly populated part of the inhabitants will be poisoned by the fumes of gas.
The Board of Trade have placed the onus upon the gas company in regard to any rights that these owners might have so far as upsetting the amenities of the vicinity are concerned. The owner of this type of property is really the smaller class of man, the type of owner who has probably put his life savings into purchasing a house. They have not the money to continue fighting the company over this question. The Noble Lord in my interview with him suggested that the Corporation could possibly find alternative sites. I do not think that is the duty of the Corporation at all. If the site is in close proximity to a thickly populated district I consider that the chairman of the gas company should have foreseen this and should have purchased the land before it arrived at this stage. As a matter of fact the Corporation is pretty well powerless as the Gas Company is backed by the Board of Trade. I agree that a matter of this kind should not be debated in the House at this late hour. It seems to me scarcely worthy of the Government that they should press the matter in the manner they have. If you take away from a corporation elected by the people of the town the right to judge on a question of this sort local government becomes a farce, and what is the use of you town planning schemes if at any given moment it is within the power of the Board of Trade to force upon the community something which the whole community claims is objectionable?
I have here a petition. Petitions may count for little or nothing but this should be the last tribunal these people can appeal to and they believe, and I agree with them, that they are safer in coming to this House and putting a claim before it than going to a small Committee. Is there a single Member in the House who would not object if it were proposed to have a works of this kind placed near his residence, and in the name of common justice if it is not good enough for you it is not good enough for these people I am appealing for. I should very much prefer if the gas company had been owned by the borough. I also feel that commercially it is very bad business from the gas company's point of view. They have taken measures to extend the eight acres, and to get a third of an acre would mean removing nine houses, and if they are going to take eight acres it will mean 150 houses, and what comes of your idea of attempting to get over your building difficulties with private enterprise if you are going to keep in your hands, by an Act of this kind, the power at any moment to depreciate the value of the property of the man who has built it? There is another view. Harwich and Dovercourt are situated on a peninsula. We have spent £40,000 in improving the esplanade at Dovercourt. Right at the other side, where the prevailing winds in Spring will blow all the fumes over, you are going to grant powers to the company to treat the residuals not only from their own gas works but from other gas works. For the sake of the health of the district, for the sake of the owners of property and the tenants, and seeing that the corporation is unanimous against this, I appeal to the House and to the Noble Lord to withdraw this Order so far as Harwich is concerned and allow the gas company to realise that they are not backed by the Board of Trade, and I feel sure the issue will be that they will find an alternative site. I have gone to some trouble in connection with the corporation and one or two offers have been made. I am met by the Noble Lord with the statement that if they have to build these works in another district Harwich will have to pay more for its gas. It is fair that the whole town should pay more for its gas than that a few property owners should bear the whole loss themselves. In the name of common justice I ask the House to vote against the Order.
The House must feel, after having heard the able speech of the hon. Member, that this is really not the most satisfactory way of debating this question, and for that reason I very much regret that he has been unable to accept the offer I made him that if he would put down an Amendment in similar terms to that of the hon. Member for Barnsley (Mr. Potts) we should be only too glad to refer this question to a Select Committee and to abide by its decision. If he would even now agree to that course, I would gladly withdraw the Motion in order that it might be done another night. If he will not do that I fear I have no alternative but to make this Motion. The hon. Member says, "Why cannot you leave it to the corporation to settle the question?" The answer to that is that the Gas Regulation Act, 1920, imposes the responsibility on the Board of Trade of making these special Orders, and it lays down the procedure that the Board of Trade has to follow, and we have followed that procedure with the utmost care and taken infinite trouble, and we should be neglecting our duty if we abstained from taking what we believe the facts conclusively prove to be the right course simply because the hon. Member objects to the Motion.
On whose request is the duty imposed on the Board?
By Section 10 of the Act of 1920 it is the duty of the Board of Trade to make gas Orders after having held local enquiries. I will give the hon. Member a short account of the course we have followed. In 1921 the gas company applied to the Board of Trade for a special Order under this Act. In July, 1921, the Corporation of Harwich opposed it, and an enquiry was held by the Board of Trade in London. The Board of Trade rejected the application of the gas company in order to give time to the parties to come to an amicable settlement, but it was found impossible that any agreement could be reached, and in April, 1922, an official of the Board of Trade visited Harwich, inspected the site in question, and conferred with the Corporation, with the gas company, with the residents, with everyone interested in the locality. The officer of the Board of Trade came to the conclusion that the gas company had a case, and that it was impossible for them to continue unless they were given increased facilities with regard to the manufacture of gas. Therefore he intimated that if the gas company chose to make a second application the matter would be reconsidered. In July, 1922, the gas company made a further application, and in October, 1922, a further inquiry was held by the Board of Trade. The Corporation again opposed and claimed that this piece of land was restricted by certain covenants, and that there were rights of way across it. In February, 1923, after having heard both parties, almost, I might say, ad nauseam , the Board of Trade made the Order which I am now moving, which grants to the gas company not all that they asked for, but grants to them the power, not to manufacture gas, but to purify gas on the site, subject to the covenants to which the Corporation of Harwich attach importance, and subject to the rights of way that may exist across the land. Therefore it is not the case that the Board of Trade has agreed entirely to all that the gas company asked. We have merely granted what we regarded as the minimum necessary to enable the gas company to carry out its functions.
Is it not a fact that when the Board of Trade made the Order, it was known that it would mean the demolition of nine cottages?
We have had an assurance from the gas company that the demolition of houses will not take place at the present juncture. There is no question of immediate demolition of houses. I have offered the hon. Member a perfectly free inquiry, and if he will not take it, it is not my fault. I understand that my hon. Friend desires to go to a Division on this matter. If he does think it his duty to do so, I shall not ask the Patronage Secretary to the Treasury to put on the Government Whips, because I do not think this is a matter on which the Government Whips should be put on, if it can possibly be avoided. It is a little bit beneath the dignity of the House of Commons to have a full-dress Division on a question like this. I am perfectly content to leave the matter to the decision of a free vote of the House. It does not matter to the Government or the Board of Trade which way the question is decided. My concern is to show that we have tried to carry out the duties imposed upon us by the Gas Regulation Act, 1920. We have had exhaustive local inquiries, exhaustive correspondence, conferences, and consultations extending over two years. In the end the Board of Trade felt it incumbent upon them to recommend to Parliament what we regard as a fair compromise and a limited scheme.
If that does not satisfy the hon. Member, again I offer him a Select Committee of the House of Commons which can discuss the whole matter and report to the House; when the hon. Member said at first that the site was unsuitable I asked him to suggest alternative sites. The difficulty of the problem is that Harwich is on a peninsula and therefore the number of sites is very limited. The hon. Member and the Corporation of Harwich suggested three alternative sites, and I can assure the House that they were carefully investigated. Two of the sites were a mile and a half away, and would have involved an increased cost in the manufacture of gas. I was surprised to hear the hon. Member say that he thought it more important that the views of a few landowners should be regarded than that the people of Harwich should have cheap gas. The third site was suitable, but it was offered to the gas company at a price which worked out at £26,000 an acre. The Board of Trade did not feel justified in forcing the gas company to buy land at that price. There is no alternative site in the opinion of the Board of Trade. We are perfectly willing to leave the matter to a free vote of the House, because we think we have dealt with the matter in a very fair and friendly spirit.
I know nothing of the circumstances beyond what we have heard to-night, and whilst I acknowledge the difficulty of discussing a matter such as this now, I do not agree with the Noble Lord when he says that it is almost beneath the dignity of the House that we should be discussing it.
That we should divide on party lines.
At any rate, it is a matter of great importance to the people of Harwich. Harwich is not a very big town. We have been told of the small yield of its penny rate. This matter has been under discussion for a number of years, and I think the governing consideration should be the decision of the responsible local authority. However great may be the wisdom of the Board of Trade, those who are immediately concerned are the elected representatives of the people at Harwich. I think the councillors and aldermen at Harwich would be just as concerned as the Board of Trade as to the cheapness of gas in that neighbourhood. Surely there is some cogency in the argument used by the hon. Member for Harwich, that there should be a slightly increased burden upon the whole community rather than that there should be a crushing burden upon a few of them. That is a very fair contention. It was not fair for the Noble Lord to say that it is the landowners who are to be considered in the proposal of the Member for Harwich. My hon. Friend stated that the people affected have practically put all their life savings into their cottages. I cannot believe that the Board of Trade or their officers who went down to make investigation can be more concerned than the people of Harwich themselves. It is, I understand, a unanimous declaration. Even if it were not unanimous it is a declaration of the majority of the representatives responsible to the people, and the only safe course is to assume that the representatives of the people of Harwich know their own business. If a Division is taken I intend to support the attitude of the local council.
The issue is a simple one. We are asked to vote on the question whether the Board of Trade is to support a private company or the whole community. The Corporation knows the circumstances, and they take one view. How can this House of Commons take a view against the whole community? It is the duty of this democratic institution, without going into any of the other arguments, to say that we must come down on the side of the community.
I want to urge the advisability of submitting this question to a Select Committee. Really one would think that the Gas Company took its powers from the local Corporation. It does not. It gets its powers by Act of Parliament. But we have to remember that Gas Companies have certain statutory obligations. They have statutory obligations with regard to the price of gas and the efficiency of their supply, and it is only fair that they should come to Parliament with regard to reasonable facilities to carry on their business. I would only urge that this matter should be referred to a Select Committee.
I feel that if there is going to be a Division I must vote against the Order. On the other hand, I am bound to state that I would much rather that the Corporaton of Harwich had accepted a Select Committee. There are considerations outside Harwich to be taken into account, but I must vote on behalf of the community of Harwich. They are democratically elected representatives, and it is our bounden duty to support them on a matter of this kind.
I only want to apply a simple test to the solution of this problem. What would the Corporation of Harwich do if they had been at this moment the owners of the Gas Works. In my view the Corporation if they were the proprietors of the Gas Works would not shift the works but would extend the present site.
The present site is not the gas works.
Or the site which has been selected. I view this as an abstract problem, but when the Noble Lord puts this Order before us for confirmation in the absence of other information, I am prepared to accept the decision.
The hon. Gentleman is entitled to speak for private corporations. The alternative was either to have these works on the site indicated in the Order or to have them on another site which would have involved a higher charge for gas for the people of Harwich. The Corporation of Harwich has said, "We choose the alternative which we know will mean dearer gas rather than have the works on this site." They are the representatives of the people who are affected. They are popularly elected. My hon. Friend says it is the maximum decision of the Corporation. We have no evidence before us that there is a single dissentient in the town of Harwich who disagrees with the attitude taken up by the Corporation. The Noble Lord, in the course of his speech, did not indicate that there was anybody in Harwich except this private company.
We have only had petitions from 60 people against this Order.
It is perfectly well known what is the attitude of the Corporation. The Corporation has taken this decision. It has fought this Order all along and there has been no evidence brought before this House to-night that anybody in Harwich disagrees with the attitude of the Corporation except the property owners in the vicinity who present these petitions because they are people with a direct interest. The fact that, when the Corporation has taken this decisive attitude, no opposition has been aroused in the town, even although the attitude they adopt will mean increased price of gas, is the strongest ground for assuming that the Corporation is acting in accordance with the wishes of the citizens of Harwich. In these circumstances this House ought on a matter of this kind to adopt the view of the Corporation. This is really no difficult and complex question. There are many cases in which this House has decided on questions of this kind without allowing the matter to go to a Select Committee at all. Frequently we have had debates in this House on the Second or Third Readings of Private Bills. Sometimes this House has decided on a matter of principle where you have a definite public interest. There have been oases where, after a Committee has inquired into the question, the House has reversed the decision of the Committee when a large public interest has been involved. You may say this is not a large public interest. It is true that Harwich is a comparatively small place, and because it is a small place they cannot afford to spend money indefinitely on these inquiries. After all, that is the ground the Corporation takes. It takes the double ground. First, it is a simple issue, and, secondly, we are a small community, and we are not anxious to spend the ratepayers' money on further inquiries. They appeal to this House as the popularly elected representatives of the town and on behalf of some property owners. It is true they are only small property owners—not large landowners such as will benefit under the Bill which has been discussed during the greater part of this sitting—whose houses will be depreciated in value on account of these works being brought in. It will detract from the value of these houses, and consequently we ought to have some consideration for them, or more than we have for people of larger interests. Therefore on both these grounds, and there are a few small people who are going to be injured and that the people of Harwich as a body would rather pay more for their gas than that these works should be dumped in that particular position, it should be our duty to side with that Corporation rather than to take the view which the Board of Trade has taken after a merely departmental inquiry, and give way to the authority of a private Company.
Question put,
"That the draft of a Special Order proposed to be made by the Board of Trade
Resolved,
"That the draft of a Special Order proposed to be made by the Board of Trade under Section 10 of the Gas Regulation Act, 1920, on the application of the Colwell Gas Company, Limited, which was presented on the 29th May and published, be approved."
Resolved,
"That the draft of a Special Order proposed to be made by the Board of Trade under Section 10 of the Gas Regulation Act, 1920, on the application of the Hatfield Gas Company, Limited, which was presented on the 28th May and published, be approved."
Resolved,
"That the draft of a Special Order proposed to be made by the Board of Trade under Section 10 of the Gas Regulation Act, 1920, on the application of the Southend Gas
under Section 10 of the Gas Regulation Act, 1920, on the application of the Harwich Gas and Coke Company, Limited, which was presented on the 13th February, 1923, and published, be approved."
The House divided: Ayes, 69; Noes, 42.
Division No. 177.] AYES. [12.42 a.m. Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Robertson- Despencer,Major(lsl'gt'aW) Alnsworth, Captain Charles Halstead, Major D. Roundell, Colonel R. F. Astor, J. J. (Kent, Dover) Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Ruggles-Brise, Major E. Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G. Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Russell-Wells, Sir Sydney Barlow, Rt. Hon. Sir Montague Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Sanderson, Sir Frank B. Barnett, Major Richard W. Hopkins, John W. W. Sandon, Lord Barnston, Major Harry Howard, Capt. D. (Cumberland, N.) Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Bell, Lieut.-Col. w. C. H. (Devizes) Hudson, Capt. A. Shepperson, E. W. Blundell, F. N. Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H. Simpson-Hinchcliffe, W. A. Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W. King, Captain Henry Douglas Singleton, J. E. Brittain, Sir Harry Lamb, J. Q. Skelton, A. N. Brown, Brig.-Gen. Clifton (Newbury) Lloyd-Greame, Rt. Hon. Sir Philip Stott, Lt.-Col. W. H. Brown, Major D. C. (Hexham) Manville, Edward Sugden, Sir Wilfrid H. Cecil, Rt. Hon. Sir Evelyn (Aston) Molloy, Major L. G. S. Sykes, Major-Gen. Sir Frederick H. Clayton, G. C. Nall, Major Joseph Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Wells, S. R. Cope, Major William Nicholson, Brig.-Gen. J. (Westminster) Wheler, Col. Granville C. H. Courthope, Lieut.-Col. George L. Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Wilson, Lt.-Col. Leslie O. (P'tsm'th,S.) Curzon, Captain Viscount Paget, T. G. Wolmer, Viscount Dudgeon, Major C. R. Penny, Frederick George Yerburgh, R. D. T. Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Erskine-Bolst, Captain C. Privett, F. J. TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Fraser, Major Sir Keith Rees, Sir Beddoe Sir Arthur Churchman and Mr. Balfour. Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham Reynolds, W. G. W. Goff, Sir R. Park
NOES. Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro') Hayes, John Henry (Edge Hill) Spencer, H. H. (Bradford, S.) Bonwick, A. Herriotts, J. Stephen, Campbell Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown) Sturrock, J. Leng Buchanan, G. Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly) Sullivan, J. Chapple, W. A. Lawson, John James Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Ede, James Chuter Leach, W. Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.) Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) McLaren, Andrew Turner, Ben Entwistle, Major C. F. Marshall, Sir Arthur H. Warne, G. H. Fairbairn, R. R. Martin, F. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, E.) Webb, Sidney Gosling, Harry Pattinson, S. (Horncastle) Westwood, J. Gray, Frank (Oxford) Phillipps, Vivian Whiteley, W. Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Potts, John S. Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland) Pringle, W. M. R. Hardie, George D. Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Harris, Percy A. Ritson, J. Mr. Hillary and Mr. Foot.
Company, which was presented on the 29th May and published, be approved."
Resolved,
"That the draft of a Special Order proposed to be made by the Board of Trade under Section 10 of the Gas Regulation Act, 1920, on the application of the Swindon United Gas Company, which was presented on the 29th May, 1923, and published, be approved."—[ Viscount Wolmer .]
Carriage of Goods by Sea Bill [Lords]
Ordered, that so much of the Lords Message [31st May] as communicates the Resolution, "That it is desirable that the Carriage of Goods by Sea Bill [ Lords ] be referred to a Joint Committee of both Houses of Parliament," be now considered.—[ Colonel Gibbs .]
So much of the Lords Message considered accordingly.
Resolved, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Resolution." —[ Colonel Gibbs .]
Message to the Lords to acquaint them therewith.
The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.
It being after half-past Eleven of the Clock upon Monday evening Mr. SPEAKER adjourned the House, without Question put, pursuant to the Standing Order.
Adjourned at One o'Clock.