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Commons Chamber

Volume 164: debated on Thursday 7 June 1923

House of Commons

Thursday, June 7, 1923

The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock,Mr. SPEAKERin the Chair.

Private Business

PRIVATE BILLS [ Lords ] (Standing Orders not previously inquired into complied with),

Mr. SPEAKER laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, That, in the case of the following Bills, originating in the Lords, and referred on the First Reading thereof, the Standing Orders not previously inquired into which are applicable thereto have been complied with, namely:

London and North Eastern Railway Bill [ Lords ].

Oldham and Rochdale Corporations Water Bill [ Lords ].

Bills to be read a Second time.

Provisional Order Bills (Standing Orders applicable thereto complied with),

Mr. SPEAKER laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, That, in the case of the following Bill, referred on the First Reading thereof, the Standing Orders which are applicable thereto have been complied with, namely:

Ministry of Health Provisional Orders (No. 10) Bill.

Bill to be read a Second time To-morrow.

Port of London (Dock Charges) Bill,

Read the Third time, and passed.

Buchanan Trust Order Confirmation Bill,

Fraserburgh Harbour Order Confirmation Bill,

South West of Scotland Blind Asylum Order Confirmation Bill,

Read the Third time, and passed.

Marriages Provisional Order Bill,

Read the Third time, and passed.

Ministry of Health Provisional Orders Confirmation (No. 2) Bill [ Lords ],

Read the Third time, and passed, without Amendment.

Ministry of Health Provisional Orders (No. 7) Bill,

Read the third time, and passed.

Ministry of Health Provisional Order (Calne Water) Bill,

As amended, considered; to be read the Third time To-morrow.

Oral Answers to Questions

Naval and Military Pensions and Grants

Need Pensions

asked the Minister of Pensions whether his attention has been drawn to the protest made by the Leeds War Pensions Committee against the Ministry's policy of reducing the need pensions of aged poor persons, parents of deceased ex-service men, because they had tea with one of their children once or twice a week; whether deduction is also made from pecuniary need pension in respect of occasional gifts of old clothes, charitable grants given to supplement the pension, and sick pay: whether these deductions, if made, are in consequence of Departmental orders; and, if so, will he give instructions that the administration in respect of need pension shall be altered?

It is not the practice of the Ministry to take into account as part of the means of a claimant for a need pension casual benefits of the kind indicated in the question. A distinction has always been drawn between casual gifts and benefits, whether in cash or in kind, which are of a regular and reasonably permanent nature.

Would that apply to Sunday meals occasionally given to these old people? Will these be taken into account?

Occasional contributions would not count. If the hon. Member has any particular cast; in mind, I shall be happy to inquire into it.

asked the Minister of Pensions what is the standard of need for need pensions; whether the Regulations provide that aged poor parents having no income of their own but living with relatives, must be assumed to possess means corresponding to the value of the maintenance provided; whether it is laid down that as a general rule the value of the board and lodging provided by a relative should be assessed at from 10s. to 15s. a week; whether it is the accepted practice of the Ministry that whore a parent of a deceased ex-service man lives with a relative the Ministry is relieved of the whole or part of its liability; and whether he will have any Regulation imputing income to a person who has none withdrawn, substituting therefore a provision that the child with whom the parent is living shall only be debited with the imputed share basis?

The standard of "need" for need pensions is ordinarily 20s. where one parent is concerned, and 30s. where there are two. In assessing "need," regard is had, not only to income in the form of money, but also to benefits in kind regularly and permanently enjoyed; and the value of full board and lodging is usually assessed at from 10s. to 15s. a week. I am unable to adopt the suggestion made in the last part of the hon. Member's question, but I have already under consideration certain of the conditions at present attaching to this class of pension, and I will consider the hon. Member's suggestion.

Is the right hon. Gentleman taking into consideration the payment of unemployment benefit?

I must have notice of that question. We are bound to make some inquiry because the pension is based on need and is not a flat rate pension, which is a form less advantageous, to the poorer applicants.

asked the Minister of Pensions if he can now announce any decision as regards the curtailing of inquiries for need pensions and for carrying on such pension for a, term of two or three years?

I am glad to be able to inform the hon. and gallant Member that I am now, with the assistance of the Treasury, making arrangements which will meet the object he has in view. At present, the circumstances of pensioners in receipt of need pensions are reviewed annually, but it is my desire that pensioners should be spared all unnecessary inquiry. Arrangements are being made by which pensions of this class will, in future, be issued without annual re-investigation for from two to three years in each case, with, of course, the proviso that should the pensioner apply and show that circumstances have materially changed to his or her disadvantage, or should the fact of a material change of circumstances otherwise come to the knowledge of the Ministry in the interim, the pension will be re-investigated and a fresh award made.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that his reply will give great satisfaction all over the country; and will he, if possible, make the limit three years instead of two or three years.

I will gladly consider the suggestion of my right hon. Friend. It is obvious these constant inquiries into the income of those who draw these pensions involve trouble and also add to expense. We are anxious to give these pensioners as much security as we can and I will consider the suggestion.

When a pensioner is summoned to attend by the inquiry officer are the travelling expenses of that pensioner paid?

The hon. Member had better put that question down. It does not arise out of the original question here.

Treatment Allowances

asked the Minister of Pensions whether he is aware that young unmarried ex-service men while in hospital for treatment are denied the right of having treatment allowances paid to their mothers; and whether he will have such Regulation withdrawn?

Appeals

asked the Minister of Pensions whether, in view of the serious cases of hardship which have occured owing to the inability of ex-service men to have their cases reopened by the Court of Appeal, notwithstanding the production of new evidence, he will consider the desirability of introducing a Bill to amend Section 8 of the War Pensions Act, 1919, so that in such exceptional cases a rehearing may be allowed?

The Government have given full consideration to the matter and have decided that they are unable to adopt the suggestion.

Will the right hon. Gentleman allow this question to go before the Committee which he is setting up?

asked the Minister of Pensions whether, in view of the feeling existing amongst ex-service men's organisations that the existing constitution of the Pensions Appeal Tribunal is unsatisfactory, he is prepared to introduce legislation with the object of securing that the question of whether an ex-service man's disability was caused or aggravated by war service, should be decided by an independent tribunal of laymen, assisted by medical referees, such tribunal to be composed of equal numbers of representatives of the Ministry, war pensions committees, and ex-service men?

I am not aware of the dissatisfaction referred to; on the contrary, I have reason to believe that the tribunals, as now constituted, have the full confidence of representative ex-service organisations. Further, I am of opinion that these bodies, whose constitution is in accordance with the recommendations of a Select Committee of this House, and who are in all respects independent of my Department, are better qualified to arrive at an impartial judgment than a body constituted on the lines suggested by the hon. Member.

Will the right hon. Gentleman give me an opportunity of bringing a case before him which has not had the approval of the ex-service men's organization?

Is it not a fact that the Pensions Appeal Tribunal was set up with the sanction of the House, and is composed of an independent lawyer, an independent doctor, and an independent ex-service man?

The case is as stated by my right hon. Friend. I may add that the new arrangement which substitutes an independent tribunal for the tribunal of the Ministry itself, was made expressly at the wish of the ex-service men themselves, and with the approval of all parties in the House.

asked the Treasurer of the Household the number of appeals heard by the Lords Appeal Tribunal of persons residing in the Parliamentary Borough of Wednesbury during 1919, 1920, 1921, and 1922, respectively.

I regret that the records at the Central Office of the Pensions Appeal Tribunals are not kept in such a way as to enable the information asked for to be given.

Tuberculosis

asked the Minister of Pensions the number of applications for pensions in respect of tuberculosis which have been rejected in the last six months on the ground that the disease was not attributable to war service; and whether he can see his way to consider, in conjunction with the Minister of Health, the formulation of a scheme for assisting the very large number of unpensioned ex-service men now suffering from tuberculosis?

During the past six months, four years after the Armistice, 1,600 first claims to pension for tuberculosis have been rejected on the ground that the disability was neither due to nor aggravated by service, and 1,100 admitted. As regards the last part of the question, I would point out that my authority is limited to cases in which the disability is due to or aggravated by war service, and I am afraid, therefore, that I am not in a position to adopt the hon. Member's suggestion.

West Yorks Regiment (Private T. W. Gell)

asked the Minister of Pensions whether he is aware that the late Private T. W. Gell, No. 235253, West Yorkshire Regiment, was blinded and gassed during the Great War and was awarded a total disablement pension; that he died on 24th March, 1922, from the effects of being gassed; and that he was formerly the sole support of his widowed mother, whose application for a pension has been refused; and what steps he proposes to take to remedy what appears to be a grave injustice to a widowed mother who gave her all for her country?

The refusal of pension was on the ground that the disease from which this man died was not connected with gas poisoning or with his military service. I may add that there was no record of his having been gassed.

Is it not the fact that the death certificate, after a post mortem examination, was that the man died from the effects of gas?

My information is that there was no record of his having been gassed, but I am going thoroughly into the case myself.

Naval Officers (Disability Pensions)

10 and 102.

(1) asked the Minister of Pensions if he is aware that his decision that naval officers who had suffered disablement during the War and who retired under the special naval reduction scheme are not eligible for disability pension was not communicated to those officers before they had retired; what action he proposes to take in the matter;

(2) asked the First Lord of the Admiralty if he is aware that the Ministry of Pensions have, decided that naval officers who received disablement during the War who have retired under the special provisions of A.F.O. 1,358/1922 are not eligible for disability pensions; and whether he will say what action, if any, it is proposed to take in view of the fact that nothing was mentioned in A.F.O. 1,358/1922 which would lead disabled officers to suppose that they were forfeiting their right to disability pension should they apply to retire under the terms of the A.F.O. quoted above?

As the answer to these questions is somewhat long and intricate, I will, with my hon. and gallant Friend's permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Following is the answer:

An officer retired under the conditions of the Admiralty Orders providing special terms on reduction of establishment is not thereby rendered ineligible, as an alternative, for an award in respect of disability traceable to Great War service, subject to the terms of the Order in Council administered by the Ministry of Pensions.

If the officer prove to have been at the time of retirement permanently unfit for general service, and therefore might have been invalided, he has the option of electing the rate appropriate to an invalided officer or the terms of the Admiralty "reduction" order. I would, however, point out that the basis of the invaliding award is the service rate provided by the Admiralty Order of 22nd January, 1920, and not the scales allowed by the reduction scheme; an addition for disablement cannot be made to the latter.

If the officer after retirement claims disablement, but was not on retirement in a condition to be invalided, he is, even so, eligible for consideration under the Ministry's Regulations, but they would seldom be to his advantage.

I would point out that the Great War terminated for pension purposes in September, 1921, and the Admiralty Order quoted in Question 32 refers to retirements on reduction on or after 12th May, 1922, and, therefore, it is unlikely that an officer so retired would have a claim for Great War disability. But if my hon. and gallant Friend has any particular cases in mind, I shall be pleased to investigate them.

Recoverable Advances

asked the Minister of Pensions whether recovery is still being effected of sums advanced to pensioners, on the assessment made by medical referees, by local war pension committees in the years 1918, 1919, and 1920; and, if so, will he issue instructions that no recovery shall be effected of moneys received under the then current regulations and paid to the pensioner prior to 1st April, 1922?

No steps are taken to secure repayment of recoverable advances made prior to the 1st April, 1920, where recovery had not commenced on the 31st March, 1923, but where an advance was in course of repayment at that date the recovery is continued. I would point out that these recoverable advances were all made against a written undertaking that they should be refunded from the subsequent award of pension, and I am not, therefore, prepared to adopt the suggestion in the last part of the question.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the question also refers to payments that have been made in mistake by the Ministry; that there is some misunderstanding in his Department regarding these cases; and will he go into the matter?

I shall be happy to go into the matter, but, on the question of recoverable advances, I could not concede what is asked. These advances could not be issued except on the distinct understanding that they are recoverable, as the hon. Member will realise.

Ex-Service Men

F. C. Marding

asked the Minister of Pensions whether his attention has been called to the suicide of Frederick Charles Marding, an ex-service man, as the result of depression owing to his war pension having been stopped and his being unable to obtain work; whether he is aware that at the time he rejoined the Army after the outbreak of war in 1914 Marding was in receipt of an Army pension of 17s. 6d. on account of valvular heart disease contracted during service in the Boer War; that he was invalided out after serving in the European War with a pension of 22s. 6d. a week because of his disease having been aggravated by his military service; and if he will obtain a full report on the matter, in view of the uneasiness which is felt by the total withdrawal of pensions from persons suffering in a like manner to Marding?

At the time of his re-enlistment during the Great War this man was in receipt of a temporary pen- sion of 15d. a day for a heart disability. After his discharge in 1917 he was granted disability pension at various rates in respect of the aggravation of that disability, and when this pension was discontinued last month on the ground that the effects of service during the Great War had disappeared, the remaining degree of disablement was found to be slight. An appeal against the Ministry's finding was before the tribunal at the date of the man's unfortunate death. The suicide was apparently due to depression arising from lack of employment, but I am calling for a report on this sad case.

Prison Officers (Housing)

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he is aware of the financial hardship imposed on prison officers who have been living apart from their families for nearly two years owing to lack of housing accommodation; and whether the hardship can be mitigated by giving effect to the Prison Commissioners Circular, dated 11th December, 1922?

Every case, when brought to notice, is carefully considered, and where the circumstances justify it action is taken, as stated in the circular mentioned, to obtain Treasury approval for special treatment.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that several special cases have already been submitted to the Treasury, and no reply has been received? Will he make some inquiry into the special cases?

I shall be much obliged if the hon. Member will give me the names of the cases to which he refers.

League of Nations (Opium Advisory Committee)

asked the Home Secretary what is the nature of the proposals recently laid before the Opium Advisory Committee of the League of Nations by the British delegate?

asked the Home Secretary whether he can make a statement to the House on the results so far achieved at the session of the Advisory Committee, on Opium of the League of Nations?

The British representative on the Opium Advisory Committee of the League of Nations has not yet rendered any Report upon the proposals which he has laid before that body.

Are we to understand from that answer that the Government are ignorant of the proposals which their own delegate is bringing forward at this Conference?

Durham Prison (Hospitalofficers)

asked the Home Secretary whether he is aware that two hospital officers at Durham Prison are each compelled to sleep in the prison every alternate night; and will arrangements be made to obviate the necessity of these officers spending nearly half of their time within prison walls?

The presence of a hospital officer at night is necessary in case of emergency arising. As there are only two hospital officers at the prison, they take the duty in turn. For this sleeping in, an allowance of 2s. 6d. a night is granted. Hospital officers understand that they are liable for such duties.

Grand Orient of France

asked the Home Secretary whether the warrant, under which a pamphlet entitled The Secret Influences behind the European War, by C. H. Norman, was seized at Dartmoor Settlement early in 1917, directed the seizure of all copies of this pamphlet, all writings, printed matter, books, or pamphlets, manuscripts, or typewritten matter referring to the society known as the Grand Orient of France; whether the seizure took place at the request of the French Government or at a request emanating indirectly from the French Government; and what has happened to the matter seized under the warrant?

No warrant was issued, and the first part of the question does not therefore arise. Seizure was effected under Defence of the Realm Regulation 51. Action was not taken either directly or indirectly at the request of the French Government. The copies of the pamphlet were retained by the local police until 1st July, 1919, when they were destroyed.

Lotteries

asked the Home Secretary whether he is aware that the police authorities have prohibited a draw organised by the Ilford Independent Labour Party for the purpose of obtaining funds to build a new hall; and why lotteries of this description, usually promoted by working-class organisations of all kinds to obtain funds for objects of social improvement, are prohibited, whilst the Golden Ballot, the Stock Exchange sweepstake, and various other kinds of lotteries and draws are advertised and publicly commented upon without action being taken by the authorities?

The police are bound to intervene if a draw or sweepstake is brought to their notice which appears to contravene the Lottery Acts as interpreted by the decisions of the Courts. I am informed that the police considered this draw illegal and they had therefore no alternative but to take action in regard to it. The object for which a lottery is promoted is immaterial and the action of the police in regard to the draw in question was in no way affected by the character of the funds which might be benefited. I may point out that the Golden Ballot was held by the Court upon the prosecution of the police not to contravene the Lottery Acts: and that sweepstakes like that of the Stock Exchange, confined to members of societies or clubs and not advertised as open to the public, have never been held to be illegal by the Courts.

Can the right hon. Gentleman indicate what exactly is the difference between this form of lottery and other forms of lottery, and does he not think that these haphazard prosecutions here and there simply reduce the law of lotteries to an absurdity?

I have not enough information to give a full answer to that question, but I imagine that the difference was that one was a public lottery and the other was not, that the lottery referred to was a public lottery with tickets open to the public, and that the Stock Exchange sweepstake and others were not.

Were steps taken against the drawing of the Otley sweepstake, which was openly promoted by the Conservative Association?

Will the right hon. Gentleman consider the advisability of looking into the whole lottery legislation, and ensuring that it shall bear equally on all classes?

It has been looked into a great deal, and I think it wants a great deal more looking into. As for ensuring any rule which will satisfy everybody, I do not feel very hopeful.

Will the right hon. Gentleman consider the advisability of equality of administration of the law in the Metropolitan area? Is he aware that, as a matter of fact, lotteries are taking place in some districts in the East End with the full knowledge and consent of the same police who have prosecuted these people at Ilford?

I cannot pretend to know the different circumstances under which each of these lotteries is conducted, but the police do their best to follow the Lottery Acts, which are very confusing and are not made much simpler by the decisions which the Courts have given.

Imprisonment Without Trial

asked the Home Secretary how many persons have been imprisoned or detained without trial since 1st January, 1919, and the period of such detention; how many were afterwards brought before the Courts and with what result; will he also inform the House the nature of the offences or crimes which justified such imprisonment; and how many persons still remain in His Majesty's prisons who have had no opportunity of defending themselves before the appointed justices or magistrate?

I have no doubt, that the hon. Member has in mind cases in which persons have been detained under the emergency powers conferred by the Defence of the Realm Act and the Restoration of Order in Ireland Act. I have no statistics available with regard to cases which have occurred since 1st January, 1919, but I may say, in answer to the last part of the question, that prior to the 11th March, the date of the arrest of the Irish deportees, no persons were being detained in prison in this country, and no persons are now being so detained under either of those Acts.

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether in future the Resolution attached to the Indemnity Bill will apply, and that people will not be imprisoned unless they are taken first before a magistrate?

I think it has already been explained that it is proposed to set up a Committee to inquire into how much, if any, of the emergency power under the Restoration of Order in Ireland Act ought to be repealed, and until that is decided I cannot give any further answer.

Will the right hon. Gentleman tell the House whether the Resolution passed in another place, and to be passed here to-day, is to be inoperative, that it is just a pious Resolution?

No. I have not the Resolution before me, but I think it says in effect that no one is to be interned under suspicion unless emergency powers exist. The question which is not decided is whether or not emergency powers still exist under the Restoration of Order in Ireland Act.

Cruelty to Animals (Fines)

asked the Home Secretary if he has been requested by the societies interested to send a circular to the magisterial benches in the country calling attention to the ineffectiveness of fines for cruelty to animals; and, if so, whether he has taken any action in this direction?

I do not think that I can usefully add anything to what I said on this point in reply to questions on 27th March by the hon. Member for the Torquay Division (Colonel Sir C. Burn).

Ministry of Pensions(Fraud)

the Home Secretary if he has received a report of the prosecution at Walsall of Job Howard Taylor, Rushall, Staffs, and his conviction, with a fine of 40s. or one month's imprisonment; whether he is aware that the accused was charged with attempting to defraud the Ministry of Pensions in claiming 8s. compensation for loss of time incurred through being medically examined in Birmingham, and of the accused's statement in evidence that he lost the following night's work in consequence; and will he have the sentence reviewed?

I had received no report, but since notice of the question was given I have obtained one. On the facts before me, I could not advise interference with the sentence.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the bench of magistrates is notoriously brassed in this district on these questions?

Will the right hon. Gentleman be willing to consider a petition for the appointment of a stipendiary magistrate, if evidence be placed before him?

West London Police Court(Case Stopped)

asked the Home Secretary whether his attention has been drawn to the allegations made by the police against Anthony George Townsend on the night of 1st May, which case was heard at the West London Police Court on 9th May and stopped by the magistrate; and whether, in the circumstances, any compensation will be paid?

I have obtained a report upon the case, and see no ground for suggesting that compensation should be paid.

Police (Saluting Order)

asked the Home Secretary whether he will forth with withdraw the recently revised instructions to police directing that all military, naval, and Air Force officers and Cabinet Ministers are to be saluted by them?

The revised order, the purport of which is not correctly represented in the question, does not impose any new obligation on the police, and there is no reason for modifying it. I may add that sergeants and constables are required to salute a commissioned officer when addressing or addressed by him, but not otherwise.

Does not the Home Secretary believe that the time has now arrived when the dignity of the law might be better upheld if police constables who have to exercise the law over Army officers should not have to humble themselves by saluting them?

St. Albans Prison

asked the Home Secretary if he is aware that His Majesty's prison adjoining the Midland Railway Station at St. Albans is now vacant and that an offer to purchase the property has been made by the Midland Railway Company; if he intends to dispose of this property; and, if not, what use does he intend to make of it?

No offer to purchase the property has been made to the Prison Commissioners by the Midland Railway Company. There is no intention of disposing of the property, as the prison would be required if there was an increase in commitments to prison in the London area. Further, the Commissioners have in contemplation the use of the prison for young offenders when funds for this purpose can be found.

Suicides (Gas Poisoning)

asked the Home Secretary what was the number of persons in Great Britain who committed suicide by gas poisoning in each of the three years 1920, 1921, and 1922?

I will circulate in the OFFICIAL REPORT a table giving for England and Wales the information asked for. As regards Scotland, my hon. and gallant Friend will no doubt address a question to the Under-Secretary for Scotland.

Year.

Mode of Poisoning.

No. of cases of suicide in England and Wales.

Males.

Females.

1920

Coal Gas

160

110

1921

Coal Gas

231

130

Carbon Monoxide

1

Chloroform Vapour

1

1

Camphor in form of fumigator

1

Total

233

132

1922

Coal Gas

323

173

Carbon Monoxide

4

Chloroform Vapour

2

Nitrous Oxide

1

Total

330

173

Education

Necessitous Areas (Grants)

asked the President of the Board of Education how many local education authorities in the last financial year received extra grants from the Treasury on account of their necessitous condition; the total sum so received; and the amount their education rate had to exceed before they were entitled to receive such additional State assistance?

As the accounts for last year have not yet been received, the grants payable for last year have not yet been determined. Instalments are meantime paid on account It is estimated that fifteen local authorities qualified for the grant by having rates exceeding 48d. in the £, and that the amount distributed amongst them may be adjusted at about £140,000.

In view of the small number receiving the benefit of this grant, can the right hon. Gentleman hold out any hope that the basis will be further reduced?

If the Under-Secretary for Scotland is here, may I ask does he propose to adopt a similar measure?

Following is the table:

If the hon. Gentleman had done me the honour of reading my speech on the Education Estimates—

And had done me the honour of listening to it, he would have heard that in that speech I announced that it would be reduced from 48d. to 42d.

But my supplementary question was whether there would be a further reduction on the 42d.?

Wellesbourne Hastings Elementaryschool

asked the President of the Board of Education whether he is aware that Miss M. Frost, a teacher at Wellesbourne Hastings Church of England elementary school, graduated with honours in English at London University and has been a sucessful teacher at Wellesbourne school for two years, and that the Board have refused to recognise her as a certificated teacher on the ground that she has not passed an examination recognised by the Board in the principles and practice of teaching; and whether, seeing that evidence of successful teaching attested by His Majesty's Inspector is of more value than any examination on paper, and that it is open to the Board to recognise Miss Frost under Schedule I, A, 1 (vi) of the Code, he will have the case of this lady reconsidered?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. The recognition of this teacher as a certificated teacher on the grounds suggested would involve an important modification of the principles on which the Board's policy and practice in this respect are based. The case has been very carefully considered, but I regret that I do not see my way to apply the particular Article referred to in the way suggested.

Secondary Schools

asked the President of the Board of Education if his attention has been directed to the fact that, whereas in the school year 1919–20 there were 70,299 pupils other than free placers admitted to grant-aided secondary schools in England and Wales, the figures fell in 1920–21 to 64,180, and in 1921–22 to 55,172; whether he is aware that the cause for this is the increasing of fees by pressure of the Board coinciding with a period of rapidly falling wages and salaries: and, in view of these figures, will he consider recommending the reduction of secondary school fees to their pre-war level?

I am aware of the figures quoted by the hon. Member, but I cannot accept the conclusion which he draws from them. The rapid increase in the numbers of pupils admitted which occurred after the War was largely provided for by the expansion of existing schools. As the schools became crowded, some reduction in admissions were unavoidable, a result accentuated by the very desirable tendency of pupils to stay longer at school. Since during the years referred to the number of admissions of free place pupils was more than maintained, the restriction of admissions fell on the fee-paying pupils. Experience may show that in some schools the fees now charged are somewhat too high, but I cannot agree that the figures quoted would justify any such general reduction of fees as the hon. Member suggests.

Will the right hon. Gentleman use his influence with the local education authorities, where these tees are excessively heavy and bear hardly upon poorer folk, to have them reduced?

I am always willing to have my attention drawn to any case of hardship, but I cannot give a general undertaking.

Is there any school that the right hon. Gentleman Knows of where the fees are excessive?

Does the right hon. Gentleman realise that the fall of 15,000 in these admissions is a most serious thing for the parents of the pupils, and will he take steps to see that the secondary-school accommodation is enlarged to accommodate these children?

Yes; but if we are to enter into these matters, they are rather more for debate than for question and answer; and the hon. Member knows the difficulties and arguments on the other side.

asked the President of the Board of Education the number of secondary schools in respect of which his Department has written to the local education authority or to the governing body complaining of breaches of Article 20 of the Regulations through the admission of a higher percentage of free placers than had been admitted in the previous years?

The Board have communicated with 71 secondary schools with regard to compliance with Article 20 of the Regulations for secondary schools.

British Dominions (Geography Andhistory)

33 and 34.

asked the President of the Board of Education (1) whether, in addition to the teaching of the geography of the British Isles in elementary and secondary schools, he can inform the House what steps are taken to impart a knowledge into the minds of the coming generation of the geography of those countries oversea forming the British Empire;

(2) whether, in addition to the teaching of the history of the British Isles in elementary and secondary schools, he can inform the House what steps are taken to impart a knowledge into the minds of the coming generation of the history of those countries overseas forming the British Empire?

Specific provision is made, both in the Code of Regulations for Public Elementary Schools and in the Board's volume of "Suggestions for the Consideration of Teachers in Public Elementary Schools," for the inclusion in the geography lessons of instruction in the geography of the British Dominions beyond the seas and in the history lessons of instruction in the history of the growth of the British Empire. The Secondary School Regulations require the inclusion of history and geography in the curriculum, and I am informed that in the syllabuses, in framing which a wide discretion is left to the school authorities, the importance of a knowledge of the British Empire is recognised.

Is any specific encouragement given in the study of these all-important subjects by, for instance, the issue of a certificate to those students who show special knowledge?

Who is going to write an impartial history of the development and growth of the British Empire?

Are steps taken in the schools to instruct the children in the geography of neighbouring counties which are not within the Empire?

Physical Training Inspectors

asked the President of the Board of Education whether, considering that only one staff inspector of physical exercises and six inspectors of physical exercises, all of whom are women, are provided for in the Estimates for the present year; that women are not the proper persons to inspect the physical training of boys of 12 and 14 and over; and that four years ago the late President of the Board of Education stated that the question of the desirability of strengthening the Board's staff of inspectors of physical training was then under his consideration and that he considered that a certain increase was necessary, he will state what progress has been made towards the desired appointment of one man inspector for boys and one woman inspector for girls for each inspectorial division; also how many hours in each week are devoted to physical exercises in elementary and secondary schools?

As regards the first part of the question, the staff of inspectors of physical training provided for in the Estimates for 1923–24 is one man staff inspector with two men and seven women ordinary inspectors. There has, therefore, been an increase of one man inspector and two women inspectors in the last four years. While I agree that some further increase in the number of men inspectors is desirable when circumstances permit, I must not be taken as necessarily concurring in the hon. and gallant Member's estimate of the full strength required. Neither the Code nor the Regulations for secondary schools prescribe the number of hours in each week that should be devoted to physical exercises. In public elementary schools the time varies, as a rule, from one to one and a-half or two hours. In secondary schools one or two periods a week are generally given to physical exercises in addition to any time given to organised games.

Considering the importance of this subject, will the right hon. Gentleman issue orders that more time is to be given to it?

I can assure my hon. and gallant Friend that I am quite alive to the importance and desirability of the subject, but I am not satisfied that we should achieve the object he and I have in common by introducing the suggested compulsion into the curriculum.

Private Schools (Inspection)

asked the President of the Board of Education the number of schools in England and Wales, not in receipt of contributions from taxes or rates, which are open to inspection by the local education authority or the Board in accordance with Section 147 of the Education Act, 1921, and how many inspections of such schools were made by the Board during 1922?

The number of schools which have declared themselves open to inspection by the Board under Section 147 is 133. I have no information as to the number which are open to inspection by local education authorities. The number of inspections made by the Board during the calendar year, 1922, was six. The total number of inspections of these schools made by the Board is 100.

Teachers

asked the President of the Board of Education the number of students who left the training colleges

Academic Year 1920.

Academic Year 1921.

AcademicYear 1922.

Number of Students who completed courses of training for teaching in Elementary Schools:—

Men

977

2,300

2,304

Women

4,287

4,454

4,510

Total

5,264

6,754

6,814

Year ending 31st March, 1920.

Year ending 31st March, 1921.

Year ending 31st March, 1922.

Number of Teachers employed in Public Elementary Schools—

Certificated Teachers

114,103

116,071

118,046

Uncertificated Teachers

35,772

35,458

34,844

Total

149,875

151,529

152,890

Awards made under the School Teachers (Superannuation) Act, 1918:—

On account of age

2,320

1,912

1,880

On account of infirmity

238

349

352

Short service gratuities

3

11

19

Death gratuities

88

324

364

Total

2,649

2,596

2,615

Salaries (War Service)

asked the President of the Board of Education whether his attention has been called to the case of a female assistant teacher who began to teach uncertificated in 1908, took her certificate in 1914, in April, 1915, joined the Voluntary Aid Detachment, served under military regulations till June, 1919, had to find her own uniform and received £20 a year, with annual increments of £2 10s., on being demobilised received a gratuity of £28 towards the cost of civilian dress, had to wait three months in each of the years 1920, 1921, and 1922; the number of certificated and uncertificated teachers employed in elementary schools for the same years; and the number of teachers who retired on pension and on breakdown allowances for the same period, respectively?

As the answer is of a statistical character, I will, with the hon. Member's permission, circulate the figures in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

The following are the figures:

before securing a post, entered Willesden service September, 1919, and is now receiving £52 10s. per annum (less than the teacher of the next class, junior to her, because her War service is not allowed to count); and will he, in view of the fact that the experience and discipline of War service has augmented the powers of the teacher, have inquiries made into this case?

The reply to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. The conditions under which War service can be recognised for the calculation of grant upon teachers' salaries are defined in the Board's Circular 1227, a copy of which I am sending the hon. Member. This Circular, which was issued after very careful consideration of all the circumstances, represents the furthest limit to which the Board have authority to go, and I regret I cannot reopen the matter.

Cost of Education

asked the President of the Board of Education the average cost of educating pupils in England and Wales in schools maintained out of public funds, showing the proportion borne by local rates and Imperial grants, respectively?

The cost of education for each unit of average attendance in public elementary schools in England and Wales in 1923–24 is estimated at about £11 8s., of which £5 will be met from rates and £6 8s. from taxes. The cost of higher education cannot be expressed in terms of cost per pupil for reasons stated in paragraph 17 of the Memorandum on the Board of Education Estimates, 1923–24 [Cmd. 1841], a copy of which I am sending the hon. Member. The net expenditure of local education authorities on higher education is met as to 50 per cent, from rates and 50 per cent, from taxes.

Claims Against Teachers, Leyton

asked the President of the Board of Education if he is aware that the teachers employed by the Leyton Education Authority have received a demand for the repayment of certain sums of money paid to them as salary during 1921–22; that in one case the amount demanded is £102; that the authority has intimated that at some future date it will apply the same procedure to the salaries paid during 1922–23; that these demands have been made upon the teachers individually without submitting them to a conference with the teachers' representatives; that an agreement was entered into between the authority and the teachers in March, 1922, covering the points now involved; when the board was informed of the agreement by the authority; and will he use his good offices to bring about a conference between the authority and the representatives of the teachers?

The answers to the first, second and third parts of the question are in the affirmative. On the fourth, I have no official information. As to the fifth and sixth points, the Board were informed on the 27th February, 1922, that an agreement had been reached that the salaries from 1st April, 1922, onwards should be in accordance with the principles laid down by the Board for the recognition of expenditure in 1921–22. In the case in which the repayment asked for is £102, there appears to have been some misunderstanding into which I am inquiring. On general grounds I think it most desirable that matters in dispute between local education authorities and their teachers should be discussed in conference, but I feel some doubt whether in this matter occasion has arisen for my intervention.

Ex-Service Men (Teachers)

asked the President of the Board of Education the number of ex-service men who have qualified as teachers under the Government training scheme; how many are now unemployed: and what steps he is taking in order to find posts for those who are unemployed?

Up to the end of last session approximately 4,000 students had completed courses under the Regulations for the Training of Teachers with special aid granted by the Board under the Government training scheme. Of this number 80 recently recorded themselves as out of employment, and in the case of 250 others no information was available as to whether they were or were not employed. There are also 915 students who undertook courses at training colleges conducted by the Ministry of Labour, 585 of whom are known to be employed as teachers. I regret that it is not in my power to provide employment for those who are unemployed.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the reason a large number of these ex-service teachers are unemployed is because the classes have been increased in size instead of being decreased? If he would decrease the size these men would be absorbed.

Peace Treaties

Dardanelles (British Troops)

asked the Prime Minister whether any preparations are being made to withdraw the British troops from the Dardanelles?

So long as the negotiations at Lausanne continue, I am not in a position to make a statement. It is obvious that the question of the withdrawal of the Allied troops of occupation is indissolubly connected with the definite conclusion of peace.

German Reparations

asked the Prime Minister whether he is in communication with the French and/or German, Italian, Belgian and United States Governments with a view to discussing some settlement of the German reparations question, and, in particular, the ending of the present situation in the Ruhr; and whether he has observed that the German mark stands at lower exchange level than the Austrian krone at the date when the League of Nations intervened to prevent the financial collapse of the latter country?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative, and to the second in the affirmative.

Are we to understand from the answer that the Government are quiescent on this subject, and are doing nothing at all?

Has the right hon. Gentleman noticed that the Austrian krone stabilised itself directly they ceased printing bank notes, and does he not think that the German mark will follow the same course?

Can the right hon. Gentleman say what we are doing in the matter?

British Property Destruction,Northern France

asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury whether he is aware that British subjects who were owners of property destroyed by the Germans in Northern France during the War have been, and are, unable lo get compensation from any source, whether French, German, or British, although German nationals whose property was confiscated have been compensated by Germany; and whether the Government will give an assurance that in any modifications of reparations the interests of the above-mentioned British subjects will be safeguarded?

As regards the first part of the question, such British subjects may participate in the sum, of £5,000,000 voted for distribution on the recommendation of the Royal Commission on Compensation for Suffering and Damage by Enemy Action. As regards the second part of the question, I fear that no modification of reparations can alter the position of British nationals respecting compensation for war damage.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that in the case of French factories owned by Frenchmen, they are getting full compensation, while similar factories owned by Englishmen in the same district are not getting any compensation?

I am afraid that is the case. At the present moment it may be that the French Government are providing means to enable their nationals to rebuild, but in regard to our nationals in France and Belgium they are not so treated.

The right hon. Gentleman told us that British nationals were to participate in the £5,000,000. Can he now say why it is that, after correspondence extending from two to four years, British nationals cannot get any money?

The £5,000,000 is being distributed by a Royal Commission. I do not know whether the case quoted by the hon. Member has been before that Commission, but if he tells me it has, I will inquire into it.

Then, if I send the right hon. Gentleman particulars, I understand that he will look into the matter?

Can the right hon. Gentleman say how much of the £5,000,000 has already been distributed?

I think a large proportion, but I cannot now give the exact figure.

May I ask whether the Government propose to provide means to advance the compensation in the cases in which compensation to British nationals is due, as the French Government are doing in their own cases?

Does this sum of £5,000,000 include compensation for the death of British subjects killed by Germans in Belgium who had dependants in this country?

I am not quite sure. I cannot carry all the facts in my head. With regard to the question raised by my hon. Friend (Captain Thorpe), perhaps I may explain that, under the Treaty, claims on Germany in respect of all destroyed property in France and Belgium of our nationals are made by the French and Belgian Governments. We have no right to make a claim on Germany for them. Up to this moment the French Government have not, I think, obtained and paid over compensation in respect of the claims of our nationals in France.

I am much obliged to the right hon. Gentleman. May I further ask whether the British Government will anticipate the receipt of payment from the French Government in respect of the claims now due, which they hope will ultimately be liquidated on the money being received?

Members' Speeches (Timelimit)

asked the Prime Minister whether he will consider the question of amending the Rules of Procedure, so as to place some time limit on the speeches of hon. and right hon. Members intervening in Debates, or replying for the Government?

Before the right hon. Gentleman replies, may I ask if he is aware that during one Session the hon. and gallant Member who is putting this question spoke 434 columns of the OFFICIAL REPORT, or 118 columns more than any other Member of this House?

The hon. and gallant Member's suggestion has often been discussed, but I am afraid that no satisfactory solution has yet been found.

Is the Prime Minister aware that he and I set a good example in the brevity of our speeches?

Will the right hon. Gentleman consider at the same time the number of times hon. Members intervene?

Does the Prime Minister realise that there is no comparison to be made between his speeches and those of the hon. and gallant Member?

Ministers (Salaries)

asked the Prime Minister the total amount paid in salaries to the members of the Government in 1922–23 as compared with the year 1913–14; what was the average amount paid to each in those years; what additional sums were paid in fees or other emoluments of office for the same periods; and whether the Government will consider the advisability of revising these salaries in view of the great need of national economy?

The total amounts paid in salaries to the members of the Government in 1922–23 and 1913–14 were £141,700 and £129,025, respectively, the average amount payable to each member being £2,673 in 1922–23 and £2,745 in 1913–14. In addition, the Law Officers' fees amounted to £26,198 in 1913–14 and £33,898 in 1921–22, the latter being the latest for which particulars are available. In the case of three Ministers, official residences, or an allowance in lieu, are provided, namely, the Prime Minister, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and the First Lord of the Admiralty. With regard to the last part of the question, I do not consider that the expenditure on salaries paid to members of the Government can be regarded as excessive.

Prohibition Laws (Unitedstates)

asked the Prime Minister whether His Majesty's Government are prepared to accept the jurisdiction of a foreign country over the internal administration and equipment of a British ship within foreign territorial waters; and what action do they propose to take, in view of the rigid enforcement of the Volstead Act over British shipping in American waters?

For the first and last parts of this question, I must refer my hon. and gallant Friend to the reply which I gave to my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for the Bilston Division of Wolverhampton on the 5th instant. With regard to the second and third parts of the question, I am afraid that it is not possible to discuss, within the limits of a question and answer, the extent to which interference by one State with the merchant ships of another is in accordance with international law and with the practice and comity of nations. In this country, speaking generally, our interference with foreign ships is prompted only by considerations of health and safety of life.

In view of the developments which are now taking place, will an opportunity occur to discuss this matter?

House of Commons Galleries

Dominion Representatives

asked the Prime Minister whether, having regard to the impossibility of providing sufficient accommodation in the present public galleries for visiting Members of Parliament from the Dominions and the Dominion High Commissioners, whose access to the Debates of this House is of importance in promoting mutual understanding between the nations of the British Commonwealth, and also having regard to the difficulty of providing accommodation for Ministers representing some of the foreign countries, he will consider the appointment of a Select Committee of this House to report whether improved arrangements can be made to deal with the problem?

I have already had this matter under consideration, and have decided to recommend to the House that a Select Committee should be appointed to inquire into the question.

Will the reference to this Committee have regard to providing accommodation for Dominion pressmen, who very often wish to attend our Debates?

That raises a very much wider question. This question refers only to a very small portion of the House for a special purpose. I think the other matter referred to might be considered at another time.

Will the Prime Minister see that steps are taken to give effect to the recommendation referred to?

That depends upon Mr. Speaker, but it would be a necessary precedent to doing anything to get a report.

Czechoslovakia (Airconvention)

asked the Secretary of State for Air whether any negotiations have taken place with the Czechoslovakian authorities for the drawing up of an air convention between that country and Great Britain, particularly with regard to civilian transport routes being established; and what was the result of these negotiations?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative; to the second, that the negotiations are still proceeding.

Is it not a fact that a draft agreement was drawn up with Czechoslovakia in December establishing a through route from London to Prague, and why has nothing been done in the matter?

I am very anxious to arrange that this agreement should be carried through, but there are a number of complicated questions which have still to be considered.

House Property (Income Tax Assessments)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer the amount of Inhabited House Duty paid in 1922 on houses whose rental was of the value of £20, and the total amount on houses whose value ranged from £21 to £30, inclusive?

The amount of Inhabited House Duty paid in 1921–22 on all premises of an annual value of £20 to £30 liable to the duty is estimated to be approximately £250,000. For the year 1922–23 the amount paid would not differ materially. No data are available for estimating separately the duty paid by liable premises of the exact value of £20.

In view of the information contained in that reply, and in order to allay the anxiety of numerous poor tenants, can the right hon. Gentleman make any statement as to the limit to be fixed on the rent?

If my hon. Friend is present in the House next week he will then hear all I have to say on this subject.

Would it not be cheaper in the long run to exempt all houses up to £25?

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is aware that some landlords are informing their tenants that they intend to increase the rent of their houses to an amount equivalent to the increased assessments; and if he will state to the House whether he is prepared to insert a Clause in the Finance Bill to render illegal any such action?

I am unable to understand how the position as between landlord and tenant suggested by the hon. Member can arise, seeing that in the normal case the Property Tax assessment is itself governed by the rent actually paid under an ordinary tenancy

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that certain landlords in the East End of London are stating definitely to their tenants that they intend to put the equivalent amount of increase on the rent? Would not a statement from the right hon. Gentleman to the effect of the one he has now made possibly allay a good deal of the uneasiness now existing?

I cannot possibly see how landlords can do it, but if the hon. Member will give me any particulars, I will inquire at once.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that in consequence of the reassessment the landlord is paying on a certain schedule and is then bunging it on to the tenant?

That is the whole question, and I have asked the hon. Member (Mr. Barnes) if he can to give me particulars of any cases where a landlord is trying to do this.

asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury if he is aware of the deep-rooted discontent in all parts of the country in consequence of the general increase in Schedule A assessments; that an inadequate allowance is made for repairs, having regard to the fact that 25 per cent, of the statutory increase in the pre-War rent was to provide for the increased cost of repairs; that, having regard to the acute housing shortage, it is premature at the present time to endeavour to ascertain the true annual value of houses generally; and that the owner-occupier does not in any way benefit by the hypothetical increase in the value of his property, having regard to the fact that, owing to the acute housing shortage, he is compelled to continue to occupy his own property; and if the Government intend taking action in the matter?

I would refer the hon. Member to the replies which I gave to the hon. Member for Richmond on the 8th May, the hon. Member for Bath on the 9th May, and the hon. Member for Ashton-under-Lyne on the 17th May.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that he stated there was no dissatisfaction in the provinces about this reassessment, and is he now aware that many resolutions against it are being sent forward?

I can only say that, while there is considerable dissatisfaction in and around London, the reassessment in the provinces is proceeding normally and smoothly.

Old Age Pensions

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what steps should be taken in order to secure an old age pension by a person who is 75 years of age, whose means limit qualify him for an old age pension, who has resided in this country for 58 years and been a householder and ratepayer for 52 years, whose son fought in the War, but who has been refused an old age pension because he was born in Denmark and has not taken out naturalisation papers?

The Old Age Pensions Acts prohibit the payment of an old age pension to any person who has not been a British subject for at least 10 years.

Will he see that a person who pays rates and taxes for 50 years gets this benefit?

Does the right hon. Gentleman not realise that the only effect of this is to place the cost of these people's maintenance upon the Poor Law instead of on the taxes?

It is done by Act of Parliament, and I have no power to make any alteration.

British Debt (United States)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he has yet arranged the dates upon which it is pro- posed to pay the instalments of interest and principal of the American debt?

It has been agreed to pay interest half-yearly, on the 15th June and the 15th December, and to repay instalments of principal on the 15th December in each year.

Beer

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he can state the number of standard barrels of beer on which Excise Duty was paid during the first eight weeks of the present financial year; what was the amount of duty paid; and what are the corresponding figures for the same period last year?

With my hon. Friend's permission, I will circulate the figures in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Can the right hon. Gentleman give us the amount of the pre War profits of the brewers, compared with their profits after the War?

I do not think that arises out of the one on the paper.

Following are the figures:

The number of standard barrels of beer on which Excise Duty was paid in Great Britain and Northern Ireland during the period 1st April to 31st May, 1923, the net amount of duty paid, and the corresponding figures for the same period of 1922 are as follow:

Standard Barrels.

Duty.

£

1st April to 31st May, 1923 *

2,536,000

12,680,000

1st April to 31st May,1922

2,580,399

12,903,793

* The figures for 1923 are approximate. The figures for 1923 are approximate.

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he is aware that beer of a poor quality is often sold at 9d. per pint or, in glasses containing less than half a pint, at 4½d. per glass; and, taking into consideration the large number of working people who desire one glass of good beer per day at a reasonable price, will he consider the advisability of taking steps to ensure that beer shall be of a proper standard of quality and only recognised standard measures allowed?

I have been asked to reply. I cannot trace having received any recent complaint on this subject. There is no standard of quality for beer; public demand and trade competition are the regulating factors. As regards standard measures, the law provides that when a pint or half a pint of intoxicating liquor is asked for, it shall be sold in an officially-marked measure, but if liquor is ordered by the glass, the law does not give this protection. I think the reimposition of the cumbrous and costly machinery of Government control would be generally deprecated.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware of the complaints with regard to the quality of beer, and may I suggest that he should pay a visit to a certain number of the houses in his constituency?

Not infrequently I do that, but I am not satisfied that if my Department or any other Government Department took over the control of beer, we should get it at cheaper rates.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that we are not asking for control, but for some specific Regulation relating to gravity, so that the consumers know what they are buying?

If the hon. Member follows it out, he will see that in the long run it does involve control.

Government Printing Works

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if the Committee which is to review the whole question of the State printing works at Harrow and elsewhere has yet been appointed; and, if the appointments have not been made, will he state when the Committee will be set up?

I would refer the hon. Member to the reply given to the hon. and gallant Member for the Basingstoke Division on the 4th June.

Finance Bill

Entertainments Duty

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is aware that the promoters of entertainments in Caithness and Sutherland are unable to obtain tickets stamped in accordance with the provisions of the Finance (New Duties) Act, 1916, at any place nearer than Edinburgh; and whether, in view of the difficulty of estimating accurately the number of people likely to attend these entertainments in country districts, he will arrange for a supply of stamped tickets to be available at every post office in the country?

I am afraid that it is not practicable to arrange for the sale of Entertainments Duty tickets at post offices. I would, however, point out that where too many tickets have been purchased, the promoters of an entertainment can surrender those unsold, and obtain a refund.

Imperial Preference Duties

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer the amount of duty collected at the full and preferential rates, respectively, in respect of each of the commodities to which Imperial Preference applies during the year ending 31st March, 1923?

As the reply is in tabular form, I will, with the hon. Member's permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Does the right hon. Gentleman consider the revenue from these duties sufficient compensation for the interference with trade which they involve?

That is rather a matter for debate.

Following is the reply promised:

The amount of duty collected in Great Britain and Northern Ireland at the full and preferential rates respectively in respect of each of the commodities to which Imperial Preference applies,

Articles.

At Full Rate of Duty.

At Preferential Rate of Duty.

Total.

£

£

£

Chicory

67,000

67,000

Cocoa

309,000

981,000

1,290,000

Coffee

285,000

131,000

416,000

Dried Fruits

766,000

75,000

841,000

Spirits

3,854,000

4,715,000

8,569,000

Sugar

29,527,000

7,179,000

36,706,000

Molasses

711,000

34,000

745,000

Glucose

553,000

5,000

558,000

Saccharin

1,000

1,000

Sugar Composite Articles

1,320,000

46,000

1,366,000

Tea

1,557,000

9,998,000

11,555,000

Tobacco

50,608,000

2,786,000

53,394,000

Wine

2,999,000

53,000

3,052,000

Cinematograph Films

269,000

2,000

271,000

Clocks, Watches and Parts

538,000

500

538,000

Motor Cars, Motor Cycles and Parts

960,000

311,000

1,271,000

Musical Instruments and Parts

346,000

1,000

347,000

These amounts are subject to adjustment with the Irish Free State.

Brewing and Distillingingredients

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer the quantities of barley, rice, maize, sugar, and sugar equivalents used in brewing and distilling in the United Kingdom during the year ending 30th September, 1922, and the number of bulk barrels of beer brewed and the number of proof gallons distilled during the same period?

Used in Brewing:—

Barley (Malt)

bushels

33,121,339

Unmalted Corn, including barley

bushels

64,479

Rice, Rice Grits and Flaked Rice

Cwts

45,437

Maize Grits, Flaked Maize and other similar preparations

Cwts

764,776

Sugar including its equivalent of Syrups, Glucose and Saccharum

Cwts

1,622,070

Used in Distilling:—

Barley (Malt)

qrs

1,070,318

Unmalted Grain, including Maize

qrs

756,627

Rice

cwts

19,920

Molasses

cwts

535,118

Beer brewed

bulk barrels

27,815,249

Spirits distilled

proof gallons

37,816,313

Sheep Dipping Order

asked the Minister of Agriculture if he is aware that, for two years prior to the passing of the Double Dipping (Sheep) Order, 1920, there were 790 outbreaks of sheep scab in the United Kingdom; that, in the two

during the year ended 3lst March, 19 was as follows: —

As the answer is in tabular form, perhaps the hon. Member will allow me to circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Following is the answer :

The quantities of certain materials used in brewing and distilling in the United Kingdom during the year ending 30th September, 1922, and the number of bulk barrels of beer brewed, and the number of proof gallons of spirits distilled, during the same period, are as follow:

years since the passing of the Order, there have been 1,440 outbreaks; and that the Order is a costly failure and is causing grave dissatisfaction and great loss to sheep farmers in the South of Scotland; and will he consider the revoking of an Order which has failed in the purpose for which it was enacted?

The reply to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. The increased number of outbreaks merely indicates that more cases of scab are being brought to light, and I cannot agree that the- Order has failed in its purpose. As the Sheep Double Dipping Order, 1920, has not been applied to the South of Scotland, I presume the second part of the question must refer to the Regulations which local authorities make for their own protection. While insufficient care in cleansing flocks of scab still persists in certain distrcts in Wales and Scotland, I should not feel justfied in asking these local authorities to withdraw their Regulations. I am aware of the feeling on this matter which exists in the South of Scotland, and I may say that the Ministry is about to issue a fresh Order dealing with sheep scab on lines which I hope will eventually lead to the stamping out of this desease.

Will the right hon. Gentleman take care that the Order is not so framed as to cause what has occurred in the past—the killing of many sheep by its enforcement?

Unemployment Statistics

asked the Minister of Labour, if he can give the latest figures showing the number of unemployed persons in comparison with 1st January, 1923; and whether the reduced number is solely attributable to the general improvement in the volume of trade?

At 1st January, 1923, the number of persons on the live registers of Employment Exchanges in Great Britain was 1,485,878; the number at 28th May, 1923, was 1,221,300. The chief reason for the reduction is undoubtedly improvement in trade, but in making comparisons between the present time and mid-winter, seasonal causes must not be overlooked.

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman if he has any figures which represent the number who are off the list because of being disqualified?

If the right hon. Gentleman is referring to cases which have been before the Committee on Uncovenanted Benefit, and the Committee have reduced the benefit, I may say I looked into that matter yesterday and arrived at a certain figure. I quote it from memory. It was something like 6,000. If the right hon. Gentleman refers to other grounds for exclusion from benefit, I am afraid I must ask for notice.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that while the total unemployment is decreasing, in certain districts it is increasing? What do the Government propose to do for those districts?

I am aware there has been some variation in the general improvement which had taken place up to a fortnight ago, and that there has been some variation since, but I hope it is temporary only, and, possibly, due to the Whitsuntide holidays.

Foodstuffs (Newspaperadvertisements)

asked the Attorney-General whether he proposes to institute proceedings against the party or parties responsible for the insertion in newspapers of advertisements containing misleading descriptions of foodstuffs?

If any case is brought to the attention of the Director of Public Prosecutions in which, under the existing law, criminal proceedings could be instituted, the matter will be carefully considered by him. I have submitted to the Director the advertisement which my hon. Friend was good enough to show me, but he advises that it does not offend against the criminal law. The usual method of checking misleading descriptions of foodstuffs—whether advertisements or not—is by proceedings under the Sale of Food and Drugs Act, 1875, and the administration of this Act is almost invariably left to the local authority concerned.

Will the learned Attorney-General give the House an assurance that he will be very careful about instituting prosecutions in reference to these particular statements in the Press about foodstuffs, because, conceivably, he might have to carry the matter rather far?

I can assure the House that we shall be very careful before we institute criminal proceedings against anyone.

Licensed Premises, London (Assessment)

asked the Minister of Health what is the ratio of the assessable value of licensed premises in the County of London to the total assessable value of the county; and what proportion of the police rate and poor rate is chargeable in respect of such licensed premises?

According to information obtained from the London County Council, the ratio is as 364 is to 10,000. It may be taken that the rates mentioned in this question are chargeable in respect of licensed premises in that proportion.

Sporting Rights (Rating)

asked the Minister of Health whether, in view of the difficulties experienced by many assessment committees in dealing with the obligations of owners of sporting rights in relation to the position created by the Agricultural Rates Act, 1896, and Section 6 (i) of the Rating Act, 1874, he has come to any decision in the matter; and, if so, whether he proposes to cause a Circular to be sent to assessment committees stating the nature of his decision?

I have no authority to give a decision on the point referred to by my hon. Friend. The question is a legal one, which can only be decided by a competent Court, and, therefore, I do not think there would be any advantage in my issuing a Circular on the subject to the assessment committees.

Opium Revenue, India

asked the Under-Secretary of State for India what are the latest figures of the annual revenue derived by the Government of India from the export and from the excise on the internal consumption of opium?

The latest figures are for 1921–1922. In that year the gross revenue derived from the export of opium was Rs.2,31,54,008, and from the excise receipts Rs.2,31,21,477. The latter figure does not include licence fees. These are not shown separately from the licence fees for the sale of liquors in the figures for 1921–1922, but in the year 1920–1921 the licence fees for the sale of opium were Rs. 1,09,15,940.

Sudan (Public Works)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether, in view of the unsatisfactory results of carrying out public works in the Sudan by administration, it is intended to carry out any further large works by administration either in the Sudan or in any other of His Majesty's Protectorates?

I do not know the works which the hon. Member regards as having been directly carried out with unsatisfactory results by the Sudan Government, nor can I indicate in advance how future works in the Sudan or elsewhere will be constructed.

Empire Settlement, Ontario

asked the Minister of Labour if he is aware that a leaflet is being distributed at Employment Exchanges throughout the country encouraging the migration of British women and girls to Ontario, Canada, as household workers on farms; that it portrays an Ontario farmhouse which is not typical; that it also depicts a Canadian cook-stove which suggests that most up-to-date household appliances are common on the farms; and that the letterpress of the leaflet is most misleading; and if he will make inquiries into the matter with a view to its withdrawal from all Employment Echanges?

A leaflet prepared by the Ontario Government is issued at Employment Exchanges to women who, it is thought, might wish to be informed of the facilities for settlement which exist under the Assisted Passage scheme with Ontario. I have received assurances from the Agent General for Ontario that neither the pictures not letterpress are misleading, and I see no grounds for withdrawing the leaflet.

Is it not a fact that the farms throughout Ontario are as prosperous, up to date, and comfortable as in any other section of the British Empire?

Are there not in the letterpress leaflet statements which give the impression that women can go out to employment on farms under good conditions, and that later on, but in small type, there is a statement that the number of cases of employment on farms is very limited, and is that not misleading?

I have read the document through with care, and must say that I cannot find in it anything in the nature of a misleading statement. I am fairly familiar with a good many portions of Ontario, and have visited a good many farmhouses there, but I will very gladly put myself in touch with my hon. Friend, and if there be any particular phrase in the pamphlet to which he takes exception I shall be very glad to consider it.

Intoxicating Liquor (Sale Topersons Under Eighteen) Bill

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the fact that the Intoxicating Liquor (Sale to Persons under Eighteen) Bill, as amended in Standing Committee, is now largely an agreed Measure, the Government, in the event of the Bill not passing its further stages during the remaining time allotted to private Members, will grant facilities for its consideration?

I understand that the Bill to which my hon. and gallant Friend refers is, in its present form, largely an agreed Measure. I, therefore, hope that it may be possible for the further stages of the Bill to be taken during the time still remaining to private Members, but, if not, the Government will be prepared to grant facilities before the end of this Session.

Is it not the case that if Members do not talk too long to-morrow, there will be a possible chance of getting the Bill through?

Business of the House

May I ask the Prime Minister what will be the business for next week?

On Monday, the Committee stage of the Financial Resolution to the Finance Bill, and the Committee stage of the Finance Bill.

Tuesday and Wednesday: Continuation of the Committee stage of the Finance Bill.

Thursday: Supply—India Office Vote.

Friday: Private Members' Bills.

Ordered,

"That the Proceedings on Consideration of the Lords Amendments to the Restoration of Order in Ireland (Indemnity) Bill and to the Rent Restrictions (Notices of Increase) Bill and on the Rent and Mortgage Interest Restrictions Bill have precedence this day of the Business of Supply." —[ The Prime Minister. ]

NEW MEMBER SWORN.

MABEL PHILIPSON, for County of Northumberland (Berwick-upon-Tweed Division).

Selection (Standing Committees)

STANDING COMMITTEE B.

Sir SAMUEL ROBERTS reported from the Committee of Selection; That they had discharged the following Member from Standing Committee B (added in respect of the Agricultural Rates Bill): Mr. Neville Chamberlain; and had appointed in substitution: Lord Eustace Percy.

Report to lie upon the Table.

MESSAGE FROM THE LORDS.

Carriage of Goods by Sea Bill [ Lords ],

That they have appointed a Committee consisting of four Lords to join with a Committee of this House to consider the above-mentioned Bill, and request this House to appoint an equal number of their Members to be joined with the said Lords.

Orders of the Day

Restoration of Order in Ireland (Indemnity) Bill

Order for Consideration of Lords Amendments read.

I beg to move, "That the Lords Amendments be now considered."

The Amendments which have been introduced in another place are designed to give effect to two matters upon which my Friends and myself and the Opposition came to an agreement on the Report stage of the Bill. The first is in connection with an Amendment moved by the hon. Member for Seaham (Mr. Webb), which, as the House will recollect, introduced words giving the right to claim compensation by a personal representative. The hon. Member asked me, and, as I assured him, we, of course, intended to make that effective, but, unfortunately, the introduction of the words which he suggested would really have given no real protection because the word "he" would have referred to the wrong person. We have slightly altered the wording in order to give effect to that. The other point is one I promised the hon. Member for Wallsend (Mr. Hastings) to give effect to. He pointed out that under the Bill as drafted there was no absolute right to appear by solicitor or counsel, and I undertook that words should be introduced in another place to give effect to that.

I quite agree with the learned Attorney-General that both these Amendments carry out the pledges he gave on the Report stage. We accept them as carrying out those pledges, and nothing further need be said on the subject.

Question put, and agreed to.

Lords Amendments considered accordingly.

CLAUSE 1.— (Indemnity for action taken under Restoration of Order in Ireland Regulations.)

(1) No action or other legal proceeding whatsoever, whether civil or criminal, shall be instituted in any Court of Law against any person for, or on account of, or in respect of the issue before the passing of this Act 5 and since the sixth day of December, nineteen hundred and twenty-two, of any Order purporting to have been made in pursuance of Regulation 14 B made or purporting to have been made under the Restoration of Order in Ireland Act, 1920, or for, on account of, or in respect of any act done before the passing of this Act for the purpose of carrying any such Order into effect; and if any such proceeding has been instituted, whether before or after the passing of this Act, it shall be discharged and made void, subject in the case of a proceeding instituted before the seventeenth day of May, nineteen hundred and twenty-three, to such directions as to costs as the Court or a judge thereof may think fit to give:

Provided that any person who, in pursuance of any such Order, has been deported to Ireland since the sixth day of December, nineteen hundred and twenty-two, and therein interned or the personal representative of any such person who may have died shall be entitled within three months after the passing of this Act to claim against such person as may be designated for the purpose by the Treasury compensation for any loss or damage he may have sustained in consequence of such deportation and internment, or of any act done for the purpose of carrying such Order into effect, and the amount of such compensation shall be assessed on the principles on which damages would be assessed at common law in a common law action for trespass but without regard to any statutory minimum, or in Scotland for wrongous imprisonment or assault, and awarded by a tribunal consisting of three persons (of whom one shall be a person who holds or has held high judicial office) appointed by the Lord Chief Justice of England, or, in cases of persons deported from Scotland, by the Lord President of the Court of Session, and the decision of such a tribunal shall be final.

(2) The Tribunals of Inquiry (Evidence) Act, 1921, shall apply to such a tribunal as if the tribunal had been established and that Act had been applied thereto in manner provided by that Act.

Lords Amendments:

In Sub-section (1), leave out

"or the personal representative of any person who may have died. "

At the end of Subjection (1) add

"If a person so deported and interned dies, the claim for compensation may be made or prosecuted by his personal representative and compensation may be assessed as if he had not died."

At the end of Sub-section (2) add the words

"Provided that in any proceedings on such a claim any party shall be entitled to appear by counsel or by a solicitor or law agent."

Agreed to.

Rent Restrictions (Notices Ofincrease) Bill

Order for Consideration of Lords Amendment read.

I beg to move, "That the Lords Amendment be now considered. "

This Amendment again is to carry out promises I made to the Opposition. On the Third Reading I indicated that it might be possible to introduce words which would make it easier for a tenant to raise as a defence to a claim for increase of rent the fact that the house was not in a reasonable state of repair. We have been able to bring that in in a form which I think carries out the result aimed at by the Opposition and by ourselves.

I repeat what I have already said. We think this carries out the pledge the Attorney-General gave us on the Third Reading, and we accept it.

Question put, and agreed to.

Lords Amendment considered accordingly.

CLAUSE 3.— ( Power to suspend liability if premises unfit for human habitation or in state of disrepair. )

(2) Where the liability in respect of the payment of instalments is so suspended, the instalments which would have become payable during the period of suspension, shall for the purpose of calculating the aggregate amount of instalments paid be deemed to have been paid.

Lords Amendment:

After Sub-section (2) insert the following new Sub-sections: —

"(3) Where a tenant has obtained from the sanitary authority a certificate that the house is not in a reasonable state of repair, and has served a copy of the certificate upon the landlord, it shall be a good defence to any claim against the tenant for the payment of any sum which the tenant is by virtue of this Act liable to pay by way of rent or on account of arrears in respect of any subsequent rental period that the house was not in a reasonable state of repair during that period, and in any proceedings against the tenant for the enforcement of such claim (including proceedings for recovery of possession or ejectment on the ground of non-payment of rent so far as the rent unpaid includes any such sum), the production of the said certificate shall be sufficient evidence that the house was and continues to be in the condition therein mentioned unless the contrary is proved: Provided that the foregoing provision shall not apply in any case where and so far as the condition of the house is due to the tenant's neglect or default or breach of express agreement. (4) For the purposes of this Act a certificate of a sanitary authority shall specify what works (if any) require to be executed in order to put the house into a reasonable state of repair. (5) An instrument purporting to be a certificate of a sanitary authority and to be signed by an officer of the authority shall without further proof, be taken to be a certificate of the authority unless the contrary is proved."

Agreed to.

Rent and Mortgage Interestrestrictions Bill

Order read for resuming Adjourned Debate on Amendment to Question [ 6th June ], "That the Bill be now read a Second time."

Which Amendment was, to leave out from the word "That" to the end of the Question, and to add instead thereof the words

"whilst recognising the necessity for legislation to amend and prolong the duration of the Increase of Rent and Mortgage Interest (Restrictions) Act, 1920, this House cannot assent to the Second Reading of a Bill which immediately excludes from the application of the Act a very large number of dwelling-houses, fails to provide for a reduction in the permitted increases in rent, gives further power to the landlord to coerce the tenant, is calculated to give rise to vexatious litigation, and is not in harmony with the expressed will of the electorate. "— [ Mr. Webb. ]

Question again proposed, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Question."

I think this Bill, if not the most important, is certainly the most widely discussed Bill which has been before this Parliament, and the one in which the electors generally take the most interest. It arises because we are face to face with a house famine, and houses are one of the three necessities of life, food, shelter and raiment, and shelter is not below the others in point of importance. The shortage existed before the War, but was much accentuated by the War. The Government during the War conscripted the people who might have been building houses, and even in the national interest prohibited the building of houses, so that it may be truly described as being a war famine. To what houses does the control apply? It applies to 95 per cent, of the occupied houses of the country. And who are the people who live in the houses? Among the tenants of these houses are men who fought in the War and the widows and orphans of the men who fell in the War, and it is well to remember that the first Rent Restrictions Act, 1915, which was passed hurriedly, owed its origin to the protests which were made to the Government of that day by the wives of the soldiers, who found that while their men were fighting their landlords were proposing in some instances to raise the rent. Being face to face with a famine, the two usual measures are suggested, first an increase of supply and secondly temporary continuance of the control of prices. The discussion has all turned on the two points, Is the supply sufficient or likely to be sufficient and is the control adequate and effective? As to the supply, the figures have very often been quoted. There is an annual need, first of all, which has to be currently met, of 70,000 to 80,000 working-class houses per year. There is the Armistice deficit, which is variously stated, according to the standard of housing which we consider to be requisite, at 300,000 and 500,000, and Lord Astor, who was at the Ministry of Health, put it on one occasion as high as 800,000 houses only three years ago. The Minister of Health in his extremely lucid and interesting speech in introducing the Bill told us that even the super-human efforts, at great expense, of Dr. Addison's Ministry only succeeded in contributing 54,000 houses towards the deficit. That is to say, all the houses which were built, with the exception of 54,000, were absorbed in supplying the constantly recurring annual demand.

The Minister himself has a scheme for building houses. We have pressed him repeatedly to tell us how many houses it is going to produce, but he will not say. He is Minister of Health, and the housing problem is a health problem, and he is not fully discharging his func- tion merely by providing us with a gloomy prognosis. There is a couplet of Belloc's on doctors which says:

Our suggestion is that it is the right hon. Gentleman's business to produce houses, and our main criticism of the Bill, as embodied in the Amendment on the Paper of the hon. Member for West Middlesbrough (Mr. T. Thomson) is, "houses first. "The Minister credited the party to which we belong with originating that slogan of "houses first," and he described my hon. Friend's Amendment as being an admirable example of the policy with which we are pleased to be identified of "Wait and See. "But we claim no credit of copyright in the watchword of houses first. The Scottish Under-Secretary for Health, who made a very entertaining though not an illuminating speech last night, in one of his most jocular sallies referred to the fact that, ultimately, this question would be referred to the electors, and the Amendment on which I am speaking says the proposals of the Government are not in accord with the will of the electors. When candidates go before the electors they acquire a very sensitive receptive power as to the wishes of the electors, and, when three distinguished, but unfortunate, protagonists of the Government went before the electors, it was they, and not ourselves, who invented the watchwords "Houses first." The Minister of Health who preceded the right hon. Gentleman, according to the "Times" report, Gentleman is unwontedly silent. So much for the late Minister of Health. What about the hon. Gentleman who was Under-Secretary of State for the Home Department at that time? Colonel Stanley said that if at any time decontrol were introduced and he were not satisfied that sufficient houses had been built, he would be prepared to resign any position to which he had been elected by the people of Willesden. He has been absolved from the necessity of any such resignation by the presence here of my hon. Friend the Member for Willesden (Mr. H. Johnstone). Then there was the equally distinguished and most lamented absentee from our Debates, Major Hills. Major Hills, in his election, said: several hundred thousands—you would have to emigrate nearly 500,000 people. I do not know whether it has occurred to him that he may be emigrating the very bricklayers and labourers who might stay and build the houses instead.

I have said quite sufficient to corroborate what I think is the universally accepted proposition, that there is a great shortage, and that there is no prospect of the shortage being met by any of the Measures before the House at the present moment. There being no prospect of a sufficiency of supply, we are driven, whether we like it or not—and I do not like it—to a policy of control of the supply that exists. If anything could convince the unconvinced of the folly of State interference it would be the policy of the control of houses. I believe that you cannot force people to do things that they do not want to do, and that the only good service that you can get from a man is willing service. I believe that if you take one class and attempt to make them do what they do not want to do, they will pass on the hardship as quickly as possible to the class below them. That is amply illustrated in the policy of controlled houses, because everybody knows that under the control of houses, in the matter of repairs and so on, the service is anything but satisfactory.

Before I pass to the examination of the Bill itself, I want to deal with another argument which prima facie certainly makes a great appeal to many people, including myself. Hon. Members say, "Why should you take one particular class of owner and force him to supply what is a national need? Why should you take the house-owner and say, 'We want cheap houses, and we propose to provide them for the public at your expense.' "That is a proposition which needs defence, and I propose to mention one or two considerations in connection with it. It certainly makes a strong appeal to a fair-minded man when you say that if the State requires a thing the State should pay for it and that you should not force one particular class to supply it. The first thing to remember is that if you decontrol these houses and give the owners thereof the power to sell with possession, they will carry with them a great deal of their enhanced war value and the profit on them will be a war profit. During the War we taxed war profits by means of the Excess Profits Duty. Many of us were anxious that other war profits should be the subject of a special levy. Therefore, the case of the house-owner who desires to reap the war profit on his house does not differ from the case of anybody else who happened to be in a, position to make a war profit, except that his profit has been postponed, whereas the other profit was reaped during or immediately after the War.

The other point is this. For nine years, during which trade has been bad and employment hazardous, the owner of a house has enjoyed complete security. He has had a certain supply of tenants, and, moreover, he has had a degree of certainty for the rent which he never previously enjoyed. The figures given by the hon. Member for Bethnal Green (Mr. Harris) as to London warrant repetition. He gave the figures of empties for the County Council houses, and he showed that, whereas in 1911 the empties amounted to 6'8 per cent., in 1921–22 they amounted only to 0006 per cent. On the basis of figures of that kind, which are fairly illustrative, it is fair to say that the owner has been given security in the matter of finding a tenant. For some time, the State prohibited anyone from putting up a competitive building during the War, so that he was also secure in his monopoly in another way. For the most part, he has had his rent with a regularity which he did not previously enjoy. Where in large measure, has the rent come from? From superannuation allowances, unemployment insurance, under which other employers, and not the owners of houses, have contributed ƣ 100,000,000 a year towards a fund on which an early charge is the rent; and there has been the parish. Whereas in 1913–14 Poor Law relief was ƣ 12,000,000, in 1922–23 it was ƣ 40,000,000. These are public funds, to which only in a small proportion as a taxpayer has the owner of property contributed, and on which has been charged to a large extent the rent of his property. Those two considerations— the war profit value of the house and the security which the owner has enjoyed above other owners of property—must be taken into account when you are considering the proposition whether it is fair to put this burden upon them. If the Government think it unfair, then it certainly does seem to me a very strange time to raise the assessments of the houses and to collect from the owners of these houses an increased Imperial tax. If the Government wish to give relief, then they should certainly take an opportunity of revising the demands that are being made on the owners of houses under the Property Tax assessments.

I pass from that question of fairness to the argument of those who say that the sure way to provide houses is to decontrol them at once. They say that if they were immediately decontrolled, even if prices rose, the natural economic result would be a greatly increased supply, followed in time by a glut and a great fall in prices. I would direct the attention of the House to the fact that the wages paid at the present time are based upon controlled rents. When that interview took place between the Trade Union Congress and the late Prime Minister the spokesman of the deputation said that in the last two years there had been an annual decrease in wages of £ 529,000,000. Certainly have an economic rent if you have an economic wage, but not an economic rent if you have a wage which is based on controlled rents. I should like to see a free man in a free house. What we actually have is a cheap man in a subsidised house. If economic forces really had free play we here should be standing for decontrol, an economic wage, and economic rent, and hon. Gentlemen opposite would be standing for control and wages subsidised by means of controlled rents. If economic forces had free play, and if wages immediately rose to enable the wage-earners to pay an economic rent, I do not fancy that we should get very much support from hon. Gentlemen opposite who are in favour of decontrol. I think it will be agreed that some form of control is required, and the question remains—I am assuming always that this is a control Bill—How long is the control to be continued? Hon. Gentlemen who support the Bill think that in 1925 the situation will have lost its acute character, but that is exactly the hope of the Committee of 1920. That Committee, which examined the last Act and continued it for three years, said: Their hopes have been entirely disappointed, and I venture to think that the hopes of those who think that in 1925 economic forces can again be allowed in safety to operate will be equally disappointed. I think it may almost be necessary to put this Bill into the Schedule of the Expiring Laws (Continuance) Bill, so that it will be continued in operation unless it is repealed by the House. In that way, you would put into the hands of this House the power to decide whether or not the situation justified decontrol at any particular moment. I now come to my last point. Is this really control till 1925? The hon. Member for Seaham (Mr. Webb), in the most penetrating and searching speech which he made yesterday, made it quite clear that this is not control till 1925. It is simply decontrol. It is decontrol because it says that decontrol shall depend upon possession, and it then proceeds to make possession a very easy matter. There are, of course, many cases of hardship. The right hon. Gentleman read some letters setting out these hardships very clearly. I have heard, and no doubt most hon. Members have heard of similar cases. So far as I am concerned, I want to make it clear that I am in favour of remedying hardship in the case of those who bought houses with the object of occupying them. While I am in favour of remedying that, this Bill is not limited to those cases.

It is all Very well for the right hon. Gentleman to say what he intends the Bill to mean; but when the Bill has passed into an Act and is administered by the Courts, it passes into the custody of those who have been described as automatons. They will not be guided in their decisions by the speeches of the right hon. Gentleman. They will be guided by what the Act of Parliament says, and so far as the wording is concerned, this Bill certainly opens the door wide to the obtaining of possession by those who have no such claims and no such hardships as the people referred to by the right hon. Gentleman. It must be remembered, as was pointed out by the hon. and learned Member for South Shields (Mr. Harney) — whose speech was as convincing after it had been attacked by the Under-Secretary of Health for Scotland as it was before.

It was convincing all the time. This Bill provides a greatly increasing incentive to obtain possession of houses. Previously you might obtain possession, but if you let it you could only let it at a controlled rent. Under this Bill, once possession is obtained the rent can be anything that can be got from the hungry tenants. There is this increased incentive to obtain possession, and there are improved facilities for obtaining possession. It seems to me, as far as I can read Clause 2—I may be mistaken —that the necessity for providing alternative accommodation only arises in a comparatively small number of cases. As regards alternative accommodation, it will be easier to find that, because you will have thrown into the market a large number of houses which will become decontrolled, and you will have done away with the limit as to rent. Therefore, alternative accommodation may be suitable or comparable residential accommodation without any reference to the rent which it may cost. As I read the Bill, the number of people who will be required to prove that alternative accommodation exists will be a very small number, because in Clause 3 (I, f ) landlords can obtain possession without proving alternative accommodation The landlords are divided into two classes, those who had the house before June, 1922, and those who had it after June, 1922. Those who had the house before June, 1922, as I understand it, simply take it, if they wish to occupy it. If that is not so, it should be made clear.

I bow to the great experience and knowledge of the right hon. Gentleman, but that is how it appears to me. If they had the house after 1922 they merely have to prove that a superior hardship would be inflicted upon them compared with the hardship that would be inflicted upon the tenant. Let the House observe how the fact that possession is rendered easier—as it is rendered very much easier—affects the value of Clause 13, which has been described as one of the bright spots of the Bill. In Clause 13, the tenant has certain protection against the landlord who will not repair the house. He can get a certificate, and the certificate is a defence, against a judgment for rent, or something of that kind. What tenant is going to take advantage of Clause 13 if he knows that if he falls foul of his landlord the landlord has eight different ways of getting him out of the house? The tenant has no freedom. He will be in a state of terror. If Clause 13 were operative, it would be a very good Clause, but we must take into account the fact that many tenants will not be willing to use the machinery there provided, because they will be afraid that if they do so, they will lose the friendship of their landlord and, therefore, they are likely to lose the residence in which they live.

In many respects this is not a continuance of control till 1925 Bill. It is a Bill for decontrol, and a large measure of immediate decontrol. It is true that it is not decontrol for the odium of which the Government is going to suffer. They had three bye-elections on a proposal to decontrol, and the lessons of those bye-elections were significant. This is to be decontrol which other people have to carry out on behalf of the Government. They will say: "Here is a Bill which continues the protection necessary for two further years, "but in the Bill will "be found the means for exercising an immediate measure of decontrol. Side by side with this decontrol there is an uninspired and a faltering housing programme—a programme of which even the Minister of Health himself speaks without enthusiasm. He fines a man £ 100 for charging too much for the furniture in the house of which you desire to take occupation, but there is no fine for the man who charges you too much for a bath, a grate, for cement or bricks. That class of profiteering is not dealt with in his conception of a proper housing programme. In these circumstances, many of us regard this Bill in an extremely critical frame of mind, especially in view of the fact that it is not accompanied by a vigorous programme of house building. As regards the Bill itself, one might say to the tenant, in the words of the Evangelist "Christian," when he was being persuaded by Mr. Legality—

The House has listened with interest, as it always does, to the remarks of the hon. and gallant Member. He has made a characteristic speech which rather indicates the policy of his party. It is very far from the realities of the situation, and it suffers a great deal from the fact that my hon. Friend—he will forgive me for saying this —has not read the provisions of this Bill in conjunction with that of the principal Act which it seeks to amend. That, of course, is somewhat of a disadvantage when one is making a critical statement on a Bill of this kind. I confess that I am in some doubt as to what my hon. and gallant Friend proposes to do upon the Second Reading. He has not indicated whether he proposes to vote for the Bill or to vote against it; but I gathered from the speech of an hon. Member opposite who spoke yesterday for the Independent Liberals that, notwithstanding the defects of the Bill, that section of the Liberal party proposes to assent to the Bill so far as the Second Reading is concerned.

What are the realities of the situation and what are the difficulties which my right hon. Friend has to meet? In the first place, he has great difficulty in meeting the needs and requirements of the landlords of this country at the present time. Anyone would think from hearing the speeches of hon. Members yesterday, and the speech of my hon. and gallant Friend to-day, that the landlords of this country consist of a wealthy body of men who own large masses of property and who are out to inflict hardships and inequalities upon the tenants and that therefore the Minister of Health has had to introduce this Bill in order to protect the tenants. It is well worthy of note that in the recent report of the Commissioners of Inland Revenue, showing how house property in this country is divided amongst all classes of the community, the annual value of property exempt from Income Tax on the ground that the income of the owners from all source does not exceed £ 130 per annum, even for the year preceding the War, stood at no less a sum than over £ 30,000,000. If one estimates that at twenty years' purchase, one comes to the conclusion that as far as the working classes are concerned they are landlords of property to the value of not less than £ 600,000,000. Therefore, I cannot understand my hon. and gallant Friend and hon. Members opposite when they pursue the theory that a particular class of landlords only is being protected and that legislation has to be introduced in order to protect a particular class of tenant. That is far from the real situation.

I have no desire to put forward a particular brief on behalf of the landlords of this country; but I think it is necessary in view of the statements that have been made in this House during the last few hours that it should be recognised to this extent that this very Rent Restriction legislation has to a very large amount been put into operation at the expense of the landlords. I was very interested to hear the speech of the hon. Member for South-West Bethnal Green (Mr. Harris) last night, when he said that in some way or other the house shortage was due to the action of either this Government or the last Government. [HON. MEMBERS: "Inaction! "] Inaction He must give greater powers to this Government or to the late Government than I do, because my hon. Friend who has considerable knowledge of what has taken place in other parts of the world will realise, if he looks to-day at New York, Paris or any other part of the world, that the housing shortage is equally as serious in other parts of the world as it is in this country. Therefore I cannot understand the argument that the housing shortage is due to this Government or to the last Government.

If one could give an opinion, apart from party politics altogether, one would know that the main reason for the housing shortage in this country is the War. Therefore I make this point, that the landlords themselves have had to pay for rent restrictions, contrary to what has been done in the case of any other class, and they are now faced with proposals in this Bill which will prevent them from dealing with their property probably for a period of not less than seven years. Therefore while I am keenly apprehensive as to, and I have some knowledge of, the position of the tenants in this country, yet anyone who occupies a responsible position and desires to give a judgment free altogether from the ordinary game of party politics must come to the conclusion that my right hon. Friend in the position in which he is placed has got to do what I think he has done, hold a fair balance between landlords and tenants, and meet the difficulties which confront them. The question naturally arises, Has my right hon. Friend brought forward proposals which effect this object?

The real question affecting this Bill is whether decontrol is practicable and when it should be enforced. The Bill fixes the date of decontrol two years hence. If my right hon. Friend were cross-examined in this House I do not think that he would give any other reply than the observation, which I desire to make, that obviously that is the date which can only be aimed at, and you cannot take the matter much further than that. Hon. Members suggested last night that the date should be three or four years hence or some other period. The obvious reply is that the date must be fixed by the extent by which the housing situation in this country is met, and no one would say that Part II of the Bill should be put into operation if the housing situation remains as it is to-day. The Bill recognises that fact, because my right hon. Friend has abandoned all those unfortunate proposals in the Onslow Committee's Report under which decontrol would be brought about by stages. This Bill is a confession that those suggestions are impracticable. If, two years hence, the facts remain as they are to-day it will be impossible to put Part II of the Bill into operation, and so far as I am concerned I will be no party to putting into force any Measure of decontrol if there is not a number of houses sufficient to meet fairly and reasonably the needs of the community.

But I think my right hon. Friend has acted well in putting forward a further proposal, with reference to what I call gradual decontrol. Hon. Members opposite criticised that view. I know that they would be strongly opposed to any proposals of decontrol, but there is a great deal of merit in the proposal. There is no doubt that the building community to-day have grave apprehensions as to the position. Investors in house property are nervous, and for this reason. They object strongly to Government interference, and they believe that Government interference will continue. This proposal does at any rate give an indication that, provided there is a sufficient number of houses, there are methods by which gradual decontrol can take place, and for that reason I support that particular proposal in Part II of the Bill.

I know from my own experience that house property in the past has been not so much dependent on the efforts of the house builder as on the man who has been behind the house builder, who has been prepared to put his money into house property as an investment, and I know that it is far easier, from the particular experience which I have had,' for a man to-day to put his money into almost any other form of investment than into house property itself. For that reason I think, taking it as a whole, that the proposal of the Minister of Health cannot be regarded as unreasonable. I do not say for a moment that many proposals of the Bill do not require the closest examination. I know of no Bill introduced into this House which deserves more scrutiny. It affects almost every person in the country and it affects many thousands of houses. Therefore, every line of the Bill should be scrutinised closely.

Hon. Members opposite have criticised many provisions of the Bill, and especially in reference to the suggestion which the right hon. Gentleman has made as to the position of the one-house owners in this country. Everyone will agree that there are very many hard cases of men who purchased their houses many years ago and are still unable to enter into occupation and enjoyment of them. I think that those cases call for an immediate remedy, but the terms of the Bill, as introduced, do not carry out that desire. I listened carefully to the speech of my right hon. Friend and, as far as I understood it, he said that this position of difficulty of the one-house owner would be met. But the terms of this Bill are very much wider, and the Bill will require considerable amendment in that respect. I am not prepared to extend the particular privilege to the very many categories which are specified in the proposals of the Bill.

The official spokesman of the Labour party has referred to what he called a "loophole," that is, the right given to various people to contract out of the Bill, so that by entering into an agreement or a lease with a landlord the particular property should no longer be subject to control. Obviously that Clause requires amendment, because such persons should, in the first place, have adequate notice that they have to leave their premises. Some notice, such as three months, should be incorporated in the Bill. Then I think that my right hon. Friend would be well advised to follow the recommendation of the Onslow Committee itself that all such leases or agreements, entered into by the parties themselves, should be subject to the approval of the Court. I know that that recommendation has not been adopted by the Government, but I think that it should be.

On the question of the general operation of the Bill, and particularly the question of mortgages, which has not yet been referred to in this House, I think that the Government will have to give much more careful consideration to the position. Under the principal Act, which is now in force, mortgages can only be called in in connection with leasehold property which is what is called of a wasting nature. It is now suggested that mortgages can be called in in connection with all property freehold and leasehold as well. There is much to be said in favour of that, and my hon. Friend the Member for Spelthorne (Sir P. Pilditch) no doubt would welcome such a provision. But there is a great deal of doubt in the matter. Those' people who have spent money on what are called weekly properties are in very grave-danger if their security was called in to-day and remedies were to be enforced. The non-payment of rent and other matters have rendered those securities very indifferent ones indeed.

I was interested to hear my hon. Friend opposite refer to the extraordinary position in which landlords in this country were so far as their rents are concerned. Last night the hon. Member for South-West Bethnal Green pointed out that the-principal Act and this Bill really meant security for the payment of rent to landlords in this country. He must be very unfamiliar with the position of many landlords in this country. I noticed only on Friday that the magistrate at Old Street Police Court, in giving a decision upon the question of the ejectment or otherwise of a tenant, called the atten- tion of the public to the fact that in this particular case of weekly property no less than £ 200 was due for rent. That is the case with a very large number of properties in this country. Therefore I hope that the Government will consider seriously whether they are going to allow a strict enforcement of mortgage security, particularly in connection with weekly properties.

I am very apprehensive about the suggestion made by the Minister of Health in connection with Part II of the Act. I think that the actual machinery by which gradual decontrol may take place may be very well left to what may be the position two years hence. Few Members of the House realise the very important modifications of the law of this country and the very important alteration in principle which is suggested in Part II of this Bill. For the first time it is suggested, and suggested by a Conservative Government, that bodies which may very well develop into rent courts shall be established, and that for the first time landlords and tenants, instead of coming to private agreements and entering into private contract as to rent and as to the conditions under which house property shall be held, are to refer in the first place to reference committees, and ultimately to County Courts. That is a very grave alteration of the law. It is such a grave alteration that it should certainly not be embodied in a Bill of this sort, even if one takes it on the statement made by my right hon. Friend yesterday that these reference committees were merely to report and were to consider what were the fair terms of any tenancy.

I ask, particularly the Attorney-General, how that is likely to help the housing situation of the country. I can very well understand that a tenant and a landlord may refer the matter to a reference committee. The committee may consider it and may come to a conclusion one way or the other. They may report upon the matter to the County Court Judge, and then the County Court Judge, if he does his duty, has to consider the matter de-novo. He has to hear the parties, and very likely to hear their legal representatives. How far he will be aided by such a report I have the greatest difficulty in understanding. Yesterday a question was put to the Minister of Health as to what would be the position if the reference committees came to a definite conclusion as to rent or terms of tenancy, and as to what a County Court Judge would do. To the amazement of many, the Minister replied that the County Court Judge would probably come to the same conclusion as the committee. It is a very strange function to assign to County Court Judges. My right hon. Friend must be under some misapprehension, for, undoubtedly. County Court Judges would come to a conclusion on the facts; they would have regard to the views of the parties and to the arguments advanced. From the point of view of the help these reference committees will give, I hold that they would add to the cost of the proceedings, they would, no doubt, add to the difficulties of tenants and landlords, and they would be of very little use indeed.

The Minister of Health said that already in this country a very large number of voluntary committees of this kind had been formed and had done excellent work. My answer to that statement is, "Let those voluntary committees continue." If they are such a success, let those whoare in favour of them support them. I hope the Minister of Health will abandon this particular proposal of the Bill and leave the determination of questions which may arise problematically at the end of two years to be decided by the County Court Judge. If the County Court Judge is overburdened, let him appoint the registrar of the Court to adjudicate, and if the registrar is overburdened, let him appoint some man of legal attainments or some special qualifications to decide the points at issue. But to suggest that a. committee, consisting of a representative of the landlord and a representative of the tenant, and some unfortunate impartial person, is to decide these matters and to help towards a better solution of this difficulty, has little relation to the facts.

With reference to the Amendment of the Labour party now before the House, I recall the days when the original Rent Restrictions Bill was introduced. I remember clearly the objections which were raised then by the Labour party to this kind of legislation. They objected in most strenuous terms to the proposals of the Minister of Health of those days, and they said how the legislation would offend the tenant, and would put onerous conditions upon him, and they actually divided, I believe, against the proposals of the first Bill. It is a very different tale to-day. Now hon. Members of the Labour party are most strenuous in supporting the Bill, and they object to any modification of it. A representative of the Labour party, who could certainly speak with the greatest official knowledge of the proposals of the Bill, was the member of the Labour party who sat upon the Committee appointed to consider the future working of rent restriction. I refer to a late Member of this House, Mr. Hallas, who was formerly Member for Duddeston, and was a member of the Salisbury Committee which considered the operation of the Rent Restrictions Act. That member of the Labour party, at any rate, was as well qualified as anyone else to give a judgment upon the proposals which are contained in this Bill.

I was very interested to read the other day that, so far from condemning the proposals of the Government, he said—it is true it was his first impression—that the Minister of Health had done exceedingly well. He said that the extension of the 1920 Act to 24th June, 1925, gave what should be ample time for the provision of houses in order that the date for freedom of control should be restored. He said that any shorter extension would have inflicted great hardship on tenants, and he added that he was gratified to know that the grading of houses into three sections, as recommended by Lord Onslow's Committee, formed no part of the Bill. He made various suggestions in detail, as we all will, on the exact terms of the Bill. I commend to my hon. Friends opposite the fact that there was one of their Members who had inquired carefully into the operation of these proposals, who had heard evidence in support of them, and was in direct controversy with the hon. Member who moved the Amendment now before the House.

I hope it will not be considered presumption on my part as a new Member if I congratulate the Minister of Health on the able way in which he introduced the Bill yesterday. At the same time I feel that, while I congratulate him, he needs also our sympathy, for he discover before he is through with business, like the man who lost donkey, that he has pleased no one Already there are indications, as shown by the speech of the last speaker, that the right hon. Gentleman's own side the House there will be something: about certain parts of the Bill, and it taken for granted, I suppose, that f this side of the House there is bound be a good deal heard in opposition to Bill. As I listened to the Minister yesterday, it seemed to me that he conscious that he had to meet a direct distinct cleavage of opinion. On the hand there are the landlords. Their position has been very large voiced by hon. Member who has just spoken. There the landlord who has never believed rent restriction. He will argue rightly; wrongly that he should have been allowed to take advantage of the situation on same lines as other commercial people In other words, the great body of h lords believe that, just as the world man wag called upon to pay increased prices for nearly every commodity that he wanted, so the landlord should h had the privilege of increasing his rent proportionately, in obedience to wonderful law of supply and demand

5.0 P M.

We are entitled to consider how shortage of houses was brought about The shortage of houses, which has much to do with the legislation of past five years, was brought about very largely by well-conceived and, I would almost say, wilful intention on the j of those who previous to the passing the Act had looked upon it as their work to provide houses for the people, other words, the shortage of houses brought about largely by direct action on the part of property owners; speculative builders. I have always that in some respects the original B Restrictions Bill was a kind of nemesis upon these people for the part which t played in starving the community of commodity of houses. Undoubtedly Government at the time when the first legislation was introduced had to choose between what they regarded as two even To use an illustration, it was very much like choosing with respect to what many quarters is described as the d I remember being present at a Resettlement Committee very soon after demobilisation, when a right hon. Gentl- man was making nearly his first appearance after being appointed Minister of Labour. I remember that he was taken to task for what some people present thought to be the very grave mistake of allowing people to come into benefit immediately under Unemployment Insurance, without having paid anything towards it. The reply of the then Minister of Labour was that, while not agreeing with the thing in principle, it was a case of emergency and he had to choose the lesser of two evils. He felt that had not something of that kind been done, then the great mass of unemployed workmen of that day would have risen in revolt. I seem to remember that the Government who introduced the first legislation on rent restriction came into a similar position. The landlords or property-owning class had already begun to raise rents, and the situation became so alarming that there was initiated in some of the great industrial centres revolt against the position. When the Government were brought face to face with that situation, they got together, and introduced the original legislation for rent restriction. The question I put to myself upon the introduction of this Bill was this: Has the time arrived for an alteration? Has the time arrived for decontrol or for partial decontrol? Certainly, in my opinion, the time has not arrived for any alteration to take place. I look upon it as being a sound proposition, that until the goods are delivered in the shape of a sufficient or approximately sufficient number of houses, control should be allowed to remain.

What has been the chief reason for houses remaining empty? Certainly not that there has not been a demand on the part of the people for accommodation. In no sense can that be established. A great cumber of houses have been left empty because the landlord, in a great number of cases, and in every case in England, has been allowed to go free from paying his rates, and the houses have been allowed to remain empty with the idea of exacting a bigger price because increased rents could not be obtained.

Royal Assent

Message to attend the Lords Commissioners.

The House went, and, having returned,

Mr. SPEAKER reported the Royal Assent to:

1. Industrial Assurance Act, 1923.

2. Agricultural Holdings Act, 1923.

3. Agricultural Holdings (Scotland), Act, 1923

4. Special Constables Act, 1923.

5. Restoration of Order in Ireland (Indemnity) Act, 1923.

6. Rent Restrictions (Notices of Increase) Act, 1923.

7. Thomas Cheshire and Company (Delivery Warrants) Act, 1923.

8. Smethwick Corporation(Gas) Act, 1923.

9. Bootle Corporation Act, 1923.

10. General Reversionary and Investment Company Act, 1923.

Rent and Mortgage Interestrestrictions Bill

Question again proposed, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Question."

When we were interrupted, I was commenting on the fact that the Bill permits the owner to decontrol forthwith houses at present standing empty, and I was pointing out the 'reason why, in my opinion, these houses have stood empty for so long. It is not that there was any fault to find with them from the standpoint of accommodation, but rather because the owners had been seeking to profiteer, and when they were not allowed to profiteer they simply held up the letting of the houses. I understand that in London and the adjoining counties there are no fewer than 48,000 houses of this sort standing almost derelict. As soon as this Bill becomes law, if it is carried in its present form, there will be liberated 48,000 houses the owners of which will be able to negotiate almost immediately for increased rents and they will be very soon recouped for what they have lost by holding up, notwithstanding the fact that the holding up has involved a penalty on the community. Houses which are empty will not be restricted in any way as regards rents, premiums or conditions of rent.

I should like to refer to that portion of the Bill which relates to sub-letting, and under which an owner is able to exact further rent from a tenant who may have sub-let to other tenants. As I understand such a tenant may be asked for an increased rent of 10 per cent, on every sub-tenant in the building. I quite agree that the-re have been grievances under which sub-tenants have suffered, and I hold no brief for one working man who has exploited the necessities of his fellow working men by insisting on extortionate rents, any more than I hold a brief for the landlord who would have made extortions from the working man had he not been prevented by legislation. My complaint is that the Bill does not help the tenant or the sub-tenant. They will still suffer. The only person helped by the Bill is the landlord or the owner, and it would have been much better had the tenant been considered, rather than the owner, in dealing with this grievance. Another complaint which I have to make is with regard to service houses. I feel that the agricultural workers especially are at a very great disadvantage under the Bill before the House and under the Act now in operation. I listened last evening to the right hon. Member for Chelmsford (Mr. Pretyman) in that picturesque speech of his about the wonderful houses in which farm labourers live. While it may be perfectly true that there are some good Cottages in which farm labourers are housed, I know from experience, having been born in a country village, that farm labourers, years ago, were called upon, because of the awful wages they received, to live, not in the best class houses built for the artisan, but in the meanest and poorest houses to be found in those villages. [An HON. MEMBER: "And are so to-day! "] Under the Act which will shortly expire the farmer or the owner of the farm labourer's house has, at least, to prove that he requires a house for an employé, but under this Bill he has not to prove that. He has only to say that he may want it for an employ employé and we can easily imagine what is going to happen to hundreds of thousands of farm labourers if the Bill is allowed to pass in its present form.

There are a few good points in the Bill, undoubtedly, but I think we of the Opposition can leave it to the supporters of the Minister of Health to make all the capital that need be made out of its few good points. So far as I am concerned, its many disadvantages outweigh its advantages. It does not help the tenant to any great extent if at all. It lessens his security and, after all, that is one of the great sources of worry to the average working man to-day. In the past his security was purchased by constant payments in exchange for the house in which he lived. We are not complaining about that. I understand that if I live in a house belonging to another man it is my duty to pay rent, but the great shortage of houses to-day has meant extra security for the landlord, and I object to the fact that the insecurity should now be placed on the tenant. The Bill exposes the tenant to disturbance by speculators. The speculators are not dead; they are merely lying dormant and, as an hon. Member opposite has told us, they are ready at hand waiting for the opportunity to do what they have done in previous years but with added interest and profit. This Bill opens up a way for bringing the tenant into their power as regards rent, terms and conditions, and I feel I shall have to support the Amendment.

I think hon. Members of all parties will join in congratulating my hon. Friend, who has just spoken, on his maiden speech. We hope we shall enjoy, on many future occasions, similar speeches on his part expressed with equal vigour and persuasiveness. While I say that, I do not think his speech of the speeches of any of the hon. Members on the Opposition side, have really borne out the allegations which are contained in the Amendment before the House. The Amendment really caricatures the object of the Bill. It describes it as a Bill which will coerce the tenant, which will give rise to vexatious litigation and which is out of harmony with the expressed will of the electorate. If this Bill does anything at all, surely it removes the tenant, for some years to come, from any coercion on the part of the landlord. It certainly does not tend to increase vexatious litigation. In actual fact, a Measure of this type is always the parent of litigation and the more moderate any Bill restricting rent, the more moderate is the amount of litigation which will ensue. So far as expressing the will of the electorate is concerned, I think if I judge rightly the voice of the country at the last General Election, it was surely in favour of a Measure which would, as far as possible, reconcile the urgent needs of sitting tenants with the greater need of giving free trade ultimately, in the building and letting of houses.

Surely the two great principles which we have to apply in any Measure of this sort are, first, the principle of humanity, and secondly the application of judgment and courage to an economic question. I believe this Bill does reconcile the application of those two principles which are sometimes in conflict with one another. I do not think many Members of this House could vote in favour of immediate, absolute and complete decontrol. I certainly could not. I represent one of the poorest parts of Manchester, where the overcrowding is most acute, and I have many letters from tenants in these districts, saying that they are old and poor, that they suffer much from the present trade depression, and that if they were called upon to pay the full economic rentals, which a landlord in normal circumstances would be entitled to claim, they would be quite unable to do so, and they would have to be dispossessed. If they were dispossessed there would be absolutely nowhere else for them to go. It is, therefore, necessary that some measure of protection should be continued and to that extent I believe the Bill meets the acute social need of this large element of poor people at the present time when trade conditions are so peculiarly unfavourable to paying economic rents. While I say that, I believe the Measure has the even greater merit of meeting this difficult problem with, as I say, judgment and courage, and the most signal proof of that judgment and courage is that the Bill is not only definite, but I hope definitive also, in fixing a final date of control, namely, 34th of June, 1925.

We were told by the hon. Member who spoke last that the time has not yet arrived for the fixing of a definite date for the coming of decontrol. Of course we shall be told that whenever any proposal is brought forward to re-establish the free play of supply and demand. It seems to me that is a wrong attitude to take on this question. If you preach a doctrine of that sort you are inducing the tenants to live in a fool's paradise. Tenants must realise, and they have realised already if they are wise, that the system of control cannot and ought not to last for ever. It ought not to last for ever for two reasons, and the first is a reason of justice. There are many poor people who have put all their savings—it is a common practice in Lancashire—into house property and into house building. If they are disabled by law from getting the full benefit of their investments in that particular form of security, they are placed at a great disadvantage in comparison with people who have put their savings into stocks and shares. Nobody proposes to put a limit on the income derived from investments by men or women who have put their savings into stocks and shares. Where men and women have put their savings into house building, which is in many cases of greater service to the community, the system of rent restriction prevents them from getting the full economic fruit of their investment. It makes a distinction against those who have put their money into house property, and that is unfair.

The second reason why I say we ought not to have control lasting for ever is the more important one. It is all very well for the hon. Member for West Leicester (Mr. Hill) to say he does not believe in decontrol until the goods are delivered. They never will be delivered until we have decontrol. Although it is true that the present Statute does not apply to new buildings, nevertheless experience shows that people will not put their money into house building so long as they know there is on the horizon a system of legislation which deprives people who do so of the full results of their investment. So long as there is this insecurity of investment people will not build houses, and the only way by which you can induce people to take up this extraordinarily useful task, one of the most useful tasks in which capitalists can engage, of putting their capital into house building is by encouraging them to believe that, by putting their money into this form of investment, they will get the full economic results of their investment. That is one reason why I think we ought to welcome the prospects of definitive decontrol on a, certain date.

Another advantage is that I hope it will take this type of legislation out of the arena of party politics. It is just as important to approach this question in an absolutely detached and dispassionate spirit as it is important to deal with foreign affairs in the same spirit. So long as the date of decontrol remains one of the shuttlecocks of party politics, over which men battle for party purposes, there will always be a temptation for people to sacrifice the true economic needs of the tenants themselves, and certainly of the nation, to the party interests of the hour. I hope we shall never fight elections on the exact date when decontrol shall come, because, if we can get that question cleared out of the way, we shall not only get many great economic benefits in the country, but we shall have the incidental advantage of taking this question right out of party politics. That is made practicable by the provision that a partial system of protection should be made until June, 1930. The wind is tempered to the shorn lamb, and in the best way possible. I have always believed that the best way to deal with this question is not to have a system of rent restriction legislation at all, but to give the widest possible powers to the judges who deal with ejectment and dispossession cases to stay the execution of orders of ejectment, and for that reason I certainly support the very persuasive argument advanced by the hon. Member for West Woolwich (Sir K. Wood) on the question of reference committees.

I do not believe at all in this idea of delegating a judicial function to lay committees, however good and able they may be. The committee will probably consist of three persons, two of whom are admittedly partisans, representing directly landlords' and tenants' associations. The third will be chosen from local men of position; they are probably politicians, and the politician who has to adjudicate on these questions is under a very great temption to side with what will be thought to be the more popular cause. However honest and able a man may be, a member of a lay tribunal dealing with a question which requires a judicial spirit is at a great disadvantage as compared with a County Court Judge. I should like to say something about the jurisdiction of County Court Judges in these questions. County Court Judges are not necessarily, at the time of their appointment, men of enormous experience, nor are they necessarily men of enormous personal distinction, but I will say this, that the daily life of a County Court Judge is such that in a very short time his experience of this type of work is very much wider than that of any other class of lawyer. He sees the life of the labouring poor infinitely more closely and intimately than any other lawyer who approaches any legal questions of this sort. I have always thought that you could not get a better type of education in social service than by spending a day in a County Court. It is one of the most depressing and miserable experiences that a man can have.

I must ask hon. Members to refrain from interruptions of this nature.

The County Court Judges have to deal with nothing but questions affecting the well-being of poor people. They have to deal with endless lists of judgment summonses and endless numbers of ejectment cases. In fact, the Rent Restrictions Act has taken the place which the Workmen's Compensation Act used to hold as being the pivot of County Court business. A County Court Judge is animated by only one concern, and that is to do justice between the parties, and his jurisdiction has given the greatest satisfaction to all classes who come before him. I think my hon. Friends opposite, in their own experience, will agree with me in this, that in their own districts, if poor tenants wished to have the most ideal person before whom to go for adjudication on questions arising between themselves and landlords, they would choose the County Court Judge. That is the case, from my own knowledge, in Manchester, and I think it would be a very great pity if their jurisdiction, I will not say were legally whittled away, because it is not, but if the discretion which they are to exercise in their Courts were diminished by the delegation of the right of inquiry on these questions to men who certainly have less knowledge of the conditions, and who are far less likely to act in a dispassionate spirit.

I do not want to go into the details of the Bill at all at this stage, but I think that in framing this Bill my right hon. Friend has dealt with the question with a great deal more knowledge of the practical business of house building and of the Rent Restrictions Act than any of his predecessors. In regard to the Clause with reference to mortgages, I have no doubt it may be open to criticism, but it nevertheless meets a very real need. If you are winding up a trust, that winding up may be delayed for years now by the operation of the Rent Restrictions Act. The beneficiaries under that trust may be very poor people, in urgent want of their capital, and they cannot touch it so long as the mortgage cannot be called in. I think the provision with regard to mortgagee recognises also this further fact, that there is no more powerful agency in the building of houses than the help which mortgagees can render, and if you lighten the disabilities placed on mortgagees, you are contributing something to relieve that suspicion of house building which at the present time diminishes the desire which a man, who has money to invest and contemplates putting that money into house building on mortgage has to use his money in that way.

I believe it right to make provision for the landlord who wishes to get possession of the only house which he himself owns, either for himself or for his children. I believe the Bill does a great thing also in meeting the question of sub-tenants. What we see in this connection in so many of our great towns is scandalous. We see a tenant protected by the existing Statute from paying more than a certain rent. The landlord cannot get a higher rental than he is now getting, and yet at the same time we see the tenant subletting various rooms and probably drawing more from one single room in the house which he sub-lets than he pays to his superior landlord.

I say that the Bill does something, at all events, to meet that point. Whatever objections may be made to the details of the Bill, and however much it may be amended, as no doubt it can be, in detail in Committee, I believe that on its broad lines this Bill is the right thing at the right time, and for that reason I have much pleasure in supporting it.

In the illuminating speech which the Parliamentary Undersecretary for Health, Scotland, delivered in the course of the Debate last night, he appealed to us on this side to confine ourselves as far as possible to a discussion of the main principles of this Bill, and to leave the details to be hammered out in a spirit of compromise in the Committee room upstairs. I intend, therefore, in the remarks which I desire to address to the House, to avoid as far as possible a discussion of the details which have formed the main part of the controversy since the introduction of the Bill. The burden of the speech of the Parliamentary Secretary to the Scottish Board of Health, and also of the Minister of Health in introducing the Bill, was that control had been established in order to protect tenants until a surplus of empty houses had been provided, but that it had defeated its object by preventing the supply of houses, and had therefore intensified the problem. It has been pointed out more than once that the Rent Restrictions Act does not apply to new houses at all, and therefore I think it is a reasonable question to ask, Why is private enterprise not delivering the new houses, and why should we believe that, if you remove control from the old houses as you have done from the new, the private enterprise that fails us now will then come to our assistance?

The Government's reply to that is that control has a psychological effect, that it frightens off the investor, that he sees, as the hon. and learned Member for Moss side (Mr. Hurst) put it, control on the horizon, and he wants, before he enters the industry, a guarantee that in future his business will be free from Government interference. But who is in a position to give him that guarantee? Can this Government give him a guarantee that his business in the future will not be interfered with by the State? Can this House give him such a guarantee? Who is in a position to bind posterity? Who can set a limit to the onward march of the British democracy? I submit that there is no party, and no House, and that there is no power in this country which can give the guarantee that private enterprise wants, and that therefore we should not seriously consider the psychological argument, but that we should tell private enterprise that it is demanding impossible terms. It seems to be necessary to remind the party on the other side of the rapidity in control with which we are travelling. We have on that bench to-day a Minister of Agriculture, a Minister of Mines, and a Minister of Transport, every one of them endowed with some supervision of private enterprise.

Reference has been made to the real object of the Bill, which is, I submit, to increase the rent of dwelling-houses, mainly in order that the financial class of this country may extract additional wealth from the pockets of the people. I do not know any industry that is carried on more uneconomically than the building industry. Building is usually performed by men of limited capital and with very limited organising capacity. In its very nature private enterprise compels them to take over land in small lots, to pay comparatively high professional fees, and to be right from the outset in the grip of bankers and the lawyers with whom they are in touch. It is not more builders we require at the moment if private enterprise is to succeed. It is more investors. The object of this Bill is to provide those investors. An hon. Member on the other side earlier to-day reminded us of the number of small property owners that we have in this country. I tell the House that these men are not property owners at all. They are merely the instruments of the financial classes of this country.

More property owners and more builders in this country have been ruined by financiers than by all the Government interference that ever existed, or by any system of control. The builder, having limited capital, must sell as he builds to the investor, and it is well known by anyone who possesses a knowledge of the management of property that as a rule two-thirds of the capital in any property is not owned by the nominal owner of the property; it has been advanced by the lawyer as an agent for financier, or by the banker, or by some other lender of money. The one-third has been provided by the small tradesman or the thrifty citizen who has been induced by his banker or lawyer to invest his savings, in property for the purpose of obtaining a return in later years. But the real object of attracting this type of small investor into property is merely to provide security for the larger investor. As the property depreciates in value, the first capital to be lost is the small man's capital. While the small investor's money is in the property it serves the function of, so to speak, safeguarding the proper and careful administration of the property in which the larger investor has his money sunk; but, then, immediately either from market fluctuations or from any other cause the value of the property deteriorates, his capital is lost, and the property is transferred to the large investor, who has had two-thirds of the capital on loan or mortgage. So that to suggest that the small owners are really owners is to speak for the purpose of misleading this House, or to display a lack of knowledge of the way in which house property in this country is conducted.

It is, then, this large financial class who are behind this Bill. They have been accustomed in recent years to getting larger returns from industrial and commercial investments than they were accustomed to in the years before the War, and they desire now to get from their investments in property a return approximating to that which they are obtaining from their industrial and commercial investment. Control bars the way. Therefore they come to this Government—their Government— their political instruments—and tell them to take control out of the Bill. It is quite true, of course, that they must to some extent consider the electors. The last speaker told us what the people in Manchester felt about this. I think, however, we rather got the honest Conservative view yesterday from the right hon. Baronet the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury) when he addressed the House. The right hon. Baronet told us that if he had his will he would remove control immediately and completely. I submit he was only stating frankly and honestly, because he is safely seated, the view that permeates the other side of the House. [HON. MEMBERS: "No, no!"] Other hon. Members represent divisions in which there are more tenants than landlords. Consequently other Members have to be more careful in their expressions.

The original plan of the Government was to attack the tenants in masses, dividing them into three sections, and to begin with the middle class first. Undoubtedly that was the original inten- tion of the Government. Then the Mitcham election intervened, the middle-class revolted, and the Government policy had to be scrapped. It was remitted to the General Staff to provide a more popular or a more subtle plan. Then the Minister of Health came to this House and said: "We are not in a position to deal with rent restriction legislation at the moment, but as the present Act will expire on 23rd or 24th June, we want you to give us a few weeks' extension of the present legislation in order that we may make up our minds in regard to our new policy. "The new policy is now before the House. I want to direct the attention of the House to the principal change in the new plan compared with the old. The new plan is based on attacking the tenants individually instead of attacking them collectively. Instead of taking them in sections or classes it takes them house by house or land by land. Houses which have been withheld from occupation in order to get exorbitant prices in a famine market are being realised immediately. Every house which is vacated after the date of the passing of this Bill is to be released from control immediately it is vacated. The Minister of Health, in introducing his Bill, said there can be no great hardship in adopting this policy, for when people gave up a house they were done with it, and why should not that house revert to the original owner and he be left free to deal with it? I submit that extraordinary hardship would be involved in carrying out this policy. Who are the people who are likely to be dispossessed? Instead of pursuing the decontrol of the middle classes after you went down in the first round, you have now not merely directed your attention to attacking the tenants individually, but you have decided to begin the attack upon the poorest of the poor !

You have, first of all, the people who have been unemployed for lengthy periods during the last two years. You have the people who are suffering from the present prevalent low wages. You have the people who, through illness, are also in poverty—all these sections, making up as they do, the very poorest of the community, are in large numbers in arrears with their rent. While the owner could not put a fresh tenant into the house at an increased rent, he was inclined to have patience in his dealing with such tenants, to wait on the chance of a charitable fund, or the parish council or the board of guardians, or it might be some friend, coming to the assistance of the tenant and wiping out the arrears.

In Glasgow we have at the moment at least 2,000 cases of orders for ejectment which have been granted against the tenant. These warrants, for the reasons I have stated, have not yet been executed. They will have immediate effect under this Bill. The temptation will be to throw these people on to the streets. Here is the reward being held out to the owners to take these people into the County Court or a Sheriff Court, get a warrant for ejectment, and see that it is immediately executed! You have in that same city thousands of people waiting for homes who are prepared to scramble for a decontrolled house. It is almost a. certainty that immediately this Bill becomes law and the owner recognises that by getting possession of the house and getting the people out who are now in arrears with their rent he can get a higher rent for the house and make money where he never expected to make it, he will do it. So we shall have wholesale evictions and unprecedented hardship. If you get these people out of the houses, who are the class that will come in? These houses, again, are the very poorest in the neighbourhood, and the people who come into them belong to the same unfortunate class as those who have been ejected. We know that these people have to go in at increased rents. The Minister, in introducing his Bill, said there was no fear of rents being increased because in most cases the tenants could not pay more. What, then, is the use of the Bill? Where is the need for it? If rents are not going to be increased you might as well allow control to remain! You do not require any Act to enable landlords to reduce rents. They can do it now. The object of this Bill is to enable them to increase rents. Every increase paid by these people will come out of the stomachs of their children. As a matter of fact, in our industrial centres we will be destroying the children to provide dividends for financiers. [An HON. MEMBER: "That is nothing new! "] May I remind the House that many of the people dispossessed will be of that class who have large families? There is no surplus housing accommodation of which they can take possession, and that they themselves are not sufficiently wealthy to pay for expensive lodgings, so one of the immediate results of the Bill will be the break-up and distribution of the family.

6.0 P.M.

On many occasions in public speeches in the country I have declared that family life was one of the few institutions over which the capitalist system had not exercised its blighting influence; that nearly everything else sacred in the country has gone under in the interests of finance, but that we had preserved the family life of the country. It has been left to this Government to put the coping stone on the soulless system of society which has been created by industrial capitalism. Again I would point out, looking at the human side of the Bill, that if immediately after this Bill passes into law the tenant of a house dies his widow and children are at the mercy of the property owner. They are just at that time when their grief is the greatest, when their anxiety about the future cannot be understood by those who are not called upon to endure it, and just at that time the Government come in and throw them to the dogs and leave them to the tender mercies of the property owner to say, "You are no longer a tenant because the tenant is deceased; I want double rent for this house, and i you cannot afford to pay it, I cannot afford to be a philanthropist; therefore you must get out of my house and make room for a tenant who can pay. "That is the kind of legislation that this House is being asked to adopt at the instigation of the Government.

A great deal has been said and said with great enthusiasm about the robbery of sub-tenants by control. It must be quite a new experience for hon. Members opposite to be denouncing exploitation. As a rule they worship the person and treat him as a great and gifted being who can make money out of the needs of other people. On this occasion it suits them to use that argument. They have got the tenant in the dock and they want to make the most of this poor individual. On this side, of the House we have no sympathy with exploitation, whether practised by the rich or the poor. We do say, that if you are really anxious to end exploitation then the, way to do it is not to put all these poor people at the mercy of the exploiters as the sub-tenants are to-day. The way to protect sub-tenants is not to remove control altogether.

We listened yesterday to a wonderful speech from the hon. Member for St. Albans (Lieut.-Colonel Fremantle) who in dealing with the question of providing new houses stated that we were largely in the hands of the makers of building materials. May I point out that the makers of those materials conduct their business according to the principles of private enterprise. Therefore we are prevented from getting houses, according to the confession of the hon. and gallant Member, by the operation and the robbery of these private enterprising individuals. After making that statement and expressing some of the illogical and inconsistent arguments which usually come from hon. Members opposite, the hon. and gallant Member proceeded to tell us that those engaged in private enterprise, in whose grip we were in that respect, were the only parties who could give us the houses. He told us that under a State scheme we should be plundered. I understand that the hon. and gallant Gentleman at one time was the servant of a public authority. I would like to ask if he plundered the public authority? Did he act as honestly towards the public authority as he would towards private enterprise. Was he dishonest, and if he was honest what right has he to say to this House that other people working for the State could not be equally honest. The Parliamentary Secretary to the Scottish Board of Health said that for two years the Government had been trying to provide houses and they had failed, and we have been told that private enterprise has also failed to produce the houses. As a matter of fact the housing problem is due to the fact that private enterprise has failed to give you healthy houses in the past and if private enterprise could have given you clean or healthy cities and a healthy people you would have nothing but healthy clean cities and healthy people because you have never had anything but private enterprise.

But is it not a fact that private enterprise has given you your slums and a rickety people? It has given you a mangled and deficient section of our population. It has destroyed millions of the most useful and most productive section of our population. In two years the Government and private enterprise has not been able to provide the houses, because it has been hampered at every stage by the operations of private enterprise, and because, as the hon. and gallant Member for St. Albans put it, the makers of building materials have the nation in their grip, and they are encouraged and protected and supported by the class who control the government of this country. In the exercise of their private enterprise, and with this tremendously influential support, they have been able to withhold the materials for building from the public in such a way that the Government has failed during the last two years to give us the necessary houses. I ask in all seriousness, is that any reason why we should now try to hamper public authorities in the provision of houses? Does anyone seriously think that the old system of building houses is going to be revived in this country. In the past the builder merely built for sale. Money was invested in houses by people who wanted to secure a profitable investment. I think that system has gone for ever. Would any legal hon. Member opposite advise a client to invest money in working-class houses. Does anyone believe that that state of things is going to return?

One of the main reasons for the failure to provide housing accommodation during the last ten years is that people were frightened out of the industry of building houses by the Finance Act, 1919.

Whatever has frightened them from supplying working class houses does not alter the fact that private enterprise has left that industry. I am putting it quite seriously that, recognising that private enterprise in that particular industry may continue to provide houses for the middle and upper classes for some time to come, and may continue to do this in some other industries, I say that in the business of supplying houses for the working classes their assistance has disappeared for ever. Why are you allowing your personal, political or economic prejudices to hamper the public enterprise that could, if it were permitted to do so, speedily provide the houses for which the country is in such tremendous need? Instead of doing that in this Bill, you give an additional vested interest for the prevention of the building of working class houses.

While you had control, while private property owners understood that before they could get decontrol houses had to be provided, then they had an interest in the providing of houses. Now they are to have houses decontrolled whether new houses are to be provided or not, and they as business people know that, according to that beloved and almost divine law of supply and demand which you frequently quote, the greater the scarcity of houses the greater will be the return on their property. Therefore, they have a vested interest which they will not be slow to operate, and they will make an unsparing use of it to prevent the organisation and the provision of working class dwellings by local authorities.

I said at the outset that I did not intend to deal with the details of this Bill and I wish to keep my promise. May I make just one comment. May I remind hon. Members of the two classes of tenants you will provide for. One of them will live in a decontrolled house paying double the rent of a man living near him in a controlled house, and I would like to ask, is that the way to get tranquility? Is that the way to bring about the order of society for which Conservatism pines? I am not pleading for leniency for the tenant. Personally, I am delighted that the Government are proposing a policy that will compel tenants to organise. Those tenants got this rent control from you when you were afraid of them, and the tenants will again get the necessary rent control in the future when they make you fear them again.

Hon. Members opposite who have been dealing with this question always manage to bring before us the question of the failure of private enterprise in the same way as a certain person used to bring in King Charles's head. In the past, private enterprise did provide houses for the community up to a certain period of time. Then the Government began to interfere, and they placed the responsibility upon the local authorities of providing houses for the working classes, with the result that private enterprise ceased to build the houses because they had to work in competition with the local authorities. Ever since the year 1855 this Parliament has passed Act after Act conferring upon local authorities not only the power in many cases, but in some cases the obligation to build these houses, and if there is an insufficiency of house accommodation to-day it is not due to the failure of private enterprise so much as it is due to the failure of local authorities to carry out their duties. It seems to me that if we are going to be attacked on this question of the shortage of houses we must lay the responsibility for this failure upon the local authorities.

I still believe that if the Government had not interfered in the sense of endeavouring to get local authorities to build these houses, private enterprise would have succeeded in supplying what is required. It is just because the Rent Restrictions Acts still exist that private enterprise is hampered in any attempt to do what the local authorities are expected to do. It seems an unfair thing to say that private enterprise has failed, especially when it is realised that the local authorities were the people who were charged with the responsibility of building houses for the working classes. There is, no doubt, a shortage of houses; otherwise there would be no reason for these Rent Restrictions Acts, which interfere with the liberty of contract and with the liberty of the subject. But a peculiar fact is that the people who are penalised by these Acts of Parliament are the very people who originally built the houses in which the people of this country reside. We know that desperate diseases require desperate remedies, and it is absolutely necessary to continue, as far as can reasonably be done under the Rent Restrictions Act, the right of the tenant to remain in his house. I am very glad that the Government, in introducing this Measure, have not altered its incidence and have allowed control to continue for two years longer over all those houses that fall under the Rent Restrictions Act.

A great deal is being said in this House regarding the grievances of the working classes, but it should not be forgotten that there is also a middle class consisting of men in professions and businesses, as well as clerks and other people, who find it just as difficult to get a house as a working man does. After all, these people are themselves working men, and they require protection from the Government quite as much as those who designate themselves the working classes. With few exceptions the majority of us are working people. If we do not work with our hands, we have to devote our energy to our businesses or professions. It is because we endeavour to do our duty, as we deem it to be, that I am glad the Government have not drawn a distinction between one class and another. Let us remember in connection with this question that the various Rent Restriction Acts have been introduced as temporary measures. They were never intended to be a permanent part of the law of the land. It is only an example of the evil that arises when State control comes into operation that the tendency to-day is to ask that, because in time of need a particular Measure was produced to deal with a particular necessity arising out of the conditions of the time, it should necessarily continue in operation for un indefinite period. It is a good thing that some limit should be put on this question of rent restriction, both for the encouragement of private enterprise and for the encouragement of local authorities to build and to control the houses that are built. There is in this Bill a tendency to continue that control, but I am very thankful indeed that the Government have limited it definitely to a couple of years.

Later on I shall have something to say about Part II of the Bill, which I think is the most defective part of the Measure, and I shall have a few friendly criticisms and suggestions to offer to the Government. In the new Housing Bill, which is being discussed upstairs, there is no restriction as to rent, and I am not aware that the opposition have any Amendment down imposing any such restriction. They have admitted, in fact, that in the case of new houses control is not necessary. Does that not justify the position which the Government has taken up in this Bill in saying that when a house becomes empty it means that the tenant no longer requires it, and therefore he does not need any more protection from the Government if he finds another house for himself. It is perfectly true that, in the particular circumstances of a large industrial city like Glasgow, where we build a different class of houses to those to be found in the southern province of Great Britain, there are anomalies which will arise, say, in a block of flats where one tenant is paying one rent and another tenant is paying possibly double that rent. That is a point for serious consideration, but I can quite understand that in the case of a single house standing apart from others, if it falls vacant, it might well be decontrolled. It is worthy of consideration whether some provision should not be inserted to deal with rent anomalies as between tenant and tenant where the flat is equal in size and equal in accommodation and situated in the same building. In Scotland such anomalies might cause disquiet, and therefore I think this is a matter which should be considered.

In Clause 3 I am glad to find there is an alteration so that people who before they knew that this Act of Parliament was going to be brought in purchased their houses for their own occupation are now to be entitled to get possession. One knows of a great many instances where people out of their savings have purchased a small house and then found that the tenant will not leave, so that they cannot get the advantage in their declining years of living in the house which has been the object of their ideals, and in which they had hoped to end their days. I think these people deserve to be encouraged as the Bill proposes. Then I come to the Clause dealing with mortgages. I do not know whether the Government have realised what that means to a body of trustees and to practising lawyers. The Clause says that if the money is required for the dissolution of a trust estate the mortgage may be called in, and if the Court is satisfied that the property is only valued at a certain figure only that figure will be able to be given.

What will be the result of that in practice? Every body of trustees in the country —and there are thousands of bodies of trustees—will require at once to go the expense of having a valuation made of the particular property on which the bond or mortgage exists, and they will require to discover whether or not the security over the house is sufficient; they will have to take proceedings to ascertain not only whether it is sufficient but to what extent it is insufficient, and in that way make piecemeal repayment of the bond. I would rather have a Clause in this Act of Parliament defining the rights of trustees in connection with these mortgages, because in the country to which I belong in olden days this was a favourite form of investment. A bond over a small house was always considered a safe investment, and there are thousands of these bonds in Scotland. You are going to impose a tremendous expense on small estates whose money has been held up under the provisions of the Rent Restriction Acts. They will have to go to expense and trouble to endeavour to ascertain what their rights are, because if it is not done the trustees may be fined by the Court in the event of any trouble arising in the future. I would rather have a more clean-cut proposal, such, for instance, as that the mortgage should not be allowed to be called up while the bond is on the property. Everybody then would know what the responsibility of the trustees would be, and they would be able to ascertain exactly their position. May I suggest to the right hon. Gentleman who introduced this Bill that he should reconsider this point and see whether something cannot be devised to save the expense which will arise in connection with this particular matter?

I come to Part II of the Bill, which is a prophecy rather of what is going to occur two years hence. It says that at that time there will be an acute shortage of houses. I would prefer this part of the Bill to be left out altogether. If at the end of two years, during which the rent restrictions are to continue under the present Bill, it is found that the supply of houses is still very short, and that there is difficulty in meeting the needs of tenants, surely the Act could be renewed for a further period rather than for five long years to tie up this question and have litigation on it day after day. There is a Court of Referees to be set up to decide questions in dispute. This will be a new method of dealing with them. The case will first go before a County Court Judge, who will remit it to the Court of Referees; that Court will call evidence and discuss the question and will report back to the Judge. That, I suggest, is a most cumbrous way of dealing with the question. It is not a sufficient answer to say that it will relieve the Court by producing settlements by agreement. I do not think it will do anything of the kind and I would rather see the Court relieved by taking the Clause out altogether and the question of rent restrictions reconsidered at the end of two years. It does not mean that because it is only to last for two years it cannot again be continued when the two years are up. All the Rent Restriction Acts have had an absolute limit, and I cannot see how decontrol by stages over five years is going to help the position in this country. It will keep both landlord and tenant in a state of not knowing what exceptional hardship will be imposed upon them, what their rates are, or what the position is. If the law has one recommendation at all, it is the desire for finality at some stage. To leave the matter open for five years in such an indefinite way is not the best way of dealing with the problem. I congratulate the Government on the Measure they have produced, which does give to the respectable, decent tenant a right of shelter for himself and his family. I congratulate them upon having done that for the country. All the alterations which I have suggested can easily be made in Committee, and I think that the Measure should be given its Second Reading unanimously.

There are parts of this Bill which I can support, but there are other parts which I shall heartily resist. I welcome the decision of the Government to continue for the next two years the control of all houses that are controlled under the old Acts. We are also satisfied with the certificate that is to be granted by the sanitary authority, as being at least definite in character. Unlike the last speaker, I welcome Part II of the Bill, and will give, as briefly as possible, my reasons for doing so. I particularly welcome the provision for the appointment of reference committees to deal with rent disputes which may arise between landlord and tenant. I am not a lawyer, but I have had to handle all the Acts dealing with rents from 1915 until now, and I consider the method of legislation by reference adopted by the Government in this Bill to be exceedingly objectionable from every point of view. Solicitors in this House have admitted that they do not understand either the existing Acts or the proposed Bill, and that the continuous reference which is necessary from one Act to another in order to understand the law of rent is exceedingly puzzling even to them as professional men. I do hope that the Attorney-General will realise that something should be done to consolidate the new Bill, when it becomes an Act, and the Act of 1920, so that there may be published, for the use of all concerned with the law of rent, one Act in which all the Clauses can be read in their proper order. If that be done it will obviate a great deal of litigation, and I suggest it very seriously from my practical experience in trying to understand the old Acts.

I now want to refer briefly to a few of what I consider to be the defects in the new Bill. I shall not dwell on the first of them, because everyone seems to realise and admit it to some extent. The first defect is, that the period for which the new Bill is to continue the control of houses, namely, only two years, is far too short. It is vital, I think, that the Government should realise that they ought boldly to face the need for continued control as long as there is a serious shortage of houses. The Minister of Health now admits that we shall need to get, practically, 100,000 houses built every year for the next 10 years to come, if we are to keep pace with the increase of population and to reduce at all the existing overcrowding. The second point in the Bill, which I think is really pernicious, and which is going to do more to maintain class hatred than anything else of which I know, is Clause 2, which provides for the decontrol of empty houses, and, further, allows leases for a period of a day or more over the control period of two years. I shall not dwell upon that, because previous speakers have pointed out the danger. These two proposals merely reverse the punishment under the old Act for exacting a premium by owner or tenant, and, in effect, legalise the temptation to induce the tenant to accept a lease covering the period of the Act, so that at the end of that time he can be got rid of and the landlord can charge any rent he likes to the next tenant.

The third point with which I am dissatisfied, and with which, as far as I know, no speaker has dealt, is the retention of the permitted increases of rent under the old Act. The landlord can now charge a total of 40 per cent, on the net rent, in addition to the standard rent and the current rates. While 40 per cent, may have been a reasonable increase in 1920, when it was first imposed, it is certainly very unfair and unreasonable at the present time. In 1920 the increase in the cost of living was 170 per cent., but to-day it has dropped to about 70 per cent., and the cost of repairs is probably reduced to one-half of what it used to be. The retention of the 40 per cent., therefore, is practically doubling the profit of the house owner in that regard. Another point of increase with which I disagree is the proposed increase of 10 per cent, on the net rent to be divided as swag between the landlord and the tenant jointly on each sub-tenancy in the sublet part of the house. This is a very serious matter. According to a rough estimate that I have made, there are about 1,500,000 sub-tenants in this country who will have to pay this charge. There is one point to which I shall be very much obliged if the Attorney-General will give all the attention of his legal mind, and that is Clause 7 of the now Bill. That Clause deals with the amount of rates where rates are compounded. I would respectfully remind the Attorney-General that this question has been a very contentious one during the whole period of the Rent Restriction Acts from 1915 to the present date, and a decision was finally given, as to whether the landlord was to have the benefit of the compounding allowance or not, by the House of Lords in the case of Nicholson v. Jackson. The short point there is that, under the Poor Rate Assessment Act, 1869, the compounding allowances for poor rate have, by a decision of the House of Lords, been allowed to the tenants during the period of control, and the abatement on the general district rate under the Public Health Act, 1875, has also been so allowed. As I understand the proposed Clause 7, the position is reversed, and the landlord now, if this becomes law, will be entitled to retain the whole of the benefits of compounding allowances. If my interpretation of the Clause is correct—and I should be delighted to find that it is not—it gives the landlord class an extra profit over anything they have had since 1915, and I think that if that is permitted it will create a great deal of dissatisfaction among tenants in the country generally.

I want, further, to refer to the three reasons given by the Minister of Health yesterday justifying the maintenance of the existing increases of rent. In the first place, he said that the tenant should consider himself well repaid for paying the extra rent, because he gets the value in security of tenure. I would reply to that by reminding the Minister that the tenant does not get extra wages to cover it, and, in these days of low wages, the majority of tenants are not in a position to pay these high rents. Then he justified the extra rent on the ground that it goes to cover the extra cost of repairs. One of the most unsatisfactory experiences we have had of the existing Acts is that while 25 per cent, out of the increase of 40 per cent, is allotted to repairs, the great majority of landlords have never used it for that purpose, and, as I have pointed out already, the cost of repairs to-day is certainly only half what it was in 1920. The third and most amazing reason that the Minister gave yesterday why the high rent should be maintained was that a fall in rents on the old houses would check the building of new houses. That means, in plain English, that 6,000,000 to 7,000,000 tenants are to pay a new kind of house tax in the form of high rent on old houses in order to enable builders to make a profit on new houses. The taxpayers of the country will have to foot the bill to the amount of £6 per house for 20 years to help builders to build houses, and the local authorities will have to foot the bill to a further amount of £6 per house in local rates. But these two are not sufficient, and it is necessary now that the tenants of 6,000,000 or 7,000,000 houses shall continue to contribute to the builders' profits by way of these high rents.

I suggest that the Government should face the fact that the provision of houses and the problem of rents are inseparable. They have to be treated together, and we should have a period of control until there is an adequate supply of houses for the people. It is the duty of the Government to revise their housing policy and plans and to face the fact that it is no prophecy, as the last speaker suggested, to say what is going to happen two years hence. If the building industry were utilised to its fullest capacity for the next two years, if every local authority and private builder in the land put full steam into the thing, they could not possibly produce more than 100,000 houses in each of those two years, and it has to be realised that the increase of population alone is going to absorb 80,000 houses every year. The fact has to be faced that, if we are going to attempt to solve the housing problem, the plans must be laid in such a way that we can be sure that, in each of the next 10 years, an average of 100,000 houses will be built, and even then, at the end of those 10 years, all that will have been done will be to have kept pace with the increase of population plus a slight reduction of the existing overcrowding. Even with that big programme, there will still be serious overcrowding left 10 years hence. I hope, therefore, that the Government will continue the control of houses for a much longer period than the two years proposed in Part I.

I now want to deal with Part II of the Bill. I welcome this provision, because I think it is a very sound one, and the only suggestion I have to make is that the Government should be logical and apply it to Part I as well, continuing control and protection to the sitting tenants, not for two years hence, but right away from the day when this Bill becomes law. I also welcome the establishment of reference committees. The Minister of Health yesterday made a very wise suggestion when he said that these reference committees, when set up, should include representatives of the landlords' associations, of the tenants' associations, and of a third party which is independent of these two interests. I agree with that, and I will give very good reasons, from my own experience, why it should be done. I suggest that the third party to be called in to sit upon these reference committees should be the local authority for the area in which the houses are situated. They are familiar with the housing position, and are a middle interest between the landlord and the tenant class.

The Minister also yesterday said he believed a number of voluntary associations for this purpose had already been working under the existing Acts. In South Wales we have had such a Reference Committee in force even since 1916 —a Joint Committee of landlords' and tenants' associations. We met early in 1916 to face the fact that great dissension was being created under the Rents Act between the landlord and the tenant class and the shortage of houses was so serious that something had to be done to allay public unrest. So then a Joint Committee was appointed. They actually devised a rent book which showed all the necessary information concerning the standard rent, the net rent, the rateable value of the houses, the rates in the £ in force each half-year and the total amount of increase of rates admitted under the Act. That gave tenant and landlord at a glance full knowledge of what it was legal and illegal to pay. All disputes between landlords and tenants were brought before this Joint Committee. We brought the tenant and the owner of the house there and we thrashed out the allegations and grievances alleged and proved and as the result of our decision the thing was amicably settled, sometimes in favour of the landlord, sometimes in favour of the tenant. The whole thing was worked in the spirit of the intention of the Rents Act, and this is what I understand is the fundamental intention of the Rents Act, that neither landlord not tenant should be either better or worse off compared with pre-War conditions.

This Committee was worked without any cost. All parties worked it voluntarily, and it was a great success in the most revolutionary part of the South Wales coalfield, in the Rhondda, Pontypridd and Aberdare Valleys. If under Part II a semi-public Reference Committee representing these three interests, landlord, tenant and local authority, is set up it will command the public confidence of the community, and they will be able to settle in that way, as we have settled, on a voluntary basis, without the advantages of legislation behind us, the great mass of the disputes that arise between landlords and tenants. Therefore I submit that it will be possible in Committee to get these Reference Committees appointed, not only two years hence to deal with the problems which will then arise, but to deal with the actualities and the grievances which will arise under the Act now. Countless disputes of necessity will arise between landlords and tenants directly the Bill becomes law. There are so many difficult Clauses in it that legal gentlemen have confessed they now do not understand it. How then can the average tenant and landlord understand it? Instead of referring these disputes to the delay and costliness of County Courts we should refer them to these Committees representative of the interests which are vitally concerned with the question of rent and house letting. I support the Bill generally with certain exceptions which we hope to try to put right in Committee. I recognise that it continues to protect the tenant in the main, other than in this case of empty houses and in the case of the single holder. The single owner is a factor to be reckoned with. There are undoubtedly hundreds of thousands of single owners, and many of them have a very strong case to get into their own house, but it has to be done in such a way that you do not create a greater hardship by removing the tenant from the house, and with that proviso I certainly think the single owner has a case to get possession. But that benefit should not be extended to his sons and daughters, friends and neighbours and all the rest of it as is proposed in the Clause, and in Committee, I take it, we shall have opportunities of dealing with these points in detail. With these exceptions I heartily support the Bill.

I propose to confine myself entirely to one point which has only been dealt with, I believe, by one speaker. It is rather a matter for the Attorney-General than for the Minister of Health. I want seriously to suggest that the reservation which was made by, I think, six members of the Committee with regard to the question of mortgage restrictions should be reconsidered and that mortgages should be decontrolled. This has nothing whatever to do really with the housing question at all. The right to call mortgages in had to be restricted as a financial measure during the days of the War. Decontrol of mortgages and allowing them to be called in now would not place any difficulty whatever in the way of those who are oppressed by the housing difficulty. If the security is bad you should be able to call it in, but if the security is good there is no difficulty whatever in getting money on mortgage. The mortgagee has been allowed to raise his rate of interest to a limited extent. Roughly speaking, the amount to which he has been allowed to raise it is about equivalent to the market rate of interest on mortgages at present. That being the case, as long as the mortgagor is protected he certainly will not put himself out of the way or go to the small trouble and expense which will be necessary to get a mortgage from another source if he knows he is protected and is not obliged to do it. That is generally an interference which is not necessary, and which is causing a great deal of trouble for this reason, among others, that it is delaying, and has delayed to my own knowledge for a great many years now, the winding up of a very large number of estates and is preventing money, which would be useful if it could be liquidated, from getting into trade, and on the other hand it is restricting the securities which are offering to people who are wanting to invest money on mortgage. From every point of view, as far as I can see, the continuance of this restriction is doing nothing but harm, and it is really of no particular benefit to those mortgagors who have mortgages existing.

There is possibly one class that wants protection, and that is the occupying mortgagor of a small house. That is the only point at which this question in any way touches the housing question. The object the Government has in view in the Bill would be perfectly well met if they maintained the restriction on the calling in of mortgages on houses which are within the Act and which are in the occupation of the mortgagor. The owner of a number of houses who has a mortgage upon them can perfectly well raise the money elsewhere at no additional rate of interest, but merely at the expense and trouble of getting a mortgage from some other source. If the Government do not see their way to absolutely decontrol mortgages in that way, may I make another suggestion, that they should be allowed to raise the rate of interest on mortgages by, say, another one per cent. If it is a genuine case of hardship the man would pay the extra rate of interest, and if it is not a genuine case of hardship, and the interest thus raised is above the market rate, he will at once get the money elsewhere. The raising of the rate would, in effect, bring about decontrol in mortgages except in those cases where it is really a hardship on the mortgagor that he should have his money called in. May I offer my congratulations to the Minister of Health and the Attorney-General for bringing in what seems to me a very successful and ex- cellent attempt to deal with a most difficult question. There are other points in the Bill that I should wish to see altered in Committee, but to my mind that is the one blot on it, the attempt to continue the control of mortgages, which is absolutely unnecessary, and, to a considerable extent, harmful to the best interests of the trade and finance of the country.

I interpose in order to state the view which is taken by myself and, I think, a good many of my friends on the Second Reading of the Bill. It appears to me that people who, vote against the Second Reading of Bills ought really to be prepared to take the consequences of their act. If this Bill was defeated on Second Reading the result would be that the control of houses would end on 31st July next, and I ask myself, therefore, before I go into the Lobby with those who wish to vote against the Second Reading, whether they really intend that consequence to ensue? I do not. I believe it would be a very grievous injustice and a very serious social disadvantage if the control which at present exists really came to an end in little more than a month's time. That being so, I cannot help thinking, even although there may be, as I think there is, a good deal in this Measure, as it is at present framed, which will call for very careful examination and, as we see it at present, a good deal of correction, that is not in itself a reason why the Second Reading should be voted against. The hon. Member for Pontypridd (Mr. Mardy Jones), who has made a most admirable and closely-reasoned speech, used some language which almost made me think he, too, could not be going to vote against the Second Reading. I do not know how that may be, but all I have to do is to state the views my friends and I take. This appears to me to be another illustration of the way in which the Government appears to think a declaration of its intentions from that box is the same thing as the accurate expression of them in the Bills they introduce. We had that the other day on the Indemnity Bill, and there was great indignation because some people wanted to have the language of the Bill correspond with the declaration of the intentions of the Minister in charge. I think the operation will have to be repeated on the present occasion, for the right hon. Gentleman who spoke at the beginning of the Debate yesterday spoke in terms which are by no means as wide as some at least of the language of the Bill.

7.0 P.M.

If you take the particular grievance of which he gave such graphic illustrations —the grievance of the owner of a single house, which he may require for the purpose of residence, and who, as things are, is put to great hardship because he cannot get into it—I agree, most entirely, that that is a grievance with which the; House of Commons ought to deal. But it is a very different matter, if it be correct to say, and there seems to be strong reason for thinking so, that, as the Bill is at present framed, there are all sorts of loopholes and alternatives which might be exploited and extended, with the result that you would have a most serious cutting down of the control now existing over small houses. The reasons given yesterday by the hon. and learned Member for South Shields (Mr. Harney), the hon. Member for West Middlesbrough (Mr. T. Thomson), and the hon. and gallant Member for Leith (Captain W. Benn) are quite sufficient grounds for saying that it will be necessary to continue the examination of this Bill in a very critical way, in the hope that it will be, in these matters, made a very much tighter and more exact Measure. On the Second Reading, however, what we have to decide is, do we want to extend the period of control, or do we not? For my part, I think it must be extended. For how long is a matter which will be open to discussion on possible Amendments in Committee. In these circumstances, the view we take is that, on the whole, the proper course would be not to oppose the Second Reading.

As no doubt one of the right hon. Gentlemen opposite is going to reply at the end of the Debate, I would ask him to deal with this point. That would be a satisfaction to many people outside the House, as well as to those who are taking part in the Debate. I hope the Government will be able to assure us that on the Committee stage they will really be prepared to consider what can be done to change the Bill, in order to secure that it is limited to meeting and dealing with undoubtedly hard cases, such as the one which the right hon. Gentleman discussed. In the course of the Debate yesterday and to-day many illustrations have been given as to how the Bill, as at present drawn, might be used with the result that there would be a very substantial reduction in control, with no corresponding advantage. I should like an assurance, which the Government should be prepared to give, that they do not regard this Bill in its present language as being in any way in the final form, and that they intend to secure that there shall be opportunity for amendment of the Bill in the direction I have indicated.

The Bill, of course, plays its part in the general Government scheme in connection with housing. It is a frightfully difficult subject, for which the present Government is by no means solely responsible, but the House has to remember that you can only judge of the value and usefulness of this Bill if you have also formed a view as to the extent to which the Government's housing proposals are going to provide houses. That view, which many of us take, and have already expressed, is that the Government's proposals for providing new houses are decidedly inadequate. If that be the case, it is one reason more why, in the later stages, the Bill should be really limited to those cases which call for fair play. I am not attempting to make an exhaustive or critical speech, but for those reasons the view we have taken is that, while preserving in full our expression of criticism and doubt as to many features of the Bill, we are not prepared to cast a vote against the Second Beading of a Measure which, after all, has for its object the continuance of the control, which will otherwise come to an end.

This Bill seems to many of us to be an honest endeavour on the part of the Government to deal with the housing question. We are indeed glad that the Government is so fortunate as to have the right hon. Gentleman the Member for the Ladywood Division (Mr. Chamberlain) in charge of this housing question, because he speaks from practical knowledge.

You promised me to behave. Everyone interested in housing knows that the Minister of Health is one of the real authorities on local government and housing. It is a question which is very near his heart. There are two voices from the opposite side of the House. One hon. Member from Glasgow, who spoke about private enterprise, had a voice as different from that of the hon. Member for Pontypridd (Mr. Mardy Jones) as the voice of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury) is different from the voice of the hon. Member for the Sutton Division of Plymouth. It is the voice of the hon. Member for Pontypridd that we, on this side of the House, welcome. The Minister of Health realises the appalling condition of the slums as well as any man who sits on the other side of the House, and I am indeed grateful that he has brought into this Bill two things. One is the case of the single houseowner. Some hon. Members talk as though every house in England were owned by millionaires, longing to grind the faces of the poor. It is all nonsense, and they know themselves that it is nonsense.

Of course, I know by experience; and I am not an idealist; I am a practical woman. The hon. Member for West Woolwich (Sir K. Wood) has pointed out that the vast majority of the people in this country who own houses have incomes of £150 a year. That is the question we are up against. We cannot do all we would like, because we have to consider that the vast number of houses in the country are owned by these poor men and women, who have worked hard, and have put all their investments into those houses. I am very glad, and many a woman will welcome this fact, and will be pleased to find she has not got to pay rent unless the landlord puts the house in a proper condition. It is not that she minds paying the rent, but it is very hard to go into the houses and see the abominable conditions and find that the landlord will not make them any better. As was said yesterday, it is very hard on the good landlord.

I hope that some time the Minister of Health will take up this question of slum clearance. I believe private enterprise will be able to deal with nearly every part of the housing problem except that of sum clearance. Private enterprise is very much like most hon. Members. I have no doubt that yesterday every one of them backed the horse which they thought was going to win.

That is what we have against private enterprise. Everybody is going to put their money where they think they are going to get a return, but there are certain conditions in the slums under which no one is going to get any return for their money. Therefore, sooner or later, that problem will have to be faced by whatever Government happens to be in power. Another hon. Member for a Glasgow division said that nobody can stem the tide of British democracy. Nobody can stem the tide of common sense, and when hon. Members begin to talk about private enterprise, just as though it were a perquisite of this side of the House, I would point out that there are many hon. Members on the other side who are as full of private enterprise, though not so successful. I am deeply interested in the housing question, and I have to come up against it in my constituency. I have to fight the sort of nonsense that I have heard talked by the hon. Member who has now gone out of the House, namely, that if we could only get rid of the capitalists everybody would have a house, an allotment, a cow, and a pig. Wherever Socialism has been tried, it has been a failure, and it is for the very people to whom hon. Members tell these things that I am speaking to-day. Hon. Members know perfectly well that wherever Socialism has been tried the people of the country have got less houses than elsewhere. It is almost a cruel thing to go and tell the women who are living under the conditions which they do, that it is all because of private enterprise. I am pleased to be behind the Minister of Health, who has a heart as large as any hon. Member on the other side of the House, and a head far better.

Any hon. Member who tries to follow the speech to which we have just listened will be probably regarded as being in the nature of an anti-climax. Therefore, I shall proceed at once to deal with the right hon. and learned Member for Spen Valley (Sir J. Simon), who said he supposed that if he were to vote against the Second Reading of the Bill he might be assumed to intend the consequences of his action. When the Minister of Health introduced a Measure extending the existing law controlling houses, a Division was challenged by the hon. Member for Penistone (Mr. Pringle). Although we did not divide on it, the hon. Member made a most piquant speech in opposition to that Measure. I rather assume that if we were to defeat this Measure to-night—which, if we did justice to our constituents, we should—all that would happen would be that the Government would do—as they did after the Division with regard to the Lytton Entrants—decide to go on, and introduce a further Measure to extend the existing scheme of control for another couple of months. Therefore, we can go into the Lobby, realising the many bad points in this Bill, and vote with quite a clear conscience, being well assured that if we defeat the Government, control will not come to an end on 31st July this year.

I desire, in the first place, to oppose this Bill because it makes a very awkward system of legislation still more awkward, by prolonging the process of legislation, on this very difficult subject, by reference. I have endeavoured to work out, from the present Bill, exactly the effect that it has on the existing Acts which control this particular question. One is faced with an appalling difficulty in doing so. I am not a lawyer, but I have had some experience during the past four or five years on behalf of organisations with which I am connected through having to deal with this particular question. In a Measure that is designed apparently for the protection of hundreds of thousands of poor tenants, who have no knowledge of legal phraseology, the law should be expressed in some less complicated form than it is at present. My first objection is that the Bill still further complicates that very complicated position.

I also want to object very strongly to the method by which agricultural labourers' cottages are to be dealt with in future. I am chairman of the committee of a county council which grants the certificates under which agricultural labourers are evicted, and it is proposed in this Bill to add the words, "or to he engaged "to the word" engaged," which now stands in the Act. At the present time, we are enabled to compel a farmer to produce the man whom he intends to put into the cottage, and to prove to us that he is at the present moment engaged on the holding and is required for its proper working. When the man is "to be engaged," however, I am not at all sure that on the committee, the majority of whom are farmers, the issue of an advertisement in a local paper might not be held to be proof that there is a desire to engage a man to work on a farm, and that the cottage might be required for him. Having secured the eviction of the existing tenant, what power has the Agricultural Committee or the Court that has to act on their certificate, whether it likes it or not, to compel the farmer to engage the man for whom he has advertised? It seems to me that it is a ninth provision, added to the eight instanced by the hon. Member for Seaham (Mr. Webb) for securing decontrol of houses piecemeal. I wish to add my query to that which was made by the hon. Member for Pontypridd (Mr. Mardy Jones) in the earlier and more understandable part of his speech, in which he asked what was the exact significance of Clause 7 of the Bill. It seems to me that its effect will be to enable the landlord who has compounded for rates to charge the tenant with the full rates as if no compounding had taken place. He will actually charge the tenant rates which he does not in fact pay.

I should like to draw attention to one most important phrase in the Amendment which has not been much mentioned in the discussion, in which the Labour party expresses its intention of voting against this Bill because it fails to provide for a reduction in the permitted increases of rent. These rents were increased by the full 40 per cent, at a time when prices were high and when wages were comparatively high. Since then, wages have fallen, but rents have remained constant. Although we are told that the cost of living figures have fallen, most of us find considerable difficulty in convincing our wives that the cost of living has fallen in anything like the proportion that the figures have fallen. It was held by all economists before the War that all that the wage-earner could afford to pay in weekly rent and rates was one-sixth of his weekly income. If at the time when the 40 per cent, increase was put on, a man was paying one-sixth of his total weekly income in rent and rates, it follows that at the present time, with rent remaining constant, and with wages rapidly falling, he is paying far more than one-sixth to the landlord for the house in which he lives. Therefore, he has too small a proportion of his income for the maintenance of himself and his wife and family, and for the food, clothing and education of his children. It is high time that we should press that the 40 per cent, increase in rent should be taken off, so that rents may accord more than they do at the present time with the wage capacity of the people.

High rents are aggravating the housing problem with which the Minister of Health is striving to deal in another Bill. Working class people are compelled more and more to live two families in one house at least, while people who formerly lived in houses a little above the working class standard are now taking the working class houses when they are vacated. There is a great danger in the prevalence of this state of things that the working class population of this country may get habituated to the conditions under which two families are regarded as the normal occupants of one house, and it is with the object of avoiding such a definite degradation of the standard of living that the Labour party feels bound to do all that it can to oppose such a condition of affairs. Bad as was the method proposed by the Onslow Committee for dealing with control, the method of this Bill is infinitely worse, for the landlords will be able to attack the tenants in detail and deal with them one at a time. I can imagine nothing more serious than the position which will arise through a house which has become vacant being immediately released from control.

I was an overseer of the poor until I was elected to this House, and speaking from my experience in that capacity I cannot imagine what the effect of this legislation will be on the rating system. How are we to assume what the hypothetical tenant is to pay for a given house, when we have two houses side by side, of the semi-detached class which are built all over the county of Surrey, one controlled and the other decontrolled, both assessed the same and protected under the principal Act by a wonderfully worded Clause, which the local authorities have agreed is so fantastically worded that it is unwise to find out exactly what it does mean by testing it in a Court of Law. How are we to deal with the question of assessment in these cases? I can see arising from this a whole harvest of fees for the lawyers, and I can well understand why the legal gentlemen on the other side of the House have with one accord made common cause against Part II of the Bill, which would remove a good many contentious subjects that have hitherto been referred to the lawyers to be dealt with by a lay Committee, which would be inclined to listen to the dictates of common-sense rather than the refinements of the law.

We have been urged to recollect that there are good landlords. I hope that we do recollect that there are good landlords; but I spent this morning on the bench at Epsom trying welchers, and not good bookmakers who had paid up. We are legislating not for the good people but for the bad, and we have to realise that there are bad landlords as well as good ones. I recollect a fortnight after I landed in France having to parade a man at the orderly room to ask for leave because his landlord was trying to turn his wife out of the cottage that he was fighting for, because he could put a munition worker into it who would pay him more rent than the soldier could afford to pay out of the miserable allowance that was then granted to him. We who were serving with him clubbed together so that he should have a lawyer to state his case to the Court. I wondered then how it came about that at the moment that men were fighting for a shilling a day—at that time this man was only really fighting for 3d. a day, because he had a wife and five children, and he only got 3d. a day—there were people who did not scruple to try to turn a man's wife and children out into the streets, thereby adding to the anxiety of the man the worry as to whether they were going to have a roof for their heads. We have, therefore, to be very careful how we allow these people to get the power that they will get under this Bill.

At the present time all over England tenants are unable to secure rights that the law says are theirs. The law says that when the local authority reduces the rates the tenant is entitled to a reduction of rent. Even that had to be fought out in, one of the highest Courts of the land before it was established. As chairman of a local authority, men have come to me and have said: "Every night when you put the rates up the landlord always heard of it, and next morning he came round and said, ' Because you have a Labour chairman on your urban council I regret to say that I have to put the rent up by 3½d. a week.' Now that you are beginning to put the rates down, somehow or other he never hears of it. Is it true? He says the news has not trickled through to him yet." When you prove it to the tenant and he goes to the landlord, the landlord says, "My friend, if you take my advice you will not say anything more about it, because those who give the most trouble are going to be the first to be dealt with when decontrol comes about."

Does anybody imagine that this country can face decontrol two years hence? Does private enterprise imagine that two years hence any Government that controls the destinies of this country will be permitted to bring about decontrol? We only make pretence in this Measure. Are we really going to give any confidence to private enterprise, which hon. Members opposite say is one of the features in this Bill? In my opinion, this Measure will worsen and not improve the conditions under which house property is being managed at the present time. It will increase the terror of the tenant. It will increase the powers of the bad landlords, such as I have just instanced, and will encourage them to make threats to the tenants. It will do nothing to assist in the building of houses. Rather it will tend to the worsening of the housing conditions. I notice from a letter sent to me by one of my constituents that efforts are being made to avoid what has been pointed out as one of the bright spots in this Bill. Heavy penalties are to be imposed in future upon people who ask excessive rents for furnished houses. A constituent, writing to me under yesterday's date, sends me a list of houses for which she had orders to view from a firm in Maida Vale. Instead of asking her to rent the furniture they ask her to buy it in the case where the house is under control, while in other instances she is asked a premium. For instance, for 24, Rodney Court, she is asked £45 a year rent and for the furniture, including a Steck pianola, she is asked to pay £640 if she wishes to become the tenant. For a house in Castellain Mansions in the West End she has to pay £77 a year rent, and £300 cash down for the furniture, including a piano. I could go through the whole list of 27 houses which have been offered to this lady for view. This gives a good example of the way in which these Measures are continually evaded.

There is no other way in which to deal with this question than in the way admirably laid down in the Minority Report of the Onslow Committee. My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Rhondda (Lieut.-Colonel Watts-Morgan) and my hon. Friend the Member for the Hamilton Division of Lanarkshire (Mr. D. Graham), who signed that Minority Report, got far nearer the realities of the issues in this question than any other people who have dealt with it. During this afternoon's Debate, reference has been made to an election in which I took part recently. All the four candidates, including the Minister of the Crown, wound up by being against the Government policy, but the candidate who won was the only candidate who stood for the Minority Report of the Onslow Committee. I urge upon the Government that if this Measure is to become law in its present form they will not have assisted private enterprise, but they will have done a great deal to increase the feeling of insecurity that both tenants and landlords feel at the present time.

One hon. Member to-day declared that the only thing upon which the curse of the capitalist system had not been able to cast a blight was family life. I am sorry that I cannot return the compliment, and say the same thing about Socialism, because those of us who have read and have studied the effect of Socialism must admit that wherever it has been tried it has had a blighting effect upon family life. Tonight we have to discuss a sort of semi-Socialism, which is evidenced in the provision of houses by the State and the effects which come from that. I think the Minister and I can find some points of agreement in that we both want to get back to that happy time when there was alternative housing accommodation. I remember, years ago, when I was making a humble living, going to Glasgow to try to sell my goods. Sitting in a Glasgow municipal tram, I overheard a conversation between two stout fellows, who were Glasgow working men. One said to the other: "David, which do you find the cheapest, paying your rent or flitting after dark?" "Well," replied David, "I cannot say that I am a judge, because I always flit after dark." If we could only get back to the time when there was always a house ready for the man who flitted, the housing question would solve itself.

There are two policies with regard to housing. There is the policy of houses provided by private enterprise, privately owned and, particularly, owned whenever possible by the occupier. That is our ideal of the best housing scheme. Next to that we want the small owner, the man who, being a workman, first bought his own house and then has been able out of his savings to buy two or three or more houses. We want that system because we know that it is the best. We know that these houses, owned by the occupiers or owned in twos, threes or fours, are always the best managed, and managed with the least burden on the tenants, and we know also that private ownership of a house is one of the most useful forms of citizenship. We know also that if you get a very large proportion of the population occupying owners that proportion of the population will not be Socialists.

Then we have the other school represented by the Labour party which has declared itself to be a Socialist party. It objects to anyone owning his own house which is contrary to the principles of Socialism. It objects to any man owning two houses and letting one for profit. It believes in the municipality owning houses, building houses and managing houses. I object to that proposal; I believe that if we have that system we shall have the dearest houses, houses badly managed, expensively managed and badly built, and we shall have all the evils which always do follow the undertaking of these enterprises by municipalities. To put it in a sentence, If we see the success of my policy, we shall see many occupying owners and very few Socialists; if our friends are successful in their policy we shall see lots of Socialists and very few houses.

I regret to see, though I believe that the Minister agrees with these theories of mine, that apparently he is prepared largely to do the socialist work. I remember that some little time ago Mr. Winston Churchill received the highest order which it was in the power of the Bolshevists to give him for being the means of consolidating their power. I am afraid that when our Minister—long may the day be deferred—dies, the Socialists will put up a statute to him for giving them the help which he is giving now. I consider that he could make no more dangerous speech than he made yesterday. He told us that it was impossible to decontrol houses in less than seven years. I am certain—and I am certain that the majority of this House agrees with me— that we shall never get houses built in any large number until the builder knows that control is to come off at some fixed date. That is the essence and crux of the housing situation. No wonder that our Socialist Members want to delay decontrol, because they know, as well as I do, that there will be no private enterprise in building so long as control is in existence, so long as there is no profit in it, as they say, that is the whole thing.

The private enterprise builder desires, as I do, to make a living. He is out to make a living. When he does not know where he stands, he cannot build houses. If he builds houses at £250 or £300, and any day the Government may knock the value of the house down to £230 or £220, there will be no private building. The action of the Government during the last four or five years has killed private building, so far as houses for the working people are concerned. Not only that, but the Addison scheme, to my mind, was the maddest scheme ever undertaken by any Government. Under that scheme they put up houses costing £l,000, which everyone knew, when the slump came, would not be worth one-third of what they cost the country. In addition to being so disastrous financially, they utterly demoralised the building trade, both employers and working men.

Are we discussing at the moment the Housing Bill or the ques- tion of the decontrol of houses in relation to rent?

We have been discussing both things together. Clearly decontrol has a good deal of relation to the other Bill.

Are we discussing Socialism or housing? If we are discussing Socialism, we will defend it.

The hon. Member's friends have suggested that Socialism is the only remedy. If one thing is said on one side, the contrary will be said on the other.

The text was given to me by the hon. Member for Shettleston Mr. Wheatley), who talked about the evils of the system of Capitalism. My hon. Friends think it their duty on every occasion to attack Capitalism, but they have very tender skins when I venture to attack Socialism. Only, so far as I know, the two systems are before us, one the capitalist and the other the socialist. And in so far as the Government adopt Socialism or semi-Socialism in the operations' in reference to building houses, the building of houses by private enterprise goes down, and we have not only the economic but the morul ruin of the people. That is my position in housing. In this House we have listened patiently to denunciations of the present system, and I hope that my hon. Friends will allow me to attack theirs.

We had a very great statement from the then beloved Prime Minister of this House two months ago, when he said that agriculture and every other trade must stand upon its own feet. Coming in here as a new Member I thought, "At last we have got a Government that is going to stick to its principles." How has the Government made each trade stand on its own feet? Only the other day the Minister brought in a scheme for Government house building. I need not mention sugar, barley, motor cars or even the Landlords' Rating Bill, which was introduced the other day. I am blaming the Government for not sticking to the principles on which the Conservative party has been elected, and which the Prime Minister enunciated as the basis of their policy. The Government by their action are making houses dear, and that, of course, is much more unfortunate than this State control Bill. A State control Bill after all only prevents rents rising. The real way to make rents cheap is to get the greatest number of new cheap houses built. The Government do not help us in that at all.

A couple of days ago I asked a question of the President of the Board of Trade. It seems rather a far cry from dye wares to house building, but if I may just instance how the dearness of a material runs right through our commercial system, the President of the Board of Trade admitted to me, in answer to a question, that it was the policy of the British Government to compel British dyeworks or colour users—they are the same thing—to pay £1,700 more for two tons of dye-ware than they would have to do if they were allowed to get them from abroad. This does not seem to have much to do with rent control, but the President of the Board of Trade ought to know that the most expensive thing in the paint is the colour, and that the colour is the most expensive thing in the wall paper, and in the furnishing. All along these lines the Government is making houses dear. I am trying to show that the remedy is to let us have our houses cheap, and then rents will look after themselves.

There is another point about this Rent Control Bill. We all agree that it is desirable to arrive at the position when the building trade can build houses at a price which the working man is willing to pay. We had very nearly arrived at that point until the unfortunate introduction of the Housing Bill the other day. A firm in Bradford had contracted with the corporation to build 126 houses at £310 a house. Our building society is prepared to lend £270 per house to the owner-occupier, so that those houses were very nearly in the position at which every workman can have a house of his own built for him. There was only a gap of £40. Directly the Minister brought in his Housing Bill the contractor ran away from his bargain, and would not sign on because up went the price of materials. Not only that, but the contractor stated at once that if there was Government house-building going on, they would not get the amount of work out of the workpeople. [ Laughter. ] It is a very easy thing to laugh, but this is far too serious a thing to laugh about.

We know that employés in the building trade became demoralised, masters and men. We know that the prices went up out of all relation to the cost of materials. We know that production went down out of all relation to the work which was done before the War. It is so, and I think that the Member of Parliament who was afraid to say so is guilty of a dereliction of duty to his constituents. I know it. I know that in my own case I was quoted for building work, during the after War boom, £200 for 120 yards square of plain 9-inch wall, of which the bricks cost about £56. I was quoted about £400 for the conversion of a good stable into a good cottage, with all the materials on the spot. There is no good in shutting your eyes to all those facts. It is better to admit them, as we have admitted them in the textile and other trades. We went through the mill, and the textile industry produced the article at a price at which our customers could afford to buy. Until we did that we remained unemployed, and deserved to remain unemployed. We have won through in Yorkshire by adopting that course.

Will the hon. Member say in the case of the houses for £310 will they get a subsidy or not?

They were five-roomed houses. They were municipal houses, but they were to be built by a private contractor. If we could bring down the price of these houses only a little, the contractor would be able to build at a price which would enable all the workmen in Bradford to borrow the money from the building society to become occupying owners. I have said publicly in Bradford that I am prepared to find money to build all the houses that the working people want, and to do it without any subsidy, on the condition that the makers of building material play the game like gentlemen and that the working people produce as much as their grandfathers produced. That is not too much to ask, and it can be done. It is the greatest mockery of our industrial England today to come to this House and say that the employers, the capitalists, and the workmen of England—both are about the most competent in the world—cannot produce an article for which the working man can pay. We shall never do any good if we leave the housing question in that way. I have taken my courage in both hands and have told the truth to the representatives of the working people—I am a representative of the working people just as much as they are—and I say now to the Minister of Health that it would be a wise thing on his part to face this question of building rings. We have broken some of them, I am glad to say. I believe the brick ring is nearly extinct.

The hon. Member's speech now relates to the Housing, etc. (No. 2) Bill, which is before a Standing Committee. The other parts of his speech, I agree, have had a certain relation to the question of the date of decontrol.

I wished only to point out that the Minister has in the Bill provision for a penalty of £100 if a man sells a few sticks at too high a price. At present there is no penalty for any conspiracy to control prices in the building trade, and I think there should be such a penalty. A conspiracy among capitalists to control prices is a conspiracy against the general interest. If the Government did not keep out German light castings the Germans would break the light castings ring in a fortnight. That is a suggestion to the Minister of Health. He might take it back to Birmingham. I believe that a good many light castings come from Birmingham. I know that a kitchen range which used to cost £2 5s. now costs £9 5s. or £9 10s., and that is far too high a price. I want to refer to what was said last night by the Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Board of Health, Scotland (Captain Elliot). He told us that in 1914 there were 400,000 empty houses. That was about 5 per cent, of the existing houses. We want that 5 per cent, margin now. Incidentally the hon. and gallant Member's statement disposed absolutely of the nonsense that house building was stopped by the 1910 Budget. House building was stopped because we had the necessary number of surplus houses, and house building will always go slack when we get that surplus. The Minister of Health is up against something like the problem with which the Ministry,was faced nearly 100 years ago. It is nearly a century since Parliament passed the Poor Law, the most unpopular Act in England, though it did more good for the poor of England than any Act that had been passed before. I appeal to the Minister and to the Government to take their courage in both hands, and, if necessary, to do an unpopular thing, knowing that in the long run it will prove to be the wise thing and the proper thing, and will not only do the country good, but ultimately at some future election may do them good, even in the political sense.

I am at one with the last speaker regarding the rings that control building material. Every one of us knows that those rings have been productive of much heartburning, both in England and Scotland, and have caused, and are causing, more trouble than anything else, and that they have prevented the building of houses all over the country. What we are discussing now is the Bill which was introduced by the Minister of Health yesterday. We are considering the date of decontrol. Many of the supporters of the Government spoke as if control was a device of the devil and as if we could never get back to reasonable conditions until the whole of control was swept away. The Parliamentary Undersecretary for Health for Scotland blew both hot and cold on that subject. He pointed out that this Bill was a good Bill because it was giving us control up to a certain point, and then he said that there Could be no progress made with building until everything was decontrolled. We need not argue about that now. The Bill recognises that control must be maintained for a period of years. It recognises that if we have not control it will be a bad thing for sitting tenants. On the one hand the Bill gives us some assurance that we will have control for at least two years, and that under certain conditions tenants will not be put out of their houses for a period of seven years.

What everyone of us wants, whether we are Socialists or belong to any of the other parties, are houses. Hon. Members on the Labour Benches will be glad to get houses under any of the conditions which have been mentioned. The last speaker referred to Socialism. The aim of Socialism is to give proper conditions to the people of the country. Bad conditions always breed Socialists, and I hope they will continue to breed Socialists until the bad conditions are swept away. We have a promise of a prolongation of control. Clause I seems to give us that, but when we get to Clause 3 practically everything is taken away, for the Clause enumerates the conditions under which an owner can recover his house. Indeed, everybody seems to be able to recover a house under Clause 3. You have first the owner himself. Then you have the owner's children—not the prodigal son, but the children. Then you have the bona-fide occupier resident with the owner. Then you have the person employed by the owner or likely to be employed by the owner. I do not see that we are getting anything at all if this paragraph remains. I cannot think that the Minister of Health expects to get all these provisions when the Bill goes into Committee. He is probably asking for them all in order that some little part might remain.

I want to make myself perfectly clear Where the owner is the owner of a single house and is in need of it, I am in favour of his getting that house. Everything else being equal, I think the owner of a single house ought not to be kept out of his house because others are occupying it. Every one of us on the Labour Benches knows the hardships that have arisen because of an owner of a single house not being able to obtain possession. Very often he is a man who has striven hard to purchase the house, in the expectation that he would be able to get into it, and frequently he is in danger of eviction himself under one pretence or another I am anxious to have this thing put right. Having said that, I think that the rest of the paragraph should be removed from the Bill. The Minister is doing us no good if he keeps that paragraph in, because, instead of giving us two years, most of the houses would be out of control long before the two years have passed, and so we would get very little benefit from the Bill. What is wanted is a comprehensive housing scheme, a scheme that will give houses to the people. I know of nothing that the Minister should be more anxious about than the building of houses.

8.0 P.M.

It has been said that 400,000 houses were empty in 1914. While that figure may be correct—I am not sure that it is correct—I would remind hon. Members that those empty houses were not distributed over the whole country. In 1914 there was a Housing Commission sitting in Scotland, and I recommend the reading of the Report of that Commission to every hon. Member who thinks differently from us on the housing question. The Report showed that there was I a most appalling state of affairs in Scotland. Even then a great housing scheme was necessary, at least for Scotland. The War stopped building altogether. I do not think anyone can conceive the awful anxiety that is in the hearts of all the workers and many of the middle classes of this country because of the great dearth of houses. It is the one thing that should give anxiety to the Government. I do not believe there is anything that will give more trouble than this want of houses,: because understand what is happening, You have people continually racked with anxiety; you have young people who are anxious to begin to build a home having hope deferred until their hearts are sick, and into whose souls the iron has entered, because of lack of houses. You have everybody afraid of having no houses in the immediate future, at least among the working classes, and I do not know, as I have said, anything that should give more cause for anxiety to the Government than this lack of houses. It is a very dangerous thing. There are men and women in the country to-day who are thinking in directions in which they never thought before. They are wondering to whom they should turn for help in their time of need, and they are thinking and working in directions which would have made you stand aghast a few years ago.

Therefore, for the sake of our people, and for the sake of humanity itself, for the sake of the stability and strength of our Empire—and everyone, I am sure, desires to see our Empire both stable and strong—for the sake of all this, I appeal to the Minister to give us a better Bill than this. Give us some hope that houses will be built. Give us some idea of the time that will have to elapse before we can get our people into those houses. I am sure if the Government give us that, they will get more support from the people of these islands than on any other question before them to-day. Foreign policies and all other policies sink into insignificance beside this great housing question. Scores of thousands of people to-day are not troubling their minds about foreign policies at all. If any Government or any Ministers of the Government want to deserve well of the people of this country, let them begin to give us a Bill that is really a Housing Bill, a Bill which will give us houses—and good houses—for our people. If we get that, then you may rest assured that our people will be more contented, and will be better able to face the many trials and difficulties that the War has left behind.

I wanted to say this little, because I did not want to give a silent vote tonight, and I wanted to make my position clear. But I do plead with the Government to do everything they can, and to allow the Bill, when it gets into Committee, to take such shape as will give some little hope to the people of this country; otherwise, I do not know of anything that will breed those uneasy feelings in the minds of our people which can only lead to evil for the country. After all, every person born into this great country of ours can ask no less than a house in which to build a home, so that the traditions of our country may be carried down to his children, and to his children's children. I support the Amendment.

Notice taken that 40 Members were not present; House counted, and 40 Members being present

May I be allowed to express the pleasure with which I listened to the speech of the hon. Gentleman who has just spoken? I do feel that in all this Debate it is one of the most earnest speeches from the other side to which I have listened, and were the other Members on the opposite side to deal with this matter as the hon. Gentleman has done, we should undoubtedly go a long way to solve the difficult problem with which we have to deal. The Bill before the House—if I may venture to express my congratulations to the Minister of Health—is indeed a very honest attempt to deal with a very difficult subject. The hon. Member who spoke last very rightly said that the working classes have been thinking and working in very different directions in the last few years, and in proof of that they want—and rightly want—better housing conditions. I am one who has always held that bad housing con- ditions have been the cause of much, if not all, of our industrial unrest, and I agree with the hon. Member who spoke last who believes, if I gathered correctly, that bad housing conditions help to breed Socialism. We on this side of the House do not admit that concern for the comfort and happiness of the working class is the monopoly of hon. Members on the other side of the House.

The hon. Member for Shettleston (Mr. Wheatley), as he usually does, attacked private enterprise. He said that bad health and bad housing were due to private enterprise, and that one of the causes was bad management. I would remind him that the question of transport has considerably altered the outlook for the working man with regard to housing. It is not so many years ago that the working man dearly loved to live in a crowd and near his work, but today, with the great possibilities of transport, he has a larger vision, and he rightly wants to go further a field, and to have greater breathing space. I am sure Members on all sides of the House will agree that that should be given to him. The speculative builder has been blamed for the bad housing conditions, but it must be borne in mind that the speculative builder, being a business man, has always built what was required. In the last twenty-five years, great progress has been made in the building of houses, due, as the hon. Gentleman said, to the greater vision of the working-man, and the speculative builder has produced far better houses. We have heard it stated in this House repeatedly that houses are being built forty or more to the acre. That is not so to-day. Down to pre-War days the average number of houses built per acre was about 25, and at the outside 28 in the case of small houses. The hon. Member for Shettleston attacked people who provide houses, and then he said the builders were small men with no capital. He said they were financed by bankers and moneylenders, and then they were ruined by them. He went on to state that the object of this Bill was to give increased rent to the financial classes. After that, in reply to a suggestion that there are many thousands of men owning one, two or three houses, he stated that two-thirds of the capital invested in those houses belonged to financiers, and they wanted to depreciate the value of those houses and then take them away from the smaller men. If that be correct, why should he oppose this Bill?

I, perhaps, am not wholly satisfied with the Bill, but I do hope in Committee, with the help of Members from all sides of the House, we shall be able to improve the Bill, which will, I trust, prove a blessing to the whole of the community. Rent control has hit very hardly people with small incomes. If the figures could be correctly obtained, the number of small owners in this country would surprise the House. I know in my own district of thousands. As has been stated in this House, men have scraped and saved, and left a few houses to their families to live upon, and they have been let, as was generally agreed throughout the country down to 1914, at a very fair rent. Then the unfortunate War came upon us. Income Tax went up from Is. to 6s., and, with the cost of repairs trebled, it has meant ruin to many people. Therefore you must allow them to have a fair rent. If you want to get houses you must give decontrol.

The hon. Member for Shettleston made a moving reference to the case of a husband dying and the landlord giving the widow notice to quit or doubling the rent. I am rather surprised to hear the hon. Member make that statement because if he turns to the Act of 1920 he will find there the trouble he fears has been provided against. In the attacks upon private enterprise various statements have been made, and hon. Gentlemen opposite will allow me to state what I know on the matter from my own experience. They repeatedly attack private enterprise, but I stand by private enterprise. [An HON. MEMBER: "Because you did well out of it!"] Well, I have done this: I have provided houses for the working class; I have refused to sell them, and I have let them only to families with at least two children. Having done so, and having played my part, I have the right to ask hon. Members opposite what have they done? What has been done by the Members of the Labour party who have millions of money belonging to the working men at their command. They have never built houses or assisted to build houses. [An HON. MEMBER: "What about the miners?"] I will tell them what they have done. When the War was over there was a cry about building homes for heroes, and with that theory we all agreed.

What happened so far as the building trade was concerned? Directly it was known that we were going to set about trying to build homes for heroes, the wages in the building trade were increased over 100 per cent, and the hours of labour were reduced 15 per cent. [HON. MEMBERS: "What about the cost of material?"] Labour is the foundation in building costs. In building to-day 70 per cent, of the cost of a finished house goes in labour. The law of supply and demand comes in, whether it is in material or in the work of building the houses. We all want to provide houses, and it is the job of the whole community to find houses. Members on this side of the House cannot do it alone. They must have the help of hon. Members opposite. The suggestion I would make is that wages—as they are at the moment if you like—should be stabilised, and that there should be an agreement, until we get the houses, that labour should work on the pre-War hours. We know that at this moment labour in the building trade is absolutely short and has been so for many months past. I notice that an hon. Member opposite shakes his head, but I speak from experience.

May I ask the hon. Member if he can give us the figures of unemployment in the building trade now?

I think the Minister of Health gave them the other day. I am speaking from my own practical experience. I am speaking from an experience in Hampshire, Surrey, Sussex and the Isle of Wight, and for the last three or four months I have not been able to obtain mechanics or skilled labourers for the building trade, and I know that as a fact. [An HON. MEMBER: "Did you apply to the Employment Exchange?"] Yes, I did, and the manager in my own town will tell you that he cannot provide the men. Reference has been made to the 1909 Act. As far as I understand, there was nothing in that Act to frighten capital out of the building trade, but you cannot get away from the fact that the phrases of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George), such as that about robbing henroosts, frightened industry, and local statistics will prove that from 1909 until 1914 there was a steady decrease in the building of houses. In fact, the old proverb, "as safe as houses" gave way to another proverb, "as unsafe as houses." I am sure hon. Members opposite, in their hearts, realise that this is an honest and just attempt to solve a very difficult problem, and I beg of them to prove that they are ready and prepared to occupy these benches, and to do the best they can to follow the advice of the hon. Gentleman who spoke last, and help to make this Bill a workable Act.

The last two speeches to which we have listened—one from the benches opposite, and the other from below the Gangway—demonstrate that there are no fundamental differences between those who are opposed to the Labour party. We have heard long eulogies of the blessings and privileges of private enterprise, and one would imagine we were discussing a new problem which had suddenly arisen in 1914. I am old enough to remember reading a book written by a man—for whose views I think all Members of this House will have respect—the late General Booth, and it was entitled "Darkest England and the Way Out." It was published when I was a boy, and was one of the first books on the social question that I read. The late General Booth then reminded us of the fact that one-third of the people in London were living in overcrowded conditions. You have only got to go outside London to any of the old towns in Great Britain not to talk about the new towns, to realise the truth of that statement. Go into any of our ancient cathedral cities; come with me to any part of London, north, south, east or west, and I will show you the buildings which were erected for the working class, at a time when there were no restrictions or control of any kind, when there was practically no Public Health Acts to govern the building of houses. Private enterprise is responsible not merely for the lack of housing accommodation, but for the building of fever dens to accommodate the members of my class. In my own constituency 200 out of every 1,000 children born die before they reach the age of 12 months. In St. George's, Hanover Square, 50 children per 1,000 born die before they reach the age of 12 months. Is it the will of God or the work of man that four children born in my district shall die to every one that dies per 1,000 at the other end of London? I say it is our work, and the work that has been neglected in the past, and instead of singing the praises of private enterprise hon. Members opposite ought to appear here in sackcloth and ashes.

This Bill lays it down that in 1925, automatically, every landlord becomes again complete controller of his property, automatically for the time being. Of course, there are hopes that you will not live long enough to be able to do it, and we live in hope that we will die in despair; but we want you to realise what it means in a constituency such as I have the misfortune or the honour, whichever people may consider it to be, to represent. Perhaps it is my constituents who are unfortunate in having such a representative, but I have the honour of representing a constituency largely occupied by unskilled casual labourers, men who have to earn their breakfasts before they can eat them, and most of whom see more dinner-times than dinners. These men have to go out two and three times a day to look for a job, and they are never guaranteed more than half a day. What is the good of the hon. Member opposite talking about the working man going out into the country? He imagines that every working man has got a regular job and that all he has to do is to make arrangements to live in a villa on the Surrey side, and that twice a day, automatically, he produces a season ticket in a, gilt-edged frame to show to the station officials. That is not the case with the great mass of the workers in the industrial centres of this country. Large numbers are compelled by sheer force of necessity to live within reasonable distance of their work.

Take the dock labourer going to the Albert and Victoria Dock. He has to muster at 7.30 in the morning for the call at 8 o'clock, and he has to be back again, if he is not successful in getting the first call, at dinner time for the second call, and if there is a chance of a ship starting, he has to be back again at night. Fancy talking to him about living miles away from his work. People who talk like that demonstrate to me that their knowledge of politics is only limited by the amount of their banking account. We are not talking about the housing question from the sentimental point of view. We are in it all the time. I am living in the same house as I have lived in since the day I was married. I do not want to shift from it, although it is only small and poor. I want to live with the people to whom I belong. I want to rise with them, not above them, and I want you to realise what this problem is for these people. In 1925 these men will be told to clear out because they cannot afford to pay increased rents. I can take you into so-called houses where you will find a room divided into two by curtains, where the father and the mother sleep on one side of the curtain and the children on the other, simply because, owing to their economic conditions, they cannot afford any better accommodation.

What are our hon. Friends opposite going to do in a case like that? They are going to give the sub-tenant, who is the chief tenant of the landlord, power to enter into a bargain with the landlord to increase the rent of every subtenant in the place. This Bill will do that for the people whom I represent, and I am appealed to to support a Bill that is going to rack-rent those who are already rack-rented. I told you the last time when we were discussing a Housing Bill here that, in my constituency, instead of having the right to increase the people's rent, they ought to be sent to gaol for coming down for any rent at all, and I say you are asking me to commit treason to the people whom I represent when you ask me to support a Bill of this character. This is what will happen. A landlord will enter into a bargain with his tenant. A man who is in a good job, or a foreman in a factory or a dock, will take a house containing 10 or 12 rooms. He will let out eight of them, and the rest of the house will belong to himself for his own accommodation. Every other room contains a family. This man is going to be allowed to enter into a compact with his landlord to put the screw on the people under him, and very often he has a double screw. If they do not pay him the rent he wants, they lose their jobs, and they will not get a chance of being taken on at the dock or at the factory, and this Bill is going to increase that power. I say that this is giving them the opportunity of compounding a felony. It is not only in London, but the same thing happens in Liverpool, in Glasgow, and in other seaport towns.

There is the case of the shift-worker, the men who work in gasworks and such places, on the shift system. Some start at six in the morning and finish at two in the afternoon. They are replaced by men who start at two and finish at ten, and they, in turn, are replaced by men who start at ten and finish at six in the morning. How can those men travel about? You can only get a workman's ticket at certain times, and the people on the two other shifts that I have mentioned cannot get workmen's tickets at all, but have to pay ordinary fares, so that when our hon. Friend opposite talks in the way he did he demonstrates to me that he has been living in some other part of the world than Great Britain. England is an industrial and not an agricultural country, it should be remembered. Seventy per cent, of our population live in the great industrial areas, and therefore we are entitled to say that when you are going to legislate you must not legislate as though you were talking about some country village. You are talking about the second greatest industrial country in the world, and therefore this Bill is, I will not say an absolute wash-out, but it is a sticking plaster for a wooden leg.

I hear something about empty houses, and I have seen some for sale in my own district. There are plenty of people who want houses and who go after them, but they are told they are for sale and not to let. They could let those houses to-morrow if they would let people have them to rent, but no; they think they will be able to get inflated prices because of the present situation. I know nothing about the tender mercies of the financiers. I know this, that I do not believe they are in business for the good of my health. I do not believe the pawnbroker comes to the corner of our streets because he loves us so. He is there for business purposes, and, consequently, I am not blaming him, I am only saying that I am taking steps to get rid of him. In so far as we are concerned, we look at this housing prob- lem as a basic problem, because it means not merely rent in the ordinary sense. Many of our working men are never guaranteed even one day's work in a week. These men are in arrears with their rent, and what is going to happen to them in the immediate future? Let us remember that 40,000 of these men went from the district from which I come to fight for their country, and came home to discover that they had not got a home. I want, therefore, to say that anybody who asks me or anybody like me to vote for a Bill that contains the possibilities of throwing these men into the streets, is committing an offence against the patriotism, of which hon. Members opposite profess to be the principal champions. At the last General Election they waved the Union Jack in front of the union jackasses. They got their support, and this is the result.

The middle classes are in revolt against your increased assessments, and the working classes are in revolt against your housing schemes, which are only an apology for statesmanship. You must do something, and you could not do less. We are, therefore, pointing out that this is not a Housing Bill, but one might call it a Warehousing Bill, because the object is not to provide houses, but to provide landlords with excuses for increasing rents, which is a different proposition altogether. They would not be slow to take advantage of the opportunity. What will happen? A man in my constituency—and I believe this is a typical case, I know these men best—if the rent is put up 5 per cent, or 10 per cent., and he lives already under overcrowded conditions, before he will pay that rent will crowd in still further, and make the overcrowding worse than before—this in order to make this accommodation cheaper. Therefore, so far as I am concerned, that part of the Bill in itself would be sufficient to justify me in giving it my most strenuous and vehement opposition.

Talk about me being a Socialist. I am a Socialist, and I am proud of it. I thank the Government for this Bill, for it will help me to make more of my friends Socialists. If you want to stop Socialism you must deal with the circumstances that create discontent. Hon. Members have not the experience that some of us have had, and many of our friends is the East End are still having, that is having a wife and family to keep and no work. That makes one think—and that is the sort of thinking hon. Members opposite have, I imagine, never done. If hon. Friends opposite, instead of talking so much about the rights of property, would think more about the greatest of all property, that is the property in the bodies and brains of the workers of the country, it would be well, and if that property was given its real value and attended to as such, then there would not be so much trouble about all the other property. One would imagine to hear some people talk that there was only one kind of property in the world, and that was property in bricks and mortar. But that is the result of the operation of labour and of the common people on the raw material provided by God and nature for the use of man.

Seventy per cent, of the building put up in the country is, according to a statement made by one of the hon. Gentlemen opposite, the product of labour. If that be true then labour is entitled to 70 per cent, of the consideration of this House. Instead of that we get no consideration beyond this Bill! The possibility is that we shall have some judicial committee to inquire whether or not we are entitled to consideration. I am not particularly acquainted with County Court Judges. I am acquainted with other sorts of Judges. But County Court Judges, as a rule, are very fair, particularly when dealing with cases of the character to which we are now referring, that is to say, where ejectment orders are made against a tenant. But so far as we are concerned what the tenants all over the country are anxious about is that the Courts shall no longer be held in Hell with the devil as presiding magistrate. What we are asking is that the tenant shall be represented, and the owner shall be represented, and then, if you like, put in a County Court Judge as umpire in the event of a difference between the two That may be possibly arranged. Tenants all over the country, and particularly in London, so far as I know, are beginning to think that they should not always be led to the slaughter in these matters.

There is a provision for everything being kept in order from a sanitary point of view. We know the difficulty in that case. I myself am not so hard up as I used to be; the nation sees to that! But I would like to ask how many repairs have been done in my district over the last four or five years? Do any of the hon. Members who talk from the benches opposite know the difficulty of the worker in getting work done. Except in places where we happen to have a live majority of men who believe in doing things nothing has been done. Consequently, the tenant is, to a very large extent, at the mercy of the people who own the house. The landlord will do repairs where the property is likely to be in danger, but alterations and repairs which will mean benefiting the tenant are rather difficult to get done. Therefore, we say the so-called benefits in the Bill count for very little from the standpoint of the welfare of the workman. Therefore I am going to vote against this Bill, and in favour of the Amendment, because I believe the right hon. Gentleman who introduced the Bill might have done better in virtue of his past experience. I remember a speech he delivered to us when the Trade Union Congress was at Birmingham some years ago. If he had introduced a Bill on the lines of the speech he made to that Congress, I would be enthusiastically in favour of it. This is not his Bill. It is an abortion. It is a Bill which has been suggested by other people, who believe they have got to do something, who believe they were bound to consider the matter, and who cudgelled their brains to consider how little they could do. I hope the House will reject the Bill, and that the Government will be instructed by the House of Commons, at any rate, to consider seriously, and to know that the only way to provide houses is for the nation to show as much energy in providing the people with houses in 1923 as they did in providing battleships from 1914 to 1918.

Reference has been made to the great shortage of houses in Scotland, and the urgent need for the provision of further houses, especially for those engaged in industry. It is because I am aware of the very serious problem in Scotland, and am also painfully conscious of the inadequate provision which is being made in the Housing (No.2) Bill before us, that I venture to scrutinise very closely the provisions of this Bill. I am thoroughly in favour of the principle which, I understand, is contained in the Bill, and that is to prolong the period of control till sufficient housing accommodation has been provided. We are all agreed that the sooner control can be brought to an end the better. But the real problem is, when are the houses going to be built? When will it be possible to bring this control to an end? Is the Bill going to accomplish the object which it sets out to accomplish? The analogy used by the Parliamentary Secretary of Health for Scotland last night was I suggest not very well-founded in regard to the question of housing. Taking off all control would be well wherever it could be done, provided that as in the case of other matters which were controlled during the War and subsequently, circumstances have returned, again to the normal. In regard, however, to houses, which are essential to the life of the community, we are still far from the normal, and in a serious position. We have got to recognise that fact.

The principle of the Bill is that control should be brought an end to as and when the necessary housing accommodation has been provided. When, however, we consider the form of this Bill, we find not only that a definite period has been fixed before decontrol takes effect, but that there is a further provision. From 1925, following upon the expiry of the earlier provision of the Bill, a new code altogether is to be set up. That is a very inconsistent course for the Government to take, if they are going to follow out the principle set before them. In June, 1925, at the end of the period set, the Government will have to face the situation either that the houses have been provided or not, and that control must be brought to an end or not! But whatever the situation may be then whether or not there is a sufficiency of houses, they are going to adopt a new code which may be extended over a period of years up to 1930. What does that mean? It means that every individual case after 1925 is going to be referred to the Law Courts. I think the hon. Member who spoke just now from the Labour Benches rather misapprehended what was said on this point by an hon. Member opposite, who spoke as a lawyer. As a lawyer myself I oppose that portion of the Bill, not because it is going to take work out of the hands of lawyers, but because it is going to put so much work into their hands and cause so much litigation.

If hon. Members will look at that portion of the Bill they will find that everything is going to be referred to the Courts. The Courts will have to consider whether the proceedings are harsh or oppressive, whether exceptional hardship would be caused to the sitting tenant by an ejectment order, and so forth. These Reference Committees are only to deal with certain facts and the Court is to be the Judge. It appears to me that this is a, particularly bad part of the Bill, and it does not carry out what I believe to be the main principle involved. I ask the Minister in charge and his colleagues, when they come to consider this portion of the Bill, to remember that they are here providing for the situation which may arise in 1925 an entirely inadequate code which is quite unworkable, and which will give rise to a great deal of litigation and expense. It will also throw an unfair burden on the County Court Judges. The Judges' function is to interpret the law, to apply the principles of law and to interpret the Statutes of this Realm. Under this Bill the County Court Judges are required to enter into questions of fact which ought not to be referred to them at all. These questions of fact will keep our Courts busy from morning to night. I suggest that these provisions will be utterly unworkable and will be strongly resented by the judiciary of this country. Instead of setting up this machinery, would it not have been a simpler thing to say in 1925 "we will review the situation here and now, and the control provided in this Bill shall be extended for a further period until the houses are built." That seems to be the logical result of the principle laid down in this Bill, and it is because this has not been done that I suggest that this Measure will receive serious opposition in Committee. I am not going to oppose this Bill, because the people of Scotland are anxious that control should be continued until the houses are provided, but I wish to say that I shall not support a Bill which does not in its final form provide that an adequate period of control will be established until the houses have been actually provided.

In regard to the limited extent of decontrol provided, I think there is a very serious defect. On what principle does the right hon. Gentleman expect this decontrol to take place?

It is to be entirely casual and fortuitous in its effect. You have a reference made in one of the Clauses to a landlord coming into possession, and how is that going to arise? It will arise in a most fortuitous fashion. A tenant may die or may have to remove from the district. There may be a hundred and one reasons why certain tenancies should terminate while others go on, but is it fair to suggest that no principle should be applied in regard to this decontrol. You will be creating a vast amount of irritation arising from the unjust situation which would be created by two tenants who are in premises side by side having to pay a very different rent, where one of them will be controlled and the other will not. That vice runs through the whole provisions of the Bill with regard to decontrol.

I was also surprised by what was said by the hon. Member for Central Portsmouth (Mr. Privett), whose sincerity we all appreciate, as we all know the interest he has taken in the housing question in the discussions upon the Bill upstairs. I was surprised to hear him say that you must decontrol as early as possible in order to enable the building trade to provide the houses. On this point I associate myself most cordially with the attitude taken up by the minority of the Onslow Committee. It seems to me that when all new houses are freed of control that ought to be considered sufficient to stimulate up the building industry. Why do they not get on with the houses? A great deal has been said against private enterprise, and I agree that in the past it has failed to provide these houses. I say that at the present time it is perfect nonsense to suggest that private builders can ever cope with the necessity for providing houses for the workers of this country. In Scotland we know that this is a sheer impossibility. The right hon. Gentleman opposite said he was going to give private enterprise the first opportunity, but I think it is a profoundly mistaken attitude to approach this problem from that standpoint. In regard to working-class houses you will never get them built by private enterprise owing to the high rates and other reasons.

The amendment of the restrictions in regard to the right of possession and occupation of the houses which are at present controlled is a question upon which I have received more representations from my own Division than upon any other part of the Bill. I am very glad that this matter is going to be dealt with on what I hope will be fair lines. I am in agreement with the statement which has been made by hon. Members on these benches and I consider it is a great hardship that owners who have bought for their own occupation should have been kept out of their houses so long, and more particularly married couples with families, because very often they are kept out of their own houses by single persons. We must also lave regard to the fact that there are also hard cases in evicting the tenants of the premises. I have had a case put before me of a man carrying on a business which is very useful to the public, who may find some difficulty in securing continued occupation although that may be most desirable in the public interest. In such a case there ought to be some inquiry as to where the public interest really does come in. In the case of a man or a woman who require a house for their own occupation the case is perfectly clear.

May I remind one or two of the critics of this particular Clause who have spoken this afternoon of the words in Clause 3 ( b ) which substitute a new paragraph for the old paragraph ( d ). In Section 5 (1) ( d ) of the principal Act the words are very largely the same words which appear in this Clause. I think there has been a good deal of misapprehension upon this particular point. The words include the landlord's occupation as a residence for himself or for a person residing with him or for a person in his whole time employment. These words are all in the original Act and therefore this provision is not quite such an extension as some Members seem to think. Certainly I hold that it requires some modification in Committee to prevent it being too wide. We have to safeguard the situation very carefully, particularly in regard to occupation by the landlord where there is a high pecuniary inducement involved in securing that occupation. I hope further safeguards will be put into the Bill to meet that case.

The Government must be aware that there is at the present moment very little hope of getting adequate housing accommodation provided before 1925 for all those who now need it, and I would ask them therefore very seriously whether they will not consider dropping Part II of their Bill and providing that the period of control may be very considerably extended. In Committee some very strong arguments will be advanced for an alteration of the present framework of the Bill. Unless some further provision is made to secure that there shall be no profiteering on the part of those landlords who are permitted to secure occupation of their premises, and that there shall be no opportunity of taking an unfair advantage of the tenant by forcing him to remove from the premises, which I am afraid under the Bill as at present worded might occur in many ways, I may not be able to vote for the Third Reading of the Bill. I hope, however, the Government will consider the criticisms put forward by those who approve the principle of the Bill and bring it more into consonance with their views.

9.0 P.M.

There has been a good deal of criticism with regard to the failure of private enterprise. May I give my personal experience, as the representative of one of the youngest cities in the United Kingdom. That city doubled its population inside the last 50 years, and private enterprise was sufficiently energetic to provide all the houses that were needed at less than half the cost of similar houses in Glasgow, Manchester or Birmingham. I know we have one advantage in that we have had cheap ground rents, but certainly private enterprise provided us with thousands of houses at a rent which could not be touched on this side of the Channel. When my right hon. Friend the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) attempted to carry out one of those glorious promises of his, such as of giving 9d. for 4d., or something of that sort—in the year 1910—we had in the City of Belfast between 5,000 and 8,000 vacant houses. Then the right hon. Gentleman introduced his land taxation, which, by the way, the younger Members of this House. should know has never yet raised sufficient to pay the cost of collection. It had a most terrible effect with regard to building, for from that time onwards people refused to put their money into building, and the city, containing in 1910 from 5,000 to 8,000 vacant houses from which the working man could make his choice, and get his house cheaply, that city to-day requires something like 7,000 houses in order to meet the needs of the people.

I am in sympathy with a good deal of what has been said by hon. and right hon. Members opposite, because this is one of the greatest social problems with which we have to deal. But how are we going to deal with it? Are we going to deal with it by allowing the Government or the municipal authorities to build the houses? I have had some experience in that matter. Belfast corporation is perhaps as good as most corporations, and that is not saying much. They started to build houses under the Act of 1919, and the houses which were built for working men are costing the tenants 22s. 6d. per week. Inasmuch as the State contributes five-ninths of the cost, it means that the working man's house to-day represents 47s. per week. It may be asked if the case of Belfast is not singular, but I do not think it is. What really happened under the Act of 1919 was that the moment it came into operation, everyone connected with the building trade—whether he was a bricklayer or a master builder—came out to see how much it was possible to make from the Act. Before the War a bricklayer laid a thousand bricks a day. [An HON. MEMBER: "Not in building houses. I challenge the hon. Gentleman to try to do it!"] I am not a bricklayer; I am dealing only with the facts. I am not going to blame the bricklayer, because I believe there are other people who profiteered much more than he did. But between them the public has been put into the position of not being able to get houses at economic rents.

The time has come when we must get back to economic conditions. We shall not do that so long as we can keep control over houses. I listened to a very eloquent speech from one of the hon. Members opposite, and I thought he was very illogical for a Scotsman, because he admitted quite frankly that you cannot get houses with control, and yet at the same time he insisted that control should be continued indefinitely. If control be a good thing, let it be kept on; but if it be bad, and I think it has been exceptionally bad for the working classes, the sooner we get rid of it the better. I think the Minister of Health has struck a happy mean. We all know that there are bad landlords. There are landlords who, if control were taken off before there was an adequate supply of houses, would undoubtedly go in for profiteering, and every hon. Member in this House wants to stamp that out. With regard to Clause 14, I am not quite sure what the powers of the committee are going to be, but if the Government is proposing to set up Courts to fix rents, I would appeal to the House to think very seriously before they take that step. We have in Ireland a land question, a question that was very acute at one time, and land courts were set up to fix fair rents. They created nothing but trouble and annoyance. In the end they had to be got rid of, and we had to go in for land purchase. Think what is going to happen if you intend to set up anything in the form of Courts to fix rents for tenants all over the United Kingdom. You will have nothing but friction, and the only party in the State who will make anything out of it will be the lawyers.

They always do. My experience of them is rather limited, but it is that generally they give you good value for your money.

Of course, but it depends upon with whom they are dealing. There is a type of person in connection with whom even lawyers had better get their fees, not on their brief, but in their pocket, before they appear for them. I think the Government and the House will make a mistake if they set up courts for fixing fair vents. There can be only one-real protection for tenants, and that is the protection I want to see, namely, plenty of houses. Until you get them you can never have protection for the tenant.

I beg to offer a few remarks on the character of the Bill as it is now before the House. One finds such a contradiction in the position which the Government, as well as the supporters of the Government, desire to take up. We are told that control has not had the desired effect, but has had the contrary effect—that it has not only failed to produce more houses, but has almost acted as an obstacle in the way of getting new houses. That is a bold assertion, made without any explanation or convincing argument. One fails to realise how the introduction of rent restriction, or, rather, a little rise in rent called rent restriction, hampered the erection of new houses. The higher allowance made by the Governmant was, perhaps, not found satisfactory, and, if that were so, the landlords would naturally desire to rush to build new houses, which would not be under the operation of the Rent Restrictions Act, so that they could fix their new rent on their own basis. Here is a direct incentive to the landlord to build new houses, but they have not done anything of the kind, for the simple reason that the so-called rent restriction gave a good and substantial increase on the rents to those landlords, who are in the majority, who possessed slum property and made undue profits out of it. These people know that they have their vested interests in the slum property, and they are not going to create a competition against themselves by building new houses, so that their slum property may yield no rent at all.

That is the real stumbling block in the way of the erection of new houses. It is not increased wages, it is not the restriction of rents; it is the existence of slums, of an indescribably low class of houses, under the ownership of the private enterprisers and private owners, who are themselves afraid of seeing new houses erected, because they know that then their wretched slums will yield no rent. That is the whole secret. The remedy is to make it illegal for landlords to raise rents in the case of these uninhabitable houses. Then we should see new houses. We were told by one hon. Member below the Gangway on this side that two things are to be desired. One of them is that the building fraternity, the workers in the building trade, should begin to work again as their grandfathers did. It is quite a notorious fact that 90 per cent, of the houses now existing, with our modern outlook on life and housing, are nothing but a disgrace to the name of human habitations, and most of these disgraceful houses were created under conditions of private enterprise, without rent restrictions, and when the builders were the grandfathers of the present generation. That has given to this country a most undesirable type of houses for people to live in.

The Government say that, the restriction of rents having hampered the building of houses, they have an honest and sincere conviction that, in order to obtain more houses, this restriction ought to be removed. Why are they not removing it? If that was their honest conviction, they should immediately remove the restriction and give the nation new houses. Why should they again stand in the way? It is for the simple reason that, although these plausible arguments are used, the Government, after all, as practical human beings, have got the inward conviction that, if the restriction is removed, the abuse will be so wholesale that the suffering put upon the tenants would be much greater than it is now. That, in itself, is a tacit confession that the restriction on the private owners is a wholesome and not an unwholesome thing. In the last Act there was one very glaring defect, and the community at large is going to suffer more permanently from it than the Ministers of those days may have thought. They restricted the rent, but they did not restrict the selling value of the houses in the last Act. They did not provide that a house could not be sold except for 40 per cent, or 50 per cent, above its 1914 value, or above the previous payment made by the landlord. As a result, some of the landlords have been successful in blackmailing the community and extorting from them 100 per cent., 200 per cent., or even more, on the value of the house. It is quite obvious that those people who have invested this unduly large amount of money in these houses are now waiting to see a profit on that investment, which is economically an unsound investment, and it is elements of this kind in the class of landlords that are agitating against the rent restriction. They want to have unlimited liberty in regard to charging rents.

If, as I have said, the Government had the conviction that rent restriction should be abolished, there was nothing to prevent them from doing so instead of continuing it. We want to point out, and the purpose of the Amendment is to point out emphatically, that a lurking conviction in favour of maintaining the restriction, and simultaneously a weakness in yielding to the cry of certain selfish landlords, will produce worse effects than the Government are aware of. I received a letter from a constituent of mine yesterday morning. The landlord's solicitor has given notice to the tenants, dated the 1st June, and he says:

May I offer one more suggestion. There is a Clause asking the sitting tenant to give up his property in favour of a landlord who requires it under the excuse of wanting it for his children, his employés or his future employés, and so on. We experience it as an actual fact in life, which did not happen before, that the spirit of persecution is more in vogue even than it used to be in the happy days gone by. There is no denying the fact. Once upon a time I was a tenant in a particular street in Twickenham. I had the temerity in the 1918 election to set up as a candidate against a right hon. Gentleman who now graces the opposite benches. There was a systematic effort made and all sorts of representations were made to my landlord to get me out of the street as being the only one who was disgracing the locality. My only protection then had been my agreement and, before the agreement terminated, rent restriction came. There is not the slightest doubt that even in industrial localities the masters are marking the men who are supposed to be mischievous agitators, and though they cannot oust them out of their service without trade union trouble, being simultaneously the landlords they will do their best to oust them out of their houses. There is no doubt about the spirit of persecution, and there is bound to be abuse after abuse under that class of landlord who, not for the sake of getting higher rent, but for the sake of satisfying their other motives, will persecute individuals and get rid of them. Someone will not like an Irishman in a certain district, someone will not like a Catholic, someone will not like a Nonconformist, someone will not like a Bolshevist in a respectable quarter, someone will not like an agitator, and all these people will receive notice from their landlord that he requires the house for someone whom he intends to employ in his service later on. If the Government have the conviction that rent restriction is wholesome and is something that they cannot get rid of wholesale, let it be rent restriction and no humbug about it. That is what our Amendment means. If they believe, as they pretend to believe, that it is very harmful they are acting treacherously towards the community by perpetuating it. We are accused of always looking with bias upon private enterprise. We do not. Our complaint is not bias against private enterprise but that those who pretend to be full of enterprise are not full of enterprise. It is private privilege without enterprise. If the owners and controllers of capital had a fraction of the spirit of enterprise in them they would have built houses regardless of risks. Whenever they see the slightest risk they hide themselves in their shell and try to pass laws and get protective duties and tariffs and some sort of grants and concessions and all kinds of rights in order to make money without being enterprising. That is our complaint. Private enterprise does not exist. Human enterprise does not exist in the present order but human sharpness and human unscrupulousness.

We have listened to many kinds of speeches during these two days of interesting debate, and, I think, all who are not extraordinarily blinded by prejudice will admit that the Minister of Health introduced the Bill in a most able speech, and that he was ably backed up by his colleague who represents Scotland. The problem we are faced with is one of gigantic difficulty. Hatred will not in any way assist to solve it. We are faced with a dilemma. If control continues we shall not get the houses. If it is done away with there will be a great number of hard cases. But hard cases make bad law, and I suggest that hon. Members opposite should model their speeches on those most excellent speeches which we have heard from two men who have been through the mill themselves, who have held responsible positions on public bodies, and whose contribution to the Debate was listened to with such interest by every Member of the House. I am alluding to that most useful maiden speech of my fellow townsman the Member for Leicester (Mr. Hill) and my hon. Friend the Member for Pontypridd (Mr. Mardy Jones). These were really constructive contributions to a problem which they themselves have had personal experience in solving. But we have listened to a succession of what I might almost term the "Glasgow hymn of Hate." We who have the misfortune to sit on Committee A upstairs have the experience of this gramophone record, turned on in various keys, from the crescendo of Clydebank to the whine of Wales, with an occasional interlude as to either the magnificence or the misfortune of Manchester. That is a. spirit from which, if I may say so, we want to get away for a little bit. Some hon. Members seem to consider that we on this side have no experience whatever of what bad housing conditions are. They seem to think that we have all our lives lived in most wonderful palaces. I can assure hon. Members opposite that a large number of us, for the space of four years, suffered far worse housing conditions than they have ever experienced. They can tell us absolutely nothing of houses which were without windows and doors, which were hopelessly overcrowded, and which were infested with lice, fleas, and rats.

Is the hon. and gallant Member suggesting that that is the class of house we should get now?

I am suggesting that when we have heard speeches from hon. Members, to which we have listened—I think Mr. Deputy-Speaker will agree with me—with exemplary patience, that we know as much about bad housing conditions as they do—

The hon. Member interrupted me in the middle of a sentence, but I could go on for a long time telling of several of the houses which I have inhabited. I can say this, that I have been very grateful for the partial shelter they have afforded. Let hon. Members from every side look into this matter. I wish we could only get together a little bit, as we do sometimes in the Smoking-room of this House, and talk the matter over, and forget this idea of class hatred, which has never helped to build a house at all. If hon. Members would turn off that awful gramophone, and get down with us to reality from their personal experience and their help, I should be glad. We are all determined that the one thing we want to get is houses, houses, houses, and more houses. I appeal to hon. Members opposite to drop this class hatred, and to try to get together with the Minister of Health, who has shown that he is prepared to adopt every good and constructive suggestion put before him.

That is what I ask my hon. Friends to do, but I must own that I was indeed disappointed by the contribution to the Debate made by the hon. Member for Seaham (Mr. Webb). He is a man whose name, from the very earliest hour that I entered politics, was mentioned in certain circles almost with reverence, and when he entered this House he entered with a European reputation. I was indeed disappointed when I found that the only contribution he could make was a sloppy sentimentality of a weeping tenant and a tyrannical landlord. That is the kind of "sob-stuff" which may get people into this House, but which will certainly never get anybody into any other kind of house, nor get one built. [HON. MEMBERS: "This is 'getting together.' "] I am also surprised that a man of the hon. Member's great reputation should descend to the depths of using that threadworn gibe with regard to the Ministerial by-elections. I am surprised that he trotted it out once more in all its thread bareness, though I think that the tide has at last turned, and is now coming in with that beautiful wavelet which we saw this afternoon. I was not really surprised, however, that the hon. Member, with all his eminence, when somebody said something about the rural population, should have termed it an insignificant minority. If the hon. Member considers that 10,000,000 people are an insignificant minority, of course, he may be right. I am only an ordinary country man, and I have not the advantage of being a Professor of Economics, so I bow to him in what he considers an insignificant minority.

Although we acknowledge the hon. Member's eminence, we must also see that he has, all through his career, been conspicuous for a lack of a sense of humour, and when we heard him saying of himself that he "might be"—not "might have been"—a prodigal son, it struck me as a little comic, because I have, always thought he represented far more in his personal appearance another of the actors in that moving parable. [HON. MEMBERS: "Withdraw" and "Order."] I do not know what I have said to offend hon. Gentlemen opposite, because I see by my notes that the word I was about to use was that the hon. Member for Seaham looked to me far more like the weak but benevolent father than the prodigal son. If I have said anything unparliamentary in saying that the hon. Member does not look like a prodigal son, I will withdraw it with the greatest pleasure; but I also am quite certain that not one of the hon. Gentlemen opposite could possibly have imagined that I would have likened this eminent gentleman to any farmyard animal which plays a great act in the drama of the prodigal son.

I am sorry if I have strayed away from the Bill, but I have listened to so many speeches from the benches opposite, which I have tried to understand, so far as my very humble intelligence could follow. To go back to the Bill. I do not think at this hour of the night my hon. Friends opposite would like me to go through it Clause by Clause. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] I am quite prepared to do so. I have one criticism to make of the Bill, but I do not know whether my hon. Friends opposite will think it is a criticism at all. I am afraid that the Bill will, undoubtedly, do away with unemployment in one particular class, and that is amongst the lawyers. That is the only thing that I do not like about Part II of the Bill. There is a great deal too much reference to decisions of lawyers, decisions which I think even the Attorney-General would agree are rather doubtful propositions at odd times. If in Committee we can get some kind of tribunal or some kind of magisterial bench which will cut out the lawyers and get down to the horses, or the houses, whichever you like—cut the cackle and get to the houses—it would be a most excellent thing.

If I have said anything to offend hon. Members opposite I am very sorry, because I can assure them that the appeal I make to them arises from an intense sincerity over this question. I ask them to believe that a few of us, and especially the Minister of Health and the Undersecretary of Health for Scotland, have the good housing and the welfare of the working people of this country quite as much at heart as have hon. Members opposite. If they will only cut out hatred and bitterness, and if, whether they understand or misunderstand our actions in regard to this matter—which, after all, is not a question of party politics but a matter of getting houses, and good houses, for the people—they would come and join with us in a desire to solve this question, they wuld find that we should meet them half way, and do all that is within our power to meet their views. Although each side, possibly, might drop a few votes, what would that matter? What would it matter whether we returned to this House or not, or whether we went back to the occupation of growing pigs or cabbages, so long as we had been able by our work in this House to do something to better the conditions of the working people of this country?

I am not sure whether the hon. and gallant Member who has just spoken imagined that he was discussing the Agricultural Vote or the Housing Bill, because, apart from the interesting reference to the hon. Member for Seaham (Mr. Webb), he never mentioned the subject under discussion.

Of course, I take the word of the hon. and gallant Member because, unfortunately, I did not hear the speech. We cannot consider this Bill and whether it is appropriate or not without considering the whole question of housing, control, rents and landlord and tenant. It would be unfair to blame the present Government or its immediate predecessor for the existing position. We have to review the situation as the result of the policy followed by the three Governments since the Armistice, and we see the most appalling muddle and mess imaginable. It is true that the troubles we have are shared in America, which is more prosperous than ourselves, and by countries like Germany, Poland and Russia, which are less prosperous. This housing shortage is felt throughout the so-called civilised countries. All the highly industrialised countries have this housing problem to deal with. It was beginning to show itself before the War, though there were, I believe, sufficient houses before the War, although many of them were quite unfit for human habitation. After the Armistice, we were faced with a great deal of housing shortage, partly caused by the shifting of the population and the cessation of dwelling house construction during the War. I would like to know what happened to the wonderful schemes of reconstruction that were set up by the Ministry of Reconstruction about two years or 18 months before the Armistice. We were told, and it was one of the things that I had to fight against in the General Election of 1918, that plans were ready for turning England into a vast garden city. The Coalition Government came into power, and neglected their promise, and nothing was done for 18 months. Then we had the Addison regime, and after a great expenditure of money we did not even make up for the ordinary shortage of houses. That is to say, we did not make up for the houses that were necessary for the increase of population, or replace those which had fallen into total disrepair and had become insanitary.

The housing conditions of the people to-day, the overcrowding, the hardships, and the numbers of people who cannot get married because of the housing short- age. [ Interruption. ] Let me quote the Bishop of London, who agrees with me on this point, if on nothing else. In London and other great centres of population the conditions are such that not only the Bishop of London, but practically every social worker and leader of religion, says that much of the present-day immorality and crime is caused by overcrowding and bad housing. That is admitted, and we have to face the position. In my own constituency we have scores and hundreds of houses which have been condemned by the medical officers of health for two, three and four years past as unfit for human habitation, yet people are living in them with young children, because there are no houses for them to go to. This, four and a half years after the Armistice, and, incidentally, when there are builders unemployed in the same district! It is an appalling state of affairs, and it is amusing to hear the hon. Member for Bosworth (Major Paget)—who has not yet learned to remain in his place for a short time after making a speech—to ask us to go with them into the smoking-room and to talk this matter over. I find it difficult to listen with patience to people who say that during the War in France they had billets in farmhouses without windows, and that we ought not to criticise the Government's housing policy, including this Bill. Those who talk like that did not have their wives and their children with them living under those conditions. The present housing conditions of this country are a scandal to any country, and above all to a country which is wealthy like ours.

I am going to suggest what should be done, and I only wish that my suggestions had been listened to in the early part of the last Parliament. I agree with the hon. Member for Shettleston (Mr. Wheatley) that there is very much in the Bill which can be misused, with disastrous effect when a tenant dies. Is it not a fact that the widow would then become the new tenant, that this Bill would become operative, and the landlord could demand higher rent from the widow and turn her out of the house if she did not pay. I know that the Bill is so drawn that in cases of hardship an aggrieved tenant can have resource to the County Court, and that the County Court can give protection. But the poor workman's widow has a terrible fear of the law, and would be most reluctant to go to Court if it can be avoided, and hardship will be caused in that way. When you talk of the poorest class of people, especially of those who have been deprived of their natural guardian, the head of the family, being able to go to Court, they would be reluctant to do so, and therefore that safeguard is largely illusory. A great deal has been made of the man who owns a single house and the small owners of property, but most landlords are better off than their tenants. They are therefore in a stronger position to go to law, and the protection of the law is not so efficacious as it might be under this Bill.

There are two policies in reference to the general situation of muddle, brought about by the Conservative Coalition Government and the present Conservative Government. There is an eternal duality in most things, and there are two practical policies with regard to houses. The first is to say that while you have got control and while you stop the ordinary play of economic forces you will not get houses, and to get houses you must decontrol at once, so as to remove all restrictions on private enterprise. It is admitted that for a time there will be great hardship, but we are told that if that policy is carried out the houses will be built by private enterprise. If hon. Gentlemen believe that, why have they not had the courage to carry that idea into effect, and why have they not the courage to do it now?

The other policy, and I think the only practical one if private enterprise has failed because of control, and you cannot remove control because the democracy will not permit it, is that the State must take the responsibility for building houses, and if after the Armistice we had tackled the matter on national lines and not left it to the municipalities, for whose shoulders I have always felt the burden was too heavy, we should have had half a million houses built and avoided a great deal of unemployment, and if there were a proper costing system and proper control to prevent profiteering and swindling, I do not believe that the cost would have been so great. It is wrong to say that there was no building going on during the War. There was a tremendous amount of building—aerodromes, barracks, factories for munitions. There was more building done during the War than in any similar period previously, and that at a time when these vast armies were engaged abroad, and when we had men and women engaged in every industry and more people employed on the land than ever before. We could get these great building schemes carried out and yet we get hon. Members standing up now and talking about the evils of Socialism and the necessity of private enterprise. These buildings were required and we got them. Why was not that done during the years following the Armistice when the people's minds were attuned to the needs of such a policy and they would, I believe, have worked loyally in support of the Government if such a policy had been put in force?

Is it a fact that schemes for this were in the pigeon-holes of the Ministry of Reconstruction, and, if so, why were they not brought before us? They would have saved much misery, crime and death among the poorest classes of our people, and we should have been saved the unutterable disgrace of having our housing conditions as bad as ever in 1923, after we had come through the Great War. From that angle I look on this Bill, and I shall vote against this Bill, and I should vote against 20 Bills like it. I am afraid that I shall have to part company with some of my friends on these lines, but until the Government by their policy get rid of the present injustice I hope that ail justice-loving people in this House will resist them in doing a grave injustice and wrong to the ex-service men, the most helpless class, and the poor of the population. As long as the Government cannot find a better scheme for dealing with this problem I shall resist them, and I hope we shall all resist them until they give way to a Government that will do better for the people of the country.

Shortly the House will be called upon to record its opinion upon the Amendment moved by my hon. Friend the Member for Seaham (Mr. Webb). If the right hon. Gentleman is speaking for the Government, I would suggest that what was said by my hon. Friend yesterday is deserving of reply. In that speech my hon. Friend justified every one of the theses formulated in this Amendment for voting against this Bill. I gather from the speech of the right hon. Member for Spen Valley (Sir J. Simon) that his reason for not moving against the Bill is that if it is not passed, decontrol will cease automatically. If that reason were to actuate hon. and right hon. Gentlemen in giving their votes in the Lobby, they would repeatedly find themselves prevented from supporting their convictions by their vote, and I cannot, therefore, regard the reason given as adequate for not voting in support of this Amendment. Everyone agrees that to a very great extent this is a Bill which, if it goes into Committee, must be dealt with at considerable length and in full detail. That is to say, it is more a Bill for Committee treatment than for general House of Commons discussion. I am not, therefore, in view of the speech of my hon. Friend yesterday, going to deal at any length with what may be termed purely Committee points.

First, I would like to call attention to the official view circulated in a recent statement by the National Federation of House Builders as to their judgment on the steps to be taken to deal with the housing conditions. It is a view adopted by some hon. Gentlemen who have taken part in this Debate, and a view which I think shows how little people, whose opinion does influence decisions on this question, appreciate the enormous difficulties of the millions of people who are troubled by this housing problem. Among the very first of their views I find that every endeavour should be made to encourage the people to invest their savings once more in house property. The answer to that is that the people most troubled by housing difficulties have no savings to begin with to invest in anything. Their slender resources of a year or two ago have been reduced enormously by the heavy wage reductions in that period. It is admitted officially in this House that the weekly reduction in the workers' wage, compared with the wage earned by a similar number of workers two years ago, is not less than £12,000,000—an enormous sacrifice by the poorest section of the community in the interests of what we term British trade.

It is idle, therefore, to look in the direction of each family or each father finding sufficient money by borrowing or saving wherewith to build a house of his own. I wish to say everything to en- courage every man who is able to secure his own house, but I know that it is so much beyond the means of millions of the people who are suffering the most from the housing shortage, that it is a mockery to address to them the appeal to save their resources and to invest in house property. The helpless poor can find no solution whatever in that appeal. The hon. Member for South Bradford (Mr. H. H. Spencer) earlier in the Debate spoke of the possibility of every workman in the city of Bradford being able to arrange for the building of his own house. That is an utter impossibility. There must be many thousands in that city who could answer none of the questions which inevitably are addressed to those who want to arrange loans. Take the ordinary labourer or general worker. Take those whose earnings now stand, even after a full week's work, at less than 30s. There are millions of such. Take those on short time and the large number who are totally unemployed. What is their capital? Where are their resources? What security or guarantees can they give for any advance? We ought to face the realities.

As I understand the extent of the problem, as expressed in figures, it is roughly this: That at the end of the War everyone admitted there were arrears of about 500,000 houses. Many put the figure higher than that, and not very many below it. From that time to this there have been about 200,000 houses constructed; indeed, not so many, but I put the figure at its highest and include to a large extent many of the houses now in course of construction. In each year, it is admitted, there is an increasing need of about 80,000 houses. That is the number annually required to keep pace with the growing need of the community. Those figures are some measure of the appalling character of the suffering and inconvenience endured by very large numbers of the people. No man has come to this House in recent years who has not expressly promised to deal with this problem. In every election it has taken a leading part in the assurances given by responsible Ministers of action to be taken if electoral confidence were placed in them. Indeed, the only memory which I retain of my contest in the Platting Division of Manchester is that of seeing all the large spaces which were obtainable in most parts of the city covered with posters even larger than the usual huge sheets issued by the Conservative party, assuring the electorate that they would have more and better houses if the Conservatives were returned to power. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] I am glad to have that confirmed. I want to see how far the assurance will be translated into legislation.

10.0 P.M.

How is it that, faced with these assurances, confirmed by the cheers of hon. Members opposite, hon. Gentlemen can now rise in their places and say that what the Government should do, in respect of this matter, is not to build houses but to decontrol them, to leave this question to the general free play of private enterprise, and so forth. The truth is that, according to the terms of this Bill, house builders may build a million houses or any number of them and not one of them would be subject to any control of any kind. There is no proposal before the House to the effect that any house construction would involve the builder in any penalties or conditions of control. This difficulty is, and must long remain, one of the by-products of the War, though even before the War—no one knows it better than the Minister of Health—there was a considerable shortage of that type of house to which the increasing standard of intelligence and notions of British comfort have made the ordinary citizen tend to move. However much it may shock those who hear it, I say that if only a week's War cost had been spent in the last two or three years upon this very business of house construction, in carrying through effectively schemes which we have had upon paper and in the air and in the mouths of right hon. and hon. Gentlemen—if that money had been applied to a wise and skilful programme of house construction since the War, scarcely any of our difficulties would face us to-day.

We have within our shores every item of material needed for our purpose. [HON. MEMBERS: "What about timber?"] We have the material, we have the men, and I allege that we have the money. It is because of failure to find the money—not a very large sum—that the trouble has become so aggravated and suffering has been seriously increased. I would remind the Minister of Health, in order to test whether he thinks fit to deal with the point, that it has been shown recently in this House that every month for nearly the past year money to the extent of £250,000 has been paid away to idle building trade workers for doing nothing at all—men idle in the building trade to the extent now of more than 100,000, wanting to build, wanting to work, and receiving this money month by month. I ask the right hon. Gentleman, how is it that some step has not yet been taken to put effectively into national service, for purposes of house construction, those men who are idle, and are to-day being paid money without any service being rendered to the State?

Is it not because the other men who are working are claiming unduly high wages?

I shall not leave untouched the wage problem. The right hon. Gentleman, who introduced this Bill, in a speech which left none of us in any doubt as to what he meant, and as to what the Bill meant, frankly admitted that decontrol was a major operation if it had to be applied to the ordinary tenant of to-day, and yet, with a form of courage, upon which I do not congratulate him, he intends to proceed to perform that operation, with many safeguards of a kind, and with many soothing appliances for the purpose of enabling the patient to survive. But I assert it is beyond doubt—it has been proved already in this Debate—that this Bill must, to a very great extent, in its operation piecemeal, singly, and in groups, effect a state of decontrol in the case of housing where the rent now is fixed. The second part of the Bill, to be applied at a very much later date, is what I will term the evictions part of the Bill, for indeed that is the step which is bound in very many instances to result from the contests in the Court that have to be decided on the numerous issues which will arise. Eviction may be prevented, but it can only be prevented at the price of paying higher rents in instances where the house owners demand it. It is therefore a case of control, on conditions that it is to be partial, that it will be ineffective, that it will not be a real protection or shield for the tenant, such as the average tenant feels to-day.

Therefore, we repeat that the way to deal with house shortage is to build houses, and, simple as that may sound, there will be no solution of the problem until that doctrine is put into effect by legislation. Every step in the Government housing problem has shown incapacity to-appreciate the urgency and gravity of the public interest. A man feels troubled in relation to a house, and the risks of ejection; he feels the uncertainty of the power of the house owner over him much more, I believe, even than the dread of unemployment, serious and grave as that is, and even Conservative Governments have been driven to the device of using some sort of Socialistic legislation in order to protect the tenant against tendencies to exploitation which a state of scarcity inevitably involves. It is certain that many, many house owners will find it quite impossible to resist the numerous temptations to eviction which this Bill throws in their way. Pleas have been put forward to consider the good intentions of the house owner. Everyone does: we do not allege that he is more cruel than another. Property may not conceive itself guilty of cruelty in asserting its rights, but, in the prosecution of those rights, many cruel things have been done. The tyranny of unrestrained power in the hands of property has required successive Acts of Parliament to check it, and will call for still further Acts, until the supply of houses exceeds the demand for houses.

We are not alleging that the house-owner does not possess as much consideration as another. But we do say that this unalterable economic law, or law in trade and commerce, which inclines one to sell to the best advantage, and to reap the most out of whatever is, for the time being, possessed, will reduce the heart of many house owners to a very small size indeed. I heard with bewilderment the statement in this Debate that this was a Bill which would demand less attention on the part of the lawyers. It seems to me that no Bill recently introduced has afforded more prospective employment for the lawyer class than the Bill now before the House. To that I would add that no recent Bill has been more riddled by the criticism of lawyers, not only on the Labour side of the House, but in other quarters. It is clear that, unless extensively amended, the result will be an enormous increase in costly and vexatious litigation.

I would like to supplement what was said by my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy). I doubt whether the House appreciates the reluctance of the average tenant to go into a Court of Law, or to have any cause whatever to be forced to go, and we can well imagine, from our own experience, the numerous instances of meek submission to injustice and wrong rather than face legal proceedings. How justice is to be done to working-class pleaders who may be aggrieved, or tenants who are threatened with ejection, without sufficient and costly legal representation, I do not understand. If they do not get assistance, their case will take a very secondary place in the consideration of any Court of Law. If they have-to get such assistance and protection, it will have to be paid for, and even where n working-class tenant may have the will to resort to the law, he may not have the means to buy it. It has to be purchased at a very considerable price. The tenants, therefore, who may have to seek this legal protection, are those least able to afford the means of paying for, and enlisting on their behalf, such legal assistance as they may require. I repeat, that most working-class tenants, who have a real grievance, cannot go to the Courts. Settlement by the agency of the law is, in most cases, to them quite an impossibility.

We have been charged on more than one occasion with being the cause of the dearth of houses. If we knew the policy of right hon. and hon. Gentlemen opposite we could deal with that charge, but the-ground is so frequently shifted: so many different shades are used for the purpose of their defence, that it is difficult to discover where they do stand on this question in relation to any definite line of policy. At an election the Government promises to build houses. "More homes and better homes" is the cry, and there are loud cheers when that quotation is used. Then they can say in this House, as was said only an hour or two ago, that houses cannot be built because Government work is always done more slowly by men when they know they are on it, and that work done for the Government is not as good as work done under private contract. Will hon. Gentlemen some time, when they have thought over the matter, tell the House what they think of the millions of people who are employed in the State and municipal services, in public duties of a very varied kind and against whom there is not an atom of complaint. Take the great municipal bodies, the urban, town and city councils and take the State itself. The Postmaster-General is known to be the largest employer of labour in the United Kingdom. Is he complaining every day? [HON. MEMBERS: "We are!"] If it be true that there is such cause for complaint, we should like to hear it expressed. We know there is grumbling, but we are entitled to call for some evidence. Let the complaint not only be formulated, but proved. There are 2,000,000 or 3,000,000 people engaged in public work, and the men who could, long ago, have been called upon to employ themselves in this work of house construction would have been willing to do their best under proper supervision, and oven a little would have been far better than the nothing we have got at enormous cost, as I have already tried to show.

It is said, "Oh, but compare the work of men in the building trade now with the work which they did before the War." I do not shirk the comparison. I invite it, and on the strength of that comparison I remind the House that building trade workers before the War were among the lowest paid skilled workers in the Kingdom, and, taking the less skilled or non-skilled men, in all branches of building operations they certainly were among the very lowest paid of the men of their class. They worked hard; they worked frequently under conditions of pressure and grinding which had grown up as a matter of usage. They were very closely supervised, if not driven. Long hours, low wages, heavy work—all the conditions which any hon. Gentleman in this House could desire applied to them and they produced their best. Who got the benefit of it? Certainly the men did not. Certainly the public did not. The public, to a great extent, got slums. If hon. Members are to call for long hours, low wages, and every sort of physical pressure which a workman can exert, I say that, in exchange for that, the men themselves are entitled to far better terms than they received under pre-War conditions of labour. I allege that workmen need fear no comparison whatever as producers, particularly if you put them side by aide with the profiteers. The worst worker is better than the best of the profiteers, and if wage-earners, in the use of their opportunities for improving their conditions of service, had done things in any way similar to those done by many housing profiteers, they would have met with the most furious condemnation possible from the side of the House which is silent whenever the sins of the profiteers are mentioned.

I would not claim that the Bill is wholly devoid of any good points. Indeed, that at least was claimed for it by the right hon. Gentleman the Minister of Health. I think the worst point in his speech was that point in which he looked in some measure to emigration for a relief of the housing problem. I am net going to enter into the general subject of the distribution of Empire population. Something can be said for it, but to take any action whatever on that side of the question in order to afford some escape from problems which ought to be settled by other means is not quite worthy of the high standard which my right hon. Friend usually sets. I would say a word in support of one part of the Bill, which I think, under proper conditions, may fairly be welcomed and carried into law. Something can be said for the single house owner. I do not mean in every instance, but take a case, say, of a house owner, as was stated by my right hon. Friend, having a family and being in the centre of such domestic conditions as clearly required him to move to a better house, yet his own house, which he could not enter, was in the possession of one suffering far less domestic inconvenience than he was; so that, as long as families and children would not have to be evicted from houses, I think there are strong claims for the single house owners, and that on that point many of us could find common ground. Justice in these questions should be made conditional only upon real cruelty being avoided, because his purchase was clearly from the very best of motives, and no technicality should any longer rob him of the rights for which he has paid.

I would say, lastly, in relation to this Bill that we think the speech of the hon. Member for Seaham adequately and powerfully formulated a defence of the reasons which we have set forth in this Amendment. The Bill itself is only an addition to the cumulative evidence of the Session that public interest and public need cannot now rely upon unaided private enterprise. If hon. Members really believed that the public could trust itself to the mercies of private enterprise, the Government ought to have the courage of their convictions and not be frightened by electoral results, whether at Mitcham or elsewhere. I am opposed to this Bill as a further instalment of force and artificial control, and we hold that our view justifies us in going into the Lobby and trying to outvote the Bill. I shall do that because the Bill is so different from the one we would introduce if we had the power to do so; not having the power, we have at any rate our convictions, and we. must show them in the manner indicated.

The Debate to which we have listened during the past two afternoons has shown, I think, two diverging lines of criticism. There is, first of all, that body of criticism which in my view might perhaps be more appropriately directed against the Bill when it reaches a Committee stage. There are points of which I only enumerate one or two to suggest them all. My right hon. Friend the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury) suggested we should omit the word "jurisdiction" in Clause 14. There is a suggestion that the language we use in one Clause "residential and other needs." might suitably be altered, although the alteration would seem to be a thorny problem, because one-half of the critics want it altered to make it narrower, and the other half in order to make it wider. Neither body of critics seem to know that the words in question are taken from a specific recommendation of the Onslow Committee, who, after hearing a great deal of evidence and giving a great deal of thought to it, suggested that precise form of language.

When I refer to the Onslow Committee I think perhaps the House hardly realises how much we are all indebted to the members of that Committee for the trouble, it took and Report which they gave. [An HON. MEMBER: "Which Report?"] I was going to say all Reports, for I think the Committee as a whole laboured hard and diligently upon this problem, and not less those who took a view less near to ours than those who took a view nearer to ours. Because, fortunately or unfortunately, a particular recommendation as to decontrol by stages proved to be unpopular, I think the public has little noted the numerous other points which the Committee investigated and upon which they have given a number of recommendations very many of which have found their place in the Bill before the House. There is another document which critics seem a little to have overlooked, and that is the Act itself which this Bill purports to amend. For instance, the hon. Member for Seaham (Mr. Webb) when he criticised this Bill held up for special censure the Clause which throws upon the County Court the impossible task, as he deemed it, of saying Whether a greater hardship was caused by granting or refusing to grant an order for possession. He overlooked the fact that these words are copied word for word from the Act of 1920 which the County Court judges have been administering for nearly three years.

Another Member when he criticised the conditions under Clause 8 under which a mortgage can be called up where the security is jeopardised on the ground that it imposed an impossible task upon trustees, overlooked the fact that that was merely the re-enactment of a Clause which has been in operation ever since July, 1920. The hon. Member for Shettleston (Mr. Wheatley), in making what seems to me almost a savage attack upon the provisions of this Bill—[HON. MEMBERS: "No, no!"]—perhaps I am not accustomed to the hon. Gentleman in his more savage moments, but he pictured in lurid language the wickedness of the Government which was giving to the unfortunate widow of any tenant who died the obligation of being thrown out into the street unless she chose to pay any rent which an unscrupulous and rapacious landlord might demand. The House will be surprised to know that there is no such provision in the Bill at all, and that in fact there is express provision in the principal Act, which of course is continued by this Bill, that the word "tenant" includes the widow of the tenant.

Does not the present Bill take a house out of the principal Act when the tenant ceases to have possession.

This Bill, under Clause 2, Sub-section (1), takes a house out of the Act when it comes into the possession of the landlord, but the hon. Member does not suppose that, because a tenant dies, the house goes into the possession of the landlord. As a matter of fact, it goes into the possession of the legal personal representative of the tenant, except where the tenant dies intestate, and then the principal Act expressly provides that the word "tenant" includes the widow of such tenant. If hon. Members will peruse Section 12, paragraph ( g ), of the principal Act, they will find that position provided for. I pass from that type of criticism for this reason.

The right hon. and learned Member for Spen Valley (Sir J. Simon) said to the Government when he was speaking earlier in the evening that he hoped we would be prepared, at the Committee stage, to consider with an open mind Amendments which would be proposed. I do not pledge myself that the Government will accept the particular Amendments which the right hon. Gentleman would desire to see made in this Bill, but I do most cordially and sincerely assure the House that the Government never contemplated, in introducing a Measure of this kind, dealing with a subject so complex, that it has produced a Bill that could not be materially improved by the collaboration of hon. Members on both sides of the House, many of whom have a great knowledge of this subject, and whoso assistance and advice will be most readily considered by the Government. I pass from that type of criticism to the other branch which is really the Second Reading type of criticism which goes to the fundamental root of the Bill. The first vital criticism is one which has been repeated from the benches opposite by hon. and right hon. Members who have said that they are going to vote against this Bill because it does not provide houses for the working classes. They have denounced, in terms of persistent fervour, the conditions under which the working classes live: they have asked whether or not by this Bill those conditions will be im- proved by more houses being provided. I hope I shall not disappoint the Opposition when I say I quite agree that this Bill will not provide houses. It is not intended to provide houses. I hear an hon. Member remark, "What a wonderful discovery." It is no discovery to us.

The House will realise—at any rate, those who have given any intelligent consideration to the topic will realise—that when, as is admittedly the case at present, there is a shortage of houses, a Minister who has to grapple with the problem has to bear in mind two considerations. First, he has to consider how best to overcome the shortage by producing more houses. In fact, this Government introduced some few weeks ago a Housing Bill, which is rapidly, I understand, reaching the conclusion of its Committee stage, and which, whether it be adequate or not, is designed for that purpose. But there is a second problem which any competent and thoughtful Minister has to deal with; that is how best to use the existing houses-while new ones are being provided. It is that second problem, to which my right hon. Friend has addressed himself in the Bill, to which he now asks this House to give a Second Reading. Therefore, when we have, as we had from the right hon. Member for Platting (Mr. Clynes), in a speech of studied courtesy and moderation, very many criticisms of this kind—that it is impracticable to encourage the working classes to buy their own houses because they would not be able to find security on which to borrow—criticisms to the effect that there are large numbers of building employés out of work who might profitably be employed in building houses, criticisms which go so far as to say that the solution of this problem is to build more houses—I would respectfully say to the right hon. Gentleman that he is entirely mistaken. It does not solve this problem to build more houses. There are two problems which we have to solve. The first is to build more houses, which is the matter dealt with by the Housing Bill. The second is how best we can use the houses we have got until new ones can be provided, and that is being dealt with by this Bill. If you were to set every building employé in the country to work, and were able within quite a short time to erect houses for every man, woman and child in Great Britain, you would still have to do something to deal with the time which must necessarily elapse before those houses are provided, or this problem would not be solved at all. It would, however, be wrong to suppose that the two problems are not inter-related. They are very closely related, because it is vital, in considering how best to use your old houses, not to formulate a scheme which will prevent the building of new ones; and a test of many of the criticisms and some of the suggestions which we have heard from the other side may well be found in asking oneself the question, "If that proposal were adopted, what effect would it have on the provision of new houses?" Let me take, for example, the suggestion of the hon. Member for West Middlesbrough (Mr. T. Thomson), yesterday. His suggestion was that all the empty houses in the country should be rationed out by the local authorities, whether the owners liked it or not, to tenants or people who wanted houses. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] That is a suggestion which actually receives applause from the opposite benches. [ Interruption. ] The last Government did not introduce any such Clause, and if a previous Government did, they obviously learned better before they passed—

On a point of Order. May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether we did not, during the War, requisition houses for Belgians?

I would ask the House, when such a proposal as that is put before it, to consider what would be the effect upon people who were thinking of erecting new houses, if this were what was done with the old ones. Another suggestion, made by the hon. Member for Westhoughton (Mr. Rhys Davies), was that what we ought to do is to reduce the rents of all the houses from now onwards. How much would that encourage people to invest in the building of houses? I pass from the criticism based, on what I may respectfully call the housing fallacy, to the criticism offered by the hon. Member for Seaham (Mr. Webb), when he said that this Measure is not a measure of control but of decontrol. Of course, it is very convenient to say that when you are going to vote against it, because I can imagine what the electors of some of the constituencies represented by hon. Members opposite would say if, in fact, by any mischance, which I believe hon. Members opposite would be the first to regret, they happened to succeed in their Motion to reject this Bill, and when the 31st July or the 1st August came, and thousands of tenants found themselves at the mercy of landlords who could either turn them out or demand any increased rent they chose, and the tenants were told by hon. Members opposite, "It is quite true that the Government brought in a Bill which would have prevented your being turned out. It is quite true that the Government brought in a Bill which would have prevented your rents being raised. But we thought that some other houses ought to have been controlled as well, and so we would not have any control because we could not have that. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Spen Valley was quite right when he said that Members ought to intend the consequence of their votes. The hon. Member for Seaham was, however, quite right when he said that one result of this Bill would be that houses would be decontrolled more quickly than if the 1920 Act, were continued unamended. They will be decontrolled more quickly, and that is one of the strongest arguments in our view in favour of the Bill.

Let me deal with what the hon. Member called the eight points of the harrow. First of all, there were the vacant houses which automatically come out of the Bill. That means that those houses which, if the hon. Member is right, are largely kept off the market because the rent permissible under the old Act is not sufficient to make it remunerative to the landlord to let, will come on to the market, and will increase the available supply, and if in fact there are 40,000 of them we shall be 40,000 actual houses better off. The second point the hon. Member commented on was the provision that where a lease is made for more than two years beyond the period of control, that enables the house to come out of the Act and, said he, it will pay the land- lords to bribe the tenants by offering them a premium or a reduced rent to consent to take the house for a period beyond the period of control and so get out of the Act. I am not so sanguine as the hon. Member, but it would be an extremely good thing for the tenants if he is right because it will mean that the tenant of those houses will either get a sum of money down by way of premium or a reduced rent for a period of at least two years in order that at the end of two years the house shall be out of control. [An HON. MEMBER: "What about the new tenant?"] There cannot be a new tenant during the two years for the house has to be let for at least the period of control. Hon. Members ought to read the Bill before they interrupt.

Then there was the question of the nuisance committed by a- sub-tenant, and ho said that was an undesirable thing. Of course that is taken directly from the Onslow Committee Report and, further, it is not every nuisance by a sub-tenant which enables the landlord to get possession of his house. It is only a nuisance by a sub-tenant which the tenant himself could have stopped if he had chosen but has not taken steps to put an end to, and if the tenant deliberately allows his subtenant to make a nuisance of himself to his neighbours he is much better out of the house. Then there is the question of the one-house owner. I think most hon. Members must have had the experience I have had of scores of letters from people, very largely ex-service men, who have bought houses for the occupation of themselves and their families, who by the operation of the old Act are kept indefinitely out of possession. That is a very real grievance which we are trying to remedy. The hon. Member suggested that we are enormously widening the number of those who may take advantage of it. I do not know if he has in mind the provisions of the principal Act, but the only extra cause we bring in is the children. It is the prodigal son and no one else. It was suggested by the hon. Member that if the landlord wanted to get a house he had only to comply with the provisions of paragraph ( b ) and he had an absolute right to get possession. That is an entire mistake, as the hon. Member will see if he looks at the principal Act, because all the new Bill does is to alter the terms of the Clause of the principal Act by putting in a fresh paragraph.

May I ask whether the right hon. and learned Gentleman happens to have read paragraph ( f ) of the Bill, which says that the landlord prior to 30th June, 1922, can immediately secure possession?

The hon. and gallant Gentleman will forgive me if I say that it provides nothing of the kind. What the Bill provides is that where a landlord was the owner before 30th June, 1922, he then does not have to provide alternative accommodation, but that is very far from giving him an absolute right to possession. You have merely got paragraph ( d ) read into Section 5 of the principal Act, and one of the conditions which applies to paragraph ( d ), just as much as to any other, is this:

The next prong of the harrow was with regard to the servants "to be engaged," as well as the servants "engaged, "Again, this is a recommendation of the Onslow Committee. It is to meet a point, which was recognised to be a grievance, namely, that whereas under the Act a man who had an employé engaged could get a house for him, if he made a contract with somebody to employ him and to give him a house he could not get the house, because the person with whom he made the contract was not employed by him, and was only going to be employed when the house was obtained. The grievance has only to be stated for it to be realised how serious it is, because, clearly, nobody would engage a servant definitely until he knew he had a house to give him, and, as the Act was drawn, he never could know that.

The next prong was as to where it was in the public interest, for the purpose of public works, to obtain possession. There, alternative accommodation has to be found. There, as the hon. Gentleman realises again, we are carrying out the recommendations of the Onslow Committee, and it is eminently reasonable that when a house is required in the public interest, for the purpose of some work of public importance, and alternative accommodation is provided for the tenant, that it should be possible to obtain possession of the house. The eighth and last prong of the harrow was with regard to Clause 8, where an estate was going to be wound up. The hon. Gentleman will forgive me if I ask him to read the Clause a little more carefully, when he will see that it has nothing in the world to do with obtaining possession of a house. It is only a Clause which provides for the calling in of mortgages.

Then came the line of attack which was taken by the hon. Member for Shettleston. He told us, as one would have expected from him, that it was the big financiers who were behind the Bill, who wanted the security, who wanted room for investment, and who wished to be able to raise the rents. The hon. Gentleman quite forgot that he told us in other parts of his speech that private enterprise had entirely given up investing in houses, and that it would never come back. He told us in another part of his speech that the big financier never lent for more than two-thirds of the value, and that if the rent went down it was not the big financier who lost his money, but the small investor who put up the other third. He told us that he was accustomed to listening to illogical and inconsistent arguments. I am afraid he has caught the infection. The real difference between us in regard to this part of the Bill is that hon. Members opposite object to decontrol as being bad in itself, and, as the hon. Member for Shettleston said, they want to tighten up control. We on this side look on control as bad in itself, and we are anxious to encourage the provision of houses in every way possible so that decontrol may take place. I am content that the House should judge between us on these two points.

In regard to Part II, some fears have been expressed which are a little unfounded. I will deal with two points. In the first place, whether there should be a Part II at all. One suggestion is that control should come absolutely to an end at a fixed date. In regard to that, the House has to remember that whenever control does come to an end there will, necessarily, be a certain transition period when there is still to some extent a shortage, and when there is an opportunity, if landlords are unscrupulous enough to use it—[HON. MEMBERS: "Oh!"]—some would, and some would not—to extort excessive rents, or be excessive in their demands upon their tenants. It is a very good thing that during that transition period some sort of protection is to be afforded. Although we fix a period of five years, the House will remember that in Clause 16 we provide that if at any time that should prove to be unnecessary it can be done away with at once by Resolution of the House.

The other criticism is in regard to the reference committees which are to be set up. There are two functions which the reference committees will perform There is, first of all, the function of adjudicating when both sides ask them. That is Consent jurisdiction, and nothing else. There, obviously, it cannot be a rent court or anything of that kind. Further, it will meet the demand made by the hon. Member for Stoke Newington (Mr. G. W. H. Jones) and other hon. Members, by enabling people to settle cases without going to lawyers. I should have thought that hon. Members opposite would have approved of that. There is a further function which is purely advisory. The idea is that inasmuch as there may be, and probably will be, a certain amount of congestion in some County Courts, it will tend to accuracy, expedition and cheapness if a committee of this kind, a reference tribunal of this kind, goes and inspects houses, and is able to report upon such questions as the state of repair, the rents of houses in the neighbourhood, and the general condition of matters, so that the County Court Judge may have material upon which to make up his mind. That is a function which is not a judicial function which does not give the right to decide, but only the right to report. There is no real danger of any rent court or anything of that kind, and I say that the provisions of Part II will be a useful and necessary adjunct of the Bill.

It has been said that the Bill provides no advantages for tenants. I would remind the House that it gives tenants two years' control; secondly, that it gives five years' protection; thirdly, that it provides that they shall not be penalised in respect of furnished lettings, that they shall not have premiums exacted from them, and that they shall not be penalised in respect of service flats. Finally it gives a measure of protection in regard to the state of repair which, probably, has never been equalled.

This Bill is a fair and honest attempt to do the right thing to both sides, and I ask the House to give it a Second Reading.

Question put, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Question."

The House divided: Ayes, 287; Noes, 123.

Division No.182]

AYES

[11.0 p.m.

Ainsworth, Captain Charles

Craig, Captain C. C. (Antrim. South)

Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy

Alexander, E. E. (Leyton, East)

Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry

Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard

Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S.

Crooke, J. S. (Deritend)

Hood, Sir Joseph

Apsley, Lord

Curzon, Captain Viscount

Hopkins, John W. W.

Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin

Daiziel, Sir D. (Lambeth, Brixton)

Howard, Capt. D. (Cumberland, N.)

Ashley, Lt.-Col. Wilfrid W.

Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead)

Howard-Bury, Lieut.-Col. C. K.

Astbury, Lieut.-Com. Frederick W.

Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H.

Hudson, Capt. A.

Astor, J. J. (Kent, Dover)

Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln)

Hume, G. H.

Astor, Viscountess

Davies, David (Montgomery)

Hume-Williams, Sir W. Ellis

Baird, Rt. Hon. Sir John Lawrence

Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.)

Hurd, Percy A.

Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

Dawson, Sir Philip

Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B.

Balfour, George (Hampstead)

Dixon, C. H. (Rutland)

Hutchison, G. A. C. (Midlothian, H.)

Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G.

Doyle, N. Grattan

Hutchison, W. (Kelvingrove)

Banner, Sir John S. Harmood-

Du Pre, Colonel William Baring

Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H.

Barlow, Rt. Hon. Sir Montague

Edge, Captain Sir William

Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S.

Barnett, Major Richard W.

Edmondson. Major A. J.

Jarrett, G. W. S.

Barnston, Major Harry

Ednam, Viscount

Jephcott, A. R.

Barrle, Sir Charles Coupar (Banff)

Ellis, R. G.

Jodrell, Sir Neville Paul

Becker, Harry

England, Lieut. Colonel A.

Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington)

Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W.

Erskine, Lord (Weston-super-Mare)

Joynson-Hicks, Sir William

Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake)

Erskine-Boist, Captain C.

Kennedy, Captain M. S. Nigel

Bennett, Sir T. J. (Sevenoaks)

Evans, Capt. H. Arthur (Leicester, E.)

Kenyon, Barnet

Bentinck, Lord Henry Cavendish-

Evans, Ernest (Cardigan)

King, Captain Henry Douglas

Berry, Sir George

Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M.

Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement

Birchall, Major J. Dearman

Falcon, Captain Michael

Lamb, J. Q.

Blades, Sir George Rowland

Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray

Lane-Fox, Lieut.-Colonel G. R.

Blundell, F. N.

Fawkes, Major F. H.

Linfield. F. C.

Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W.

Fildes, Henry

Lloyd, Cyril E. (Dudley)

Boyd-Carpenter, Major A.

Forestier-Walker, L.

Lloyd-Greame, Rt. Hon. Sir P.

Brass, Captain W.

Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot

Locker-Lampson, G. (Wood Green)

Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive

Fraser, Major Sir Keith

Lorden, John William

Brown, Major D. C. (Hexham)

Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E

Lorimer, H. D.

Brown, Brig.-Gen. Clifton (Newbury)

Furness, G. J.

Lort-Williams, J.

Brown, J. W. (Middlesbrough, E.)

Galbraith, J. F. W.

Lougher, L.

Bruford, R.

Ganzoni, Sir John

Lowe, Sir Francis William

Bruton, Sir James

Garland, C. S.

Loyd, Arthur Thomas (Abingdon)

Buckingham, Sir H.

Gates, Percy

Lynn, R. J.

Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A.

Gaunt, Rear-Admiral Sir Guy R.

Macnaghten, Hon. Sir Malcolm

Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James

Gilbert, James Daniel

McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury)

Burn, Colonel Sir Charles Rosdew

Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John

Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.)

Burney, Com. (Middx., Uxbridge)

Goff Sir R. Park

Manville, Edward

Butcher, Sir John George

Gould, James C.

Margesson, H. D. R.

Butler, H. M. (Leeds, North)

Greene, Lt.-Col. Sir W. (Hack'y, N.)

Mason, Lieut.-Col. C. K.

Butt, Sir Alfred

Grenfell, Edward C. (City of Kondon)

Mercer, Colonel H.

Button, H. S.

Gretton, Colonel John

Millar, J. D.

Cadogan, Major Edward

Guest, Hon. C. H. (Bristol, N.)

Milne, J. S. Wardlaw

Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R.

Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E.

Mitchell, W. F. (Saffron Walden)

Cassels, J. D.

Gwynne, Rupert S.

Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham)

Cautley, Henry Strother

Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

Molloy, Major L. G. S.

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Sir Evelyn (Aston)

Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W. (Liv'p'l, W. D'by)

Molson, Major John Elsdale

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord H. (Ox. Univ.)

Halstead, Major D.

Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J.

Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton

Hamilton, Sir George C. (Altrincham)

Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C.

Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm., W.)

Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry

Morden, Col. W. Grant

Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood)

Harbord, Arthur

Moreing, Captain Algernon H.

Chilcott, Sir Warden

Harrison, F. C.

Morris, Harold

Churchman, Sir Arthur

Harvey. Major S. E.

Morrison, Hugh (Wilts, Salisbury)

Clarry, Reginald George

Hay, Major T. W. (Norfolk, South)

Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. (Honiton)

Clayton, G. C.

Henn, Sir Sydney H.

Murchison, C. K.

Cobb, Sir Cyril

Hennessy, Major J. R. G.

Newman, Colonel J. R P. (Finchley)

Cockerill, Brigadler-General G. K.

Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford)

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips

Herbert, S. (Scarborough)

Newson, Sir Percy Wilson

Collie, Sir John

Hewett, Sir J. P.

Newton, sir D. G. C. (Cambridge)

Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale

Hlider. Lieut.-Colonel Frank

Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield)

Cope, Major William

Hiley, Sir Ernest

Norman, Major Rt. Hon. Sir Henry

Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South)

Hinds, John

Oman, Sir Charles William C.

Cotts, Sir William Dingwall Mitchell

Hoare, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir S. J. G.

Paget, T. G.

Courthope. Lieut.-Col. George L.

Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D.(St. Marylebone)

Parker, Owen (Kettering)

Pease, William Edwin

Roundell, Colonel R. F.

Sutherland, Rt. Hon. Sir William

Pennefather, De Fonblanque

Ruggles-Brise, Major E.

Sykes, Major-Gen. Sir Frederick H.

Penny, Frederick George

Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth)

Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley)

Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings)

Russell, William (Bolton)

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Perkins, Colonel E. K.

Russell-Wells, Sir Sydney

Thorpe, Captain John Henry

Perring, William George

Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham)

Titchfield, Marquess of

Peto, Basil E.

Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney)

Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement

Pielou, D. P.

Sanders, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert A.

Tubbs, S. W.

Pollock, Rt. Hon. Sir Ernest Murray

Sanderson, Sir Frank B.

Turton, Edmund Russborough

Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton

Sandon, Lord

Wallace, Captain E.

Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G.

Scott, Sir Leslie (Liverp'l, Exchange)

Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull)

Price, E. G.

Shakespeare, G. H.

Waring, Major Walter

Privett, F. J.

Sheffield, Sir Berkeley

Watson, Capt. J. (Stockton-on-Tees)

Raeburn, Sir William H.

Shepperson, E. W.

Watts, Dr. T. (Man., Withington)

Rankin, Captain James Stuart

Simpson-Hinchcliffe, W. A.

Wells, S. R.

Rawlinson, Rt. Hon. John Fredk. Peel

Singleton, J. E.

Wheler, Col. Granville C. H.

Rawson, Lieut.-Com. A. C.

Skelton, A. N.

White, Lt.-Col. G. D. (Southport)

Rees, Sir Beddoe

Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South)

Wilson, Col. M. J. (Richmond)

Reid, Capt. A. S. C. (Warrington)

Smith, Sir Harold (Wavertree)

Winterton, Earl

Reid, D. D. (County Down)

Somerville, A. A. (Windsor)

Wise, Frederick

Remer, J. R.

Somerville, Daniel (Barrow-In-Furness)

Wolmer, Viscount

Remnant, Sir James

Spender-Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H.

Wood, Rt. Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon)

Rentoul, G. S.

Stanley, Lord

Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, Watt)

Reynolds, W. G. W.

Steel, Major S. Strang

Woodcock, Colonel H. C.

Richardson, Sir Alex. (Gravesend)

Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K.

Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L.

Richardson, Lt.-Col. Sir P. (Chertsey)

Stewart, Gershom (Wirral)

Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward

Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich)

Stott, Lt.-Col. W. H.

Yerburgh, R. D. T.

Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford)

Stuart, Lord C. Crichton-

Roberts, Rt. Hon. Sir S. (Ecclesall)

Sturrock, J. Leng

TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—

Robertson-Despencer, Major (Isl' gt'n W)

Sugden, Sir Wilfrid H.

Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs.

NOES.

Adamson, Rt. Hon. William

Henderson, Rt. Hon. A (N'castle, E.)

Roberts, Frederick O. (W. Bromwich)

Adamson, W. M, (Staff., Cannock)

Henderson, T. (Glasgow)

Robinson, W. C. (York, Elland)

Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro')

Herriotts, J.

Rose, Frank H.

Ammon, Charles George

Hill, A.

Royce, William Stapleton

Attlee, C. R.

Hirst, G. H.

Saklatvala, S.

Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery)

Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath)

Salter, Dr. A.

Barnes, A.

John, William (Rhondda, West)

Scrymgeour, E.

Batey, Joseph

Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown)

Sexton, James

Broad, F. A.

Jones, R. T. (Carnarvon)

Shaw. Thomas (Preston)

Brotherton, J.

Jowett, F. W. (Bradford, East)

Shinwell, Emanuel

Brown, James (Ayr and Bute)

Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M

Short, Alfred (Wednesbury)

Buchanan, G.

Kirkwood, D.

Sitch, Charles H.

Buckle, J.

Lansbury, George

Smith, T. (Pontefract)

Burgess, S.

Lawson, John James

Snell, Harry

Buxton, Charles (Accrington)

Leach, W.

Snowden, Philip

Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, North)

Lee, F.

Spencer, George A. (Broxtowe)

Cape, Thomas

Lees-Smith, H. B. (Keighley)

Stephen, Campbell

Charleton, H. C.

Lowth, T.

Stewart, J. (St. Rollox)

Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R.

Lunn, William

Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby)

Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale)

MacDonald, J. R. (Aberavon)

Tillett, Benjamin

Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton)

M'Entee, V. L.

Trevelyan, C. P.

Dudgeon, Major C. R.

McLaren, Andrew

Wallhead, Richard C.

Duffy, T. Gavan

Maclean, Nell (Glasgow, Govan)

Warne, G. H.

Duncan, C.

March, S.

Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline)

Dunnico, H.

Maxton, James

Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda)

Ede, James Chuter

Middleton, G.

Webb, Sidney

Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty)

Morel, E. D.

Weir, L. M.

Gosling, Harry

Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.)

Welsh, J. C.

Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central)

Muir, John W.

Westwood, J.

Greenall, T.

Murray, R. (Renfrew, Western)

Wheatley, J.

Greenwood. A. (Nelson and Colne)

Newbold, J. T. W.

Whiteley. W.

Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan)

O'Grady, Captain James

Williams, David (Swansea, E.)

Groves, T.

Oliver, George Harold

Williams, Dr. J. H. (Lianelly)

Grundy, T. W.

Paling, W.

Williams, T. (York, Don Valley)

Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil)

Parker, H. (Hanley)

Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe)

Hardie, George D.

Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan)

Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow)

Hartshorn, Vernon

Ponsonby, Arthur

Wright, W.

Hastings, Patrick

Potts, John S.

Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

Hay, Captain J. P. (Cathcart)

Richards, R.

Hayday, Arthur

Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—

Hayes, John Henry (Edge Hill)

Riley, Ben

Mr. T. Griffiths and Mr. Morgan Jones.

Hemmerde, E. G.

Ritson. J.

Bill read a Second time, and committed to a Standing Committee.

Agricultural Rates (Con-Solidated Fund) [Grants]

Resolution reported,

"That for the purposes of any Act of the present Session to amend the Law relating to the relief from rates to be given in respect of agricultural land in England and agricultural land and heritages in Scotland and for purposes in connection therewith, it is expedient to charge on the Consolidated Fund—

Resolution read a Second time.

I beg to move, in paragraph ( a ), after the word "grant," to insert the words first half-year of the current year. The-figures for the second half-year are not available, but as these, on the whole, are likely to be less than those which have been accepted for the current half-year, therefore, it may be taken as a reasonable proposition, that the limitation now suggested is quite ample for the immediate and prospective purpose of the Bill. So much for the selection of the figure.

The first ground upon which I ask the House to accept the limitation is the general principle, now accepted in a large number of these Resolutions, that it is advisable in the interests of economy and for the purpose of retaining, as far as possible, the control of future legislation in the hands of this House, that there should be a definite limitation, and that a free hand should not be given in regard to expenditure in the future. I have often reminded the House, even in the course of the present Parliament, that this is a principle which has been accepted by economists on both sides of the House. It is a principle which I have often heard eloquently advocated by the right hon. Baronet the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury). It is a principle for which, I think, the right hon. Baronet has always stood and for which, we hope, in spite of current rumours, he will long continue to stand.

It all depends on whether the hon. Member is putting in the right amount. As far as I understand, he has left out Scotland. If he puts in the right amount, so as to include everything, I think the Government ought to accept it.

I am very glad to find the right hon. Baronet, as I expected, in complete agreement with me.

I am sure he is in agreement with me, but he is not aware of it. The interruption which he has just made is due to momentary inattention. If my right hon. Friend will look at the Resolution, he will find that the present Amendment relates only to the grant in respect of England and a consequential Amendment will be proposed, if this is carried, in relation to paragraph ( b ) which relates to Scotland, accepting the figure which has been put by the Government in the Memorandum, so far as Scotland is concerned. I have moved my Amendment for the purpose of establishing the principle. The figure contained in the Memorandum is the Government's own estimate in regard to England. If the Government suggest that my estimate is too meagre I am open to argument in the matter or, if the right hon. Gentleman puts forward any reasons on the ground of which he thinks I am putting too low a figure I will be very glad to consider them.

That being so, I am quite willing, if the hon. Gentleman will move his Amendment, and let us go to a Division.

I am not taken by surprise. I was not speaking in the main for the purpose of convincing the right hon. Baronet. I was only recalling to; his memory the fact of his past championship of this principle, and reminding him that his past actions would naturally lead us to expect his support now. The reason why I am continuing my speech is that there are on the benches around him hon. and right hon. Members who have not the same impeccable record as the right hon. Baronet himself, and I was anxious to put forward once more the reasons and the arguments which the right hon. Baronet on other occasions has put so eloquently before the House. I must point out that such a grant, which is elastic and is calculated to expand, is likely to discourage economy on the part of local authorities, for as expenditure grows the grant is also to grow, and there is no incentive to economy. In the Report of the Geddes Committee a very strong criticism was made of the system of percentage grants, which are exactly the same as this grant, and as the Geddes Committee received the general support and approval of hon. Members opposite, I hope that, basing themselves on the view taken by that Committee, they will support the proposition which is contained in my Amendment.

There is only one other point which I desire to make, and that is that, after all, there is no reason in what is ostensibly a temporary Act for making provision for this system. The Government have made a promise that they are going to introduce very shortly a Bill making a comprehensive reform of the whole system of rating. If that Bill be introduced, and if they live long enough to pass it, as they will do, of course, in view of the immense majority by which they are supported in this House, irrespective of the country as a whole, they will have the Parliamentary power to pass such a reform of local taxation, but if you have in the Act a provision which enables the Government grant to increase with the expansion of local expenditure, there will be no driving: force from outside on the part of these localities to force the Government to introduce its more comprehensive Rating Bill. I say, therefore, that as this is ostensibly and professedly a temporary Measure, we ought to stereotype the grant on the basis of the existing year and of the estimate which the Government have made. For these three reasons, therefore, first, the bad principle of allowing such grants to be made without any limitation; secondly, the tendency of an elastic grant to encourage expenditure and discourage economy, and, thirdly, the fact that this is a temporary Bill, the period of whose operation could well be covered by the amount mentioned in my Amendment, I ask the Government to assent to my proposal.

I beg to second the Amendment. [HON.MEMBERS: "Divide!"]

I am sorry that the Constitutional practice of the House requires a Seconder to a Motion of this sort, and am surprised at the attitude of the Constitutional party opposite in wishing to prevent the views of an hon. Member being heard. There is, apart from the Constitutional point so ably put by the hon. Friend who preceded me, another point that I should like to put to the Government and to the House. The Minister, in resisting a similar Amendment to this in Committee, asked hon. Members to have regard to what would happen supposing this were accepted, and there was an excess payment due to the agricultural ratepayer under the provisions of the Act? He pointed out that the extra money to be found would come out of the overburdened ratepayer in the same areas in which were the occupied agricultural land. Supposing things stand as they are? Where will the burden fall? First on the taxpayer, who represents a very large number, and next on the ratepayer, much more overburdened, in the industrial areas, who, as a taxpayer, will have to contribute, in, addition to his heavy rates of 20s., 25s., and 30s. in the £, money to the relief of the ratepayers whose rates now average 11s. in the £. I submit that it is not just to the taxpayer in his capacity as ratepayer in the towns that he should be burdened with the extra charge in order to relieve the rates of those less heavily burdened. In 1896 there was a fixed amount put in. If it had not been, the amount falling on the taxpayer to-day would have been three times as much. What guarantee is there that in the short time this Bill has to run, owing to the extravagence that will be encouraged, that the amount may not increase to considerably more than at present? [Hon. Members, "Divide, divide! "] Therefore, I ask the House, having regard to the public money involved, to the constitutional point, and the question of equity as between the taxpayer and the ratepayer, and the large industrial and agricultural areas, to say that it is unfair to put on this additional burden to relieve those who wer'nt so badly hit, though they, indeed, may he badly hit.

I desire—[HON. MEMBERS: "Divide, divide! "] It is all very well for hon. Members opposite to shout "divide," but I am going to provide. [ Interruption. ]

I shall try to save time, and I thank you, Mr. Speaker. You are the most pleasant man in the House. I happen, to represent a district that is one of the most highly rated in the country—at 23s. in the £. At the present time we are paying out of our local rates £27,000, in relief to the people who are unemployed. It is not suggested that anybody should come to our assistance. We have to bear all that burden ourselves, because we are a huge industrial area, and now we hear in this House that, because in the agricultural areas they have to pay rates of 13s. in the £, they are entitled to have the State coming to their assistance. I think those living in the industrial areas with large populations who cannot find employment are entitled to far greater consideration. We have recently been discussing housing. "You cannot subsidise housing, but you can subsidise agriculturists. Already you give the farmer class special con- sideration in the matter of the income tax, and they are not subject to the same levies as those who live in industrial areas. I want fair dealing all round, land this proposal is not fair. The motion is now being asked to subsidise agriculture, at the expense of the rest of the community, and that is the object of this Financial Resolution. We hear a good deal about the woes of the agriculturist, but who is going to get the benefit?

It is not permissible, on the Financial Resolution, to discuss the principles of the Bill. This measure has already been read a Second time and the principle has been decided. The only question which can be discussed now is whether this limit should be inserted in the Financial Resolution.

When the workers in the industrial areas want something, they cannot get anything; but when the agricultural interests bring pressure to bear on the Government they can get anything they like. I object to the limit and I also object to the State financing the agricultural industry. No other industry is going to be subsidised. The miners must remain on starvation wages and the same applies to the cotton operatives of Lancashire.

I must remind the hon. Member that he is now discussing a matter of principle, and that question has already been decided on the Second Reading and is not now in order.

If the Government put this Resolution down after eleven o'clock, I think we have a right to ask the House not to be impatient while we state our case as tersely as possible. I have an Amendment on the paper which repeals this particular limit and includes another provision, but I apprehend that if this Amendment is rejected then it would not be in order for me to move my Amendment, and therefore I must speak now on this particular Amendment. I put it to the Minister in charge of the Bill that by this Resolution he is resisting his grants by introducing a provision for reducing the rates to one-quarter. We are asking him to put that into figures. I would point out to him—and this is where my Amendment would come in— and if he will do as we suggest it will make it possible for him to render the Financial Resolution less rigid and less stereotyped. It would also enable the Committee to consider possible alternatives to his particular proposal for granting this relief. I agree that the House of Commons has decided there should be a grant of money for the relief of agriculture, and consequently I am only in order at the moment in suggesting that it is possible by alternative methods to those proposed by the right hon. Gentleman. Representing as I do an urban population I am supposed to know nothing about agriculture and to have no interest in it. I am very conscious of my limitations, but still I have tried to pick up some pebbles on the sea shore. In my constituency I find some very cogent arguments for a raid on the Treasury and therefore we have rather more than a national interest in this matter. No doubt there is a case for the farmers in the matter of rating. It has been said by the hon. Member for Silvertown (Mr. J. Jones) that the farmers have advantages in taxation. At the same time they are disadvantaged in rating. It is not a matter of indifference to us in the towns now the Government propose to redress the injustice. Landowners at the present time are not very popular characters in the towns, and we have had a bitter speech from the hon. Member for Silvertown, but as I am interested in agriculture I do not want that kind of feeling to prevail. There is a rather ugly feeling abroad, as hon. Members may easily find, and I therefore say the method of doing justice to the farmers is not a matter of indifference to the towns. It must not be done in such a way as to lead to its being represented as a raid on the Treasury by the agricultural interest in which the advantage will go primarily to the farmer. But in the days of the appalling—

If I may say so respectfully, I am suggesting that the Minister has tied us down by this Financial Resolution to one particular method of agricultural relief in his Bill, whereas alternative methods are possible. He ties us down to giving this 25 per cent, reduction in the rating. If he will include this figure, and leave us free, as suggested in my Amendment, simply to grant relief on the rates to that amount, there may be other alternatives. In Committee I ventured to point out that a proposal had been made, by such a considerate authority as Lord Ernle, for a different method, and other Amendments are being asked for by the agricultural interest, but I believe that under this Resolution the Minister rules them out. If this is to be done at all, I think it ought to be done in such a way that this relief, for which there is a case, can be represented as just all round. The Minister says I have not explained in detail what I want. How can I? It would be out of order. He says my proposals might be complicated. I do not know; but he will not listen to them—he shuts them down in advance by a Financial Resolution which makes it utterly impossible even to propose—

On a point of Order. Are we on the Financial Resolution, or on the Amendment, which says that the amount shall be limited to £2,750,000.

Are we not discussing the Amendment of my hon. Friend who at this moment is speaking?

If this Amendment be introduced it will be possible for the Minister to give us this concession and consider the alternative plan. If it is refused, that will be impossible. This financial limit is necessary in order to give us the chance in Committee of submitting possible alternatives. We cannot do that if this Resolution is passed in the form in which the Minister proposes it. He says his plan is right. It may be so. He has his majority behind him, and can do what he likes, but it does seem to me to be a little arbitrary to rule out in advance, by this rigid, stereotyped formula, suggestions which may be made, and which, if they were made, would, I believe, make this relief to the farmers wear a much juster garb than it does at present. The Minister said he was unable to follow me before, and I feel sure that that was my fault. In Committee I was not able to reach his mind, but, if there is some chance of doing so, if he has an open mind, I would ask him to give us this latitude in Committee to make our suggestions for dealing with this matter, and I do not think that that is an unreasonable demand to make.

The original Amendment raises what really is a biggish question of principle. The Act of 1896 provided for a fixed grant, and it is largely because of the failure of that fixed grant to meet the enormous increase in the rates that the rating question and the rating grievance have turned out to be so great as they are at the present moment. I may point out that the fact that the fixed grant of 1896 has not been adequate to the purpose for which it was intended, has not been the fault of the local authorities. The failure of the grant to meet its purpose has not been because the local authorities have been extravagant, but because Parliament has put on the charge of the local authorities burdens one after another that were not even thought of, dreamt of, or contemplated in any way when the Act of 1896 was passed. We do not want to fall into that trouble again and that is the reason why we wish to make the grant to be given under the provisions of this Bill, not a fixed, but a variable grant. The hon. Gentleman opposite wants to alter the whole principle of the Bill. It may be right, or it may be wrong to have fixed reductions of the assessment from a half to a quarter in every case but it is what the House has decided on by passing the Second Reading of the Bill. When the Bill was being framed other possible alternatives were considered and the deliberate opinion of the Government was that the proposals to that effect embodied in the Bill were the best way of dealing with the problem. The hon. Gentleman also says the Bill as it stands will be represented as a raid on the Treasury to help the landlords. I do not know Ti he suggests that the Bill as he proposes to alter it would not be represented in that way. If so, I can only say I am extremely doubtful. From what I heard of the speeches on the Second Reading, anything in the world we may do to help the agriculturalist in the matter of rates will be represented as a raid on the Treasury, and as helping the landlord, whether there is any justice in the accusation or not.

I cannot accept the Amendment because we cannot foretell the exact amount of the rates even for the-second half of the year. They are-not even fixed by the local authorities —and certainly we cannot foretell them for any future period. I do not quarrel for a moment with the principle of fixing a limit. I have looked up my old speeches and votes in bygone days. If anyone likes to say I have supported it in the past they are open to try to make that score. It is quite possible that I may have advocated it. But there is a limit fixed in this case. There is the limit that it shall only be a sum which shall be sufficient to compensate the other ratepayers for the reduction from a half to a quarter which is made for the agricultural ratepayer. If any hon. Member thinks it likely that on account of the Bill and the grant included in this financial Resolution county councils are likely to put on enormous increases of expenditure, he knows very little about agricultural county councils. If the amount was fixed as suggested at £2,750,000 and if in the last half of this-year or next year a little more was wanted—I do not anticipate it, but you cannot foretell—the complications that would ensue would be something hideous. The agriculturists would suffer the least. The people on whom the burden would fall would be the non-agricultural ratepayers in the rural districts. [HON. MEMBERS: "They suffer in any case?"] They will not suffer at all if this Bill is passed as it stands. Supposing there were £2,000 or £3,000 in excess of the amount provided in the Resolution. How that extra amount could be worked out, so as to be fair to all the various local authorities of the country, really is a problem that almost passes comprehension. The House of Commons, by passing the Second Reading, has adopted the principle that it is going to make good to the other ratepayers the deficiency caused by the rating of the agriculturists at one-quarter instead of one-half of the gross assessment. All this Resolution asks the House to do is to carry out the principle which we have already passed on the Second Reading.

It is rather difficult to keep within your ruling, Sir,, on this Resolution, which is dealing only with the Financial Resolution under the Agricultural Rates Bill. I would point out, both to the Minister of Agriculture and the Minister of Health, that the principle which the House is going to pass in this Resolution to-night must be, if they pass it, capable of extension to other applications which come to the Treasury. This is a Financial Resolution which sets no real limit at all upon the expenditure which we are voting to-night. It also needs to be said that the power to extend, which we are voting to-night, carries with it no control either in the Resolution or in the Bill for which it is making the financial provision, over the expenditure of the local authorities in respect of the sum being voted by Parliament. It is quite opposite to point out, in regard to other applications to the Minister of Health and to the Treasury, from other parts of the community, for rating relief at the present time, that one of the stock answers of the Minister of Health to us is this, "Even supposing the Treasury could be persuaded to give rating relief of the kind for which you are asking, it would be almost impossible to arrange unless we could provide something like central, and adequate control, on behalf of the Treasury and of Parliament, from London."

Yet, in this Resolution, and in the Bill, there is no provision at all for control of that kind in regard to the financial aid which is being given to agriculture. Personally, I do not want to quarrel with this particular form of Resolution, provided it is distinctly understood by this House, by the Treasury, and by the Minister of Health, who is personally dealing with this matter, that when local authorities other than agricultural and rural areas are coming to them with well-justified demands for rating relief, they will apply the same principle in their financial dealings with them as they are applying in giving relief to the agricultural rating authorities of this country. It would be a very good thing if the representatives of necessitous areas, whilst objecting to the principle of the Bill—as we did in the Lobby the other night—were to vote for the form of the Resolution as it is drawn, in order that the Minister of Health may not be able to escape from following exactly the same line of argument when he comes to make some provision—even if it be belated provision—for the necessitous areas of this country.

I think the reply of the Minister of Agriculture was extremely weak, and highly unsatisfactory, and I will endeavour to show why. Before I do that, may I say that I am very glad to see the Parliamentary Secretary to the Treasury (Colonel Leslie Wilson) in his place, because I am not going to allow this opportunity to pass without once more protesting against taking Financial Resolutions for large sums of money—this is over £3,000,000—after eleven o'clock at night. It is highly improper to ask the House of Commons, after that hour, to vote large sums of money of this kind. I wonder that we do not get support from hon. Members opposite, who were never tired of preaching economy from their platforms at the General Election. Nearly every hon. Member opposite was returned on the specific declaration that he was pledged to economy. Economy will never come about until this House controls finance rigidly, and we must insist on financial questions being discussed at reasonable hours to enable proper attention to be given to them.

In the Act of 1896, the House insisted upon a fixed sum of £1,300,000 for the purpose of making up the deficit of half the agricultural rates. What has happened since then that we should be more lax? It was a Conservative Government then, and we have a Conservative Government now. What has happened is this: we have been led into the lax ways brought about by the war in methods of finance. We are much worse off financially than in 1896. We have a much heavier debt, and we have more restricted markets. We cannot afford expenditure now that we could afford in 1896. The House of Commons insisted upon the rigid sum of £1,300,000 in 1896, when we were better off, and to-day we ought equally to insist on a rigid sum, although it is more than twice the amount. The Government's grandiose scheme for re-beautifying the countryside and bringing back merry England to the agricultural districts is still waiting to be introduced. It is still locked up in the box.

12 M.

This is only a stop-gap Measure to tide us over until the renewed period of prosperity for the agricultural interests is brought about by means of the Measures which the Government propose to introduce. If this is only a temporary Measure, our reasons for fixing the amount of the money are strengthened very seriously. It is quite ridiculous for the Government to ask for a blank cheque as they are doing. We have been told, by the Minister of Agriculture, of the poor rate payers in the agricultural districts, the clergyman, the doctor, the grocer, and so on, and the position in which they will be placed if the Estimate is not sufficient. We are told that they will have to make up the deficit. What has been happening to these poor people, the clergyman, the doctor, and the grocer in the agricultural districts since 1896 when a definite sum was fixed which was not sufficient to make up the deficiency? They have had to put their hands into their pockets and make up the rates required. What has the Conservative Government done in all these years to deal with that? They were in office until 1905 and they were able, if they had thought fit, to listen to these poor residents of the agricultural districts. They were deaf during those years, and they ought to be equally deaf now and to consider the general body of taxpayers in the country. In that event they ought to accept this reasonable Amendment. In the White Paper that has been issued with the Bill it is estimated that the grant on the basis of the current rates will be £2,750,000 a year. Generally speaking, with rates falling and with the reduction in prices the amount proposed in the Amendment should be sufficient and more than sufficient. If that is not enough what will be sufficient? Will the right hon. Gentleman accept £3,000,000? Or does he resist the principle of the House of Commons estimating a sum and rationing the amount of expenditure. That principle was adopted by the Conservative Government in 1896. I am sorry that the Conservative Government to-day is so degenerate. At any rate we will take up the task of bringing back the House of Commons to financial rectitude, and the control of expenditure on which our liberties rest. I appeal to those Conservative Members who mean to be faithful to their pledges of economy to support us in asserting this very great principle.

The right hon. Gentleman should not treat all of us on this side as being in opposition to the attempt to do what some of us regard as an act of justice to agricultural interests. The right hon. Gentleman the night before last when asked as to the limit of expenditure required for another purpose said that the amount would not be less than £100,000. We are not interested in knowing that the amount now required would not be less than a certain sum. We want to know that it will not be more than a certain sum. I represent an agricultural division. I am pledged to this, and I support the right hon. Gentleman in his proposal to have a reduction of taxation on agriculture, but I do not support him when he declines to observe the great traditional principle of this House that when a large sum of money has to be voted it must be limited to a fixed amount. This is a tardy act of justice following the great betrayal of the agricultural interests by the last Ministry, the grossest betrayal on the Statute Book of this country. I do not know whether the right hon. Gentleman was then a Member of the Government—[HON. MEMBERS: "He was"]—or whether he had any responsibility. I want to support the Ministry in giving this relief to agriculture, but I want the right hon. Gentleman to do what is due to this House—fix the total sum which this House is voting on behalf of agriculture. The right hon. Gentleman seems to treat the whole thing with disdain. He would not even answer my hon. Friend the other night, and the Question was put at once. If I had dreamt for a moment that he would not answer I would have intervened.

We were astonished at the contempt with which the Minister treated the House, and he has treated the House with light contempt now. Those of us who wish well for him and his Department on behalf of agriculture, are very angry that he is attempting to manœuvre us into a position where we have either to go behind our promise to our agricultural supporters or have to permit him to do that which we regard as a gross abuse of the practice of this House. It is the practice of this House for Ministers to state the gross sum that they are asking the House to approve. The Minister of Agriculture says in effect: "I will give you only an estimate. It is £2,750,000, or with the Scottish Vote over £3,000,000. That is my estimate. I may want another million or two millions. I do not know what I want, but I ask for that sum. That is only my estimate, and I refuse to be bound down. My Department is not sufficiently exact that I can tell you even to a million." Why does the right hon. Gentleman not say that he wants a £2,000,000 margin, or a £5,000,000 margin? There ought to be always a margin fixed, beyond which expenditure cannot go. That is my position. I think that many hon. Members opposite, altogether apart from party politics, who want to be loyal to the pledges that they gave at the last election that a reduction of taxation should take place, share the feeling which I am now expressing, I hope with sufficient correctness; I would be glad if I could do it with much more bluntness. I hope that the Minister of Agriculture will not make it more difficult for those who, irrespective of party feeling, think that a grave injustice was done to agriculture by the last Parliament and are anxious to support him in everything which he is genuinely trying to do on behalf of the farmer—I hope he will not manoeuvre us into a position where we are bound to oppose him because he is affronting every principle of economy in this House.

I am glad to reinforce the very eloquent appeal made by my hon. Friend. The great advantage of fixing a sum is that this House keeps its control over expenditure. It says to the Minister, "Thus far shalt thou go, and no farther. If time and experience indicate to you that you want more money you must come back to the House and get it." That is the only way to keep control. Limiting the amount of the grant encourages a Minister to do his work at the minimum cost, because there is nothing of which a Minister is more proud than to come back to the House and say, "You granted me £3,000,000 and I have accomplished the purpose of that grant with £2,000,000." If a sum is fixed, there is an encouragement to the Minister to accomplish the purposes for which the grant is made, within that sum and you are not hampering him in any way, because should more money be required, it is always open to the Minister to make another appeal to the House.

On a point of Order. This argument has been presented at least twice on this Amendment. Is. the hon. Member entitled to repeat it a third time?

It is quite true that there is a Standing Order against repetition, but if the Standing Order were rigidly enforced, I am afraid it would mean very frequent intervention in the proceedings. I would ask hon. Members not to repeat the same argument over and over again.

Is it not the case that the hon. and learned Member who put the point of Order was prompted to do so by an hon. Gentleman who has obviously been sound asleep for the past hour?

On the point of Order. I have failed to discover any Standing Order against repetition. The Standing Order is against "tedious repetition." [ask you, Sir, where is the evidence of tedium?

I hope the hon. Member will not leave it to me to decide that question.

I have just this to add. The right hon. Baronet the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury) is now absent from his place. The right hon. Gentleman promised that he would vote for the Amendment if he were here— [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"]—but I see he has escaped and will not require to implement his promise. I have had the advantage of sitting at the feet of the right hon. Baronet for some years in this House in matters of finance, and for the benefit of hon. Members who have not had that advantage I may say that the right hon. Baronet never allowed an opportunity of this kind to pass without emphasising the well known principle so well stated tonight already. Very few Ministers have ever resisted his arguments. I join with other hon. Members in expressing surprise that the demand should be resisted with such stubborness to-night, as no reasonable argument has been advanced for the persistent resistance to this Amendment.

I wish to explain the reasons why I intend to support the Government in this matter. I am not concerned with the rigid adherence, of which some hon. Members have spoken, to the principles of 1066 or of 1896 in regard to finance, but I do know as a member of a local rating authority in Scotland, the great hardships which have been inflicted on non-agricultural ratepayers by the Act of 1896, whereby deficiency was not made up between the three-eights in the case of Scotland and the half in the case of England. I hope the Amendment will be rejected, as it would perpetuate the grievance from which the non-agricultural ratepayers have been suffering from 1896 to the present day. I only wish the Government had gone a step further, and made up the total deficiency between the quarter and the full rate. I believe by that means they would have been doing a measure of justice to the non-agricultural ratepayers in rural districts. I am convinced that those ratepayers are being put in a

difficult position. I know of a rating authority, of which I am a member; the members of which are drawn partly from a rural district and partly from an urban district, and the members drawn from the urban district have always felt that they were under a great grievance in having to make up this deficiency in the agricultural rate. If this Amendment were agreed to, it would perpetuate that grievance, and do a great harm to the agricultural industry and also to the good feeling between urban and rural dwellers. That is why I intend to support the Government.

Question put, "That those words be there inserted in the Resolution".

The House divided: Ayes, 75; Noes, 196.

Division No. 183.]

AYES.

[12.17 a.m.

Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock)

Harbord, Arthur

Oliver, George Harold

Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro')

Hardie, George D.

Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan)

Ammon, Charles George

Hartshorn, Vernon

Potts, John S.

Barnes, A.

Hay, Captain J. P. (Cathcart)

Pringle, W. M. R.

Barrle, Sir Charles Coupar (Banff)

Hayday, Arthur

Roberts, C. H. (Derby)

Briant. Frank

Hayes, John Henry (Edge Hill)

Robinson, W. C. (York, Elland)

Burgess, S.

Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (N'castle, E.)

Salter, Dr. A.

Burnie, Major J. (Bootle)

Henderson, T. (Glasgow)

Shaw, Thomas (Preston)

Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, North)

Hirst, G. H.

Sitch, Charles H.

Chapple, W. A.

Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath)

Spencer, George A. (Broxtowe)

Collins, Pat (Walsall)

John, William (Rhondda, West)

Spencer, H. H. (Bradford, S.)

Darbishire. C. W.

Johnstone, Harcourt (Willesden, East)

Stephen, Campbell

Dunnico, H.

Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown)

Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K.

Ede, James Chuter

Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly)

Sturrock, J. Leng

Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty)

Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M.

Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West)

Emlyn-Jones, J. E. (Dorset, N.)

Lawson, John James

Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.)

Entwistle, Major C. F.

Leach, W.

Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline)

Fairbairn, R. R.

Linfield. F. C.

Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda)

Falconer, J.

Lunn, William

Webb, Sidney

Foot, Isaac

McLaren, Andrew

Weir, L. M.

Gosling, Harry

Maclean, Nell (Glasgow. Govan)

Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe)

Gray, Frank (Oxford)

Martin, F. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, E.)

Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

Greenall, T.

Millar, J. D.

Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan)

Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred Morltz

TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—

Grundy, T. W.

Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.)

Mr. Vivian Phillips and Major McKenzie Wood.

Guthrie, Thomas Maule

O'Grady, Captain James

Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland)

NOES.

Alnsworth, Captain Charles

Brown, Major D. C. (Hexham)

Cope, Major William

Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S.

Brown, J. W. (Middlesbrough, E.)

Courthope, Lieut.-Col. George L.

Apsley, Lord

Brutord, R.

Craig, Captain C. C. (Antrim, South)

Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin

Bruton, Sir James

Crooke, J. S (Deritend)

Ashley, Lt.-Col. Wilfrid W.

Buckingham, Sir H.

Curzon, Captain Viscount

Astor, J. J. (Kent, Dover)

Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A.

Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead)

Baird, Rt. Hon. Sir John Lawrence

Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James

Davies, David (Montgomery)

Balfour, George (Hampstead)

Butcher, Sir John George

Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.)

Carlow, Rt. Hon. Sir Montague

Butler, H. M. (Leeds, North)

Dawson, Sir Philip

Barnett, Major Richard W.

Butler, J. R. M. (Cambridge Univ.)

Dixon, C. H. (Rutland)

Barnston, Major Harry

Butt, Sir Alfred

Dudgeon, Major C. R.

Becker, Harry

Button, H. S.

Du Pre, Colonel William Baring

Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W.

Cadogan, Major Edward

Edmondson, Major A. J.

Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake)

Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R.

Erskine, Lord (Weston-super-Mare)

Bennett, Sir T. J. (Sevenoaks)

Cautley, Henry Strother

Erskine-Bolst, Captain C.

Berry, Sir George

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Sir Evelyn (Aston)

Eyres-Monseli, Com. Bolton M.

Birchall, Major J. Dearman

Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton

Falcon, Captain Michael

Blades, Sir George Rowland

Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood)

Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray

Blundell, F. N.

Chilcott, Sir Warden

Fawkes, Major F. H.

Bonwick, A.

Churchman, Sir Arthur

Forestler-Walker, L.

Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W.

Clarry, Reginald George

Fraser, Major Sir Keith

Boyd-Carpenter, Major A.

Clayton, G. C.

Fremantle. Lieut.-Colonel Francis E.

Brass, Captain W.

Cobb, Sir Cyril

Galbraith, J. F. W.

Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive

Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K.

Ganzoni, Sir John

Brown, Brig.-Gen. Clifton (Newbury)

Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips

Garland, C. S.

Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John

Manville, Edward

Shepperson, E. W.

Goft, Sir B. Park

Mason, Lieut.-Col. C. K.

Simpson-Hinchcliffe, W. A.

Grenfell. Edward C. (City of London)

Mercer, Colonel H.

Sinclair, Sir A.

Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E.

Milne, J. S. Wardlaw

Singleton, J. E.

Gwynne, Rupert S.

Mitchell, W. F. (Saffron Walden)

Skelton, A. N.

Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

Molloy, Major L. G. S.

Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South)

Halstead, Major D.

Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J.

Smith, Sir Harold (Wavertree)

Hamilton, Sir George C. (Altrincham)

Morden, Col. W. Grant

Somerville, A. A. (Windsor)

Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry

Murchison. C. K.

Somerville, Daniel (Barrow-in-Furness)

Harrison, F. C.

Newman, Colonel J. R. P. (Finchley)

Stanley, Lord

Harvey, Major S. E.

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

Steel, Major S. Strang

Hay, Major T. W. (Norfolk, South)

Newson, Sir Percy Wilson

Stewart, Gershom (Wirral)

Henn, Sir Sydney H.

Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield)

Stott, Lt.-Col. W. H.

Hennessy, Major J. R. G.

Paget, T. G.

Stuart, Lord C. Crichton-

Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford)

Parker, Owen (Kettering)

Sugden, Sir Wilfrid H.

Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank

Pease, William Edwin

Sykes, Major-Gen. Sir Frederick H.

Hiley, Sir Ernest

Penny, Frederick George

Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley)

Hoare, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir S. J. G.

Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings)

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D.(St. Marylebone)

Perkins, Colonel E. K.

Thorpe, Captain John Henry

Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy

Perring, William George

Titchfield, Marquess of

Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard

Pollock, Rt. Hon. Sir Ernest Murray

Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement

Hood, Sir Joseph

Pownali, Lieut.-Colonel Asshoton

Tubbs, S. W.

Hopkins, John W. W.

Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G.

Turton, Edmund Russborough

Howard-Bury, Lieut.-Col. C. K.

Privett, F. J.

Wallace, Captain E.

Hudson, Capt. A.

Rankin, Captain James Stuart

Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull)

Hurd, Percy A.

Rawlinson, Rt. Hon. John Fredk. Peel

Watts, Dr. T. (Man., Withington)

Hutchison, W. (Kelvingrove)

Remer, J. R.

Wells, S. R.

Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H.

Rentoul, G. S.

Wheler, Col. Granville C. H.

Jephcott, A. R.

Richardson, Sir Alex. (Gravesend)

White, Lt.-Col. G. D. (Southport)

Joynson-Hicks, Sir William

Richardson, Lt.-Col. Sir P. (Chertsey)

Wilson, Col. M. J. (Richmond)

King, Captain Henry Douglas

Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford)

Winterton, Earl

Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement

Robertson-Despencer, Major(Isl'gt'nW)

Wise, Frederick

Lamb, J. Q.

Roundell, Colonel R. F.

Wolmer, Viscount

Lane-Fox, Lieut.-Colonel G. R.

Ruggles-Brise, Major E.

Wood, Rt. Hn. Edward F. L. (Ripon)

Lorimer, H. D.

Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth)

Woodcock, Colonel H. C.

Lort-Williams, J.

Russell, William (Bolton)

Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L.

Lougher, L.

Russell-Wells, Sir Sydney

Yerburgh, R. D. T.

Loyd, Arthur Thomas (Abingdon)

Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham)

Lyle-Samuel, Alexander

Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney)

TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—

Lynn, R. J.

Sanders, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert A.

Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs.

Macnaghten, Hon. Sir Malcolm

Sanderson, Sir Frank B.

McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury)

Sandon, Lord

I beg to move, in paragraph (b) , to leave out the words "three-eighths of that part of the owners', "and to insert instead thereof the words one-third of the contribution he has hitherto made. That accounts for the language I have used to raise the question. With regard to the owner, there never has been any relief given in respect of his agricultural rate. It has been considered over and over again by different Committees and has been rejected. So far as I am aware there is no precedent or, so far as I am aware, has there ever been any report, either of the old reports or of the present day reports, which has approved this proposal so far as the owner of agricultural land is concerned.

May I point out this—and I doubt whether anybody in this House who has not gone very closely into this realises what is proposed to be done—under this Bill £480,000 is proposed to be provided in order to be divided between relief of the landlords and relief of the occupiers. Has anybody realised—I did not until I had spent some hours over the Bill, the Resolution and the Memorandum—that of that sum of £480,000 so far as the county rate is concerned two-thirds of it is to go to the landlord and only one-third to the tenant. The big question raised by this is whether the general taxpapers of the country are to be called upon at the present time to spend money, so much needed otherwise, for the relief of landlords from their rates. I object most strongly to the proposition on two grounds. In the first place the country cannot afford it. [HON. MEMBERS: "Why?"] I will tell you why. Money is needed for far more necessary purposes. I am not going into these, but money is needed in almost every Department. In the Department of Agriculture it is needed to settle ex-service men on the land—a thing that is not so on the consciences of some people as it ought to be. Does anyone suggest that the payment of the rates for the landlords comes before the provision of land for these ex-Service men. Again money is needed for teachers' salaries; are they to be docked. I am not going to pursue it except to answer the question that there arts many things requiring all the money that this country can spare. The country has no money to spare to make a present to the landlords for their agricultural rates. So far as the County rates are concerned, hitherto in the example which has been given in the memorandum, the landlord has contributed £6,400. He is going in the future under the Bill, if it passes, to contribute £4,800. So far as the parish rates are concerned the figures show that one half to be contributed in respect of parish rates is to be given to the landlord. If these figures are challenged, I can go through them. I have gone through them with all the care that is possible. On this question the speeches which were made on the Second Reading were not very illuminating. I found no help, and therefore I must not be blamed. This is really a serious question, and the introduction of a principle which violates all the principles which we have had in Scotland and which at the present time will shock a great many people who are asked to add to their other taxes in order to pay the rates of landlords where there is no justification for it at all.

I must point out to the hon. Member that the Amendment he has moved, as I understand it, deals only with the method of reckoning the additional annual grant for Scotland. The question of how the money so granted is to be dealt with should be dealt with under the Bill, and not on this Resolu tion. His argument does not seem to me to support his Amendment. We are concerned here only with the method of calculating this additional grant for Scotland under the Act.

With great respect I am not surprised. It took me some time to frame the words so as to make this paragraph perfectly clear. It does more, I respectfully suggest, than alter the method; it limits the amount of the sum required to give the relief proposed to be given to occupiers, and it excludes any sum to be given for relief of proprietors.

I do not think that is so. The hon. Member proposes to obtain a new method of calculation, which means less money for the grant for Scotland—if it did not mean less money it would be out of order—but the method by which that grant is dealt with will have to come in under discussion on the Bill in Committee, and is not affected by this Amendment.

It is my intention to move an Amendment in Committee to limit the relief to occupiers. I would have been very glad to have had the opportunity of submitting this to you before on that point. I did not appreciate that it would be out of order or otherwise I should have done so.

I am not suggesting that the hon. Member's Amendment is out of order. It limits the amount of the grant for Scotland, but the argument as to the use of that amount will have to come on the Bill itself. The hon. Member proposes in his Amendment a new method of calculation, which results in a decreased grant for Scotland.

I object to the Resolution in so far as it provides for that large sum which includes relief both to occupiers and to owners. I can hardly state my reason for limiting to what is required to meet the needs of the occupiers without saying what the other part is, why I limit the sum. I really considered it as the most simple method of raising the point. I have stated that my objection is really two-fold. In the first place the country cannot afford it and it is almost shameful that it should be suggested. I can hardly imagine any landowner understanding what that is, being a party to it. He is the guardian of the public purse and has to take as much care of that as of his rates. Can he justify at the present time taking money out of the public purse in order to pay his rates. This is not a small matter but I do not propose to do more than to indicate where it may lead.

My other point is that the amount, so far as it is going in relief of landlords, will do no good; it will serve no useful purpose. I was brought up on a farm and I have farmed all my life, and if you can suggest that agriculture is to be benefitted by paying the rates of the landlord everyone who has any knowledge of the subject would scorn the idea. I do not believe that anyone can suggest for a moment that from the point of view of the service it will do to agriculture the grant of this money in relief of landlords' rates is justified.

On a point of Order. Is this not an argument which was settled by the Second Reading of the Bill?

I think it is in order, as long as the hon. Member confines himself to his reasons for reducing the grant.

The hon. Member said the grant was not good for agriculture. The House decided that on the Second Reading.

If the hon. and learned Member had allowed me to proceed, I should have answered him.

I do not believe that the House can be indifferent as to whether the expenditure is to be of service or not to agriculture. [HON. MEMBERS: "We cannot hear you."] I take a very serious view of the position of agriculture in this country, and I do not see why you should take money and throw it about without regard to the purpose it is to serve. Everybody acquainted with agriculture knows that something entirely different from this will have to be done. I say I do not think that rent is the proper standard for rates. It would have been very much better not to be entangled in legislation of this sort.

I beg to second the Amendment.

It is truly a Scottish and truly a Liberal Amendment. It is truly Scottish in that it demands and wastes less money, and it is truly Liberal in that it gives relief where relief is most required. When we impose taxation we impose it according to the ability to pay, and when we take taxation off we do so on the same principle; that is to say, from those who suffer first and suffer most. This Amendment proposes that the relief be given to the class of people who suffer most and first, and that is the occupier of agricultural land who runs the risk. The landlord on the other hand is free from all risk and responsibility. If relief is to be given it should be given first to the occupier and not to the landlord. It has been said over and over again that when relief is given to those interested in the land the landlord intercepts that relief.

On a point of Order. This is a matter for amendment when the Bill goes into Committee and not on this Resolution.

Is it in order for an hon. Member of this House constantly to raise points of Order?

It does not lie with the hon. Member for Montrose Burghs (Mr. Sturrock) to raise that question. I have pointed out already that the argument of distribution does not arise here. I only accepted the Amendment as another method of calculation, which I presumed would result in lowering the grant to Scotland. If not, I should not have accepted it. The argument, of course, is on the change in the method of calculation.

May I submit that the introduction of the basis of this Resolution, namely, the three-eighths of that part of the owner's share is an indication that for the first time the owner is to have a share of the relief. Under the Act of 1896 the whole of the relief was given to the occupier. Under the present Resolution the three-eighths of the owner's share is taken as the basis of the grant. Consequently if an Amendment is moved that the owner's share is not to be taken as a basis of the grant it is to be taken as an indication that it is only in respect of the occupier's share that relief would be granted.

I think it would be open to the Committee on the Bill to deal with the whole of this sum, and to divide it between the tenant and the landlord. As I read this Resolution, it is simply a method of calculation. The hon. Member who moved the Amendment suggested that in the calculation, instead of three-eights of that part of the owner's share, there should be substituted one-third of that part of the occupier's share. That is simply a change in the method of calculation; it will not tie the hands of the Committee at all.

Might I suggest the insertion at the end of the Resolution of the words "provided no part of the sum so granted shall be applied except in relief of the occupiers' rates."

I submit that it would be for the purpose of limiting the destination of the grant as well as limiting the amount.

If we allow this to pass as it is, the House has no control over the Committee. Is it not the function of this House to limit the expenditure?

I have accepted the Amendment, and the hon. Member had better proceed to second it.

May I ask, Mr. Speaker, if, in your view, this Amendment does not have the effect which it is intended it should have, but has the opposite effect, and merely limits the amount applicable to Scotland without limiting the destination of the grant? I wish to ask whether, by a subsequent Amendment, it is not within the power of the House to limit the destination of the grant as well as the amount?

In dealing with the English grant, the destination of the sum has been specifically allocated in a particular way. What I gather my Scottish friends are trying to do is to limit the allocation of the money and to reduce the sum to a particular destination. I would ask whether that is not in order?

If the Amendment proposed to vary the destination in that way, it would alter the Royal Recommendation, and would be out of Order.

Are we to understand that your ruling is that, in view of the Royal Recommendation, it is impossible to vary by Amendment to the Resolution the destination of the grant?

My answer is I think it is not relevant to the Resolution. We have this Amendment, and I confess I had much difficulty in understanding what was the effect of it. We should hear from the Government what is their view.

May I put this point? Is not an hon. Member of this House entitled, on a Resolution of this kind to move an Amendment to reduce the grant to Scotland, in order to convince hon. Members what reasons he has for reducing the sum and how he thinks it should be allocated. Has not that arisen on the question.

The first speech put that point clearly before the House. I am not objecting to that, but only to matters decided on the Second Reading of the Bill.

I do not wish to weary the House, and I am very glad my speech has not had that effect on this side of the House. I am also glad to see so many occupied benches opposite. I am not going to spend much time on this, but it is important, before this Bill goes to Committee, that the Scottish Members should know what is going to happen to it, and that they should place such restrictions and limitations upon it that they will not suffer from a disadvantage in Committee, and that it is not dealt with in a way prejudicial to their views. Why I support this Amendment so strongly is that it gives relief where relief is most required. I am not so anxious that the relief should be less, as that the landlord should not run away with the bulk of the spoil. We want the occupiers to get the full share of the relief it is proposed to give. We are not against relief to agriculture, but we want the relief given to those who are entitled to it. This Amendment has that effect.

1.0 A.M.

I would like in the first place to say that as one who is comparatively young in national affairs it strikes me always as a tragedy that we should be discussing a question of this character involving such a large sum and such a vital issue at this time of the night. I say that perfectly seriously. I never thought when I was elected to Parliament that we did our business in this fashion. Some of us are blamed for being rowdy and interrupting too much; but if ever I had an example of being rowdy it is from hon. Members opposite. If I am in Order on this point, I should like to say no Member of this House in his ordinary business affairs would dream of conducting them in this fashion, and what is not good enough for your business is not good enough for the country. We in Scotland are asking for a smaller grant. I wish the grant in respect of this Bill was nothing at all for Scotland, because the principle of the Bill is not good. We are asking for the reduction because we think Scotland for the purposes of this Bill does not require £480,000. We are asking for the reduction because the purpose of the sum is to subsidise the landlords by asking them to pay less rates than they have formerly done. If it could be shown to me that these persons really required the £32,000 I would grant it if it could be shown that they are in a poverty-stricken condition. You cannot do that. One reads in the newspaper almost every night, and every week in the Scottish newspapers of estates passing out of the landlords' hands into other persons' hands at almost fabulous sums. That does not betoken that they are in any way poor, and so far as I am concerned the people who are going to pay this £380,000 are industrial workers. [An HON. MEMBER: "Speak up ! "] I have never been in the public schools like the hon. Member who interrupted me. I come from Gorbals, Glasgow, a poor area, but I hope my sense is as good as his. I know that the Minister of Agriculture is not concerned with our problems. His are landlords' problems, mine are poor people's; the people who are going to raise this money are the urban areas and I make a protest against poor people who cannot already make both ends meet being taxed on the necessities of life to raise £320,000 to give as a present to landlordism in Scotland, I am concerned that you should not allow the poor Scottish taxpayer to subsidize landlordism in Scotland. It does not deserve subsidizing; it deserves scorn from Scotland and not help and I hope that hon. Members who at least have the courage and know something of the evils of landlordism will vote solidly for this Amendment.

I am afraid that most of those who have taken part in the discussion have really reverted again to the Second Reading. Nine-tenths of what we have heard tonight has been arguments that were brought forward by some supporters on the Second Reading. Some of the speakers seem to think that the landlord is deriving all the benefit. But if one looked at the figures it would be seen that the occupier gets relief to the extent of three quarters and the landlord only one quarter. Everyone knows that the traditional rating in Scotland has been half on the owner and half on the occupier.

I think all these questions are irrelevant to the present discussion. As you, Sir, pointed out this is purely a method of calculation and the Amendment proposed by the hon. Member for Forfar (Mr. Falconer) reduces the sum. It is surprising that Scottish Members should be desirous that Scotland should get a smaller sum, as no one can say that the industry of agriculture is at all in a prosperous state. This calculation of "three-eighths of that part of the owner's share, etc.," is carefully made to provide the exact sum which is required to make up the gap caused by the reduction in the rateable basis and if my hon. Friend's Amendment were accepted there would be a deficiency which would fall on the shoulders of other ratepayers. Viewing it in this way, this proposed reduction would leave a gap which would have to be made up by additional burdens falling on other ratepayers. I ask the House to oppose the Amendment.

I will be as brief as possible in supporting the position taken up by my hon. and learned Friend the Member for Forfar (Mr. Falconer), as I think the Scottish Members have a strong case. I submit with all respect to the Solicitor-General for Scotland that the whole point has not been met. In the first place I protest with all the emphasis at my command against a proposal of this kind, coming up at this hour on an Amendment in an English Bill, which affects every department of agriculture in Scotland. My first point is that we ought to have had a separate measure.

In that case, I must enter my protest against our being compelled to wait here until one o'clock on a Friday morning, when we have to return here within a few hours in order to deal with an Amendment which is of fundamental importance, and of which we have had no official explanation from the Solicitor-General for (Scotland. This point of rating is one that really does touch Scottish agriculture, and my hon. Friend the Member for Forfar-shire and the hon. Member for Dumfries (Dr. Chapple) represent two of the biggest tracts of country in Scotland. Having made a protest, we get no satisfaction. What is going to be done about it. I should like to be allowed to move that we delay further progress with this Resolution in order that the whole position as affecting a vast interest in Scotland may be considered and that we may have some ruling on the exact point raised by the Amendment. I beg to move,"That the Debate be now adjourned."

being of opinion that the Motion was an abuse of the Rules of the House, declined to propose the Question thereupon to the House.

Question again proposed, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Resolution."

The Amendment which my hon. Friend for Forfar (Mr. Falconer) has moved, proposes to exclude from the Financial Resolution the basis of relief which appears for the first time in the Bill founded on this Resolution and which proposes a basis of relief quite different from that which appeared la the Act of 1896. If in this Resolution the terms employed in the Act of 1896 have been used, it would have been impossible to have granted relief within the terms of the Resolution in respect of owners' rates, because there would have been no provision in respect of owners in the Resolution. The object of my hon. Friend is, after eliminating all reference to owners' rates, is to prevent the Committee from devoting any part of the grant to Scotland in relief of owners' rates and to confine it entirely to the occupiers' rates. It is a matter on which the House should take a decision, because this raises a question entirely different from the- matter of principle which was decided on Second Reading. Then the House decided in favour of granting relief to agriculture in a certain form but so far as England was concerned that followed the precedent of the Act of 1896. It was a relief to the occupier. In this Bill, however, so far as Scotland is concerned for the first time a direct dole is given to the landowner. The Minister of Agriculture blamed us on the Second Reading for asserting that any benefit was to go to the landlord. It had been argued in debate by speakers on this side that landowners would indirectly benefit by the relief granted to the occupier, but in this Resolution power is given to grant relief directly to the owner, and in these circumstances not only do we contend that a new principle is being set up, but we also contend that any relief so granted to the owner cannot be shown in any way to benefit agriculture.

There is another reason why it is necessary to limit the grant and to alter the basis on the method proposed in this Amendment. 'It is this. According to the figures in the memorandum, the landlord is actually going to get a greater benefit than the tenant. I grant that the figures are very difficult to understand, but so far as I understand the figures I am led to the conclusion so far as the county rate is concerned that a larger relief is granted to the owner than is granted to the occupier. It is very important that the House should realise what is being done. I am endeavouring to argue the matter in a fair way, and if my contention be right, the landlord is getting more than the occupier so far as the county rate is concerned, and so far as the parish rate is concerned it certainly cannot be said that it would be more than share and share alike. On that basis there is ground for the contention that the relief granted is substantially greater for the owner than for the occupier. If hon. Members take the trouble to read this memorandum on the financial resolution they will see this. The memorandum is intended to guide the House in deciding upon the finance of the Bill. That is the sole reason for the issue of the memorandum. Complaint used to be made that no information was given and the practice now is to issue a memorandum on a Bill. In this memorandum on page 4 we have examples given so far as Scotland is concerned. In the first example it says:

Assume that the annual value of agricultural lands and heritages and of other property respectively in the rating area is—

On that basis we have what the present arrangement means and there is a contrast between the present arrangement and the proposed new arrangement under the Bill. Under present arrangements it is:

If sum to be raised is £16,000 this would be provided by a rate of 2s. per £ on owners and occupiers respectively. Thus: —

under the proposed arrangements we find:

This is instead of £100,000.

A rate of 2s. per £ as before would raise—

It is quite true that this is their direct payment, but they would have to pay a further sum indirectly. If you look lower down it will be found that the agricultural occupiers would be entitled to deduct half of their contribution to the rate (namely, half of £ 3,200 from rent) making their effective contribution under the new arrangement £ 1,600. On this new basis the owner would pay £ 4,800 as compared with the sum of £6,400 which he previously paid. Now we come to the occupier. He would pay directly £3,200. But as he deducts £ 1,000 from the rent which he pays to the owner it makes his net payment £ 1,600. But his payment formerly was £2,400, so that, as compared with his former payment, that is only a reduction of £800, whereas the owner has a reduction of £1,600. I maintain that on these figures the owner is getting on the county rate an advantage double that which is conferred upon the occupier. I think that is a matter to which the House should give its attention. [An HON. MEMBER: "Get on with it! "] I do not wish to pursue my argument at any unreasonable length. If the hon. Member does not want to have my argument made intelligible, or is not in a condition to have it made intelligible to him—

Is it in order for an hon. Member to allege that another hon. Member is not in a condition to listen to an intelligible argument?

It certainly is not a remark that I can allow. But I must say that hon. Members provoke remarks by their interruptions. I have had more than once to ask hon. Members to listen to the discussion. The hon. Member for Penistone (Mr. Pringle) will, I am sure, withdraw that remark. It is not one that can be allowed across the Floor of the House.

In obeying your ruling, Sir, may I say that when I made the remark I did not intend to do anything unparliamentary in the form in which I made it. As you rule it is unparliamentary, I willingly and fully withdraw it. There is another aspect of the matter which I do not desire to go into at the same length. It has relation to the pariah rates, and though it is not quite so striking the advantage is also in favour of the landlord. That is on the example. which the Government themselves give. I submit that if the Amendment before the Committee does not fully attain the object which its mover has in view, that can be completely attained by coupling it with a proviso providing that no part of the grant shall be applied in relief of owners' rates. If that were done I submit that the whole aim of this Amendment would be attained. Under these circumstances it lies upon the Government to show that this calculation is wrong, and that these results are not, in fact, what would happen if the system contemplated were put into effect.

There are two further considerations arising under this Amendment. There is the new principle of direct relief to the landowner. That is sanctioned, as I maintain, by using the owner's rate as a basis for the first Act. Had it not been for the introduction of the owner's rate it would have been impossible under the Bill to give relief to owners. There would have been reference only to the occupier's valuation. I contend that the introduction of this principle is vicious and indefensible. I contend also that it is an attempt to confer a benefit on the owners of agricultural land as distinct from the agricultural industry. It is unnecessary to enter into the question of the economic incidence of rates as between owner and occupier. Here you have a class singled out without any concealment or disguise, a class which the Government regard as entitled to their favour, and a benefit to whom is to be to the public advantage and we on this side maintain that this is not only a bad principle, but that it is throwing away public money. It is not going to benefit agriculture. It cannot be shown that the money which is granted in relief is in any way to help those actively engaged in the agricultural industry. It may of said that there are many occupiers also

owners. But those who are occupying: owners would, under this Bill benefit qua, occupiers because as the law stands these people are assessed separately as owners and occupiers, and, therefore, as workers on the land they would be-entitled to the same benefit as other workers who are in the position of tenants. There is no reason, therefore, why owners should be selected for the first time for the benefits of the Government. There is further the contention that on the figures obtained in the Government's own paper, landlords are going to benefit in respect of the county rate to an extent double the benefit conferred on the farmer, and so far as the parish rate is concerned the advantage conferred would only be equal as between the two classes. In these circumstances I hold that before the-House gives its consent the Government should not only defend itself on the matter of general principle but also give a vindication of the allocation of the-relief proposed under this Bill.

rose in his place, and claimed to move, "That the Question be now put.

" Question put, "That the Question be now put."

The House proceeded to a Division.

On a point of Order, Mr. Speaker. May I direct your attention to the fact that in this Debate very few Scottish Members have had an opportunity of expressing their views. We have had no statement from the Government clearly covering the point raised by my hon. and learned Friend the Member for Forfar (Mr. Falconer).

The hon. Member challenges my discretion. That cannot be allowed.

The House divided: Ayes, 160; Noes, 50.

Division No. 184.]

AYES.

[1.27 a.m.

Ainsworth, Captain Charles

Blundell, F. N.

Cautley, Henry Strother

Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S.

Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W.

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Sir Evelyn (Aston)

Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin

Boyd-Carpenter, Major A.

Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton

Ashley, Lt.-Col. Wilfrid W.

Brass, Captain W.

Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood)

Astor, J. J. (Kent, Dover)

Brown, Brig.-Gen. Clifton (Newbury)

Churchman, Sir Arthur

Baird, Rt. Hon. Sir John Lawrence

Brown, Major D. C. (Hexham)

Clarry, Reginald George

Balfour, George (Hampstead)

Brown, J. W. (Middlesbrough, E.)

Clayton, G. C.

Barnett, Major Richard W.

Bruford, R.

Cobb, Sir Cyril

Barnston, Major Harry

Bruton, Sir James

Coekerill, Brigadier-General G. K.

Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W.

Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A.

Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips

Bennett, Sir T. J. (Sevenoaks)

Butcher, Sir John George

Cope, Major William

Berry, Sir George

Butt, Sir Alfred

Courthope, Lieut.-Col. George L.

Birchall, Major J. Dearman

Cadogan, Major Edward

Craig, Captain C. C. (Antrim, South)

Blades, Sir George Rowland

Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R.

Crooke, J. S. (Deritend)

Curzon, Captain Viscount

Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement

Sanders, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert A.

Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead)

Lamb, J. Q.

Sanderson, Sir Frank B.

Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.)

Lane-Fox, Lieut.-Colonel G. R.

Sandon, Lord

Dawson, Sir Philip

Lorimer, H. D.

Shepperson, E. W.

Du Pre, Colonel William Baring

Lort-Williams. J.

Simpson-Hinchcliffe, W. A.

Edmondson, Major A. J.

Lougher, L.

Singleton, J. E.

Erskine-Bolst, Captain C.

Loyd, Arthur Thomas (Abingdon)

Skelton, A. N.

Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M.

Lyle-Samuel, Alexander

Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South)

Falcon, Captain Michael

Lynn, R. J.

Smith, Sir Harold (Wavertree)

Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray

Macnaghten, Hon. Sir Malcolm

Somerville, A. A. (Windsor)

Fawkes, Major F. H.

McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury)

Somerville, Daniel (Barrow-In-Furness)

Forestier-Walker, L.

Manville, Edward

Stanley, Lord

Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot

Mercer, Colonel H.

Steel, Major S. Strang

Fraser, Major Sir Keith

Milne, J. S. Wardlaw

Stewart, Gershom (Wirral)

Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E.

Mitchell, W. F. (Saffron Walden)

Stott, Lt.-Col. W. H.

Galbraith, J. F. W.

Molloy, Major L. G. S.

Stuart, Lord C. Crichton-

Ganzonl, Sir John

Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J.

Sugden, Sir Wilfrid H.

Garland, C. S.

Morden, Col. W. Grant

Sykes, Major-Gen. Sir Frederick H.

Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley)

Goff, Sir B. Park

Newson, Sir Percy Wilson

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E.

Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield)

Thorpe, Captain John Henry

Gwynne, Rupert S.

Paget, T. G.

Titchfield, Marquess of

Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

Parker, Owen (Kettering)

Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement

Halstead, Major D.

Pease, William Edwin

Tubbs, S. W.

Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry

Penny, Frederick George

Turton, Edmund Russborough

Harrison, F. C.

Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings)

Wallace, Captain E.

Harvey, Major S. E.

Perkins, Colonel E. K.

Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull)

Hay, Major T. W. (Norfolk, South)

Pollock, Rt. Hon. Sir Ernest Murray

Watts, Dr. T. (Man., Withington)

Henn, Sir Sydney H.

Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton

Wells, S. R.

Hennessy, Major J. R. G.

Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G.

Wheler, Col. Granville C. H.

Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford)

Privett, F. J.

Winterton, Earl

Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank

Richardson, Sir Alex. (Gravesend)

wise, Frederick

Hoare, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir S. J. G.

Richardson. Lt.-Col. Sir P. (Chertsey)

Wolmer, Viscount

Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D.(St. Marylebone)

Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford)

Woodcock, Colonel H. C.

Hohiar, Gerald Fitzroy

Robertson-Despencer, Major(lslgtn, W)

Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L.

Hopkins, John W. W.

Roundell, Colonel R. F.

Yerburgh, R. D. T.

Hudson, Capt. A.

Ruggles-Brise, Major E.

Hutchison, W. (Kelvingrove)

Russell, William (Bolton)

TELLERS FOR THE AYES —

Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H.

Russell-Wells, Sir Sydney

Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs.

Joynson-Hicks, Sir William

Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham)

King, Captain Henry Douglas

Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney)

NOES

Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro')

Guthrie, Thomas Maule

Middleton, G.

Ammon, Charles George

Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland)

O'Grady, Captain James

Barrie, Sir Charles Coupar (Banff)

Harbord, Arthur

Phillipps, Vivian

Bonwick, A.

Hardie, George D.

Potts, John S.

Briant, Frank

Hartshorn, Vernon

Pringle, W. M. R.

Buchanan, G.

Hayday, Arthur

Roberts, C. H. (Derby)

Chappie, W. A.

Hayes, John Henry (Edge Hill)

Salter, Dr. A.

Darbishire, C. W.

Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (N'castle, E.)

Spencer, H. H. (Bradford, S.)

Dudgeon, Major C. R.

Henderson, T. (Glasgow)

Stephen, Campbell

Ede, James Chuter.

Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath)

Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West)

Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty)

John, William (Rhondda, West)

Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline)

Emlyn-Jones, J. E. (Dorset, N.)

Johnstone, Harcourt (Willesden, East)

Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda)

Entwistle, Major C. F.

Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown)

Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.)

Fairbairn, R. R.

Lawson, John James.

Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

Falconer, J.

Leach, W.

Foot, Isaac

Linfield, F. C.

TELLERS FOR THE NOES.ߞ

Gosling, Harry

McLaren, Andrew

Mr. Sturrock and Sir Archibald Sinclair.

Gray, Frank (Oxford)

Martin F. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, E.)

Question put accordingly, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Resolution."

The House divided: Ayes, 161; Noes, 45.

Division No. 185.]

AYES.

1.40 a.m.

Ainsworth, Captain Charles

Blundell, F. N.

Cautley, Henry Strother

Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S.

Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W.

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Sir Evelyn (Aston)

Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin

Boyd-Carpenter, Major A.

Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton

Ashley, Lt.-Col. Wilfrid W.

Brass, Captain W.

Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood]

Astor, J. J. (Kent, Dover)

Brown, Brig.-Gen. Clifton (Newbury)

Churchman, Sir Arthur

Baird, Rt. Hon. Sir John Lawrence

Brown, Major D. C. (Hexham)

Clarry, Reginald George

Balfour, George (Hampstead)

Brown, J. W. (Middlesbrough, E.)

Clayton, G. C.

Barnett, Major Richard W.

Bruford, R.

Cobb, Sir Cyril

Barnston, Major Harry

Bruton, Sir James

Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K.

Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W.

Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A.

Colfox, Major Wm. Phi'llps

Bennett, Sir T. J. (Sevenoaks)

Butcher, Sir John George

Cope, Major William

Berry, Sir George

Butt, Sir Alfred

Courthope, Lieut.-Col. George L.

Birchall, Major J. Dearman

Cadogan, Major Edward

Craig, Captain C. C. (Antrim, South)

Blades, Sir George Rowland

Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R.

Crooke, J. S. (Deritend)

Curzon, Captain Viscount

King, Captain Henry Douglas

Sanders, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert A.

Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead)

Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement

Sanderson, Sir Frank B.

Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.)

Lamb, J. Q.

Sandon, Lord

Dawson, Sir Philip

Lane-Fox, Lieut.-Colonel G. R.

Shepperson, E. W.

Dudgeon, Major C. R.

Lorimer, H. D.

Simpson-Hinchcliffe, W. A.

Du Pre, Colonel William Baring

Lort-Williams, J.

Singleton, J. E.

Edmondson, Major A. J.

Lougher, L.

Skelton, A. N.

Erskine-Bolst, Captain C.

Loyd, Arthur Thomas (Abingdon)

Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South)

Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M.

Lynn, R. J.

Smith, Sir Harold (Wavertree)

Falcon, Captain Michael

Macnaghten, Hon. Sir Malcolm

Somerville, A. A. (Windsor)

Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray

McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury)

Somerville, Daniel (Barrow-in-Furness)

Fawkes, Major F. H.

Manville, Edward

Stanley, Lord

Forestier-Walker, L.

Mercer, Colonel H.

Steel, Major S. Strang

Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot

Milne, J. S. Wardlaw

Stewart, Gershom (Wirral)

Fraser, Major Sir Keith

Mitchell, W. F. (Saffron Walden)

Stott, Lt.-Col. W. H.

Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E.

Molloy. Major L. G. S.

Stuart, Lord C. Crichton-

Galbraith, J. F. W.

Moore, Major-General sir Newton J

Sugden, Sir Wilfrid H.

Ganzoni, Sir John

Morden, Col. W. Grant

Sykes, Major-Gen. Sir Frederick H.

Garland, C. S.

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley)

Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John

Newson, Sir Percy Wilson

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Goff, Sir R. Park

Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield)

Thorpe, Captain John Henry

Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E.

Paget, T. G.

Titchfield, Marquess of

Gwynne, Rupert S.

Parker, Owen (Kettering)

Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement

Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

Pease, William Edwin

Tubbs, S. W.

Halstead, Major D.

Penny, Frederick George

Turton, Edmund Russborough

Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry

Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings)

Wallace, Captain E.

Harrison, F. C.

Perkins, Colonel E. K.

Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull)

Harvey, Major S. E.

Pollock, Rt. Hon. Sir Ernest Murray

Watts, Dr. T. (Man., Withington)

Hay, Major T. W. (Norfolk, South)

Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton

Wells, S. R.

Henn, Sir Sydney H.

Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G.

Wheler, Col. Granville C. H.

Hennessy, Major J. R. G.

Privett, F. J.

Winterton, Earl

Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford)

Richardson, Sir Alex. (Gravesend)

Wise, Frederick

Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank

Richardson, Lt.-Col. Sir P. (Chertsey)

Wolmer, Viscount

Hoare, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir S. J. G.

Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford)

Woodcock, Colonel H. C.

Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D.(St. Marylebone)

Robertson-Despencer, Major (lsl'gt'nW)

Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L.

Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy

Roundel), Colonel R. F.

Yerburgh, R. D. T.

Hopkins, John W. W.

Ruggles-Brise, Major E.

Hudson, Capt. A.

Russell, William (Bolton)

TELLERS FOR THE AYES.ߞ

Hutchison, W. (Kelvingrove)

Russell-Wells. Sir Sydney

Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs.

Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H.

Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham)

Joynson-Hicks, Sir William

Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney.)

NOES.

Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro)

Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland)

Martin, F. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, E.)

Ammon, Charles George

Harbord, Arthur

Middleton, G.

Bonwick, A.

Hardle, George D.

O'Grady, Captain James

Briant, Frank

Hartshorn, Vernon

Potts, John S.

Buchanan, G.

Hayday, Arthur

Pringle, W. M. R.

Chapple, W. A.

Hayes, John Henry (Edge Hill)

Roberts, C. H. (Derby)

Darbishire, C. W.

Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (N'castle, E.)

Salter, Dr. A.

Ede, James Chuter

Henderson, T. (Glasgow)

Spencer, H. H. (Bradford, S.)

Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty)

Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath)

Stephen, Campbell

Emlyn-Jones, J. E. (Dorset, N.)

John, William (Rhondda, West)

Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West)

Entwistle, Major C F.

Johnstone, Harcourt (Willesden, East)

Watson, W. M. (Dunfermilne)

Fairbairn, R. R.

Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown)

Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda)

Falconer, J.

Lawson, John James

Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

Foot, Isaac

Leach, W.

Gosling, Harry

Linfield, F. C.

TELLERS FOR THE NOES ߞ

Gray, Frank (Oxford)

McLaren, Andrew.

Mr. Vivian Phillipps and Major McKenzie Wood.

rose in his place, and claimed "That the Main Question be now put".

Question put accordingly," That this House doth agree with the Committee in the said Resolution."

The House divided: Ayes, 167; Noes, 37.

Division No. 186,]

AYES.

[1.48 a.m.

Ainsworth, Captain Charles

Blundell, F. N.

Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R.

Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S.

Bonwick, A.

Cautley, Henry Strother

Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin

Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W.

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Sir Evelyn (Aston)

Ashley, Lt.-Col. Wilfrid W.

Boyd-Carpenter, Major A.

Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton

Astor, J. J. (Kent, Dover)

Brass, Captain W.

Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood)

Baird, Rt. Hon. Sir John Lawrence

Brown, Brig.-Gen. Clifton (Newbury)

Chapple, W. A.

Balfour, George (Hampstead)

Brown, Major D. C. (Hexham)

Churchman, Sir Arthur

Barnett, Major Richard W.

Brown, J. W. (Middlesbrough, E.)

Clarry, Reginald George

Barnston, Major Harry

Bruford, R.

Clayton, G. C.

Barrie, Sir Charles Coupar (Banff)

Bruton, Sir James

Cobb, Sir Cyril

Bennett, Sir T. J. (Sevenoaks).

Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A.

Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K.

Berry, Sir George

Butcher, Sir John George

Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips

Birchall, Major J. Dearman

Butt, Sir Alfred

Cope, Major William

Blades, Sir George Rowland

Cadogan, Major Edward

Courthope, Lieut.-Col. George L.

Craig, Captain C. C. (Antrim, South)

Hudson, Capt. A.

Russell-Wells, Sir Sydney

Crooke, J. S. (Deritend)

Hutchison, W. (Kelvingrove)

Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham)

Curzon, Captain Viscount

Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H.

Samuel. Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney)

Darbishire, C. W.

Joynson-Hicks, Sir William

Sanders, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert A.

Davidson, J C. C. (Hemel Hempstead)

King, Captain Henry Douglas

Sanderson, Sir Frank B.

Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.)

Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement

Sandon, Lord

Dawson, Sir Philip

Lamb, J. Q.

Shepperson, E. W.

Dudgeon, Major C. R.

Lane-Fox, Lieut.-Colonel G. R.

Simpson-Hinchcliffe, W. A.

Du Pre, Colonel William Baring

Linfield, F. C.

Singleton, J. E.

Edmondson, Major A. J.

Lorimer, H. D.

Skelton, A. N.

Emlyn-Jones, J. E. (Dorset, N.)

Lort-Williams, J.

Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South)

Erskine-Bolst, Captain C.

Lougher, L.

Smith, Sir Harold (Wavertree)

Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M.

Loyd, Arthur Thomas (Abingdon)

Somerville, A. A. (Windsor)

Falcon, Captain Michael

Lynn, R. J.

Somerville, Daniel (Barrow-in-Furness)

Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray

Macnaghten, Hon. Sir Malcolm

Stanley, Lord

Fawkes, Major F. H.

McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury)

Steel, Major S. Strang

Foot, Isaac

Manville, Edward

Stewart, Gershom (Wirral)

Forestler-Walker, L.

Mercer, Colonel H.

Stott, Lt.-Col. W. H.

Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot

Milne, J. S. Wardlaw

Stuart, Lord C. Crichton-

Fraser, Major Sir Keith

Mitchell, W. F. (Saffron Walden)

Sugden, Sir Wilfrid H.

Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E.

Molloy, Major L. G. S.

Sykes, Major-Gen. Sir Frederick H.

Galbraith, J. F. W.

Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J.

Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley)

Ganzoni, Sir John

Morden, Col. W. Grant

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Garland, C. S.

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

Thorpe, Captain John Henry

Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John

Newson, Sir Percy Wilson

Titchfield. Marquess of

Goff, Sir R. Park

Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield)

Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement

Gulnness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E.

Paget, T. G.

Tubbs, S. W.

Gwynne, Rupert S.

Parker. Owen (Kettering)

Turton, Edmund Russborough

Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

Pease, William Edwin

Wallace, Captain E.

Halstead, Major D.

Penny, Frederick George

Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull)

Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry

Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings)

Watts, Dr. T. (Man., Withington)

Harbord, Arthur

Perkins, Colonel E. K.

Wells, S. R.

Harrison, F. C.

Pollock, Rt. Hon. Sir Ernest Murray

Wheler, Col. Granville C. H.

Harvey, Major S. E.

Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton

Winterton, Earl

Hay, Major T. W. (Norfolk, South)

Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G.

Wise, Frederick

Henn, Sir Sydney H.

Privett, F. J.

Wolmer, Viscount

Hennessy, Major J. R. G.

Richardson, Sir Alex. (Gravesend)

Woodcock, Colonel H. C.

Herbert Dennis (Hertford, Watford)

Richardson, Lt.-Col. Sir P. (Chertsey)

Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L,

Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank

Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford)

Yerburgh, R. D. T.

Hoare, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir S. J. G.

Robertson-Despencer, Major (Isl'gt'nW)

Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D.(St. Marylebone)

Roundell, Colonel R. F.

TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—

Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy

Ruggles-Brise, Major E.

Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs.

Hopkins, John W. W.

Russell, William (Bolton)

NOES

Alexander. A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro')

Hayes, John Henry (Edge Hill)

Potts, John S.

Ammon, Charles George

Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (N'castle, E.)

Pringle, W. M. R.

Briant, Frank

Henderson, T. (Glasgow)

Roberts, C. H. (Derby)

Buchanan, G.

Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath)

Salter, Dr. A.

Ede, James Chuter

John, William (Rhondda, West)

Spencer, H. H. (Bradford, S.)

Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty)

Johnstone, Harcourt (Willesden, East)

Stephen, Campbell

Fairbairn, R. R.

Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown)

Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline)

Falconer, J.

Lawson, John James

Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda)

Gosling, Harry

Leach, W.

Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

Gray, Frank (Oxford)

McLaren, Andrew

Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland)

Martin, F. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dlne, E.)

TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—

Hardie, George D.

Middleton, G.

Mr. Trevelyan Thomson and Major

Hartshorn, Vernon

O'Grady, Captain James

Entwistle.

Hayday, Arthur

Phillipps, Vivian

Estimates

Ordered, That Mr. Harris be discharged from the Select Committee on Estimates.

Ordered, That Major Burnie be added to the Committee.—[ Colonel Gibbs. ]

The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.

It being after half-past Eleven of the Clock upon Thursday evening, Mr. SPEAKER adjourned the House, without Question put, pursuant to the Standing Order.

Adjourned at Two o'clock a.m.