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Commons Chamber

Volume 165: debated on Thursday 14 June 1923

House of Commons

Thursday, June 14, 1923

The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.

Private Business

Barnsley Corporation Bill,

Birkenhead Corporation Bill,

Read the Third time, and passed.

Great Western Railway (Swansea Harbour Vesting) Bill [ Lords ],

Read the Third time, and passed, with Amendments.

Rugby Urban District Council Bill,

Read the Third time, and passed.

Oyster and Mussel Fishery (Seasalter and Ham) Provisional Order Bill (by Order),

Third Reading deferred till Monday next.

Oral Answers to Questions

Government Departments

Ministry of Pensions

asked the Minister of Pensions whether he is able to state that at the end of this year the only women clerks who will be in employment at the Pensions Issue Office will all be hardship cases; and whether he can give any promise of permanency in their continued employment, or see that they are duly provided with adequate training or other such benefits should any further number be discharged?

With the exception of war widows and dependants, notice has already been given to all clerks in Pension Issue Office who have resources other than their own earnings. The retention of the remainder must depend on the requirements of the office, the work of which is gradually decreasing in volume. I am afraid I am not in a position to give a promise of permanent employment to any unestablished officer, or to make any special provision for the temporary clerks of my Department in the event of unemployment. They will, of course, be eligible on discharge for the normal insurance benefits.

Can the right hon. Gentleman promise to do all that he possibly can for the hardship cases?

I am anxious to do all I can for the staff of the Issue Office, with whose position I have much sympathy. We are endeavouring, as far as possible, to give them as long notice as we can when we have to terminate their engagements.

asked the Minister of Pensions whether he will instruct regional directors to examine the attendance books of the finance section in the regions; and whether, if he found that the staff had been habitually working overtime without pay, he will take steps to ensure that the staff shall be adequate to perform the duties in the section without overtime?

It is one of the ordinary duties of regional directors to examine the attendance books of the staff under their control. I am, however, causing inquiry to be made into the attendances in the finance section of each region. As I informed the hon. Member on the 31st ultimo, in answer to a question in this House, assistance is always given when necessary.

asked the Minister of Pensions whether the accounts division of his Department is responsible for the authorisation of payments; whether this division is also responsible for the audit of payments after they are made; and, if so, will he arrange that the audit duties shall be carried out by officers independent of the accounts division?

The audit of payments, after they are made, is carried out by a section of the accounts division entirely separate from, and independent of, the section responsible for authorising the payments. I might add that an independent audit of the Ministry's expendi- ture is carried out by the Comptroller and Auditor-General under Statutory powers conferred upon him.

asked the Minister of Pensions, seeing that the number of men in receipt of pensions has been reduced by 444,500 in two years, that claims for new pensions were only 45,000 last year as compared with 81,000 in the preceding year, and that the staff of the statistical division has been increased by 38 for the current financial year, what are the duties of the statistical division; and why, having regard to the decrease in the volume of work, is it considered necessary to increase the staff?

I regret that owing to a typing error the staff of the Statistical Division of the Ministry was understated in the Estimates for 1922–23 by 100. There has, in point of fact, been a considerable decrease in the staff of that Division during the last 12 months.

Land Tax Commissioners

asked the Prime Minister whether it is his intention to abolish the Commissioners of Land Tax; if not, will he say when Parliament passed the last Names Act, under which these Commissioners are appointed; how many Land Tax Commissioners are there; who actually selects them; and is the appointment a political one?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative. The last Names Act was passed in 1906. In addition Justices of the Peace are Land Tax Commissioners within their respective counties or divisions. I am not able to state the exact number of Commissioners at the present time. When a Names Bill is passing through the House a preliminary Resolution is passed inviting Members of the House to prepare lists of suitable persons. It would generally be true to say that the selection is made by the existing Commissioners subject to the approval of the Member. The appointment is not a political one.

Is it not the fact that the Land Tax Commissioners appoint the General Commissioners of Income Tax?

Inspectors of Taxes

asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware that, in his evidence before the Royal Commission on Income Tax, Sir Thomas Collins, the chief inspector of taxes, stated that inspectors of taxes have been exercising duties which in law they have undoubtedly no power to do; and is it intended to bring in legislation to safeguard officials of the Board of Inland Revenue in the performance of such duties as are at present out side the statute law?

I am aware of the evidence to which my hon. and gallant Friend refers, but I would remind him that, as appears from the Report of the Royal Commission, the machinery of the tax would long ago have broken down but for the gradual devolution by the local Income Tax Commissioners to the inspectors of taxes of many practical duties, for the performance of which the ultimate responsibility rests in the main with the Commissioners, though they are not required personally to perform them. Such devolution has taken place, and can only take place, with the concurrence of the Commissioners; settlements of liabilities effected by inspectors on their behalf are subject to their formal confirmation; and where agreement between the inspector and the taxpayer is not reached, the taxpayer's right of personal appeal to the Commissioners is entirely unimpaired. The Royal Commission made recommendations designed to bring the old machinery of the law into harmony with modern practice, but an opportunity for giving effect to these recommendations has not yet presented itself.

Home Office

asked the Home Secretary the number of persons now employed at the Home Office, and the number so employed in July, 1914?

The figures asked for by the hon. Member are 877 and 701, respectively. For the headquarter staff only (excluding inspectors, immigration officers, and provincial clerks), the figures are 398 and 267.

District Valuers

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer how many district valuers there are; the numbers of their staffs; the total of their emoluments; and the total cost of upkeep, including the rental of offices, etc.?

The district valuers number 106. Their staffs (both professional and clerical) number 592. The total emoluments are about £275,000 per annum. Other expenditure in these offices amounts to some £20,000 per annum, exclusive of office rents, in regard to which I would refer the hon. and gallant Member to my right hon. Friend the First Commissioner of Works.

Naval and Military Pensions and Grants

South Wales Borderers (O. Kirkpatrick)

asked the Minister of Pensions whether he will inquire into the case of Oswald Kirkpatrick, Private, No. 49,958, South Wales Borderers (Ministry reference No. 3/Mk/4,378), who served in France for 18 months and was awarded a pension of 20 per cent. for neurasthenia; whether the Ministry has decided that the rate of disablement is nil, and if this has been confirmed by the Pension Appeal Tribunal; and whether, as Kirkpatrick is unable to follow his pre-war employment as a fitter in consequence of the disability accepted as attributable to service, he is eligible for training at one of the convalescent centres under the control of the Ministry of Pensions or industrial training under the Ministry of Labour?

The facts are as stated in the first two parts of the question. I regret that this man is not eligible for admission to a convalescent centre under my Department. He does not appear to have made any application for industrial training, but I understand that he has been asked to get into communication with the local officers of the Ministry of Labour.

Dependants' Pensions

asked the Minister of Pensions whether, when his advisory committee is considering the effect of the present seven years' limit Regulation upon the issue of pensions, they will have regard to the claims of all dependants or merely to those of widows?

The reference to my advisory committee will be confined to the single issue which was raised in the course of Debate last week, namely, the claims of widows.

Does the right hon. Gentleman consider that the disability depends, not upon the time and cause, but upon the degree of kinship of the relatives?

No, Sir, but the claims are not all on an identical footing. I will, however, consider the point that the hon. Member has raised.

asked the Minister of Pensions why Mrs. Binns, 5, Maudes Buildings, Sowerby Bridge, has had her dependant's pension reduced from 12s. 8d. per week to 4s. 8d. per week?

I am looking into the facts of this case, and will communicate with my hon. Friend as soon as possible.

Weekly Payments

asked the Minister of Pensions if he will consider the advisability of pensions being paid weekly, instead of quarterly as hitherto, in order to avoid the risk of pensioners being without means during part of the period covered by their pension?

I have been asked to reply. Ex-Army pensioners are entitled to be paid in advance, weekly in the case of pensions awarded since the beginning of the War, quarterly in other cases. Weekly payment can be, and is, arranged in the case of any pensioner who himself desires it, but legislation would be required to deprive a pensioner of his right to being paid quarterly.

Appeals (Assistance)

asked the Minister of Pensions whether, in view of the fact that part of the dissatisfaction felt with regard to the findings of appeal tribunals is due to appellants not being in a position to adequately present their own cases, he will allow local war pensions committees to render some assistance in those cases where they are satisfied that the appellant's case will not otherwise be fully and clearly placed before the tribunal?

I would refer the hon. Member to the answer which I gave to him on the 15th March. I may add that the Regulations made by the Lord Chancellor expressly provide that an appellant may be assisted at the hearing by a member of a war pensions committee.

Has the right hon. Gentleman closed his mind entirely against allowing the local pensions committees to do what they did previously, namely, to give assistance by allowing their members to go with the pensioners?

Pensions Stopped

asked the Minister of Pensions the reason why the pension of 5s. 2d. per week awarded to Miss Timmins, of 780, Old Ford Road, Bow, E., has been stopped?

I am looking into the facts of this case, and will communicate with the hon. Member at an early date.

asked the Minister of Pensions the reason his Department has refused to comply with the application of P. J. Walters, of 18, Lacey Street, Bow, E., for payment of the half-pension due to his wife during the period the pensioner was in prison?

Under the provisions of the Forfeiture Act, 1870, and Article 1208 of the Pay Warrant, 1914, this man's pension was forfeited from the date of his conviction to the date of his release. The concession under which half the pension of a man under imprisonment may be applied for the benefit of his family was not in operation at the time this man was convicted, and there are no grounds on which a concession of this nature could be made retrospective.

Will it be possible to give this man's wife and children a compassionate allowance? Is there not any loophole by which they can be given this assistance? It is a case of sheer distress. The man will be driven back to prison again.

I do not think the case calls for any special intervention so far as the original claim is concerned.

asked the Minister of Pensions why the pension formerly granted to Mrs. Simpson, of 21, Ashcombe Street, Fulham, S.W.6, widow of Sapper James Brown Simpson, No. 158944, Royal Engineers, who was killed in February, 1918, has been stopped after a period ending September, 1922?

This widow was not entitled to full pension under Article 11 of the Royal Warrant, but was accorded the benefit of the temporary provision made for widows of men who died during the War from a cause not connected with service. Under the terms of the Warrant itself, this concession expired on the 30th September last.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that this woman is now in very great distress, and that her husband did certainly die while on service with the Colours?

The powers of this Ministry are strictly limited to compensation in cases arising out of the War.

This man was serving during the War. He could not be doing anything else during the War. He served, and now his wife and children have to go to the Poor Law.

OrthopæDic Hospital, Shepherd's Bush

asked the Minister of Pensions whether the Orthopædic Hospital at Ducane Road, Shepherd's Bush, has to be closed down at the end of the year; and, if so, what steps the Ministry are taking to provide for the present patients the specialist treatment needed by them?

The lease on which these premises are held expires at the end of the present year, and arrangements are being made for the accommodation of the patients by an extension of the facilities at Roehampton.

Widows' Pensions

asked the Minister of Pensions whether, in view of the injustice arising from the fact that a widow's pension, if granted, only dates from the date of application, he will arrange that the said pension should date from the date of the husband's death?

It is the general rule of my Department to award pension from the date of application only. An exception is, however, made in favour of widows and dependants, and in these cases, if application is made within two months of the man's death, the award takes effect from that date.

I shall be happy to consider any representation made on that subject by my hon. and gallant Friend.

asked the Minister of Pensions if he will consider the case of the widow of the late Charles Jennings, 12, Dean Street, Bradford, No. 40552, Northumberland Fusiliers, who died 25th April, 1923, and whose death was accelerated by wounds received in the Great War, out of which he was discharged with a pension of 7s. 6d. weekly with a terminal gratuity of £40 payable in November, 1924 (Ref. 4/MJ/2,008, Boar Lane, Leeds); and, in view of the fact that unpaid pension and gratuity represent a saving to the Government of, approximately, £70, will he help the widow to the extent of the funeral expenses, which are £22?

I am inquiring into the facts of this case personally and will communicate with the hon. Member.

British Legion (Notification of Decisions)

asked the Minister of Pensions if he is aware that, when the Leicester branch of the British Legion communicate with the Ministry regarding a member of their branch, a reply is sent to the individual concerned direct, and that the Legion is not informed of the progress of the case or the decision arrived at; and whether he will give instructions to all concerned that when the Legion brings a case before the Ministry for consideration the Legion should be informed of the decision, in order that they can fully explain the position to the person affected?

Information in the possession of my Department regarding a pensioner is confidential, and ordinarily is not communicated to a third party except to accredited organisations with the man's written consent. Where this consent is not received with the application, it is the practice of the Department, in order to avoid delay, to give the information direct to the man, and, at the same time, to inform the organisation that this has been done.

When a question has been raised by the British Legion, would it not be desirable that that body should be notified direct, because sometimes, if the individual is notified direct, he is at a loss to understand the Regulations, whereas, if the British Legion explain it to the individual, the case may be cleared up quickly?

Will the right hon. Gentleman see to it that no private information is given about any man to anyone without his consent?

In answer to my right hon. Friend, the House will realise that there are cases where private information about a man's illness ought never to be imparted without the man's consent.

Coldstream Guards (a. Osborn)

asked the Minister of Pensions whether he is aware that Mr. Arthur Osborn, late No. 5551, lance-sergeant, Coldstream Guards, of 17, Buller Road, Belgrave, Leicester, was certified by his panel doctor (Dr. Levene, of Belgrave Road, Leicester), on the 12th March, 1923, as being totally unfit for work owing to severe abdominal pains following bilharzia, and on the 29th March was recommended by a Ministry of Pensions' doctor for admission to hospital for treatment; that although his admission to hospital did not take place till the 12th April, and his panel doctor certified him unfit for work, he has been refused treatment allowances for the three weeks he was awaiting admission to hospital; and, in view of the opinion of the panel doctor, will he reconsider his decision and award treatment allowances for this period?

The terms of the Royal Warrant do not permit of the payment of treatment allowances unless the requirements of the course of treatment itself are of such a nature as to prevent the man from providing for his own support and that of his family. This condition was not fulfilled in the present case and, accordingly, the man remained on pension and was not eligible for allowances during the period claimed.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that in this case the man's panel doctor certified that he was unfit for work, and his wife and child were expected to exist on a pension of 8s. 8d. for a period of three weeks?

I shall be happy to consider any point bearing on the case if the hon. and gallant Member will kindly give it to me.

On a point of Order. May I ask your ruling, Mr. Speaker, or, if not your ruling, at least your opinion, upon the matter of Members asking questions about specific cases, and taking up nearly the whole of Question Time; and may I remind you that your predecessor, Mr. Speaker Lowther, asked hon. Members in the late Parliament distinctly not to do this sort of thing, as these were not matters of general public importance, but only matters of detail.

I quite agree with my predecessor on that matter, but, as I have said once before, I can only leave it to the judgment and good will of Members to put down, as unstarred, questions on purely local matters, so as to give more time to other Members to put questions of more general interest.

Is it not possible to have a ruling? I made a self-denying ordinance on myself, Mr. Speaker, when you asked the other day, but I found everyone else putting these questions down, and so I started again. I want to say that I am perfectly willing, if everyone else does, to fall in with the proposition.

I am very happy to have that reinforcement. May I repeat, then, the request to Members that they will put down unstarred questions in the case of local and individual matters?

Full-Time Chaplains

asked the Minister of Pensions in what institutions under his control are full-time chaplains employed; what is the salary paid; and to which religious denomination do the chaplains belong?

With the hon. Member's permission, I will circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Following is the reply:

Full-time chaplains are employed as follows.

Institution and Denomination.

Queen Mary's Convalescent Centre, Epsom (Church of England).

Cannock Chase Hospital (Church of England).

Orpington Hospital (Church of England).

The Queen's Hospital, Sidcup (Church of England).

Craigleigh Hospital, Edinburgh (Presbyterian).

The salary of full-time chaplains is £370 per annum, plus lodging, fuel and light, or an allowance of £70 per annum in lieu thereof.

Nursing Service

asked the Minister of Pensions what are the numbers and grades of the Ministry nursing service employed at headquarters: what are their duties; and whether he will consider transferring these duties to the regional commissioners of medical services and the medical superintendents of Ministry institutions?

The only members of the Ministry nursing service employed at headquarters are the matron-in-chief and the principal matron, who are engaged in the general supervision and co-ordination of the work of the whole nursing service. I am not prepared to accept the sugges- tion in the last part of the question which I do not consider would be in the interests of either economy or efficiency.

Officers (Married Quarters)

asked the Minister of Pensions what accommodation is provided in married quarters in institutions for officers in receipt of salaries of £260 a year and over; and what is the rent charged for the same?

The married quarters provided on a rental basis in Ministry institutions for officers in receipt of salaries of £260 per annum and over vary in accordance with the accommodation available, but they never consist of less than four rooms and a bath-room, and are usually in excess of this. The rent charged is 24s. 6d. a week, inclusive of rates and taxes, and a reasonable amount of fuel and light.

Labour Corps (J. F. Mullaney)

asked the Minister of Pensions if he will cause to be reopened the case of John Francis Mullaney, 7, Waile Street, Bradford, ex-private, No. 608,896, Labour Corps, who, having contracted valvular disease of the heart from exposure and shell-shock in the War, was granted a pension, which has since been stopped on the ground that aggravation has passed away and his appeal, 17th February, 1922, rejected, notwithstanding which he has ever since been unfit for work and continually in hospital, and that his panel doctor, R. E. Ford, 1, Hallfield Road, Bradford, certifies, 25th May, 1923, that the disease is permanent and disables him from performing work involving much exertion; and if the Ministry's own circular on valvular disease of the heart, 2nd May last, to regional officers supplies cause for Mullaney's case to be reconsidered?

In the short time available I have not been able to complete my inquiries into this case. I will write to the hon. Member as soon as possible.

Highland Light Infantry (J. Rowan)

asked the Minister of Pensions if he will give consideration to the case of J. Rowan, 12, Grimwith Street, Bradford, who enlisted at the age of 16 in 1914, was returned, and re-enlisted on 26th July 1915, in the Highland Light Infantry, No. 203,016; was wounded in France in September, 1916, and again in December, 1917; was 12 months in hospital, and is now permanently lame; finally demobilised on 7th February, 1919, with 30 per cent. pension, reduced to 20 per cent. on 4th December, 1919, given 7s. 6d. a week for a year with £10 gratuity on 15th December, 1920, a further gratuity of £10 on 12th October, 1922, but pension stopped altogether in February, 1923; appeal allowed, 20th April, 1923 (4/MR/4523, Case 18/A/328), with 8s. pension, but has to pay back the £20 gratuity out of it; and if, in view of the success of his appeal, and that he is under constant treatment, he can be granted the aforesaid pension from the date of his successful appeal minus the claim for the repayment of the £20?

The 20 per cent. award was granted with arrears from the 19th February, 1923, and was in lieu of the balance remaining unpaid of the former award. The effect of the hon. Member's suggestion would be to award double compensation for the same disability.

Highland Light Infantry (Peter Martin)

asked the Minister of Pensions if he is aware that ex-Private Peter Martin, No. 355,592, Highland Light Infantry (Territorials), of 219, Onslow Drive, Glasgow, was mobilised on 31st August, 1914, one of five brothers who served in the War, was declared A1, and demobilised on 9th March, 1919; that, owing to mental trouble resulting from, his service in the War, he was admitted to Gartloch Asylum as a pauper lunatic on 10th November, 1922, but was refused a pension on the ground that the trouble did not arise from his service in the Army; that the appeal tribunal upheld the decision of the Ministry; that there was no record of insanity in this man's family; and that a brother was similarly affected by mental trouble owing to war service, which is admitted, as is shown by his being in receipt of a pension; and if he can do anything to remedy this?

The mental disability in this case appears to have first arisen about 3½ years after the man's service ended, and although careful inquiry was made, nothing was found to connect the disability with service. The tribunal, on appeal, confirmed this finding which is now, therefore, final. As regards the brother's case, he was actually discharged from the Army on account of a rather different mental disability, and in view of the established connection with service, the Ministry were able to admit responsibility.

Cannock Chase Hospital

asked the Minister of Pensions whether it has actually been decided to close the pensions hospital on Cannock Chase; and, if so, whether he will state the reasons for adopting this policy in view of the large expenditure incurred in building and equipment?

Owing to the decreasing requirements for hospital accommodation in the Midlands, arrangements have been made for the gradual closing of this hospital.

Will the right hon. Gentleman give us an assurance that such institutions will be used as fully as possible, particularly in view of the disastrous calamity that occurred yesterday?

The hon. Member is referring to the grave disaster to which I shall allude presently, but he is urging us to maintain hutting accommodation made of wood.

Is it not a fact that Cannock Chase hospital is a permanent building, and not a wooden structure?

My information is that this hospital has a large amount of wood in it. In any case the object is not to keep hospitals full, but to keep as many as are necessary for cases we have to deal with.

Central Advisory Committee

asked the Minister of Pensions whether, in view of the dissatisfaction felt in Wales in regard to the constitution of the Central Advisory Committee, he will consider the advisability of increasing the representation of Wales on that body so that those aspects of pension administration which are peculiar to the Principality may be adequately considered?

I would refer the hon. Member to the answer given to him on the 28th March.

The answer I had was that Wales was only represented by one member, a lady. I am asking the right hon. Gentleman to reconsider whether such a large area should only be represented by one woman.

I have gone into the proportion of Wales. One of the places which might be distributed on a territorial basis, Wales would only be entitled to half a member. We have given her a whole one.

Birmingham Hospital (Fire)

( by Private Notice ) asked the Minister of Pensions if he has any information to give to the House with reference to the fire which took place yesterday at the pensioners' hospital at Highbury; can he state how the injured are progressing and what provision will be made for the dependants of those who have lost their lives?

( by Private Notice ) asked the Minister of Pensions whether he has received a report of the disastrous fire involving loss of life at the Ministry of Pensions Hospital, Highbury, Birmingham, yesterday; whether he will have an immediate inquiry into the causes of same, and also the suitability or otherwise, of wood structures being used for such a purpose?

I have received a full report of this distressing fatality from one of my medical officers, whom I sent to Birmingham last night immediately on receipt of the news. The hospital is not one which is owned by the Ministry, but has been made available for its exclusive use by special agreement with the Birmingham Pensions Hospital Committee which is responsible for the administration.

The fire took place in an isolated open-air ward, shortly after two o'clock yesterday afternoon. The cause of it is still quite obscure. It originated in a small room at one end of the ward and the outbreak was at once observed by the orderly on duty who, assisted by a patient, immediately attempted to deal with it, and gave the alarm. The fire brigade arrived in about five minutes. In the meantime practically the whole staff of the hospital had arrived on the scene and, together with all patients who were fit to do so, endeavoured to put out the flames and to remove the helpless patients from the ward. The fire, however, spread rapidly aided by the gale of wind which was blowing at the time, and even before the fire brigade had arrived the position of the patients had become a matter of the utmost difficulty and danger. The rescue work was carried out at the cost of considerable injuries to some individuals, and the behaviour of all concerned calls for the highest praise.

The ward was an open-air hut of the most modern type, such as is extensively used in this and other countries for the treatment of severe and often hopeless cases of tuberculosis and other diseases requiring ample access to sun and air. It was of wooden construction on a brick foundation with a galvanised iron roof. There were two exits—one which was at the end of the hut, where the fire started, was at once rendered inaccessible. The other was an opening 9 feet wide in one side of the hut, through which two beds could simultaneously be removed. There were thus ample opportunities for exit in any normal emergency. There were in the ward nine full water buckets and two fire extinguishers.

The number of patients in the ward at the time of the outbreak was 15, of whom only three could help themselves. In addition to the two patients who unfortunately lost their lives, there were two who were seriously injured. I am glad to learn from further inquiries which I made this morning that they are going on well, though not yet out of danger. Other injured patients and members of the staff are progressing satisfactorily.

I wish to express my sincere sympathy with the relatives of the men who have died and with those who have been injured. The House may rest assured that the claims of the dependants of those who have lost their lives will be generously and sympathetically dealt with.

On the question raised by the hon. Member for Cannock (Mr. W. Adamson), full inquiry will be made into all the circumstances, including the suitability of this type of building.

I am obliged to my right hon. Friend. Will he make special inquiry to ascertain whether in fact there was a geyser in this wooden building, as alleged whether the fire originated with that geyser; whether that is a suitable thing to have in any hospital, and, above all, in any hospital constructed of wood?

Full inquiry shall be made into the very important point raised by my right hon. Friend.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that there are other hospitals of a more permanent structure that are now being closed down which would be more suitable for patients of this character?

I know there are buildings of a permanent type built of brick and stone, but for this particular purpose practically the whole side of the building was open to the air for medical reasons. I am told this is the very latest type of building used, not only here but in Switzerland and in the United States of America. None the less, if there be anything wrong, we naturally desire to put it right, and it is with that object that a full inquiry will be made.

Is it not a fact that this hospital was regarded by medical experts as one of the most up-to-date in the world?

That is so. This particular building was erected at considerable cost, and was of the latest type adopted here or in any other country.

War Bond Policies (Prudential Assurance Company)

asked the Home Secretary whether his attention has been called to the case of Dewland v. the Prudential Assurance Company, heard at the County Court at Kingston-upon-Hull on 7th June last, in which a verdict was found for the plaintiff for the return of the whole of the amount paid on account of a so-called War Bond policy, issued by the company, because of misrepresentations; whether the attention of the Public Prosecutor has been called to this case; and whether, in view of this verdict by a County Court Judge, the Government will again consider the setting up of a Committee to inquire into the position of the one-and-a-quarter millions of persons who have taken out this form of policy?

I would refer the hon. and gallant Member to the reply which I gave yesterday to the hon. Member for West Middlesbrough.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that in that reply he said these people have a resort to the Courts, and is he aware that most of them are in very poor circumstances and it is quite impossible for them to go to the Courts?

A case has already been decided, and there is reason to suppose that cases on all fours with that would be properly met.

Does not the right hon. Gentleman consider that the facts disclosed in the Court warrant the Government in reconsidering the matter, to which they only gave partial consideration when the Bill was before the House?

Police Officers (Licensed Premises)

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether any instruction or Regulation has been issued by his Department prohibiting police officers entering licensed premises and/or billiards saloons in their constabulary area when off duty?

No, Sir, but in some forces an addition has been made to the Standard Discipline Code by the police authority, and approved by the Secretary of State, prohibiting entering licensed premises when off duty and in uniform, and in one area where the circumstances were exceptional a restriction has been approved which goes somewhat further.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that not only when off duty in uniform but in private clothes there is a restriction in one force in particular on men entering licensed premises? Is it not a reflection on the character and ability of policemen to behave themselves when off duty? What have they done to deserve this treatment?

I think there is one area where there is this restriction on men off duty in uniform, but in that case there are special circumstances which seem to me to justify it.

Will the right hon. Gentleman undertake that in this force, where such restrictions are to be imposed, the authorities will agree to establish a police canteen, as a set off to the prevention of obtaining liquor when off duty?

"Undesirable Aliens."

asked the Home Secretary what methods he proposes to adopt to exclude undesirable aliens who may be admitted into the Irish Free State from coming on to this country in view of the fact that passports will not be required?

The Government of the Irish Free State are maintaining the machinery for the exclusion of undesirable aliens from Ireland previously operated by my predecessors; and I am satisfied that this country is, as heretofore, being adequately protected in this connection.

Arising out of that very satisfactory answer, could not the right hon. Gentleman extend this concession to all the other Dominions and Colonies of the Empire as a first step to abolishing passports altogether?

Would it be possible to lay on the Table of the House a definition of "undesirable alien"?

Criminal Lunatics

asked the Home Secretary the number of married persons at present detained during His Majesty's pleasure as criminal lunatics at Broadmoor or other institutions; how many of these have been detained for periods of five years and upwards; and how many of the total number are males and females, respectively?

The persons at present detained in Broadmoor during His Majesty's pleasure who were described on admission as married total 343, of whom 215 are males and 128 females. Of these 76 males and 44 females have been detained upwards of five years. It is not possible either in these cases or in the case of persons detained in other asylums to say how many have wives or husbands still living.

Factory and Workshops Acts

asked the Home Secretary whether, in view of the fact that a Factory and Workshop Amendment Bill is long overdue because of the changed conditions in industry, he will advise the Government to introduce such a Measure at an early date?

No legislation could be undertaken this Session, but I should be glad if it were possible to introduce an Amending and Consolidating Bill next year. All that I can promise at present is that the matter will be carefully reviewed when the legislative programme for next Session is under consideration.

Lead Poisoning

asked the Home Secretary whether he is aware that of the eight cases of lead poisoning among house painters and plumbers which came to the knowledge of the Home Office during April six were fatal; and whether, in view of these facts, he will urge upon the Government the importance of ratifying the white lead convention as recommended by the Norman Committee?

The question of ratifying the convention is receiving careful consideration.

also asked the Home Secretary whether he will give particulars regarding the four workers in the china and earthenware industry who, as reported in the May issue of the "Labour Gazette," have been attacked by lead poisoning?

I will circulate the particulars in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Following are the particulars:

Case 1.—Man, aged 51, glost placer, employed 40 years (10 years in the dipping-house as a child and youth). Chronic lead poisoning—arterio-sclerosis.

Case 2.—Man, aged 62, dipper, employed 33 years. Chronic lead poisoning—nephritis.

Case 3.—Woman, aged 39, dipper, employed 20 years. Chronic lead poisoning—nephritis.

Case 4.—Woman, aged 32, aerographer, employed 16 years. Chronic lead poisoning—nephritis.

Vivisection (Inspectorate)

asked the Home Secretary if he is aware of the fact that in the final Report of the Royal Commission on Vivisection, presented to both Houses of Parliament, it was recommended that a whole-time chief inspector and three whole-time inspectors for Great Britain should be appointed; and, seeing that such four whole-time inspectors were duly appointed after the presentation of the Report, and that there is at the present time, besides one whole-time chief inspector, only one inspector for Great Britain, will he undertake to have the recommendation of the Committee carried out?

I am aware of the recommendation of the Royal Commission, but it is not the case that four whole-time inspectors were actually appointed. The staff was increased to four, but of these only two were whole-time officers. The working of the present arrangements will be carefully watched, but I am afraid I cannot hold out any prospect of an increase in the inspectorate in view of the financial situation.

China (Outrages Against Europeans)

asked the Prime Minister if he is aware that British subjects who were outraged and captured on the Tientsin-Pukow train in China by bandits on the 6th of May are still being held to ransom under appalling condi- tions, and that the efforts of the British Minister in Peking to secure their release have proved unavailing; whether the Chinese Government are being held responsible for the safety and lives of these people; whether he has any further information; and what steps does His Majesty's Government propose to take in view of the failure of our representative in Peking to secure their release?

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs what steps, if any, have been taken to secure the release of the British and American prisoners who were captured in the Tientsin-Pukow Railway raid; and if measures will be adopted in conjunction with other Powers to provide for the safety of foreign residents outside the treaty ports in China?

I have nothing to add to the statements I made on this subject on the 11th and 13th instant, when I gave the information that all the foreign prisoners had been released.

Bulgaria (Revolution)

asked the Prime Minister whether he can give any further information about the revolution in Bulgaria; and what is the attitude of His Majesty's Government to the provisional Government that has been set up in Bulgaria?

I have not yet sufficient information to reply to either parts of this question.

Ruhr Occupation

asked the Prime Minister how many resolutions he has received during the last four weeks from branches of the League of Nations Union urging upon the Government the desirability of summoning a special meeting of the League of Nations Council to deal with difficulties arising from the occupation of the Ruhr; and what are the intentions of the Government in regard to this matter?

I have received some 80 resolutions in this sense from the various branches of the League of Nations Union. As regards the last part of the question, I would refer the hon. Member to the statements made in this House by the late Prime Minister and by the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs on 19th February and 13th March.

Is it possible to give any idea when it will be possible to inform the House?

Street Obstruction, Aldgate

asked the Home Secretary whether he is aware that it is customary for hay carts to stand in the centre of the roadway at Aldgate three deep during the busiest part of the day, thereby aggravating the congestion of traffic which occurs at this spot; and will he state the reason why this is allowed to continue?

I understand that the facts are as stated, and that this custom is authorised by an ancient Charter.

I believe that people who are interested in the matter are seeing if anything can be done, but I am afraid that I cannot do anything.

Chocolate Liqueurs

asked the Home Secretary whether his attention has been called to a case which came before the Merthyr Tydfil justices on the 8th instant, when Christopher Cruicci was fined £100, with 20 guineas costs, for the sale of chocolate liqueurs, two samples of which contained not less than 25 and 30 per cent. proof spirit; and will he, seeing that these chocolate liqueurs are manufactured at an address in London, take such steps as would prevent the manufacture and the sale of these goods, and so prevent this trade which is a temptation to young persons?

I have seen a newspaper report of the case in question, but I do not think that there is any action which I am called upon to take in the matter.

Epsom Races (Metropolitan Police)

asked the Home Secretary how many Metropolitan Police were employed at the Epsom races last week; whether any charge is made to the racing authorities for the extra police so employed; whether any charge is made on the Metropolitan Police Fund for police on duty at Epsom races; if the police and officers employed receive any extra pay or expenses; and, if so, how much?

The number of Metropolitan Police employed on the course at Epsom was 861, all being paid for by the racecourse authorities. A large number of police were employed on traffic duty on the roads leading to the course, and their cost falls, like that of other police employed elsewhere on similar duties, on the Metropolitan Police Fund. The men do not receive any extra pay, but are granted allowances in accordance with the Police Regulations and the Orders of the Force at rates varying with their rank and the circumstances under which they have performed duty.

Transport

Motor Omnibuses, London

asked the Home Secretary whether the Metropolitan Police have any Regulations as regards the number of motor omnibuses they will license for running in the streets of London; and whether, owing to the great increase of street traffic in London and Greater London and the large number of new motor omnibuses which have recently been licensed to new motor omnibus companies, and also the increased size and capacity of such omnibuses, it is proposed to consider whether any limit shall be put on the number of motor omnibuses licensed by the police authorities for the streets of London?

There are no such Regulations, and there is no power to make them. The new omnibuses licensed to new owners do not yet total 100. The size and capacity of these buses is not greater than those of the new type of buses owned by the London General Omnibus Company. The reply to the last paragraph of the question is in the negative.

Speed Limit, Batheaston

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Transport whether his attention has been called to the danger to the public caused by the absence of a speed limit for motor vehicles passing through the parish of Batheaston; and whether he can expedite the fixing of a speed limit as desired by the parish council?

I have been unable to trace any application for the imposition of a reduced speed limit on any section of a highway in the parish of Batheaston. Any such application would, under the provisions of the Motor Car Act, 1903, have to be made by the county council.

Is not the only efficacious speed limit test that the driving is dangerous to the public, and not the number of miles per hour?

COUNTY COURT ACTIONS (W. McCONNELL)

asked the Home Secretary if his attention has been called to a petition carrying the signatures of 1,656 persons, which was presented at the Home Office on 17th April of this year by Mr. William McConnell, Dane Farm, Houghton Conquest, near Amptill, Bedfordshire, craving a new trial; and whether, in order to avoid further delay, he can state whether the petition will be granted?

Before Mr. McConnell sent in this petition, which was for the re-trial of certain County Court actions, it had been made clear to him that the matter was one in which I am not able to take any action. I have no power to intervene in such cases.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that on 15th December last in the Divisional Court, Mr. Justice Darling and Mr. Justice Salter sat on this Appeal and Justice Darling on the second point raised said that the County Court Judge could have given another trial if he had cared to do so?

I would not like to contest any opinion given by those eminent judges. I have no power to order a new trial.

Am I to understand that there is no power of giving a re-trial to this man?

Sweepstakes (Opening of Correspondence)

asked the Home Secretary what are the limitations imposed on the Secretary of State for the Home Department in regard to the power to open private correspondence; whether he is aware that a letter was registered in Maidstone on 24th May addressed to a nurse in Dublin and was returned to the sender on 8th June with an explanatory typed slip that it was returned by the Secretary of State for the Home Department as it related to a lottery, the said lottery being a Derby sweep; and whether, in such cases, on mere suspicion, the authorities hold themselves authorised to open correspondence when the safety of the State is in no way involved?

No limitations are anywhere laid down, but the Secretary of State never issues a warrant without good reason. Advertisements had invited persons to participate in a sweepstake illegal in this country, and to send their subscriptions to a nurse in Dublin. There was, therefore, more than mere suspicion in this case. On the general question, I would refer to the answer which I gave on the 6th instant to the junior Member for Brighton.

The right hon. Gentleman has never told us on what conditions it is justifiable for him to open private correspondence. What becomes of the boasted liberties of British citizens if this practice continues?

Did the right hon. Gentleman pursue the same tactics in regard to the Otley sweepstake that he has followed in regard to the Jarvis Street Hospital sweepstake in Dublin?

Whatever action was taken in connection with the Otley sweepstake was taken by the local authority, and not by me.

Under what power did the right hon. Gentleman take action in regard to the Dublin Hospital sweepstake?

I took action because it was said to be illegal, and I had to do my best to stop it.

Education

Necessitous Areas (Grant)

asked the President of the Board of Education the minimum education rate which will qualify local education authorities to receive assistance in the current year from the necessitous areas grant, the number of the authorities likely to benefit, and the amount provided in the Estimate for this grant?

For the year 1923–24 the rate which will qualify for this grant is 42d., as stated in the Draft Elementary Education (Substantive Grant Continuance) Regulations, 1923. The number of authorities expected to benefit is about 22, and the amount provided in the Estimates is £200,000.

If all the sum allocated is not absorbed by the 3s. 6d. rate, will the right hon. Gentleman lower the rate so that other necessitous areas may get the advantage in these times of heavy rates?

Secondary Schools

asked the President of the Board of Education whether his attention has been called to any cases in which the standard reached by prospective fee-paying pupils at a secondary school has been markedly inferior to that demanded from the free-place candidates for entrance; and what action, if any, his Department takes in such cases when the total number of vacancies in the school is not sufficient to admit the fee-paying pupils if the strict order of educational merit be taken as the basis for admission?

I have received from the hon. Member some information relating to a particular school which appears, to some extent, to support his suggestion. I must, however, point out that all entrants to a secondary school are required to show that they are fit to profit by instruction in the school. The conditions which must be observed in respect of the admission of pupils to secondary schools are stated in the Appendix to the Board's Regulations, and the Board take steps to satisfy themselves that the requirements of the Regulations are satisfied.

Private Schools (Inspection)

asked the President of the Board of Education if he can give the number of schools throughout the country not in receipt of grants from rates and taxes; if he can state the number of these schools who have expressed their willingness to be inspected by the Board or by local authorities; and if he has taken any action, and, if so, what, in the case of any such school where inefficiencies have been revealed at an inspection?

The returns made to the Board under Section 155 of the Education Act, 1921, has revealed the existence of, approximately, 7,300 private schools. With regard to the second part of the question, I may refer the hon. Member to the reply I gave him on the 7th June last. Section 147 of the Act of 1921 does not confer on the Board authority to take administrative action in the case of private schools which declare themselves open to inspection by the Board or the local education authority.

When the inspection reveals inefficiency, do the Board give that information to the local authority who are empowered to take action in reference to school attendance?

I should not like to say definitely without notice, but I imagine that they would in any case where the local authority have power to act.

Domestic Subjects

asked the President of the Board of Education if he has received resolutions from associations of teachers suggesting that the teaching of domestic subjects should be made compulsory in all State-aided schools; and if he proposes to adopt the suggestion?

The Board have from time to time received resolutions advocating the extension of provision for instruction in domestic subjects, and I am aware that quite recently the Association of Teachers of Domestic Subjects adopted a resolution on the lines indicated in my hon. Friend's question. As regards the Board's attitude, I have nothing to add to a reply given to my hon. Friend the Member for Acton on the 8th March, of which I am sending him a copy.

It means what I said to my hon. Friend the Member for Acton, which is a long answer, and perhaps my hon. Friend will read it.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the Member for Acton got no satisfaction from that answer, and would the right hon. Gentleman reconsider this important point?

That is the first I have heard of my hon. Friend not receiving satisfaction. That obviously creates a new situation which will have to be considered.

Teachers' Superannuation Act

asked the President of the Board of Education whether he is able to give a list of public or secondary schools, other than grant-earning schools, admitted to the benefits of the Teachers' Superannuation Act, together with the dates of their application and admission, together with a list of schools which have applied unsuccessfully for admittance to pensions under the Superannuation Act, with the dates of their application; and if any schools have been refused or accepted on any grounds other than their ability or inability to finance a pension scheme of their own, and, if so, on what ground?

I am sending my hon. Friend a list of the schools which have been approved under Section 18 (vii) of the School Teachers (Superannuation) Act, 1918, together with the dates of their approval. The number of cases in which approval has been refused is 44; some of these refusals are, however, not final, and a list would, therefore, be misleading. No school can be approved unless it can show that it is unable out of its own resources to maintain a pension scheme. In most cases failure to show this was the main ground of refusal; but other grounds of refusal have been that the schools have been conducted for private profit or were not shown to be efficient.

Have any of the schools admitted to pension any endowments, and, if so, how much?

Juvenile Unemployment Centres

asked the President of the Board of Education whether he will, in conjunction with the Minister of Labour, consider the necessity, in view of the large number of juveniles still unemployed, for the continuance of the juvenile unemployment centres?

I have been in communication with my right hon. Friend, and I understand that he has this matter at present under his very close personal consideration, but that he cannot at the moment make any statement upon it.

Will my right hon. Friend use all his influence in favour of the continuation of these classes, seeing the great good they are doing in preventing the demoralisation resulting to young people from growing up in idleness?

Will the right hon. Gentleman remember that six months ago the Government said that these classes were absolutely necessary and that they are just as necessary to-day?

That inquiry ought to be addressed to my right hon. Friend. On the general question, I can only repeat the assurance, which I gave the Noble Lord, that I am in close communication with my right hon. Friend. I am fully alive to the interest taken in these centres.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the present sanction to the local authorities to conduct these classes ends on the 30th of this month, and in view of the desirability of continuing them will he see that the local authorities are speedily warned of the Government's intentions with regard to the future?

asked the Minister of Labour if he is able to assure the House, in view of the continuance of unemployment, that the juvenile centres will not be closed?

asked the Minister of Labour whether the reports that he has hitherto received on the juvenile unemployed centres are favourable; and, if so, whether the Government is prepared to continue the grant for a further period?

I am glad to be able to state that the reports which I have received on juvenile unemployment centres are generally favourable in character. The question of the continuance of the Government grant is under consideration, but I cannot carry the matter further at the moment.

Will the right hon. Gentleman remember that unless he does something by 30th June, the local authorities will have to close down, and that once these centres are closed down it will be a very difficult thing to get them started again?

Can the right hon. Gentleman tell the House what is the cost of the continuance of these centres compared with the reparation of the duck pond in St. James' Park?

Seeing that we have had a similar answer from the President of the Board of Education, is it possible for these two Ministers to get together and arrive at a definite conclusion on this matter?

In regard to the last suggestion, that, of course, has already been adopted. With regard to the question of cost, I have not got the final figures, but I am afraid I have no means of instituting the comparison suggested. With regard to the first supplementary question, I can assure the Noble Lady the Member for the Sutton Division of Plymouth (Viscountess Astor) that the matter is being pressed on.

Calthrop's Parachute Company

asked the Secretary of State for Air whether he is aware that Messrs. E. R. Calthrop's Parachute Company will be forced into liquidation if they do not receive compensation for the work they have done for the Air Service; that this company have not been paid for the experimental work they did under the orders of the Air Ministry, and the sum of £5,504 for new parachutes supplied by them and used for experimental and demonstration purposes under the orders of the Admiralty Air Department and of the Secretary of the Parachute Committee; and whether, seeing that these parachutes are of great use in military fighting machines, he will expedite the payment of compensation to this firm?

Messrs. Calthrop's case has already been brought to my notice. Whilst I should greatly regret the liquidation of the company, I cannot admit that the Air Ministry would be in any way responsible for its failure. All parachutes ordered from the firm by the Government have been paid for, to the value of over £100,000. A large amount of experimental and demonstration work was also carried out by Messrs. Calthrop as described in my hon. Friend's question, but it was carried out upon their own initiative and for the purpose of establishing their parachute as a business proposition. As, however, in a few cases out of those which formed the subject of the claim, the work was to some extent encouraged by officials of the Air Ministry, an offer was made to the company to recommend to the Treasury an ex-gratia payment of £1,000 to cover their expenses in connection with these particular items. This offer, which is regarded by the Department as a fair one, has been declined by Messrs. Calthrop, and I cannot see my way to increase it.

Is the right hon. Gentleman satisfied that there is a sufficient supply of parachutes which are necessary for the safety of air work?

Income Tax

Widowers

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether his attention has been called to the hardship of many widowers who, in addition to the expense of providing a housekeeper, are deprived of benefits conferred upon married men under the Income Tax Acts; and whether it is possible to take steps at an early date to make some concessions in the interests of these persons?

Notice has been given to move a new Clause on this subject on the Committee stage of the Finance Bill. I should prefer to defer any statement pending the Debate.

Machinery

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if, seeing that machine tools and other manufacturing appliances not so fixed to premises as to render them liable to pass to the landlord at the end of the tenancy do not fall to be regarded as part of the premises for the purpose of arriving at assessments for Income Tax, Schedule A, and that such machinery is usually taken into account in arriving at assessments for Poor Rate, he will say what steps, if any, are taken by inspectors of taxes to eliminate the increased value attributable to machinery in those cases where the Poor Rate figures are adopted by the inspectors as the basis of the Schedule A assessment?

As the answer is a long one, I will, with my hon. Friend's permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Following is the answer:

The extent to which machinery may properly be taken into account in assess- ing the annual value of business premises is a matter of some difficulty, particularly when regard is had to the many types of machinery employed in industry. It may be, no doubt, that in certain cases the Poor Rate assessments include an element of value attributable to loose machinery and in some of these cases the Poor Rate value may have been adopted for the purposes of the Income Tax assessment Schedule A. Such cases, however, would be exceptional as especial care has been taken in the valuation of the larger business premises for the purpose of the Income Tax assessment, and I must not be taken to assent to any implication that the Poor Rate figures have been generally followed in relation to such premises. I would remind my hon. Friend that the annual value of business premises occupied by the owner is deducted from the profits in arriving at the amount assessable to Income Tax Schedule D, so that in general any overcharge under Schedule A which may exist in any case would correct itself under Schedule D. If he has in mind any specific case in which it it is thought that an assessment has been computed on erroneous principles and will furnish me with particulars, I will gladly cause inquiry to be made.

House Property (Income Tax Assessments)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if the latest instructions issued to inspectors of taxes from the Inland Revenue Department as to procedure in making Schedule A assessments may be laid upon the Table of the House?

I would refer my hon. Friend to the reply which my predecessor gave on this subject to the hon. Member for Penrith and Cockermouth on the 11th May. I am sending my hon. Friend a copy of that reply.

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if, throughout England and Wales, all Schedule A assessments have been approved and allowed by the District Commissioners?

The Schedule A assessments are in all cases required by law to be signed and allowed by the District Commissioners; the great majority of the assessments have been so signed and allowed, but a few are not yet ready.

Will the right hon. Gentleman see that all assessments as provided by law are approved by the District Commisisoners. Is he aware that a number of assessments have not been so approved?

I am going to make a full statement on this matter on Monday, and I will certainly see that the assessments shall be properly issued and approved.

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether inspectors of taxes are instructed that under the Income Tax Act cottages must be assessed at a rack rent and that therefore any cottages built by landowners for working men in the year 1919, on the lines recommended by the then Prime Minister and in accord with public desire that the dwellings of the poor should be improved, must be assessed on the basis of a rent which would be paid for a model cottage by a tenant in better circumstances to whom such a cottage would be an attractive dwelling; whether he is aware that such cottages have been assessed under the present revised assessment as high as £35 per annum; and whether he will give instructions to the inspectors of taxes that cottages that are in fact occupied by working men shall be assessed at such a rent as a working man could reasonably be able to pay?

The present re-assessment for Income Tax purposes records the annual value of property or, broadly speaking, the annual rent which is paid under an ordinary tenancy. In the cases to which my hon. and gallant Friend refers, the rents paid for the cottages would thus normally determine the annual value for Income Tax purposes, and in the case of such cottages as may be occupied rent free by estate employés the annual value would be determined by reference to the rents paid for similar cottages similarly occupied in the vicinity. If my hon. and gallant Friend has in mind any case in which it is considered that this basis has not been followed and will let me have the necessary particulars I will gladly have the matter investigated and communicate to him the result.

asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury if he is prepared to consider investing the local inspectors of taxes with discretionary power to vary the rule under which Inhabited House Duty is assessed, so that a tenant may be assessed on the gross rental he is paying, irrespective of the assessed annual value under Schedule A, provided that the inspector is satisfied that the case is bona fide.

I regret that I cannot see my way to adopt my hon. and gallant Friend's suggestion, but I should be glad if he would await the discussion on this matter next week.

asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury whether he will consider charging Inhabited House Duty on the net value rather than on the gross value of property?

Notice has been given to move a new Clause on this subject in the Committee stage of the Finance Bill. I should prefer to defer any statement pending the Debate.

Reparations

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what is the total amount paid in reparations to the Allied and Associated Powers to date by Austria, Hungary, Bulgaria, and Turkey, respectively; and how much of this has been received by His Majesty's Government?

As the answer is a long one, I propose to circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Following is the answer :—

At the 30th April, 1923, the latest date for which information is available, Austria had, I am informed, made deliveries in kind consisting of ships, rolling stock, submarine cables, etc., to an estimated value of 19,500,000 gold crowns. (At par £1 sterling equals 24·02 gold crowns.) I understand that at the same date Hungary had made deliveries of ships, cattle, coal, etc., to an estimated value of 39,400,000 gold crowns. No account is taken in the foregoing state- ment of substantial payments made towards the costs of the local Commissions of Control and of the Reparation Commission. Considerable credits will further be due to Austria and Hungary in respect of the rolling stock of the former Austro-Hungarian system which is being allotted to States receiving Austrian or Hungarian territory by a special Commission set up in terms of the Treaties.

I am informed that Bulgaria has made the deliveries of cattle prescribed by the first paragraph of Article 127 of the Treaty of Neuilly and has also delivered coal under Article 128 of the Treaty. The Treaty lays it down, however, that no credit is to be given for these deliveries in reparation account, and they have not, therefore, been the subject of an official valuation. Certain credits will eventually be due to Bulgaria in respect of Armistice deliveries and sales of surplus War material, but these have not yet been assessed.

Great Britain has not retained any part of the deliveries made by Austria, Hungary, and Bulgaria.

In estimating the reparation deliveries made by these States, account must also be taken of the value of the Government properties situated in the territories ceded by them to Roumania, Serbia, Italy, Czecho-Slovakia, Greece, and Poland, for which credit falls to be given in reparation account under the respective Treaties. The valuation of these properties by the Reparation Commission has not yet been completed, and no official estimate of their value can in consequence be given, but I understand that the claims for credit under this head put forward by Austria, Hungary and Bulgaria themselves are as follows:

Austria, 35 milliard gold crowns.

Hungary, 9 milliard 7 hundred million gold crowns.

Bulgaria, 275 million gold leva (at par £1 equals 25·22 gold leva).

I should add that I am informed that the counter-valuations submitted to the Reparation Commission by the Allied Powers to whom the properties are ceded are much lower than the above figures in each case.

As regards Turkey, no statement is possible, pending the conclusion of a Treaty of Peace.

Beer Gravity (Branding of Vessels)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he will initiate legislation requiring that all vessels containing beer sold and delivered from any brewery in Great Britain or Northern Ireland shall have the gravity of the contents thereof marked upon the exterior of all such vessels in figures and letters not less than one inch in length?

On what grounds is a distinction drawn in this respect between beer and Scotch whiskey?

I do not know, but I have made inquiry as to the desirability of doing what the hon. Member suggests as regards beer, and I am informed that it would bring back the old system of control, which we had during the War, and of which we were all very glad to get rid.

Is the right hon. Gentleman not aware that there is a legal provision requiring that on every vessel containing whiskey the strength of the whiskey should be stated, and that this applies to all liquors except beer?

I am not sure how far the hon. Member is correct in his statement as to vessels containing whiskey. Though I have not much to do with it myself, I believe that there are many vessels which do not contain the statement.

Governor of Northern Ireland (Income Tax)

asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury whether the salary of the Governor of Northern Ireland of £8,000 a year, from which he is required to pay the salaries of his personal staff, is subject to payment of Income Tax and Super-tax at the full rate?

Rule 10 of Schedule E to the Income Tax Act, 1918, provides that where the Treasury are satisfied that any class of persons in receipt of salary from public funds are obliged to spend money out of such salary wholly, necessarily and exclusively in the performance of the duties for which their salary is paid, the Treasury may direct that a sum equivalent, in their opinion, to the amount so spent should be treated as free of Income Tax and Super-tax. The Governor of Northern Ireland is, in my opinion, entitled to the benefit of this provision, which was formerly applied to the office of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and after careful consideration I have come to the conclusion that an allowance of £6,000 should be made, leaving £2,000 subject to Income Tax and Super-tax in the ordinary way I should say that in stating during the Debate on the Irish Free State (Consequential Provisions) Bill on the 27th November last that the Governor of Northern Ireland would have to pay Income Tax and Super-tax at the full rate on his salary, my hon. and gallant Friend the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies possibly overlooked the provision to which I have referred, and I am glad, therefore, of the opportunity to remove any misapprehension which may have arisen.

Is there any reason why Northern Ireland should not pay for its own governor?

Will the same treatment be given to senior officers who have served the State on the Rhine?

Small Holdings, Surrey

asked the Minister of Agriculture the number of unsatisfied applicants for small holdings in Surrey, giving ex-service men and non-ex-service men separately, and the acreage applied for by these men; whether he has advised the Surrey County Council to dispose of any land it had purchased for settling smallholders; and, if so, the name and acreage of the land?

As this answer necessarily contains a number of figures, I will, with the hon. Member's permission, circulate the answer in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

——

Approved after interview, not yet provided with holdings.

Waiting interview or standing over.

No.

Acres.

No.

Acres.

Ex-service men who applied on or before 1st December, 1920.

43

425

20

284

Ex-service men who applied after the 1st December, 1920.

21

55

97

135

Civilians

69

692

71

481

As the hon. Member is aware, any ex-service men who desired to avail themselves of the preference given to such men over civilians under the Government scheme were required to send in their applications before the 1st December, 1920.

In reply to the second part of the question, the Ministry has advised the Council to dispose of the Clockhouse Farm, Woodmansterne, comprising some 450 acres, inasmuch as the Ministry is informed that the requirements of the suitable ex-service applicants who are entitled to a preference in the provision of small holdings can be met on other properties acquired by the Council for the purpose, and as the heavy loss which the Council will incur if they equip and let the Clockhouse Farm in small holdings to civilian applicants is not one which the Exchequer can undertake to bear.

Imperial Economic Conference

asked the Minister of Agriculture whether, in view of the vital interest to British agriculture of some of the subjects to be discussed at the Imperial Economic Conference and the absence of any representative of that industry upon the advisory committee recently appointed by the Government, he will himself form an advisory committee of representative agriculturists to assist him in the matter both now and during the sittings of the Conference?

I fully recognise the importance of the matter to which my hon. Friend calls attention, and I propose

Following is the answer:

The following are the particulars required of the number of applicants for small holdings in Surrey:

to consult the statutory Agricultural Advisory Committee set up under the Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries Act, 1919, in regard to any matters to be discussed at the Imperial Economic Conference which may affect the interests of agriculture.

Does the right hon. Gentleman propose to summon a special meeting of the advisory committee, as the President of the Board of Trade has summoned a meeting of the committee in connection with his Department?

Post Office

County Hall, Westminster

asked the Postmaster-General why his Department has refused to establish a proper post office at the new County Hall, Westminster Bridge; whether he is aware that the two nearest post offices to the County Hall are sub-post offices, which are closed on the early-closing day; and whether, in the interest of telegraphic and postal facilities required for the large business of the London County Council, he will further consider the establishment of a post office in this building or of a proper district post office in the neighbourhood?

I am advised that the post office accommodation in this neighbourhood is adequate to the needs of the locality. The establishment of a special office at the County Hall would entail a large additional annual expenditure, but in order to meet the views of the County Council my predecessor offered to open and staff an office if the County Council would provide suitable accommodation free of charge. The Council were, however, unable to accept this offer. The early-closing day at the nearest sub-office to the County Hall was altered from Thursday to Saturday to meet the convenience of the Council.

Elections (Workers' Regulations)

asked the Postmaster-General whether he will consider abolishing the regulations whereby post office workers are prohibited from taking part in either Parliamentary or municipal elections?

Post office servants are not prohibited from taking part in Parliamentary elections, provided that they maintain the reserve which is expected of all civil servants in political matters, and take no action incompatible with their post office duties.

What I want to know is whether the right hon. Gentleman will abolish these regulations or not. The right hon. Gentleman has not answered that question.

I shall have great pleasure in sending the hon. Gentleman a copy of the regulations.

Does the right hon. Gentleman's answer apply also to municipal elections? I think the right hon. Gentleman did not answer that part of the question.

The case of municipal elections is somewhat different. An official of the Department may become a candidate for or serve upon a municipal council.

Would a post office official be allowed to take the chair at a meeting?

I think I had better send the hon. Gentleman a copy of the regulations.

Will my right hon. Friend place a copy of the regulations in the Library, for the convenience of Members?

Building Materials (Prices)

asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware that since the announcement of the Government's intention with regard to housing the prices of building materials have advanced to a figure which would more than absorb the entire subsidy; whether he has any information to show that this advance is due solely to the increased demand consequent on stimulated activity in the building trade; and whether, if he has reason to suppose that the increases are due to price manipulation by building rings, he will state what steps the Government proposes to take to combat this movement?

I understand that there have recently been increases in the prices of certain building materials, but I think that my hon. Friend is misinformed as to the extent of these increases. The Committee which is now sitting have the whole matter under consideration, and on the receipt of their report my right hon. Friend will consider what action, if any, is necessary.

Will that Report be published or shall we know at all what they are doing?

I am afraid I cannot answer that question before the Report has been received.

Has the right hon. Gentleman seen the report of the speech made by the convenor of the Housing Committee of the London County Council on this matter?

Enemy Action Claims

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether his attention has been called to the fact that claims made to the Reparations Claims Department have in many cases not been acknowledged after the lapse of months; and whether he can give directions that on the receipt of a claim an acknowledgment should at once be sent to the claimant?

I would refer the hon. Member to the last paragraph of the answer I gave to the hon. and gallant Member for Torquay Division of Devonshire (Sir C. Burn), on the 27th March, of which I am sending him a copy. The position, in short, is that since last February some 35,000 New Claims have been received by the Reparation Claims Department. This has inevitably caused congestion, but the staff of the Reparation Claims Department has been increased and a separate section has been established which is dealing with the accumulation of belated claims as rapidly as possible.

Is there any prospect of a further grant to meet these new claims as soon as they have been duly scheduled?

Is the noble Lord aware that a large number of seamen who sent in applications for new forms, having been unable to get them before, have not had any acknowledgment?

As I endeavoured to explain in the answer to the original question, the number of applications has been so great that it has been impossible for the Department to cope with them as expeditiously as we should have liked. We are taking steps to increase the staff in order to cope with them.

Is the Noble Lord aware that through the neglect of the Government to advertise in the right journals, many people have been prevented from becoming aware of the way in which to make their claims?

The original question deals only with the acknowledgment of claims, and these other questions do not arise.

River Kelvin (Floods)

asked the Under-Secretary to the Scottish Board of Health if he is aware of the loss of national resources occasioned by the con- tinual flooding of the River Kelvin between Kelvinhead and the weir at Killermont; that thousands of acres otherwise suitable for agriculture or as pasture land are at present useless because of this flooding; that the present system of land ownership with its large number of proprietors renders a remedy difficult unless by State action or initiative; if he will consider a scheme, drawn up by a competent engineer, whereby at a very small cost much land could be reclaimed and made available for food production; and if, by a conference of proprietors, or, failing that, State acquisition of the land, he will take steps in the matter?

In reply to the first two parts of the question, I would refer the hon. Member to the reply which I gave to his question on 26th April. I understand that the estimated area of the land which cannot be put to the best agricultural use owing to liability to flooding is from 600 to 1,000 acres. Under the existing law, any persons interested in the lands concerned may apply to the Sheriff for authority to execute a scheme of improvement subject to compensation for any damage occasioned to other persons. Neither the Board of Agriculture nor any other Department has any power to carry out a scheme or to intervene in such proceedings. In the circumstances, the taking of any steps for the preparation or consideration of a scheme and for the convening of any conference appear to be matters for the proprietors concerned.

Did I understand the hon. and gallant Gentleman to say that there were only 600 acres involved?

Cotton Marking (United States)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if his attention has been called to the Act for marking cotton, called the Fulmer Act, passed by Congress at Washington; if he is aware that this Act is prejudicial to British buyers of American cotton; and if it is intended to take any action?

The answers to all three parts of the question are in the affirmative. A delegation from the Liverpool Cotton Association is now at Washington, and a number of conferences with the United States authorities and interests concerned have been arranged through His Majesty's Embassy.

Serbia (Pre-War Debts)

asked the Undersecretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he is aware of the Serbian Government's decree whereby Serbian debtors are required to pay creditors at the rate of exchange of 26·10 for pre-War outstandings; that Serbian firms have notified English merchants of the payment into the Belgrade commercial tribunal in discharge of their debts at this rate, equal to only 6 per cent. of the invoice debts; and whether steps will be taken to assist British creditors to recover these debts in full, together with nine years' interest?

The position in regard to pre-War debte in Serbia is substantially as given in the first two parts of the question. His Majesty's Government have repeatedly made strong representations against the legislation which sanctions such an inequitable arrangement, though so far without success.

League Gf Nations (Opium Advisory Committee)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether the representatives of the Government of India on the Advisory Committee on Opium of the League of Nations made any reservations in accepting the American principles with regard to the interpretation of The Hague Opium Convention; and, if so, for what reason did the Government of India adopt a different attitude from that of the other delegates, who accepted the principles without reservation.

The hon. Member is mistaken in supposing that the American principles met with unanimous acceptance from all countries except the Indian Government. Certain other countries made a reservation regarding the use of opium prepared for smoking. The Indian reservation was to the effect that the use of raw opium, according to the established practice in India and its production for such use, are not illegitimate under the Convention. The reason for this is the fact that insistence on a medical prescription to enable raw opium to be used for medical or quasi-medical purposes would be impracticable in India.

Royal Navy (Children's Allowance)

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty whether he is aware that a sailor is entitled to an allowance of 6s 6d. for his first child and 4s. 6d. for his second child, making 11s., but if his wife happens to have been married before to another sailor and borne two children by him the present husband must consider his first-born child as his third and his second as his fourth, and be content with receiving 2s. for each of them; and will he look into this matter?

The arrangement referred to is confined to cases in which the stepchildren are in receipt of a pension in respect of their deceased father. This pension is generally at a higher rate than the marriage allowance payable in respect of children of serving sailors. By this arrangement the largest possible benefit accrues to the family.

May I ask the hon. and gallant Gentleman whether or not the husband of the woman is getting a lower pension because she happens to have been married before and has children by her first husband?

Under this arrangement it pays a family, as things are at present, to receive a pension and a lower children's allowance for the children of the second marriage; they get better terms.

Business of the House

Will the Prime Minister tell the House what business it is proposed to take next week?

The programme is:

Monday and Tuesday: Finance Bill; Committee. According to the arrangement made across the Floor of the House, we shall complete the Committee stage by midnight on Tuesday.

Wednesday: Housing, etc. (No. 2) Bill. Report stage.

Thursday: It has been arranged that the Second Reading of the Coal Mines (Minimum Wage) Amendment Bill shall be taken this day instead of Supply.

Friday: Second Readings of Universities of Oxford and Cambridge Bill [ Lords ], Administration of Justice Bill [ Lords ], and Criminal Justice Bill [ Lords ].

If one day is not sufficient to conclude the Report stage of the Housing (No. 2) Bill, will further time be given, and is the Thursday debate on the Mines Bill in diminution of the twenty-one days of Supply which the right hon. Gentleman was good enough to say that he would give us?

In reply to the first question, I have to say that we hope one day will be sufficient. If it is not, of course, the question will arise again. With regard to Thursday's debate, the position is as I announced the other day—that we set aside twenty-one days for Supply. Twenty days is the statutory allowance. It is, therefore, open to any party in the House which cares to surrender one of its Supply days to do so in order to make time for something else that they prefer to raise, and that is what has occurred on this occasion.

Does the right hon. Gentleman say that it is open to any party in the House to surrender a Supply day? Is he not aware of the fact that a Supply day does not belong to any party, but to the general body of Members of the House?

There are only twenty statutory days for Supply. If the Opposition choose to surrender the twenty-first day, they are quite at liberty to do so.

Is it not the fact that the whole House, not a single party, had the promise of twenty-one days for Supply? Is it fair to other hon. Members if a single party, and that not by any means a large party, should impose its will on the whole House?

In view of the promise given by the Government to provide facilities for the Intoxicating Liquor (Sale to Persons under Eighteen) Bill which I introduced, could the Prime Minister give me any information as to when it will be taken?

The hon. and gallant Member for Leith (Captain Benn) will recognise that the circumstances of the present Parliament are very peculiar: there are so many Oppositions. After all, the 21st was a day given to the official Opposition and I suppose the official Opposition can surrender it.

Is it not possible to find another day for this important Bill, which the Opposition wish to discuss, and not to deprive the general body of Members of the House of the 21 days for Supply promised by the Government?

Is the Prime Minister aware of the very strong feeling in every party on this side of the House that it is essential to have two Supply days for Scotland?

Is the Prime Minister not aware that there is a general feeling among a large number of Members that many of the Supply days are used for the discussion of subjects in which the large mass of the people of the country are not interested, and does not this Bill refer to subjects which deal with the lives of the great masses of the people?

Will the right hon. Gentleman take into consideration the fact that there is no question that could more fittingly claim the time of this House than the miners' position at this moment?

Could I have an answer from the Prime Minister to my question? A promise was given that facilities would be provided for the Bill which I introduced, a Bill which was backed by a huge majority of the House. Will he let me know when it will be taken?

I have already promised that the Government will afford facilities.

With regard to Supply days, in view of the way in which the official Opposition has assisted the Government in getting through the Committee stage of the Finance Bill, could the Prime Minister not see his way to safeguard the rights of the House in Supply and at the same time give opportunity for the discussion of the Minimum Wage Bill?

Is not the position this, that on that Thursday we were to put down the Mines Vote as Supply, which would have confined us to the discussion of administration only, whereas the arrangement now is that we will be able to discuss administration just as freely as under Supply, plus legislation, because the Bill has been put down instead.

The hon. Gentleman has correctly stated the position. With regard to Scottish Estimates, I shall be only too willing to give as many days to Scottish supply as are possible.

In view of the agreement between the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition, should not the Opposition join the Government?

Official Report (Circulation to Members)

May I ask you, Mr. Speaker, whether you are now in a position to give us your decision with regard to the supply of copies of the OFFICIAL REPORT to the Vote Office?

The Committee over which the hon. and gallant Member for Finsbury (Lieut.-Colonel Archer-Shee) presides has been good enough, at my request, to look into this question of the supply of extra copies of the OFFICIAL REPORT. On the advice that they have given to me, I have after consideration, given instructions that one extra copy of the OFFICIAL REPORT shall be available to Members in the Vote Office.

I have also the assent of the Postmaster-General that, if required, it will be possible to frank that copy, but the franking must be confined to one additional copy for each Member of the House.

The Committee to which I refer, in their Report to me also raised the question of the cost of the OFFICIAL REPORT. That is not a matter in regard to which I have any authority. I have, therefore, sent on that part of their Report to the Treasury, for consideration.

Mines (Working Facilities and Support) Bill [Lords]

Reported, with Amendments, from Standing Committee B.

Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.

Minutes of the Proceedings of the Standing Committee to be printed.

Bill, as amended ( in the Standing Committee ), to be taken into consideration upon Monday next, and to be printed. [Bill 163.]

Message from the Lords

That they have passed a Bill, intituled, "An Act for the prevention of abuses in connection with the grant of honours." [Honours (Prevention of Abuses) Bill [ Lords. ]

And also, a Bill, intituled, "An Act to empower the Mayor, Aldermen, and Burgesses of the borough of Chatham to construct street improvements and to make further provision with regard to the health, local government, and improvement of the borough; and for other purposes." [Chatham Corporation Bill [ Lords. ]

CHATHAM CORPORATION BILL [Lords]

Read the first time; and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills.

Education (Employment of Young Persons) Bill,

"to amend the Education Act, 1921," presented by Lord HENRY CAVENDISH-BENTINCK; to be read a Second time upon Monday next, and to be printed. [Bill 164.]

Selection (Standing Committees)

Standing Committee B

Sir SAMUEL ROBERTS reported from the Committee of Selection; That they had discharged the following Members from Standing Committee B: Sir George Berry, Sir Arthur Steel-Maitland, and Mr. Samuel Roberts.

Sir SAMUEL ROBERTS further reported from the Committee: That they had added the following Member to Standing Committee B: Mr. Skelton.

Standing Committee A

Sir SAMUEL ROBERTS further reported from the Committee; That they had added the following Members to Standing Committee A: Sir James Bruton, Sir Burton Chadwick, Mr. Clayton, Brigadier-General Colvin, Mr. Houfton, and Sir Frank Sanderson.

Reports to lie upon the Table.

Orders of the Day

Supply

[10TH ALLOTTED DAY.]

Considered in Committee.

[Mr. JAMES HOPE in the Chair.]

Civil Services and Revenue Departments Estimates, 1923–24

Class II

India Office

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a sum, not exceeding £80,000, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1924, for a Contribution towards the Cost of the Department of His Majesty's Secretary of State for India in Council, including a Grant-in-Aid."—[NOTE: £40,000 has been voted on account.]

I beg to move to reduce the Vote by £100.

I do so for the purpose of challenging the act of the Indian Government which has had the assent and support of the Home Government, namely, the certification of the Indian Finance Act this year by the Governor-General, by which act he has over-ridden the will of the Legislative Assembly of India. I want to make it clear at the outset that the question which we shall be discussing on this Amendment is not primarily the merits or the demerits of the doubling of the Salt Duty—that is no doubt important, but it is of secondary relevance—but the main issue to-day is the constitutional justice and the administrative wisdom in the use of the final and emergency power which the Governor-General has in reserve. Nobody denies or challenges the right of the Governor-General to certify Bills and to pass them over the head of the Legislative Assembly. He has that power, as the Government of India Act says, for the "safety, tranquillity and interests of British India." We say that in that new order of politics, which has been established in India, which implied confidence in the Indian people and which was directed to the development of self-government in India, the use of these exceptional and autrocratic reserve powers by the Governor-General could not have been intended and were not intended for the ordinary and unavoidable collisions which there must be between an executive and a legislature, and that they ought only to be used to save the Government from wreckage in some very supreme crisis. It is barely two years since the first Assembly met. When it met, Sir Malcolm Hailey, who is the Home Member, inaugurated the first Budget discussion in the Indian Assembly with these words: raise the duty upon machinery, iron and steel from 2½ to 10 per cent.; they proposed to raise the duty on foreign sugar cane from 15 to 25 per cent.; they proposed to double the tax on matches; they proposed a new duty of 5 per cent. on imported yarns; they proposed an increased duty on luxury articles from 20 to 30 per cent.; they proposed increased duties on alcoholic liquors; and they proposed an increase in Income Tax and Super-tax. The Indian Assembly, as I understand, agreed to all those things. The one thing to which they refused to agree was to double the Salt Tax. They rejected the one proposal of the Government to double the Salt Tax. On that occasion, namely, last year, the Government acquiesced, although that loft an unbalanced Budget to the tune of £6,000,000—no doubt a quite serious thing for the Government to have to do.

Then came the Budget of this year. The situation was far less serious financially. The deficit was £2,500,000 or less. The Government, knowing the dislike of the Legislative Assembly to the Salt Tax, offered no alternative proposal, and this proposal was rejected by the Assembly by 59 votes to 44. The Viceroy promptly certified the Bill with the Salt Duty included in it. Again, the Legislative Assembly refused to pass it by 58 votes to 47, and he used his powers and passed the Act over their heads. Thus the will of Lord Reading was made to prevail against the vast majority of Indian votes in the Indian Assembly. In fact, the majority against the Bill was much greater, because of the 44 votes in the minority, 24 were official English votes and had to vote as the Government asked them to do; only 11 of the votes against the Indian point of view were independent Indians; and even out of the eight independent English who voted, two voted for the Indian point of view. The Committee, no doubt, will have read Lord Reading's justification which he has issued. He has pleaded the necessity of balancing the Budget. He has pleaded the imperative need of the Indian Government to be able to borrow easily here and elsewhere. There is no one who denies a large amount of truth in what Lord Reading claims. But even Lord Reading's apprehensions hardly make out a case for immediate and unavoidable disaster if the course which he insisted on be not taken. As I have pointed out, there was a deficit of £6,000,000 last year, and the heavens did not fall. There is a deficit of only £2,500,000 this year. Moreover, the deficit is very largely of a temporary kind. I am going to listen with great interest to what the Under-Secretary of State for India says to-day, but there are indications in the newspapers that he is going to talk about further economies that there are going to be in the Indian Government. It is expected in India that there are going to be further economies, far more than the £2,500,00 deficit. It is not at all true that the attitude of the Indian Assembly is resistance to taxation as taxation. It is resistance to the Salt Tax During the debate proposals, which of course could not take any concrete form to be voted on in the Legislative Assembly, were made in many directions and met with a great deal of approval among the native Indians. For instance, there was a tax on the export of petrol suggested, and a further surcharge on the Income Tax and an import duty on commercial silver were also proposed. All these things could have been considered as alternatives, and, being financial alternatives which at any rate a large number of the Indian members were ready to consider, it is not fair to say that a final emergency had arisen of a kind in which the Governor-General ought to have used his powers.

Perhaps the action of the Governor-General may have resulted in some financial gain. I ask the Committee to consider whether it is worth the political danger which his action implied. The Salt Duty has in India an evil name and an oppressive record. A succession of British rulers have denounced and reduced it even at a time when there were far fewer other taxes upon commodities used by the poor in India than there are at the present time. In the emergency of the War the Salt Tax was raised, I think I am right in saying, to the same figure to which the Government propose to raise is now, but even then it was raised by slow stages and not in one sweep as at the present time. It is no use saying that for each individual family in India the Salt Tax is a very small thing. Where wages are from 5 to 10 annas a day per family, half and quarter annas matter. One thing is quite certain. The intense social repugnance which there is in India among the mass of the population for the Salt Tax, and that ought to have been enough for the Government. What the Corn Tax was to Englishmen in the hungry 'forties the Salt Tax is to the common people of India to-day. You may call it prejudice or what you like, but there it is. We say that the political effect of what has been done is entirely disastrous.

India is passing through a critical time. No one will disagree with that statement. The great problem before us is: Will these great concessions that the British people have made towards self-government in India succeed? Will the new order be accepted? Will it lead to greater self-government and to order and tranquillity? The situation is very difficult, and for this reason: that a very large part, probably the larger part, of the Indian population is either sceptical or hostile in regard to the reforms the new assemblies, and the new forms of Government in India. The genuineness of British intentions has been doubted by masses of Indians. It has been said that it was a mock change, and that there was going to be no real change. That is well known, I think, to be the attitude of masses of the Indian population. But there was a section, a large, important, and powerful section of the Indian population that entered into the new scheme with zeal. They had faith in the promises of the British Government. After all, that is the only part of the Indian population through whom we can work—through those who have accepted in good faith the new sort of government. The faith of those Indians who accepted the reforms has been very sorely tried. They were very much disappointed at the previous certification of the Protection against Disaffection Act which we discussed earlier in this Session. But it now appears that certification on the part of the Government is becoming a habit. If so, if whenever the Indian Assembly refuses to accept the policy of the Government, the Government is going to override its action, well then, it is only the old autocracy with a Parliamentary cloak on. The Indian Assembly becomes a mere debating society, offering advice, but with no power or prospective power.

There is one thing certain about the present situation. That is the way in which this action of the Government has been received so far as the Indian sections of the population are concerned. Whether they are those who distrusted the Government from the first, or those who tried to trust us to work these assemblies, there is absolute unanimity about this question. The thing is very serious. In the Assembly which has been trying to work these proposals there are already two members who have resigned owing to the demand of their indignant constituents. There are two other members who have resigned of their own accord. There are those who, I understand—and I have no reason to doubt it—are waiting till they see the result of the vote here to-night. There are other indications—I am dealing with that part of the population that has been helping us and helping the British Government to work. I have here a Resolution passed by the Deccan Sabha, which is an association that has taken a leading position in urging constitutional development and loyal cooperation with the British Government. It says of this, and says perfectly truly:

The truth is that there really is a danger that the whole structure may be very soon tottering. I ask the Government not to take this matter lightly. I wish sincerely that the Prime Minister, if he can do nothing else, will give some indication that when the new Assembly is elected, if holding strongly the same view as the old Assembly, the Government might reconsider the question. That, at least, will be something. I say the situation is serious, because the real thing that is at issue in the minds of great masses of Indians is whether the British Government is to be trusted. That is the real and vital issue. In this House, when the Government of India Bill was passing, Mr. Montagu spoke as follows:

The only way, if we are going in the other direction, if that is really still the intention of the Government—I believe it still to be the intention of the Government—is to make the people of India feel that they really can see clearly ahead, even if it is some way off, the chance of self-government for themselves. They have been told it is there. They were told in the most solemn way that people were ever told that they were to look ahead and to expect it. The Duke of Connaught, speaking in the name of the King, said:

I beg to support the Amendment. The problem with which this House is faced is not the tax which has been laid upon the Indian people That may be economically justified. The real issue is, that the Imperial Government, through its representatives and against the widespread and passionate resentment of the Indian people, have imposed this tax upon them, a tax which they regard—rightly or wrongly—as an odious and unjust tax. The feelings of the Indian people have been made abundantly manifest on this matter. The agitation on the Salt Tax has raised a more bitter feeling than has been seen for more than a generation. The Indian people have, as my hon. Friend said, proved that they are desirous of cooperating with the Government in the financial crisis through which India like other countries is passing. They have time after time faced the financial situation with a considerable amount of bravery, and consented to levying taxes upon themselves which seem to us to have merited for them more consideration than they are now receiving. On this matter of the Salt Tax they have stood firm and said they cannot consent to this tax being levied upon their people, and so, for an entirely inadequate reason, the Government of India has seen fit to revive this old controversy, and by so doing they have intensified every difficulty that has to be faced and have provoked a large measure of resentment.

The criticism we are making on this imposition of the Salt Tax must not be taken as casting any reflection upon the honour or capacity or the good faith of the Viceroy himself. Many of us have known him as a great figure in our National life, and the last thing we should desire to do would be to do that. He has great responsibilities to face, and no one doubts that what he has done represents his best judgment. But we too have responsibilities in this House, and according as we see those responsibilities we feel that we are right in protesting against this summary method of treating the aspirations of the Indian people. What has happened is more likely to imperil the prestige of the British people in India than anything that has happened for some conisderable time.

In the long run we cannot hold India by the force of the bayonet but we hold it by something stronger, what we may call moral force. It has so happened that the British word has been a most pawerful factor in binding the people of India to this country, and in no country in the world is the statement that the British word is the British bond of greater currency and more widely accepted. It seems to me that this immense trust in British justice and impartiality, which has been won by a devoted civil service and by an impartial con- sideration of their difficulties, ought not to be imperilled in this way because it is worth to us more than many armies established on the basis of force. It seems that we are now gambling with our most precious security. Let me repeat what my hon. Friend stated as to our defiinte promise to the Indian people. Sir Malcolm Hailey, in presenting the first budget of the Assembly, stated that:

An issue of very great moment has occurred. I think they deserve better treatment at our hands because they have consented to this levying of taxation upon themselves. They have faced these things with courage and willingness, but on the matter of the Salt Tax they have said, "Here we must stand firm because it affects the health of our people in every way." It may be said that no other method was available for meeting this deficit, but if the Geddes' axe had been applied to the Indian spending Departments it might possibly have been found that this £2,000,000 could have been saved without gambling with Indian feelings in this matter. Last year what could have been done? India is a member of the League of Nations, and yet 45 per cent. of her income is devoted to military expenditure. The Indian people say that this vast amount of military expenditure is entirely unnecessary, and they think, and have not infrequently said so, that what is really happening is that England is making India nurse and train her army not for needs in India but for service elsewhere. It is for that reason, that is the imposition of a great military expenditure upon India, that the Indian Budget will not balance.

Then comes the question of their ability to pay. I think I might almost make the speech that will be made in answer to these criticisms It will be said that, after all, it is only a matter of three annas, or some other very small sum, small perhaps to us, but not in relation to the amount which the Indian people earn. The average income of the Indian people has been put at between 27 and 60 rupees. I will assume that it is 50 rupees, and if this amount is spent in commodities, it works out that the Indian peasants could not afford more than one meal per day on those earnings. Under such conditions man have to be very careful, not only of the annas, but of the fractions of annas. It must be remembered that the Indian people require a bigger proportion of salt than the rich do in this country. The nature of their food involves this. They want salt for their animals and fish-curing pursuits. What has happened is, that we have passed back to something like autocracy. This growing and aspiring people have had their wishes overthrown in this way, and yet they were distinctly promised by the Duke of Connaught, in his speech at the opening of the Assembly on the 9th February, 1921, that that would not take place. This is what His Royal Highness said: and that henceforth the future of the Indian people was in their own hands. Then there is the time which has been chosen for the elections to take place. The Indian elections are to take place in October next, and the Government have chosen this time, above all other times, to arouse hostility in this way. What has happened has been that this has united the various factions in India into a unity by which it will challenge the Government rule on this matter. I only desire in conclusion to say that, as we look at it, this tax is not only vicious in principle, but it is bad in application. It offends against the fundamental canon of taxation that taxes should be placed upon those who are most capable of bearing them. It revives old hatreds and it provokes new antipathies. It is a danger to our future in India and to the well-being of an industrious and an ancient people. They are people whose sole court of appeal in time of trouble is, after all, to the conscience of this House, where these issues have to be decided.

This is probably not merely the only occasion which during the present Session Indian affairs as a whole will come before a Committee of this House, but it is probably one of the few occasions upon which we shall have an Indian debate at all. I am not quite sure whether I ought to be glad or sorry for that state of affairs, but it is undoubtedly a most striking tribute to the great improvement in the conditions prevailing in India in the last year, and the consequent reduction of anxiety in this House as to the position there, that Indian affairs no longer figure as they used to do 18 months or two years ago on every Adjournment Motion and in every Address. I have no doubt the Patronage Secretary is duly grateful for that, because my experience is that they endeavour to curtail, rather than widen, the area of debate. A Secretary of State for India or the Under-Secretary finds himself in some difficulty on the day the Estimates are taken. In order to make an adequate presentation of Indian affairs he has to ask the Committee to allow him to take up a larger share of their time than I personally care to do, although I fear that I must ask permission to be allowed to do so to-day, for while as a general rule on Indian affairs he is speaking to a relatively small audience actually within this Chamber—to-day is no exception to that rule—he is addressing at the same time through his speech a very large audience outside, more especially in India, and therefore he must be careful to make his meaning clear to that audience outside as well as to the audience inside. He must even bear in mind that the extremist element in India will twist every word of his which they can into a weapon with which to attack the Government of India. Therefore he will be wise to endeavour to relieve the tedium of his by a few rays of humour thrown on the solid mass of facts and statistics which he has to present to the Committee and he must be careful not to make too many jokes or he will be accused in India of being frivolous, and he must remember that the Indian sense of humour though pronounced is quite distinct from ours, just as what bores an American amuses an Englishman, and vice versa. Finally whereas most other Ministers have plenty of opportunities of speaking this is almost the only opportunity open to him. If any of them makes a bad speech on any occasion—I do not suggest that that ever happens in this Government—they can retrieve it on the next occasion, and what they lose on the swings they can make up on the roundabounts. But the Parliamentary Under-Secretary for India has only this one chance. By it he is judged, and on it, like the Derby dog, he comes for a brief space into the full glare of publicity to retire perhaps for ever into the shade. I am, however, fortunate to-day in being able to start on a subject, that of the Salt Tax, on which I have the clearest of lines and the easiest of answers. Before I do so I should like to say that, although I differ from almost every word that was said by the hon. Gentlemen who proposed and seconded the Reduction of the Vote, I hope they will not think I am impertinent if I pay a tribute to the studied moderation with which they put an important case—a moderation which I gladly recognise. In reference to the argument put forward for the reduction of the Vote I am not content to rely only on the undoubted fact that the Viceroy's action is fully justified by the provisions of the Govern- ment of India Act, that, in other words, Parliament, in the Act of 1919, presumably with its eyes open, invested the holder of his office with the powers which he exercised when he certified the Salt Tax. I will say a word about that later on, but still it is plainly obvious. What is less obvious, but is equally true, that the power to be held in reserve but to be used if required, is a necessary and inherent part in the present stage of constitutional development in India.

India has not got full responsible government. We all hope she will win her place amongst the self-governing Dominions of the Empire, and that hope has found expression in the Government of India Act, 1919. But that Act did not, of course, give immediate self-government, nor did it hold out any promise that self-government would be granted automatically on any arbitrary date irrespective of the degree of progress shown. There are people in India and in this country—both those who look at the matter from the extreme right and those who look at it from the extreme left, who pretend, in the case of the former, that India has got responsible self-government and, in the case of the latter, that although she has not got responsible self-government she was promised it. The object of both parties is obvious. The extreme right, appealing generally to a section of opinion here, wish to prove that we foolishly, in a flash, abandoned our duty to settle India on the path of responsible government and helping her to pass along it, by giving it to her before she could exercise it wisely. The extreme left, many of whom are to be found outside this House, appealing to a section, and only a section, in India, wish to prove that we have broken our promises by failing to concede that which we never promised. Both sets of critics are hopelessly and, I fear in some cases, wilfully wrong. I am here this afternoon at this Table representing the Secretary of State, and I must resist absolutely this pressure on the Government from the right and from the left of both sets of critics. The Governor-General is invested with these powers by an Act passed by this House without a Division. I believe, if my memory serves me correctly, it was passed nemine contradicente.

I should like now to invite the attention of the Committee to the Report of the Select Joint Committee which was set up under the Act immediately after the Act was passed. I will quote from page 9 of that Report what I think is one of the strongest buttresses of the case I have to put forward. The Committee said: responsibility for so doing. I am very glad to learn, seeing that the hon. Gentleman shakes his head, that they do not propose to take that course. I understood at the time the Bill was passed that, speaking generally, it had the assent of the Labour party. I am referring, of course, to the final stages of the Bill in this House. If they think that this is not an emergency when the powers of the Governor-General ought to have been used, let me invite their attention to the situation.

5.0 P.M.

I will not trouble the Committee with some of the details to which the Government of India attach great importance, but I want to point out that the despatch from the Viceroy presented to Parliament in connection with this matter sets forth in a very convincing way the principles by which His Excellency has been actuated. I will just put the situation as I think it presents itself to a dispassionate observer, but before doing so I would like to say I observe with some surprise that the hon. Gentleman who moved the Amendment said, and I think these are the words he used, "there was a deficit of £6,000,000 last year and the heavens did not fall." I was rather surprised that he should be prepared thus to deal with a Budget deficit and to suggest that after all it is not a very serious matter. On the contrary the Government of India and the advisers of my Noble Friend have always regarded Budget deficits as most serious which ought to be got rid of at the earliest opportunity. In 1918–1919 there was a deficit of five crores. In 1919–20 it was a matter of 23 crores. In 1920–21 it was 26 crores, in 1921–22 it was 27 crores and in 1922–23 it was 17 crores, or a total of 100 crores. In the year just closed there has been a balance on the wrong side of 17 crores. Such a series of deficits is without parallel in the modern history of India. It has always been the practice of those responsible to conduct Indian finance on orthodox sound lines in conformity with the best British traditions, and the result has been that Indian credit has stood high throughout the world. If this credit was to be conserved it was necessary to cry a halt to this tale of deficits. The Government of India have been alive to the urgency of this matter for some years. They have viewed with alarm the growth of India's indebtedness due to persistent overspending. The Indian Debt has increased from about £400,000,000 on the 31st March, 1918, to over £500,000,000 on the 31st March last, and since 1914 the unproductive Debt which is included in the above figures has increased by about £150,000,000. This position could only be cured by reducing expenditure and increasing revenue and I am going to endeavour to prove in the time at my disposal—and I have to make a tabloid Budget statement which I hope will prove—that the Government in both connections have taken the only course which is open to them. I know that the critics on one side of the House will regard the action which the Government of India has adopted with the full assent of His Majesty's Government with disfavour, and I have no doubt there will be critics on this side of the House who will not regard with favour the immense reductions of expenditure which it is proposed to make. But I believe in both cases the action that has been taken, and will be taken, will be found to be wise. Every effort was made in the years 1921–22 to effect the maximum economies consistent with the requirements of the situation and no stone had been left unturned in this direction. The Government of India last year, however, appointed a strong Retrenchment Committee which sat in the autumn of 1922 and in the winter of this year with the object of exploring the whole field of Government expenditure, with terms of reference as comprehensive as those of the Geddes Committee in this country. The hon. Gentleman who has just spoken (Mr. Snell), as I understood, suggested that had the Government of India applied the Geddes Axe to their expenditure there would not have been any need for this certification. My answer to that is that that is exactly what they have done. They set up this Committee, and I will show later on that the great bulk of its recommendations either have been, or are being, carried out, and yet it is necessary to impose increased taxation. Before I give any further details as to what the Inchcape Committee did I desire to repeat what I said on a similar occasion last year, that both the Secretary of State and the Government of India were fortunate in securing as Chairman of this Committee my Noble Friend Lord Inchcape who, apart from his close knowledge of India which he had derived from many years' experience there, had also been a member of the Geddes Committee in this country. No tribute too high could be paid to my Noble Friend for the services he has rendered to India on that Committee. The Committee has presented a united Report which has been of the profoundest value to the Government of India in framing its Budget for the current year.

I will explain the military reductions which the Committee recommended at a later stage, but at this point I want to point out how far the Government of India has already gone in giving effect to the recommendations for reductions on the civil side. The Government of India hope, and have budgeted, to effect in civil expenditure economies amounting to 7½ crores against 9¼ crores recommended by the Committee—in other words, 80 per cent. of their recommendations, the difference in the main representing allowances which have to be made for delay in introducing schemes of retrenchment, and unavoidable terminal charges partly arising out of the War. It is a striking fact, in my opinion, that the Government of India should be able at such short notice to give effect to so large a proportion of the recommendations of the Committee—a proportion of 80 per cent. on the civil side. I think that fact provides eloquent testimony to the practical character of the Report and of the thorough-going determination of the Government of India to give effect to it.

Apart altogether from those economies which have been effected, I must remind the House of the measures which the Government of India took in 1921 and last year to increase their revenue. This is important because the point made by the Mover and Seconder of the reduction, as I understood it, was that there were alternative forms of taxation which could have been explored. In the Budget of these years additional taxes, expected to yield when introduced about 28 crores, were imposed, and the increase in taxation covered almost the whole range of the Central Government's sources of revenue. These sources are curtailed by the fact that certain sources of revenue were provincialised and not therefore as available as they would otherwise have been. The postal and railway charges were revised to meet post-War conditions, which in India, as elsewhere, have led to a great rise in working expenses. In spite, however, of everything the Government of India could do, in spite of all these drastic measures, the Budget for the current year (1923–24) showed a deficit of approximately four crores. Every avenue of retrenchment had been explored and every possible scheme of alternative taxation had been examined, and the authorities had come to the conclusion that the only way of bridging the gap was by having recourse to the Salt Tax. The choice before the Government was either of having another deficit or of enhancing the Salt Tax.

I take my stand on the assertion that to have left the deficit it would have been the line of least resistance, but it would have been productive of a greater evil. It would have involved a further increase of India's debt and that would have meant a loss to her credit. At the same time it would have entailed a great blow to the reforms. It would have been a blow to the reforms if in the first two or three years' working it had been found impossible in any one year to obtain a balance of accounts. It would have made reform appear in a very bad light. There are even more practical considerations. It is known that the Central Government receives annual contributions from the provinces towards its expenditure, and that is altogether apart from what the provinces themselves provide for their own use. As those who are familiar with the subject know, it is the earnest desire of the Government of India to reduce and ultimately to extinguish these contributions in order that the provinces may have an increased amount at their disposal for carrying through schemes of social and economic progress of an important character which are urgently required and which now are being suspended owing to a lack of funds. The financial position of the provinces in the last two years has been full of difficulty owing largely to their expenses consequent on war conditions. In the year 1921–22 the aggregate of the provincial deficits exceeded 8½ crores. By dint of economies and in some cases increased taxation a greatly improved result was achieved, and in this year, according to the latest Estimate, the aggregate of the provincial deficits will be brought down to one crore only. That reflects the greatest credit both on the Central Government for the example they have set and on the Provincial Government. Unfortunately, however, there are still a number of provinces which show a deficit. The figures I have already given refer only to the aggregate deficit.

The Budget surpluses in the provinces, where they do exist, are but small in amount. I think it will be generally agreed that a realisation of the hopes on which the reforms were based depend on the provinces obtaining command of larger resources and to secure those the first and most fundamental step is the balancing of the Central Budget and the achievement of a surplus in the Provincial Budgets. If the Central Revenues could thus be improved it would of course enable the Government of India to dispense with part at least of the provincial contributions at an early date. Therefore the provinces have a great interest in this matter of Budget surpluses and especially in the Central Budget. I am afraid I cannot to-day give any promise as to when any reduction in the contributions will be obtained. As I have said to a great extent that depends on the condition of the Central Revenue, and until the finances of the Central Government have been restored it will not be possible to contemplate the desired remissions to the provinces.

Now I come to what is probably my main answer to hon. Gentlemen opposite. Suppose that India had got full responsible Government and that the Ministers who were in power were faced with conditions such as I have just described—a condition of serious Budget deficits and a chance of getting the Budget surplus this year if a certain tax were passed—and had found the Assembly reluctant to grant the enhanced duty to which I have just referred, what would they have done? It seems to me they would have used the obvious and indeed the only weapon available. They would have gone to the Assembly and said, through the Finance Minister, "We cannot go back on our intentions and proposals, we regard them as essential to the financial stability of India; we stand or fall by them; if we are defeated we shall resign and leave to others the task (in our judgment, a hopeless one) of either finding an alternative increment of taxation or facing the discredit of a Budget deficit when a method of avoiding it already existed." I believe that such action on their part would have succeeded, and that members of the Assembly, which had full responsible Government, would, in such circumstances, have hesitated to give a vote against the tax, because they would have realised that in doing so one of two things would have resulted. They would have either to form or support a Government faced with the most unpleasant dilemma, which I have just described. But the Government of India, as at present constituted, have no such weapon. They cannot resign and leave to others the task of carrying on the King-Emperor's Government. Every private member of the Assembly knew that, in voting against these proposals, he ran no risk of having himself to face the alternative, and I say that, political human nature being what it is, there may conceivably have been present to the minds of those members the fact that they were going to meet their constituents at the Election in November of this year, and, in these circumstances, I would venture to suggest that a vote against this tax was in itself by no means a disagreeable action, and one which people in other Assemblies might have taken in similar circumstances. There is nothing dishonourable in that, because I think we all agree that in all political systems belief and inclination are often inseparable companions.

I hope I have said enough to show that the Viceroy's action—which, I ought to emphasise, has the full assent of His Majesty's Government and the Secretary of State—was the proper one to take in the circumstances. It has been suggested in some quarters that the use of these powers indicates a determination to return to the methods of the old Government bloc which existed before the reforms were instituted. It indicates nothing of the kind, though it is certainly true that when that bloc was abolished it was clearly understood that the Government of India would have, through its head, the viceroy, this power of certification, not as a substitute for the bloc, but as a safeguard in an emergency against unwise use of its powers by the Assembly—a safeguard which, as I have tried to show, takes the place of the power of resignation which a responsible Government enjoys. In this connection it is worth while recalling the fact that the increase in the Salt Tax was agreed to by the Council of State by a majority of 18 votes. In the Legislative Assembly, however, the Government finally failed to carry their point by 11 votes. Each House has a non-official majority. Therefore, the proposal to enhance the Salt Tax was accepted in one Chamber of the Legislature, and, taking the two Chambers together, the voting was in the aggregate favourable to the policy of the Government of India. That, I think, is a very strong point. The hon. Gentleman who moved this Amendment said—and it was one of the few phrases to which, although I disagree with his arguments, I objected in his speech—that the majority against the tax was composed almost wholly of independent Indian members. I hope he does not suggest that the only independent members, using the word "independent" in the broad sense, are the non-official members. Of course, there are other members in other positions, who exercise their judgment on many occasions. I thought it was rather an unfortunate expression, but I answer it by saying that, taking the two Assemblies together, there was a majority, and in these circumstances I can only regard it as absolutely grotesque to describe the Viceroy's action, as it has been described in certain quarters, as an abuse of authority. I am perfectly certain that, in the circumstances, there could not be a stronger case for intenvention, under his legitimate powers, than there was on this occasion.

Before I refer to some of the effects of the certification, I should like to say that I think the Viceroy is fortunate in having as his Finance Member Sir Basil Blackett, formerly of the Treasury. He is an officer of exceptional experience and exceptional qualifications for the post. This was Sir Basil Blackett's first Budget, and to present a Budget to the Assembly in India is a task, in these days, of some magnitude, requiring powers of oratory and tact, perhaps, little inferior to those which are required on similar occasions in other Assemblies; and I think it came as no surprise to the friends of Sir Basil Blackett, both in this House and in the Civil Service, to see the courage and determination with which he championed what I venture to think is the cause of sound finance. I think that, when the heat of the battle has died away, those who are to-day numbered among the critics of the Government of India will join in congratulating the new Finance Member on the fact that, in the first year of his office, he succeeded in exorcising the bogey of the deficit from the Budget of the Government of India.

I should like just to give one or two instances of the benefits that have accrued to India from a balanced Budget, which, again, is a result of this certification. In the last three years there has, I am glad to say, been a substantial reduction in the Indian Floating Debt. Treasury bills, which, in May, 1921, stood at over 60 crores, have now been reduced to 11½ crores, and the Indian market for Government securities has reflected that improvement. In February of this year, 3½ per cent. rupee paper was 57, and it has risen to 65¼, or a rise of 14 per cent. There is even more striking evidence of the change nearer at hand. Not very long ago, Indian Government securities were distinctly in disfavour on the London market, partly, no doubt, for political reasons, but there has been a steadily improving tone in that market of late regarding them, and it is of the greatest importance to India that her credit in this market should stand high. India is to-day, and is likely to be for some time, a substantial borrower for the purpose of railway development. Obviously, if her credit remains high, she will be able to obtain the money she requires on satisfactory terms. The steps that have been taken to place Indian finance in a sound position are an important factor in maintaining and improving her credit as a borrower, and it is, therefore, a matter of great satisfaction to my Noble Friend to find that, in the case of all their last four loans which they have put on the market here, the Indian Government have been able to obtain progressively more favourable terms. In 1921 they were paying 6½ per cent. to investors in the British money market, but the sterling loan which was issued last month gave a return of 5¼ per cent. only, thus indicating a very substantial improvement in Indian credit. The decrease in the yield of Indian Government securities is, of course, I agree, partly due to money market circumstances—I use the word "partly" advisedly—which apply to giltedged securities generally, but I have no doubt, and I do not think that anyone will dissent from the view, that the improvement has been facilitated by the recognition of the sound financial position which the Government of India have achieved by a balanced Budget. To hold any contrary view would, in my opinion, be absurd. It is a state of affairs which only the most fortunate countries have been able to achieve at the present time. The latest loan, the 4½ per cent. loan, stands now at a premium of over two points above the price of issue, and so satisfactory are the recent opportunities for raising capital for the purposes of Indian Railway development in the British market, that the Government of India have made great inroads into the borrowing powers which the House granted them last year, and I shall, at a later stage in the Session, ask the House for a further grant of borrowing powers similar to that for which I asked last year.

Before leaving this subject I should like to say one last word as to the effect that the increase of the Salt Tax is likely to have upon the people of India. I must say, I hope without discourtesy to the hon. Gentleman who moved the Amendment, that I think his arguments were exceedingly weak, and that I shall be able to show the Committee how very small is the effect. This is not the first time in the history of India that the tax has stood at its present level. From 1861 to 1877 it stood in Northern India at 3 rupees, or 8 annas above the present rate. From 1888 to 1902 it stood at 2 rupees 8 annas, which is the rate fixed for the current year. The economic burden of the tax, however, has to be considered, obviously, not only with reference to the figure at which it stands, but also with reference to the rate of wages, which have risen largely in recent years, and to the value of money, which has fallen in India as it has in this country. I will quote just one word from the White Paper issued by the Viceroy, which says:

For a family. I should like to say just one word on the question as to how far this increase concerns the public at large. I say that, in the case of the public at large, as distinguished from those quarters which seek to make political capital out of what has occurred, the increment in the tax is having practically no effect. I could quote, but I will not, reports received from all over India, showing how infinitesimal is the effect of this tax on the people of India. The hon. Gentleman who moved the Amendment said that it had always been a tax which had been regarded in the same way as the Bread Tax had in this country. All I can say is that, whatever may have been the feelings about the tax in the past, there is singularly little sign that this infinitesimal increase in the price of the article is being so regarded in India to-day. It is natural that so practical a person—and he is a practical person when it comes down to fundamentals—as the Indian labourer, is not likely to be disturbed by such an infinitesimal change as the one in question.

Every Member of the House of Commons has had a petition sent to him from the members of the Indian Legislative Assembly, which, I understand, was dispatched by Sir Montagu Webb, one of the most distinguished opponents of the Salt Tax in that Assembly. I need not go into the facts of the Petition in full, because I have dealt with the majority of them. I will only refer to one or two points. The Petition says that a spokesman of the Government in 1922 described the Salt Tax as theoretically a bad tax. I think most of us agree that most taxes are theoretically bad, but, as a matter of fact, the member of the Government of India himself stated, in the very passage to which the Petition refers, after having admitted that the tax was theoretically a bad one—as being a tax upon a necessity of life and thus affecting the poor relatively more than the rich—that that was all that could be said against the proposed enhancement of the tax. These were his words:

Finally, it is alleged that the deficit will disappear when the whole of Lord Inchcape's economies are into effect. I have pointed out that we have already given effect to several of these economies, and I would say once again that the economies suggested as a result of the recommendations of the Committee, and this enhancement of the Salt Tax, must be considered together, and that we cannot balance our Budget without them. I am bound to mention Sir Montagu Webb's name, because he has been the most prominent opponent of the Government of India on the matter. I should like to refer to the attitude he took up in the Assembly last year on this question of taxation. He then said:

That is all I have to say on the subject of the Salt Tax, but I am afraid I must trouble the Committee on another matter of great importance, on which I know that great interest is taken in, at any rate, most parts of the Committee. That is the question of military reductions. As the Committee is probably aware from the Press reports, or from the Report of the Inchcape Committee, that Committee advised as follows in the matter of military reductions. They advised a reduction of the strength of each battalion of British infantry by 130 men. They advised, in the case of Indian infantry, a reduction of 60 men per battalion in 80 active battalions and 50 per battalion in 20 training battalions. They also advised a reduction of 94 per battalion in the case of 9 pioneer battalions. In regard to cavalry, they advised a reduction of three British cavalry regiments, and as regards artillery, a reduction of 10 per cent. in expenditure, no specific proposals for attaining this object being made, it being left to the discretion of the Government. The total ultimate nett saving which would be realised by the adoption in full of these proposals would be, roughly, 300 lakhs of rupees, which, at the present rate of exchange, would be about £2,000,000. The principal item in these recommendations is the reduction by 130 men of the strength of each battalion of British infantry. The saving estimated to result from the adoption of this particular recommendation represents nearly 50 per cent.—these are very important figures—of the total saving which is aimed at in this respect by the Inchcape Committee. I am glad to say that on this, the most substantial, point for settlement, a decision has been reached, the reduction has been accepted by His Majesty's Government, and an announcement of it has been made.

T will let the hon. and gallant Gentleman know the figure. As regards the remaining recommendations, the principle of reduction of troops of all arms has been accepted. I hoped it would have been possible to announce in the course of to-day's Debate the final decision with regard to the precise form which the reductions will take. Unfortunately that hope has not admitted of realisation, but I think I can safely promise that a very early announcement will be made. It is, of course, quite clear that any reduction in effectives can be justified only if corresponding endeavours are made to reduce the size and the cost of the administrative machinery, and my Noble Friend and the Government of India are fully alive to this fact. A reduction has already been made in this direction on the initiative of the Commander-in-Chief, and the possibility of making further reductions will not be lost sight of.

May we reasonably hope that these reductions in military expenditure recommended by the Inchcape Committee, which I understand are now assented to by the Indian Government and by His Majesty's Government, will become effective before the end of the current financial year?

When I spoke of this saving of £2,000,000 I said that was the total saving which was recommended by the Committee. I could not say how far the proposals, other than as regards the reduction of British infantry, have been agreed to. I discussed this very matter with my Noble Friend, but I am not able to say how much of the saving will be effected in the present year—it depends on all sorts of arrangements being made with the War Office—but I hope a substantial proportion. As regards the other proposals, I am not in a position to make an announcement on the subject, but I hope to do so before very long. I regret that I cannot give a more precise figure, but it is difficult to make an estimate

I should like to give the reasons which have led the Government of India to accept the recommendations of Lord Inchcape's Committee as a basis for consideration. Generally speaking, the Government of India in this respect have found themselves in a position almost exactly parallel with that in which His Majesty's Government found themselves after receiving and considering the Report of the Geddes Committee. The Inchcape Committee and its work in India were an exact parallel to the Geddes Committee and its work in this country, and India is bound to give the recommendations made by it the same serious consideration as was given in this country to the recommendations of the Geddes Committee. The Government of India, like all Governments which since the War have made successful efforts to balance their Budgets, can only do so by the strictest economy and retrenchment. The recommendations of the Inchcape Committee represent, in the view of that Committee, the practical limit of possible reductions in defence forces, and the only consideration which ought then to carry weight with the Government of India in considering them is the consideration of the minimum strength the retention of which is compatible with the full and adequate defence of India and the maintenance of internal security. That is a proposal from which no one will dissent. On a question such as this there is clearly no advice which ought to weigh so much with the Government of India and my Noble Friend as that of the Commander-in-Chief. Lord Rawlinson has not only a magnificent record during and after the War and has high distinction as a professional soldier but he has been in India as Commander-in-Chief for three years. The essential feature about the recommendations of the Committee is that it has the fullest support from the Commander-in-Chief, to whose co-operation the recommendations are very largely due. I must quote from the remarks which were made by Lord Rawlinson in the Assembly in India in justifying these reductions because they are of the greatest pertinence. He said: siderations which have to be weighed and the arrangements which have to be elaborated that delay has taken place in giving effect to the bulk of these recommendations. That is all I need say on that point, because it would be improper at this stage to anticipate the decision His Majesty's Government may come to on the remaining recommendations or to prejudice it by a forecast in any way.

Has His Majesty's Government come to any decision as to what becomes of the British troops which are retrenched from the Indian establishments? Will those units pass out of existence or is it intended that they shall be borne upon the British establishment at home?

As regards the proposed reductions by the Inchcape Committee in the matter of cavalry and artillery, the form they will take is at present a matter which is in negotiation between my Noble Friend and the Government of India and His Majesty's Government, and I cannot make any announcement upon that. As regards the 130 men who are to be dispensed with from British infantry battalions, that is a question which should be addressed more properly to the War Office. The War Office have agreed to allow us to dispense with those 130 men per battalion.

I should like to say a word as regards Waziristan. The policy which was recently approved has proved in every way successful. Raiding has been reduced to a minimum. Razmak has been occupied with the assent of the Wazirs and the road construction programme is going on satisfactorily. It is hoped that by the end of the year a lateral road will have been constructed from Thal in the North by Idak and Razmak to the railhead at Khirgi. In addition a road is being built from Jandola, near Khirgi, to Sarwekai, and Razmak and Jandola are occupied with regular troops, while scouts and tribal levies hold the more forward positions within supporting distance of the regulars. One great advantage in that policy is that the regular troops will be stationed in the cool highlands of Central Waziristan instead of the low unhealthy country in which they were quartered previous to the last Afghan War. I have not time to develop the arguments for the policy which the Government of India have adopted in Waziristan, but I think it is true to say that in no period during the last 60 years have we been in such a good position to ensure peace as we are now, and if raiding continues—and, of course, it is very difficult to give any definite guarantee on the subject—it can only continue on a relatively minor scale. This frontier is a terribly difficult country. I have seen some wild country in my time, both in peace and in war time, travelling over Africa, South-East and North and a great many parts of the Middle East, but, when I was in the Tochi last year, I thought I have never seen a country to which the adjective "fierce" could be more aptly applied—grim, forbidding country as ever you could find anywhere. It could never be true to say that every problem in connection with the defence of that frontier has been satisfactorily solved, but I claim that the present position of affairs is as satisfactory as it could be in the circumstances.

I should like to say a word about the most deplorable outrages which have occurred recently—the murders of Major Orr and Major Anderson and Mrs. Ellis and the abduction of her daughter. I notice some critics say they indicate an unheard of degree of insecurity on the frontier which is due to this or that political measure which has been taken or not taken and of which in either case the critic disapproves. Although the Kohat outrage certainly presented certain unprecedented features, the frontier has always taken its toll of the lives of brave men, and even women have not been exempt. I do not believe there is any ground for the suggestion which has been made that things are worse now than at any other time. I should say the contrary is the case. When I was on the frontier last year I accompanied Sir John Maffey, the Chief Commissioner of the Province, on a short motor tour down the frontier. We passed in and out of independent tribal territory, as well as British, without escort, and were everywhere received with the greatest friendship and hospitality, and I was surprised to read in certain quarters the suggestion that our prestige had sunk so low. From my personal observation I should say the opposite was the case. As regards the rather delicate question of the criminals who are alleged to have been responsible, because they have not yet been tried, for these two murders, when the British Government recognised the independence of Afghanistan, and concluded a Treaty with its Sovereign, they did so in the belief that in entering the comity of nations the Amir and his Government intended to recognise to the full the obligations of good neighbourship which they thereby necessarily undertook. I am glad to say that in this belief we have not been disappointed. His Majesty the Amir has shown that he realises the feeling with which His Majesty's Government regard outrages of this description, and our determination to put a stop to them; but he and his Government have difficulties of their own to deal with, to which I need not refer now. They have, however, arrested the Landi Kotal murderers who are Afghan subjects and have undertaken to bring them to trial and have every reason to believe that with their co-operation the Kohat murderers, who are not Afghan subjects, will shortly be captured.

I must say a few words about the general political situation. No account of it during the last 12 or 18 months would be complete which did not endeavour to assess the position as regards violent crime, both political and ordinary. The conditions since the end of the War have been abnormal to a degree. During the year 1921–22, in particular, the police system of India, thanks to the efforts of the non-co-operation party, was severely tried. Speaking generally, however, I am able to say that, with one or two exceptions, the internal situation has undergone a very marked improvement during the last 12 months. The most important factor of this improvement has been the collapse of the non-co-operation movement and the realisation by large masses of the less-instructed population of the country of the fact that they had been duped by the leaders of that movement and had been promised something by them which they could not possibly give. I will say a few words later on the present aspect of the non-co-operation movement. It is clear that since the arrest of Ghandi there has been a most marked improvement in the conditions in India. I will mention the position in the major provinces. In Madras, the Central Provinces, Bihar and Orissa, Burma, Bengal, and Assam, there has been a marked absence of any organised crime of importance during the past eight or ten months. The same is true, generally speaking, of Bombay. There has, however, been some crime of a certain nature in Bombay to which I should like to make reference, and that is the dacoity which has been going on in that province. The Bombay Government, in their report on what has happened, say: of these classes of trouble there arise the incidents at Guru-ku-vagh, which started owing to a dispute between two sections of Sikhs. The trouble afterwards assumed proportions which made it a serious menace to public order, and the Government were compelled to arrest a number of those concerned. The number of arrests should not in itself be taken necessarily as an indication of the seriousness of the situation. A number of the Sikhs undoubtedly deliberately got themselves arrested in order to be able to boast of it afterwards. We had the same phenomenon in this country during the women's suffrage agitation. These men gloried in the number of times they had been arrested, just as a Red Indian chief used to boast of the number of scalps he had collected, as, I am told, certain modern young ladies boast of the number of proposals of marriage they have received, so that they may be able to say: "I had 12 proposals before I met dear John." That is a form of boasting which is not uncommon in all phases of human life.

There has been an even more serious outbreak in the last few months. I refer to the action of a small section of Sikhs known as the Babbar Akalis. These people, as I have stated in answer to Questions, have committed several murders, and are frankly a criminal organisation. I can assure the Committee that every effort is being made by the Punjab Government to deal with these people, and I am glad to say that the remnants of them have been driven to take refuge in the Siwalak hills in the Punjab, where I hope eventually they will be rounded up and dispersed. The Committee should not allow their minds to be influenced by too great an extent by these occurrences, resulting as they have in the murder of several loyal Indians, because unfortunately these things occur from time to time in the history of British India.

I will not say anything about the religious situation in the Punjab as between the Hindoos and the Mahommedans, but I am bound to say that I am afraid it has again become unsatisfactory. It is perhaps rather symptomatic of the failure of almost every aspect of Mr. Gandhi's policy that the rapprochement between the two extremist elements of Hindoos and Mahommedans, on which he based so largely his watertight policy for a united India, has gradually disappeared. The rapprochement between these two extremist sections which, for the purposes of a common programme of swaraj, was brought about by Gandhi, has gradually disappeared and to-day scarcely exists. Finally, before I leave the Punjab, I might say that further difficulty in that province is, curiously enough, due to the fact that the Punjab contributed magnificently to the needs of India and the British Empire during the War. The result was that there was a larger demobilisation in the Punjab than in any other province. A number of the demobilised people could not get employment, though every effort was made in that direction, and, unquestionably, a few of the demobilised out-of-work men have been the cause of disturbances. As regards ordinary crime in the Punjab, it has been largely due to the fact that the police have been engaged to such a great extent with the work of dealing with political crime.

I should like, if I had time, to deal with the very interesting circumstances connected with the present position of the non-co-operation movement, and the complete split which has occurred between the party led by Mr. Das, which is in favour of entering the Council, and the others who prefer the policy of Gandhi. What the end will be I am unable to say. I am not wholly opposed to the entry of those who have hitherto been non-co-operators into the Council on the grounds suggested by the mover of the reduction of the Vote. I gather that he thought that if they got into the Council they would be encouraged to do so by the action of the Viceroy in certifying the Salt Tax, and that they would break the whole thing up. I do not take that view. I believe that when extremists enter a legislative assembly they tend by the force of events gradually to become less extreme.

I am glad that I have the assent of the hon. Member for Bow and Bromley in that view. It is possible that some of the extremists in India may, as a result of entering the Council, not be so indisposed to assist in any way.

The Civil Services naturally form an important part of the task of anyone presenting these Estimates. I do not propose to refer to the services at length, because I dealt with them fully last year, and I do not want to cover the same ground. When I spoke last year I explained that the difficulties of the Services were roughly describable as material or financial on the one hand, and as arising from the general changing conditions on the other. I said then that both difficulties were very real. One of the advantages I gained from my short visit to India in the autumn was that I secured from the numerous members of the services with whom I came into contact a firsthand knowledge of the nature and extent of their difficulties. As the Committee are aware, His Majesty during the last few days has approved the appointment of a Royal Commission to make recommendations on the subject of what are now called the all-India services; that is, the services whose members are appointed whether as the result of selection in this country or in India by the Secretary of State in Council. I want to say a few words as to the criticisms which have been directed both by Indian opinion and by opinion in this country, and, I suppose, also in this House, against this Commission. It has been criticised as an attempt to enforce more fixedly on India an agency which she cannot control. From another point of view it has been criticised as an attempt to avoid, or, at all events, to delay, dealing with admitted grievances which could be settled by a stroke of the pen and by a little display of generosity.

6.0 P.M.

I believe I shall have the majority of the Committee with me when I say that the problem is not so simple as either set of critics think. When the Act of 1919 was framed and passed, it was impossible for its authors to foresee precisely its inevitable reactions on the services as they had been under the old regime. Very able Committees had worked out the details for the franchise for electorates for constituencies and for the divisional division of functions between the Government of India and the provinces, and the method of administering reserves and transferred subjects, but there was not a similarly exhaustive inquiry into the effects of the new system upon the old administrative agency and of that agency upon the new system. I am not, of course, in any way criticising this omission. On the contrary, I think that an inquiry at that time in vacuo and, proceeding on mere conjecture and hypothesis, would have been of very doubtful utility. Nor do I suggest that Parliament did nothing under the Act, and under the Rules, to provide against service difficulties. On the contrary, I believe that it is true to say that the greatest pains were taken to make such statutory provisions as seemed likely to maintain the status quo with as little material change as possible. But I want to state the real grounds on which my Noble Friend and the Government have come to the conclusion that a Royal Commission is required. We have the general position that while far-reaching changes have been made in the method of government in India, very little material change has been made in the structure of the Government, if I may so describe it, and the structure of the leading agency of Government, which is the all-India services, and such statutory provision as has been made affecting the service has been designed in the main to maintain the old structure and organisation side by side with the new system.

We have had two and a half years practical experience of the working of the scheme, and the time has come to see whether the existing service structure is the best possible under the new conditions, whether, and how far, it is necessary or desirable to maintain it on an all-India basis as distinct from a provincial basis, whether, and how far, Indians, who are rightly and necessarily coming in increasing numbers into the great services which were at one time almost exclusively European, can best be recruited on the same terms and the same conditions as their British colleagues, to what extent, and for what purpose, British recruits are still necessary, and what terms and prospects should be secured for them and for existing members, and in what way. All those are the sort of questions which the Royal Commission will be asked to answer, and I feel confident that no one who has really reflected on this matter will venture to assert that questions like these could be satisfactorily and expeditiously solved by any committee of officials in India, or by correspondence between the local governments, the Government of India and the India Office.

If it is urged that, even granted that a Commission to consider these larger problems is desirable, that is no reason for delaying the settlement of financial grievances, my answer is that the objection is based on a superficial view. I do not see how we can separate off the pay and allowances of British civil servants into water-tight compartments and simply raise them all round without regard to all the other considerations which are involved. I am very glad that my right hon. Friend the Member for the Scottish Universities (Sir H. Craik) agrees with that. I have been trying to convert him for a long time. The Committee knows that the Government of India have succeeded in balancing their Budget this year by the aid of almost ruthless retrenchment of expenditure, and every Province has had to adopt the same policy. It may well be with present conditions at home and in India the salaries of those civil servants who have expenses in both countries is insufficient. But it may also be that financial conditions should play a very important part in deciding whether or not a service organisation, which is roughly based on equal pay for all irrespective of domicile, is a sound system of organisation. Then at once you get into one of the big problems with which the Commission will be asked to deal.

After all, the real root of the services problem in India is uncertainty, uncertainty as to the present and the future. We want to secure a firm basis under the changed conditions for the recruitment of the best men we can get, and a firm prospect of a useful and contented future for them and for those who are now there. For this purpose we want an adjustment, and possibly we want some structural alteration in the process of adjustment. But mere attempts to tinker with the fringe of the difficulty by adding percentages to pay or any other similar step would be useless and would only "queer the pitch." And let me say at once that there is no reason why this inquiry should involve a greater delay than would be entailed by other means of dealing with the problem. My Noble Friend is fully seized of the urgency of the matter and no steps which he can take to secure expedition will be left untaken.

There is a further point which I should like to emphasise. I do not think that it is true to say, because the constitutional changes have brought discontent—and I do not attempt to deny that they have—to some individuals, to men who served under the old conditions, that it follows that the new conditions will be and are equally unpalatable to those now starting on or contemplating an Indian career. Though I quite agree that it may be urged against me that a little knowledge is a dangerous thing, and that the chance meeting with a few score of British civil servants in India may not give a true criterion of the real position, yet I had unique opportunities last year of talking to civil servants of all services, and all ages and I was impressed by the fact that, speaking generally, the younger men, especially the men who had entered into the services under the. Temporary Provisions Act, which was brought in to enable those who had served in the Army to enter, were much more hopeful about the future, and much more contented with the present, than was the case with the old or middle-aged men. That may be due, I agree, to the exuberance of youth, and it may also be due to the fact that those men have served in the Army.

Perhaps the right hon. Gentleman when he hears the next few sentences will be satisfied. I told the Committee last year that about 100 officers of all services had applied to retire after the first seven months of the premature retiring scheme. The figure to-day is about 270. Of these only 51 have actually retired, 138 are on leave pending retirement, and the remaining 80 are still in India or on their way home. Now we have the illuminating fact, which I mention very largely for the benefit of my right hon. Friend behind, that we have just had some 600 applications for 11 vacancies in the police—vacancies which were advertised for special ex-service recruitment to diminish the shortage arising in three provinces, and I believe that taking the candidates as a whole their quality was a remarkably high standard. I have had letters from a good number of Members of this House advocating the claims of some of these candidates and I have had the cases of others before me, and I have seen some, and it would be impossible to have a better standard of candidates coming forward.

I may also mention that of the 270 officers who have been given permission to retire, several have actually applied for and been given permission to return to duty and others have shown signs of making similar application. I do not for a moment suggest that the situation with regard to the services is not difficult, but I do make an earnest appeal to my right hon. Friend, and to others, to do nothing by word or action to discourage the services in the present period of difficulty. I do not wish to imply that the figures given show that Indian service conditions have suddenly so changed as to become attractive, but after the two years which have elapsed since the reform was introduced those figures show that the tale is not all a black one.

If my right hon. Friend did not put such questions certainly they have been put by others, and my right hon. Friend did ask a great number of questions on the subject of the grievances of Indian civil servants. The facts which I have mentioned do give some ground for optimism, and when conditions and prospects have become clearer and more stable, as I hope will be the result of the Commission's inquiry, I believe that there will be no less eagerness in the future than there has been in the past on the part of the best of British youth to serve the interests of the Indian Empire.

I would prefer not to go into that at this moment. I will get the information for the hon. Gentleman and give it to him afterwards. I want to say one word now about a rather delicate matter. In my judgment, some members of the public, both here and in India, are prone to connect the changed conditions of governance in India too exclusively with the name of one man, the late Secretary of State for India, Mr. Montagu. I say that that is fair neither to Mr. Montagu nor to the reform system, and I will explain what I mean by an illustration. I have already said, and it must be patent to all, that the Government of India and my Noble Friend the Secretary of State, have critics both from the right and the left. Some of the former in this country—not in this House—and in India said to me last year after Mr. Montagu had ceased to be Secretary of State, "I suppose now that Mr. Montagu has gone," or words to that effect, "all this absurd idea will be abandoned." Equally, the critics on the left in India at the time of Mr. Montagu's retirement, in the extremist newspapers especially, and in the other newspapers, said, "With Mr. Montagu's retirement all pretence of carrying out the pledge to India has been abandoned." What absurd nonsense! What a complete misunderstanding of the position!

Though the reformed constitution is properly associated with the names of Lord Chelmsford and Mr. Montagu it was granted by His Majesty the King-Emperor, on the advice of his then Government, and the Act implementing it passed through its Second Reading in this House without a division. We all remember that fact. Moreover, great and important as is the stage of constitutional development inaugurated by the 1919 Act it is not fair to previous British Governments to look on it as altogether apart from anything which preceded it. The process of associating Indians with the government of their own country has been going on for years. The Morley-Minto reforms were part of that process, and there are earlier examples. I think that that is the real answer to much of the criticism of the reforms which proceeds from the extreme right in this country. Again I say expressly that I am referring to no one in this House, but everyone is aware that there has been a great deal of criticism, outside, against the present constitution, both in this country and in India. I would like to throw a challenge to those people and to ask them what is there incompatible with Conservative principles in constitutional development? Rightly understood the gist of our party principle is the support of constitutional against subversive and revolutionary principles. I have no reason to think that we did not give a real assent to the solemn pledge made in 1917 and implemented in 1919.

I would like, if time permitted, to deal with the position of India in the League of Nations. I could, if I had time, tell the Committee that the Government of India had not been behindhand in supporting the principles of the League. The Government of India have adopted, I think, a very high standard. We have co-operated whole-heartedly in most of the activities of the League, and we adopted from the first time that we had representation on the League of Nations—which we had from the time of its inception—the very highest ideals of honesty and fair dealing in international affairs. I must apologise to the Committee for using the word "we." I have been so much associated with these problems that I have got into the habit of using the word "we" instead of the words "the Government of India." In no direction has this attitude been more marked than in international labour matters. At the annual conferences, when each country is free to ratify or not to ratify the draft conventions, India has already ratified more conventions than most other countries. The Factory Act and the Coal Mines Act have been amended with the object of shortening hours and bettering conditions. A Workmen's Compensation Act is on the Statute Book, and a Bill for the registration and protection of trade unions is under consideration.

Like most other countries, India has, in recent years, suffered from industrial disputes and the possibility of devising machinery for arbitration and conciliation is now being examined by the Government of India. The Committee will realise that in an Oriental country, where conditions differ so radically from those in the West, changes must be brought about gradually, but the foundations of a progressive system of social legislation have been laid and, in great part, this is due to the impetus given by the International Labour Organisation. I am glad to add that, on more than one occasion, M. Albert Thomas, the Director of the International Labour Office, has testified to the support received from India and India's representatives. All this improvement in the industrial conditions must influence industrial development in India. We have, to-day, in India, many of the conditions making for industrial development, such as abundant and cheap raw materials and accessible markets. But I am one of those who firmly believe that the full benefit of these advantages cannot be enjoyed, nor can the full measure of industrial development be secured, unless the efficiency of Indian labour is greatly improved. This can only be brought about slowly. It is not merely a matter of wages it is a matter also of better education, better housing and better conditions of work. A beginning has been made in this direction and I feel sure that this Committee will extend to the Government of India its cordial good wishes in their great task.

I propose to mention just one or two cases of the kind which illustrate this industrial development. They constitute an overwhelming vindication of our rule in India, and they are the strongest material evidence of the disinterested spirit of that rule and of the skill and ability of the services by which it has been administered. I should like to tell the Committee of two most remarkable schemes which greatly impressed me personally when I was in India last year—the Bombay reclamation scheme and the Bombay housing scheme. Congestion in Bombay City has been very bad for a great many years, and it bears particularly hardly on the housing of the industrial classes. Many efforts have been made to deal with it, but it is only since the War and, I believe, mainly during the period of the Governorship of my friend Sir George Lloyd, that these efforts have taken practical effect. It is hoped to complete these two schemes in 1929, and, as regards the housing scheme, it will result in the provision of accommodation for 300,000 people, and when the separate suburban development schemes are complete, there will be provision for accommodating 600,000 people or no less than one-half the present population of Bombay. I wish to pay a special tribute to the efforts which have been made to replace the present insanitary and unsatisfactory working-class dwellings by well built and well ventilated blocks of buildings.

I do not claim for this improved accommodation that it is everything one would like to see if the standard of living conditions in India were higher. The majority of the tenements are one room tenements, but I think I have never, anywhere, in my life, seen anything which impressed me more than the difference between these great big, airy, cool, clean tenement blocks with plenty of air space between them and the appalling slums of old Bombay. Never in my life, anywhere in the world, and I have travelled extensively, have I seen a place where people lived together under more crowded and fetid conditions, and the alteration from those conditions to the splendid buildings which are now being provided through the energy of the Provincial Government is a striking testimony to the fact that we are, to use a vulgar phrase, getting a move on to improve industrial conditions in India.

I may remind the hon. and gallant Gentleman that there was a Liberal Government in power——

I was going to say that as the hon. and gallant Gentleman thinks this should have been done before, I may remind him that there was a Liberal Government in power from 1906 to 1914. There are other great development schemes in the Bombay Presidency—the Sukkur Barrage and the project for the Nira Canal and the Bhatgarh Dam. All these are either under weigh or about to be put under weight. The Sukkur Barrage will cost, as at present estimated, about 12¼ million pounds, and, when completed, it will be the greatest work of its kind in the world. The connected canals will command a gross area of 7½ million acres, of which 6½ million are culturable, and an annual area of irrigation of over 5,000 acres is anticipated. The work will, after an initial interval, mean a substantial increase in revenue. The other great irrigational project, the Bhatgarh Dam, will create the largest reservoir in India, and one of the greatest in the world. The system, when completed, will consist of a canal 109 miles long, commanding an area of over half-a-million acres, of which 132,000 acres are to be irrigated annually. I will not give further figures about the immensity of these schemes, but they show the great progress which is being made.

I cannot leave the subject of these great undertakings without paying a personal tribute to His Excellency Sir George Lloyd, the Governor of Bombay, who was for many years a distinguished Member of this House, and to whose foresight, energy, administrative capacity, and zeal is largely due the realisation of the great programme of public works which has been undertaken in his Presidency. In the Punjab, the Sutlej Valley irrigation project will, when completed, result in the irrigation of nearly 8,000 square miles of land, half of which is, at present, owing to the absence of water, valueless desert waste. In the Madras Presidency harbour development work is contemplated at Vizagapatam and Cochin, and in both cases it will, I am sure, prove of the greatest utility when completed. Had I time, I should like to enlarge on the wonderful work of the development of the resources of India which has gone on for so many years and which continues, ceaselessly and constantly, in spite of political disturbances and difficulties of all kinds elsewhere. I think too high a tribute cannot be paid to the energy and efficiency of the services in India and to the value of the British connection and of British help to India in the bringing to fruition of those wonderful schemes which I have only been able to sketch in outline to the Committee.

We had a favourable trade balance last year. In the year 1921–22 there was an adverse balance of 22 crores. I am glad to say to-day we have a favourable trade balance of 81 crores. As to cotton—the last of my subjects—I have nothing to say except that during the past 15 months there has been no alteration adverse to Lancashire in the matter of duties. While the increases under the Indian import tariff, imposed in 191V and 1921, remain in force, the general increase in Indian import duties imposed in 1922 did not apply to cotton, with the result that the cotton duties are below the general tariff rate. I deliberately refrain from dealing with one matter which is of the greatest importance to India and the Empire—I mean the Kenya controversy. Efforts are now being made to bring about a settlement in consultation with delegations from Kenya and India, and I am anxious to say nothing which might, in the slightest degree, prejudice the discussions which are now proceeding. In any case, I think the matter cannot be fully and properly discussed except on the Colonial Office Vote. I am sure the Committee will share with me the hope that a settlement will be reached consistent with the obligations undertaken by His Majesty's Government, acceptable to both parties, and likely to satisfy legitimate Indian aspirations.

The Committee will be glad to learn that I am now at the end of my task, and I must apologise for having made it so lengthy. I can only plead the difficulty of compressing into a speech even of the abnormal length of the speech I have made, the vast number of subjects in which the House, through Questions and in other ways, shows that it takes a great interest, and I throw myself upon the compassion of the Committee, who have been extraordinarily generous to and patient with me. It is a vast series of subjects for a single speech; a theme as intricate as it is fascinating, which is close packed with possibilities of good or evil for the British Empire and the whole world. I have studiously endeavoured to avoid over-painting the picture by suggesting that all is well in cases where all is not well. Equally, I have tried to avoid the other extreme of showing pessimism where no cause for it exists. I base my case on facts and figures rather than theory. Last year a certain critic outside—not wholly unfriendly—said of my Estimate speech, that it lacked the imaginative touch of Mr. Montagu. Mr. Montagu is a personal friend of mine, and I yield to none in my admiration for him, but I am not sure that the imaginative touch, though it is said to be the inseparable companion of genius, is the quality which is most needed in this after-War world. A more essential possession is the readiness, at all times and in all circumstances, to face facts. What is the central fact about India to-day? I believe it to be this, that no country has a better chance of self-development within the Empire, aided by the best help and advice which this country can tender, than has India. Yes, and further, although not all Indiana realise the fact, and I am afraid, not all in this country either, there are millions of people outside India in Asia to-day, who would give their all to exchange the blood-stained anarchy and the primæval savagery of their own countries for the peace and justice to be found under the Union Jack in the territories of the King-Emperor and his feudatories.

The Committee has listened with great interest to the clear, spirited and complete account of his Indian stewardship which has been presented to us by my Noble Friend. I am not qualified to appreciate the true inwardness of some of the Noble Lord's sporting allusions, but I think we can congratulate him on having made very good running in this single event for which he is entered this year. I listened to the whole of the Noble Lord's statement with very great interest and with a great deal of agreement. There was no passage in his long speech with which I was more cordially in agreement, or which I regard as more important, than the passage in which he asserted the unalterable determination of His Majesty's Government to give full effect to the reforms embodied in the Government of India Act, 1919. That assurance will be welcomed throughout the length and breadth of India, and I cannot imagine that anything could be said at once more timely or more effective than those sentences in which the Noble Lord explained the fundamental policy of the Government. The Noble Lord also, at the close of his speech, expressed a desire that the conferences which are now proceeding with reference to the vexed questions of Indian settlement, Indian colonisation, Indian immigration, and the Indian franchise in Kenya may result satisfactorily. I was reading the other day a Memorandum which was sent in by the India Office, at the time when Lord Crewe was Secretary of State for India, to the Imperial Conference in 1911, and I was very much struck by a sentence in that Memorandum, to the effect that the Colonial question was the only problem upon which all the loyalists and all the extremists and fanatics in India were united. It is consequently of the greatest interest and importance that that question should be settled in a way satisfactory to the constitutional and loyal subjects of the King-Emperor in India.

The greater part of the Noble Lord's speech was naturally devoted to the subject of the certification of the Finance Act by the Governor of India in Council. That is undoubtedly a very grave act, deserving of very careful consideration in this House. Nobody challenges the right of the Viceroy to certify legislation. That right is expressly conferred upon him by the Government of India Act of 1919, and, as the Noble Lord has reminded the Committee, the Joint Select Committee expressly asserted that this right was a real right and that it was intended that that right should be exercised. There is, therefore, no question whatever that the Viceroy was within his legal and constitutional rights in certifying the Budget. Nobody doubts that. The question which has been raised here in this House is whether it was politic for him to do so, and the principal contention in the speech of the hon. Member for Central Newcastle (Mr. Trevelyan) was that the certification of the Budget by the Viceroy would be injurious to the cause of Constitutional reform in India. If I thought for a moment that the Viceroy's action would have that effect, I should not support it, as I am going to do. I was associated with Mr. Montagu in the passing of the Government of India Bill through this House. I am a believer in the Montagu-Chelmsford reforms. I think they are working well. I believe that they were inevitable, that they could not have been avoided, that India had reached a point at which it was both just and necessary that Indians should, in an increasing measure, be associated with the responsible task of government in their own country. Consequently, I approach this whole problem from the angle of one who is anxious to see the reforms successfully carried out.

What are the facts? These reforms, indispensable as I believe them to be, overdue as I believe them to be, were carried out at a time when the atmosphere of India was stirred and inflamed, when the financial condition of India was difficult and complex, and when, in consequence, it was impossible to secure a smooth and easy working of the new Constitution. There were the Kilafat agitation and the Ali Brothers, there was the non-co-operation agitation, there was the Punjab difficulty, and the unfortunate incident at Amritsar; there was, again, the currency difficulty, there were high prices, there was the high standard of post-War taxation. All these circumstances have rendered it impossible to vitalise what I consider to be the most important part of these Indian reforms. What is that? Surely the really original portion of the Indian reforms was that Section of the Act which transfers certain services in the provincial Governments to Indian Ministers. Under these reforms Indian Ministers in the provincial Governments are placed in responsible charge of education, of public health, of industrial legislation, of the great social services, in fact, but everyone knows that no Minister can do anything for education, or public health, or industrial development unless he is armed with financial resources. What do we therefore see? We have seen these Indian Ministers, anxious to prove their statesmanship, anxious to give effect to their ideals, anxious to do something for the welfare of their country, for education, for public health, for industry, fatally paralysed owing to the financial condition of the country. How could that financial condition be remedied? The first step was to obtain financial equilibrium in the Government of India, and consequently I say, as a friend of these reforms, as a believer in these reforms, that the balancing of the Indian Budget this year was absolutely essential if the reforms had to be given full effect to, and so I find myself in agreement with the Noble Lord in the defence which he has offered for the action of the Viceroy.

In this connection it is not irrelevant to ask the question: "Who is this Viceroy who has certified the Indian Budget and who is accused of autocratic action?" Lord Reading is a great Liberal, a great lawyer, a great financier. There is no statesman in the British Empire who, from the natural proclivities of his mind and temperament, would be less likely to attempt, by a highly autocratic measure, to thwart the free play of popular feeling and popular opinion. The Committee may be certain that the Viceroy did not certify this Finance Act without grave consideration, and this leads me to make an observation in support of the remarks which fell from the Noble Lord. While I think that the Viceroy was right in certifying the Finance Act, I should be the last person to attempt to censure the Members of the Indian Legislature for the action which they took. After all, what was their position? Here was the Government coming down to the Indian Legislature and proposing a very unpopular tax, because on all hands it is admitted that the augmentation of the Salt Tax is unpopular. They were proposing a very unpopular tax, and they were proposing that tax just before a General Election. We all have parliamentary experience here, and we can enter into the feelings of parliamentarians, and I do not propose to involve myself in my own virtue and to censure those Members of an Indian Legislature for adopting a course which would certainly be tempting to most Members of most Legislatures, especially if they knew, as the Indian legislators did know, that there was a reserve power lodged with the Governor-in-Council to give effect to his policy if he thought that that policy was essential to the welfare of India. I, therefore, cast no aspersion upon the Indian Legislature.

I have had occasion more than once, being interested in Indian topics, to read the debates in the Indian Legislature and in the Indian Provincial Legislatures, and I entirely agree with what fell from the Noble Lord that these debates are most promising, that they do indicate a spirit of sobriety, a spirit? of good sense, a spirit of statesmanship, which is a very encouraging omen for the future, but when we are considering this question, we have, I think, to take a forward view of Indian affairs, and I think it would have been very remarkable if the Indian Legislature, faced with this necessarily unpopular proposal, just before a General Election, had been able to rise to the point of view of high finance, which was, in my opinion, the only point of view from which the situation could be adequately judged. I have said enough to indicate to the Committee that I am not prepared to dispute the decision arrived at by the Viceroy, but I wish to make three observations. Nobody can doubt that the certification of the Budget by the Governor in Council is a very grave and serious act. Nobody living in a constitutionally-minded country can fail to feel that this is an act which cannot often be repeated, and which should be treated very seriously, and I think it would be desirable that, when an act of this kind is thought necessary, when the Governor in Council thinks it necessary to certify a Bill, that is to say, to pass a Bill over the heads of the Legislature, this House should have an opportunity of very promptly debating the question. I think the Government of the day ought, in all the circumstances, to find time for a discussion as soon as such an occasion arises. I regret very much that we have had to postpone a discussion upon the certification of the Budget until the India Estimates came on. It would have been very much better on all grounds if we could have had our discussion as soon as the Viceroy took action. I would Vie very glad if my Noble Friend who is to reply could take note of this point, and if the Government were in a position to give us an assurance that they would consider it—because we are now building up a constitutional convention around the Government of India Act and it is important that this Convention should be signed—I should be grateful.

I understand that there is a very general feeling in India that the Governor-General in Council was opposed to certification, but that certification was forced upon him by the Secretary of State. I am not for a moment suggesting that there is a grain of truth in that contention. But I think it would be desirable if my Noble Friend could give the Committee an assurance that the Government has not departed, and does not propose to depart, from the very important constitutional principles laid down by the Joint Select Committee in this regard. The Joint Select Committee, after stating that no statutory change could be made in the relations between the Secretary of State and the Governor-General in Council proceeded to observe:

Since there is a great deal of disquiet in India, because it is thought that the Viceroy has been overruled from home, I am very grateful to the Noble Lord for giving that assurance. There is a further point with respect to the certification of the Budget. The two hon. Members who respectively proposed and seconded the Amendment, laid great stress upon the hardships which would be inflicted on the poor of India by reason of this Salt Tax. My Noble Friend had very little difficulty in showing that those hardships were apt to be exaggerated in public opinion. I was looking the other day at a Report on the family budgets of 3,000 families in Bombay. The Report showed that only 4 per cent. of the expenditure of the families concerned went on salt. It is, therefore, the case that this grievance is apt to be exaggerated. Still, the Salt Tax is a tax upon the poor of the country, and it is very unpopular. I suggest to the Noble Lord that he would very much ease the position of the Government in India if he could give an assurance that it is no part of the Government's intention that this addition to the Salt Tax should be permanent, and that it will be taken off at the first opportunity, as the savings foreshadowed by the Noble Lord are being realised. The Noble Lord has pointed out that very considerable savings have been effected as a result of the Inchcape Report, and he foreshadowed that other savings would be effected in future years. I trust that at the earliest possible opportunity this addition to the Salt Tax will foe removed. If such an assurance were given it would have a very quietening effect on public opinion in India.

I want to say something concerning the Royal Commission upon the public services in India. I am quite prepared to admit that a further inquiry into the structure of the adminstrative services in India has been rendered necessary by the great change in the Government of India effected by the Act of 1919. But I would say two things. In the first place, it is manifest to everyone who has any knowledge of the present conditions of Indian public servants that they are greatly underpaid and that there is no public servant in India who does not find it extremely difficult to make both ends meet. It is very important that this material aspect of the question should be dealt with as speedily as possible. I know from full experience how prolonged these inquiries are apt to be. I was a member of Lord Islington's Public Services Commission, which worked for three years and published 21 volumes of report and evidence I hope that something will be done as soon as possible, especially in relation to the high rates which civil servants are bound to pay for their passages home. In my experience, there is no incident which has a greater deterrent effect upon young men, when considering whether they shall go into the service of India. In the second place, I suggest that the Royal Commission which has recently been appointed should not go over again all the ground that was traversed by the Islington Commission. The Islington Commission made a very large number of recommendations with respect to an improvement of the pay and pensions conditions of the public services of India. Those recommendations could be carried out very easily and promptly without further inquiry and with only such arithmetical changes as are necessitated by the altered level of prices.

I said at the beginning that I spoke on this subject as a believer in and advocate of reforms. I have been struck by the excellent work which has been done in the legislatures of India. I think the policy of the Government should be steadily directed towards strengthening that loyal and constitutional party in India which desires to work the reforms in the spirit in which the reforms were conceded. Those men have to bear the brunt of a great deal of criticism. They deserve a great deal of consideration, and even when we may happen to differ from them we should stretch a point in order to make their position easier than it would otherwise be. But, speaking, as I do, as a friend of reform, I am bound to say that the effect of reform will depend very largely on the extent to which education is developed in our Indian Empire. It is very largely because I am convinced of the importance of developing education, and the seriousness of the financial obstacles which are now impeding the development of education in India, that I think it is absolutely essential that the finances of India should be put upon a sound and practical basis, and that I support the decision which was taken by the Viceroy.

7.0 P.M.

I can honestly and sincerely congratulate the Noble Lord upon the speech which he has delivered. In opening that speech he set before himself a high ideal of historical reminiscence, of picturesque description, and of statesmanlike foresight mixed with a due amount of humour. All these he gave to us and gave to us in full measure—that full measure to which, perhaps, Front-Benchers are too much inclined. But I, like others, had to appear before the magisterial chair of the Noble Lord, who arrayed his critics in two classes. I think that he kept a special acidity for those who, he thought, might possibly have some doubts about recent reforms. I have felt doubts about the reforms and I still feel great doubts about them. I do not, like the Noble Lord, consider that I should yield to no one in admiration for Mr. Montagu and his work. However wicked it may appear on the part of a Member of the Conservative party to say so, I decline to subscribe to these words. It is all very well to speak of our agreeing to the settlement. I sat upon the Joint Committee; I happened to be in the minority in that Committee, and I think the Noble Lord fell into a curious error in regard to that Committee. The Noble Lord is apparently ignorant of the fact that members of Joint Committees of this House and of the other House are not allowed to sign separate Reports, and there was no opportunity for a separate Report being made, as the Report is a joint one. Therefore I consider that neither I nor the hon. Member for Bishop Auckland (Mr. Spoor) are in any way bound by every item of that Report.

The Noble Lord said that we were apparently debarred from any resistance because we had allowed the Third Reading of the Bill to go through without opposition. It was not necessary that it should be carried by a large majority, and its passage was not affected by the fact that some of us voted against the provisions of that Bill throughout the whole of its previous stages. But I am not going to object to the Reforms. There is no one who will be more heartily pleased than I if the policy succeeds, or more unwilling than I am to do anything to interfere with its success. I want to speak, not in regard to the Salt Tax, because I think the action of the Viceroy in that matter is not only justified, but was absolutely necessary in the interests of India—I wish to speak on the larger question, that the chief responsibility, after all, for watching the progress of these reforms in India—as to which some of us have honest doubts, however the Noble Lord may think it well to deride and decry them—the chief responsibility for watching these effects rests upon this House. I shall quote from the Report of the Committee. It says: and which I think was the right one—it was the outcome of the difficulties of the situation—namely, communal representation. We cannot do without that communal representation.

These internecine quarrels are ever ready to break out between the Hindus and Musselmans. That is the central fact in the situation. These were mitigated and palliated by the possibility of bringing in somebody in a magisterial capacity who would be impartial between the two. I am constantly in touch with members of the Civil Service. Incidentally, I may say that nearly one-third of the members of that Civil Service are constituents of my own. The Noble Lord turned and rather sharply selected me as a specimen of the reactionary party, and accused me of making political appeals for the Civil Service. The Noble Lord knows that there are reasons of a peculiarly personal and intimate character that make it difficult for me to insist on any advantages being given to the Civil Service, but I think all the same that, as a representative of nearly one-third of these civil servants, I have their interests at heart. The Noble Lord knows that there are intimate personal relations preventing me from, referring to any financial considerations with regard to them. But how are you to get this impartiality between these different sects unless you have the Englishmen there? The presence of the Englishman, I know from those with whom I am in constant touch, is always desired by the Indian natives themselves who feel that there is an infinite danger as between one side and the other and between one caste and the other. There is an insoluble difficulty that arises which strikes its roots into the soil of India. There is that tension which will never be got rid of, and you must have some impartial agency acting in a magisterial capacity.

I remember on one occasion walking up and down a railway station in India with an officer who was in the Indian Army, and another native officer who was commanding the native troops. I asked him or my friend asked him, "How long do you think we shall be here with you?" The Indian officer turned and pointed out certain fountains for supplying water in the station, one fountain for Indian gentlemen and the other for Mahommedan gentlemen. "So long" he said "as that remains here we require you to be present." That difficulty is not less at the present time. The Noble Lord is shutting his eyes wilfully to dangers if he does not recognise, and I am quite certain the evidence must be before him, that there is a recrudescence in a very fierce form of these internecine feuds between Hindu and Mahommedan, and it is not being smoothed over by speaking about the Gandhi non-co-operation movement. So long as that independent impartiality is required, how are we to escape our responsibilities? Not by shirking them.

I am not going to dwell on the Indian, Civil Service. I believe that the great work that it has done will no longer be the same in the future as it was in the past. It has been one of the greatest achievements of the British race that, after a thousand years of anarchy and tyranny in India, it was able in one hundred years to establish peace and good administration, an administration which has been the admiration of the whole world, and has been equalled, I believe, by no other race in Colonial government. I am proud to say that my own country has played a great part in India since the days of Henry Dundas. We have been left by our forefathers with a great inheritance in the Indian Empire, but they have left us also a great responsibility. We have the responsibility for the future welfare of these multitudinous races in India, divided by tradition, by religion, by race, and separated by mutual hatred—we have the responsibility for their peace and tranquillity, and if by our retiring or by our having gone too fast along the road of reform we encourage an outbreak of these old disputes that made India for a thousand years a shambles, we shall have incurred a grave responsibility. If by carelessness or neglect, if by overlooking the necessity for constant supervision that rests as a sacred duty upon this House and upon the British Government, we allow disorder to grow up; if we allow rash experiments to be made without due consideration, then I say we shall stand arraigned before Heaven and in the pages of history as having failed in our great trust.

May I as a humble occupant of the back benches, add my tribute to that of the right hon. Member for the English Universities (Mr. H. A. Fisher) to the admirable manner in which the Noble Lord stated his case before the Committee. My hon. Friend has anticipated some of the things that I intended to say about my Friend Sir Montagu Webb, who has favoured me with the same papers that he gave to the Noble Lord. Sir Montagu Webb is I believe, the protagonist of the opposition to the Salt Tax here, and, when a member of the Legislative Assembly, opposed the certification of the Salt Tax. The Noble Lord referred to the fact that last year Sir Montagu Webb held a different opinion as to the balancing of the Budget. I am glad to say that he left me the opportunity of proving that his conversion took place at a more recent date than the Noble Lord thought. Sir Montagu Webb, as late as 6th March, said in his speech in the Legislative Assembly:

I should like to say a word or two about the second reason which the Noble Lord gave for balancing the Budget this year, namely, that it is essential that as soon as possible the Government of India should be able to forego to the provincial Governments the contributions which they are at present required to make. I think that is an object which should be carried out with, as little delay as possible, because the Ministers are at the present moment unable to find funds to spend on transferred subjects made over to their charge, such as agriculture, industry, education and sanitation. It is monstrous to expect that a Minister shall propose additional taxation for these purposes until the contributions from the provincial Governments to the supreme Government have been foregone. I should like to give an instance to show how some Ministers feel upon this subject. Hon. Members will perhaps know that in Madras the Ministers are non-Brahmins, and they have expressed their approval of the Salt Tax because they want to get money to spend on their reforms, whereas the Brahmin members of the Legislative Assembly who represent Madras have expressed their opposition to the tax, as they have no local responsibility at present.

I was rather surprised not to find some denunciation of the tax when it was discussed in the Legislative Assembly. It was quite true that one hon. Member said that the effect of it would be that "the people would die like flies," but those who criticised the tax did not make any very great point of its oppressive character or prove that it would be severely felt. I met the other day a very distinguished Indian who told me that it was a very useful bludgeon with which to beat the Government. That is, I think, the principle which has led to many opponents taking up the attitude they have in regard to it. Some figures have been given by the Noble Lord as to the extent to which the expenditure on salt affects the Budget of the common people. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for the English Universities (Mr. Fisher) has referred to some figures which have been prepared by Mr. Findlay Shirras about the Budgets of the working people of Bombay, and one of the most interesting things in these budgets is that in the country, where everybody, except amongst the Sikhs, men and women, smoke tobacco, the amount which an ordinary labouring man will spend on tobacco is some six or seven times the amount which he spends upon salt. There is another luxury, that of betelnut, and a man will spend four times as much on that as he will do upon salt.

In my younger days I had to stay for 15½ years in India. I stayed for that exceptionally long period from England at one stretch, and I was constantly travelling amongst the rural population, either in my own province, or when I could get a month's leave in the jungles of some other province. I had the most intimate and confidential relations with all the people of the country. They used to come and sit around the camp fire and talk of their grievances. Usually they have nothing except complaints to make—complaints of the exactions of landlords, they mournfully regretted that Parmesher, their god, had not given them a good season, and they lamented the corruption of the revenue officials, or cursed the tyranny of the Government police, but never on one single occasion did I hear them make any reference whatever to the Salt Tax. At that time, in the first few years, the Salt Tax was at the rate of three rupees a maund, it was subsequently reduced to 2.12 rupees a maund, and it did not fall below that figure during the whole of that 15 years. It now stands at two rupees eight annas. If they had been excessively taxed, they would surely have referred to the fact that the Government had taken what they should not have done. They never did. The most convincing witness to my mind is my friend Sir George Grierson, the talented Director of the Linguistic Survey of India, a man whose knowledge of village life has never been excelled by any European as his delightful book, "Peasant Life in Behar," sufficiently proves, and will, I think, be admitted by anyone who will read that delightful work. The tax has now been in force for three months. It is quite true that in the towns there has been a certain amount of feeling expressed about it, but I believe the whole of that opposition to-day has been incited by propagandists. In the rural tracts and among the rural population of India, which amounts to about 75 per cent. of the total population, there is no evidence whatever that the people feel it at all or have expressed one word of criticism about it. I therefore think that the statement that the tax is violently resented by the population of India can only be taken subject to the limitation that the population is that of the cities rather than that of the villages.

I should like, with the permission of the Committee, to refer to the reception which the Dispatch from the Secretary of State from India regarding the acceleration of the reforms was received by the Legislative Assembly. The Government of India Act prescribes, in accordance with the recommendations of the Joint Select Committee, that the Statutory Commission should not be appointed for 10 years. It was specifically recommended by the Select Committee that there should be no substantial changes in the constitution, the franchise, and no changes in the list of transferred or reserved services until that period was over. Then after the Act had been in existence for eight months a Resolution was proposed in the Legislative Assembly asking that the time should be put forward by several years. That Resolution came before the recent Secretary of State for India and he could easily have replied to it before he resigned office. He left to the present Secretary of State to give the answer. That answer, given in November, was that the law had been carefully considered, and Parliament had laid down the particular time at which the changes should be considered. The decision of the Secretary of State was very badly received by the Legislative Assembly. Some Members tried to adjourn the House in order to discuss it, but that Motion was set aside. Then 14 or 15 members of the Assembly drew up a Memorandum in which they finally said that: sine die was moved. That seems to be a very unsatisfactory end to the whole subject. I hope that Parliament will support the view that the Secretary of State has taken, that the question of reopening the Constitution should be postponed for the 10 years specified. For myself, I think it is far too early to say anything about the success or failure of the reforms. I want to see them thoroughly tested. Before they were introduced I was an opponent of the particular way in which they were developed. At the invitation of the late Secretary of State for India I expressed my opinion to that effect.

Since, however, the Government of India Act was passed, I have never opened my mouth on the subject in public, and I do not intend to open it now in criticism of anything that has been done in that respect. My only wish is that the reforms may be worked to the best benefit of both India and her people. Even were the question an open one, the present moment would hardly be the opportune time to deal with it. I quite agree with the Noble Lord that the information about the cessation of non-co-operation and the civil disobedience policy is very satisfactory, and I sincerely hope that there will be no recrudescence of this policy in the future. We have got a General Election coming on in the autumn, and there are two extreme parties. It is not very easy to estimate their exact strength. One of the parties wishes to enter the Councils, and by a continuous system of obstruction to prevent them from working properly; and the other wishes to make all government impossible. If the Government is wise and vigilant, if it will deal with facts, firmly and quickly, then I think there need be little apprehension of trouble in the autumn. It is not the political situation which disturbs me so much as the lawlessness that prevails in certain parts.

On a point of Order. I want to know what the hon. Gentleman means when he talks about dealing "firmly and quickly"?

That is not a point of Order. If the hon. Member wishes to put a question, and the hon. Member speaking gives way, he may listen to and answer the question.

I give those words the ordinary meaning which any person would give to them. What I am concerned about is the state of lawlessness which prevails over certain parts of the country. We have extreme lawlessness in the Punjab and acute differences between Hindoos and Mahommedans in different parts of the country, and we have had an extraordinary recrudescence of gang robberies in recent years not only in Bombay, but in other parts of the country. I asked the Noble Lord the Under-Secretary for India a question some time ago as to the extent to which the Dacoity had increased in the Punjab and the United Provinces and he replied that since 1913 Dacoity had more than doubled. These gang robberies are things which the people on the ordinary country- side fear more than anything else because they usually result in great violence to unoffending men and, what is worse, indescribable torture to helpless women in order to force them to say where the jewellery and funds of their husbands are kept. I regret to say that in these three Provinces where Dacoity has been so rife no less than 52 police officers have prematurely retired, and in the Punjab the number who have retired under special terms is not less than 23 per cent. of the whole European force. I fear that unless steps are taken to protect the countryside they will come to think that they are not getting from the British Government the same protection which they have had for two generations, and the effect will be not only to make those who are well disposed less well disposed towards our Government, but it will add to the number of those who are ready to cause disturbances.

I should like to refer to one more subject, and it is the present condition of the members of the different services recruited in the main from Great Britain. I do not refer only to the Indian Civil Service proper, but I also refer to other services such as the Forest Department, the Education Department, and particularly the Police which is the worst-paid Department in the whole of India. These officers are in a very embarrassed position. The cost of living in India has in the last 30 years increased by more than 125 per cent., and during that period the increase of pay in these services has not been more than a maximum of 25 per cent. in the Forest Department, and 8 per cent. in the Indian Civil Service. The married officers find it impossible to live on their pay. They have to send their families to the hills in the hot weather, and they have also to find money for their expenses in the plains, and these expenses are double what they used to be. How they can possibly find means to take themselves home for periods of leave when every single sixpence they get is absorbed in payment for their daily life I do not know, and, as a matter of fact, it is quite impossible. In those circumstances the only possible result is that they are reduced to a state of desperation. It was well known to the Government of India two years ago that there was this discontent throughout the whole of the Imperial services, and nothing has been done to remedy it. Representations have been made to the Secretary of State on this subject, and it is not necessary for me to go into the details of what he has received. I should just like to quote what the Under-Secretary for India said in the discussion in June last year as supporting me in this contention. The Noble Lord said:

I think the Committee is to be congratulated on the attendance at this Debate, which is far greater than has been customary in former Debates on Indian affairs. At the same time, I think we ought to enter a protest against discussing this vitally important question of our relations with India under the form of closure which the Government impose upon us. We only get one occasion upon which Indian affairs can be discussed, and this is the occasion for which India has been waiting, of discussing whether the certification of the Salt Tax was right or wrong, and we have only got four hours in which to discuss it. I know it will be said that that is no fault of the Government, and that the officers of the House have arranged that private Bills should come on at 8.15, which will take up the remainder of the time at our disposal up to 11 o'clock. I am aware that that has nothing to do with the Government, but what is more important is that this is the opportunity upon which India will judge of the interest taken by hon. Members in Indian affairs. Of those four hours the Under-Secretary for India, quite rightly, has taken up nearly two of them. We were all extremely interested in his speech, and I only wish that he could have taken up more time. Unfortunately, however, the rest of the Members of the Committee are deprived of making any contribution to the discussion. I am sure we should all like to have heard the opinion of the hon. Member for Tonbridge (Lieut.-Colonel Spender-Clay), and we should also like to have heard the views of the hon. Member for Derby (Mr. C. Roberts), who is an ex-Under-Secretary of State for India, and I am afraid both those hon. Members will be absolutely blocked out. It is only by getting a possible Division at 8.15 that we may be able to show to the Indian people how we view the certification of the legislation which they have rejected.

The Under-Secretary knows a good deal about the state of affairs at this end at the India Office, but I think he has shown a certain amount of ignorance of the conditions out in India. The question is not really whether the Salt Tax should have been certified, but whether we are going to find a really sufficient body of opinion in India which will co-operate with the British Government in working out the gradual development of self-governing institutions in India, or whether we are to find our last supporter banished from that co-operation which they have carried on so well for the last three years. The other day a great Indian went to interview the manager of one of our great London newspapers in order to obtain his support for the Indian view on the Kenya question, which is the touch-stone of what our relations with India are going to be in the future, and that great publicist said: India but it will also be disastrous to British finance as well. I think we must have at least £500,000,000 invested in India, in fact it is probably double that amount, and the safety of that capital and its security financially depends upon separation if it must come about taking place on amicable terms between two friendly people who can still co-operate together in business even if they cannot co-operate in administering the affairs of that great Empire.

It is for that reason that we on these benches are particularly anxious that during these critical years while India is cutting her wisdom-teeth, self-government should come about without causing friction between the Indian people and ourselves. It seems to me that there has been a change in this respect on the part of the India Office and the Government towards the Indian people in the last year, and this must seem far more strongly so to the people of India who will be more suspicious than I am. I believe the Secretary of State for India and the Under-Secretary are anxious to carry out the policy formulated by Mr. Montagu, and his ultimate view of what will happen to India is self-government as a Dominion under the British Crown. There is bound to be a great deal of suspicion in India on this point, more particularly when the non-co-operative movement assists in cultivating that suspicion of the British Government. That being so, we ought to look particularly closely at any evidence which may be twisted into showing that the present Government is less friendly towards India, and less inclined to work India out into a self-governing Dominion, than the preceding Government. This Salt Taxation certification is just one of those points which ought to have been avoided, simply for that reason. We had exactly the same refusal by the Assembly to double the Salt Tax last year, when the Budget deficit was £6,000,000 instead of being merely £2,500,000. Last year, that is to say in March, 1922, there was no question of certifying that Tax. There was no question of forcing the Tax, against the will of the Assembly, upon the Indian people. That was all right, but the Indians, looking back now, and seeing that the Government here, in coping with a smaller deficit by over 50 per cent. than that of last year, have acted on completely different lines, are naturally inclined to put it down to the advent to power of a Conservative administration.

I do not suppose, for one moment, that there is the slightest shadow of justification for the suggestion that there was pressure brought by the Government on this side on the Indian Government to secure certification. I am sure there is absolutely nothing in that rumour, but that illustrates the suspicion which is bound to attach to any action of this sort on the part of the Indian Government under a new négime. That is why I think the Viceroy would have been well advised to have let the Legislative Assembly have its way about this small doubling of the Salt Tax, rather than give any ground for the supposition that there had been the slightest change in policy. Just observe what a strong position the Indians have for thinking that the Viceroy has taken a turn for the worse. It is not merely that he has acted differently this time from last year, in circumstances which were not so serious, but that he has taken advantage of this Section in Government of India Act, which only gave him a doubtful authority to act as he has done. The Committee will remember that the Section in the Government of India Act runs as follows:

I am loath to interrupt the hon. and gallant Gentleman, but this is really rather important. He has not quoted the beginning portion of the Section. Might I ask him to quote the opening part of it? It is Section 26 (1).

I will read it.

"Where either chamber of the Indian Legislature refuses leave to introduce, or fails to pass in a form recommended by the Governor-General any Bill, the Governor-General may certify that the passage of the Bill is essential for the safety, tranquillity"——

Yes, but this proviso applies to that. I am very sorry that the Noble Lord changes his ground repeatedly. I asked him a question the other day as to whether this was certified on the ground that it was a case of emergency, and he said yes. Obviously, the proviso in question applies to Sub-section (1) of this Section, which is a part of it. I did not know that there was any doubt at all as to this having been certified, because it was held to be a case of emergency.

It was certified as essential legislation under the first part of the Clause, but was only brought into immediate operation by the use of the emergency Sub-section, which is quite distinct.

Now the Noble Lord is coming round, and he admits it was an emergency, and that it was certified under this proviso. May I point out that the Standing Committee itself contemplated such action as the Governor-General carried out, and recommended as follows:

I come to the main defence of the certification by the Noble Lord. He pointed out that this was an emergency, because the Budget did not balance by £2,500,000, and that hence the great credit of the Indian Empire was at stake. Nothing more far-fetched could be imagined. The credit of the great Indian Empire does not depend upon whether there is a deficit of £2,500,000, or a surplus of £1,500,000. It depends on things far more vital and important than that. Even the Noble Lord, however, out of the very figures he gave, proved the absence of any real necessity whatever for the imposition of this tax, because he showed that, out of the Inchcape Committee's recommendations of a reduction of nine crores, the Government had already consented to a reduction of seven crores on the civil side alone. Those reductions cannot all come into force this year. Some were bound to come into operation next year. Consequently, there will be a reduction in the expenditure of the country next year, and the Budget will be able to balance without this unnecessary tax. The matter was righting itself; the situation was getting better.

The Noble Lord, I think, got into some strange muddle over the Inchcape Committee's recommendations so far as military expenditure is concerned. He told us that the Inchcape Committee's recommendations amounted to £2,000,000 a year, and that of that £2,000,000 the Government had accepted already about one half, and that that amount which the Government had accepted amounted to 50 per cent. of all the reductions recommended by the Inchcape Committee. Surely, the Noble Lord must have meant 50 per cent. of all the reductions on military expenditure recommended by the Inchcape Committee? Even there I do not think he has read the Inchcape Committee's Report thoroughly, because they certainly recommend that the expenditure on military matters, which now runs to over 60 crores, is ultimately to be reduced to about 50 crores of rupees. So you have a prospective reduction if the Government carry out the Inchcape Committee's Report, and you give the Indians the prospect of a future reduction of expenditure which will far more than wipe out the extra money raised by this Salt Tax. Therefore, the financial situation seems to me to be improving in India under any circumstances, and it is singularly unnecessary to bring forward this additional tax now. Perhaps when the Noble Lord comes to reply on the general Debate later on, he may explain more clearly exactly how much the Inchcape Committee recommended in military costs, how much they hoped to be able to recommend, and how much has been already carried out by the reduction in the numbers of troops in the Punjab.

When dealing with this, the Noble Lord made great play with the change of view of Sir Montagu Webb. I have never met Sir Montagu Webb, but after hearing the speech he made on last year's Indian Budget, I feel certain that he must be a great acquisition to the Legislative Assembly, and I can only regret that he does not sit on the Front Bench here, in order to teach sound finance to the present Government. His views, I feel certain, would be a credit to this assembly, but I do not see that it is even necessary to point out any inconsistency between his action in 1922 and his action to-day. The position in India, financially, is infinitely better to-day than it was a year ago. The deficit is less than half of what it was, with prospects of further reduction in expenditure, and if I had been in Sir Montagu Webb's place I hope I should have expressed the same views, and I can only wish that I should have been able to express them as well. It is an enormous advantage when we find, in constitutional struggles such as this in India, that we have Englishmen such as Sir Montagu Webb and Sassoon siding with the Indians, and showing that the question at issue is not a racial one but a very important constitutional one.

The point I finally want to make is this. The Noble Lord, throughout his speech, was dealing with India rather as though it was a child's toy shop. He wandered about and picked up beautiful toys here and there, and showed them off to the Committee. The question at issue in India is more serious than the development of irrigation, or even than working-class dwellings in Bombay. It is whether these reforms, upon which we have pinned our faith, and which indeed offer the only hope of an amicable settlement of the Indian self-government problem, will work or not. Up till now, in the opinion of people in this country, they have worked very well. Up till now there has been no trouble, but really the problem is not so simple as that, because up to now the keen politicians in India, the people who do not like being ruled by the British race, have not taken any part in the Councils whatever. The Moderates on the Councils are excellent men, who have co-operated with the Government in the firm faith that the Government was ultimately leading them to self-government. I think it is rather poor fun for these Moderates to have it thrown in their teeth that their action over this Salt Tax, and the protests they have made since, were due to public pressure, or because they wanted to cultivate popularity in view of the approaching election. I do not think there have been any men in India who have shown more moral courage than have these men, who have gone on these councils in the face of popular disapproval and boycott. They have shown their moral courage and proved their worth, and I do not think we need suppose that on this one issue of the Salt Tax they have been swayed by anything except their principles, or by any desire to acquire temporary popularity.

We are coming to a change in the wave. The split in the non-co-operation movement has occurred. The brains of the non-co-operation movement, as apart from the heart, which is centred in Gandhi, are now going into Parliament. They are going to take their seats in the Assembly, and they will carry the cities. I do not know how far they will carry them in Madras, because there you have the problem of Brahmin against non-Brahmin. In the United Provinces, however, in Bengal, and probably in the Punjab, the Das party will sweep the board. They will go on the Legislative Council, and get into the Assembly. They are the men who are out for Swaraj as quickly as possible. In coming on the Council they are by no means coming on to co-operate with the Government. They are coming on as a determined Opposition. They say they will be like the Parnellites. I hope they will come on as the Labour party comes on, determined to oppose, but at the same time to co-operate where that co-operation involves no infringement of their determined struggle for liberty. They are coming on the Councils, and now is the testing time for the Councils. They will be acting quite rightly in using their votes on the Council, if they get a majority, in withholding supplies till their grievances are redressed. One of their grievances, and a special one, is the Salt Tax.

They are coming on the Councils. Will it work? This is a testing time for this Government. I think, if they are going to continue to try to ride two horses at once; to try to satisfy the hon. and learned Member for the Scottish Universities (Sir H. Craik) and, at the same time, to satisfy Indian opinion, they will be really leading as quickly as possible to self-government. They will have a task before them which is impossible. I beg the Noble Lord, and through him the India Office as a whole, to see whether—I know it is too late now to reverse this decision of the Viceroy on the Salt Tax—there is not still time to save the situation by making it clear that the carrying out of the Government of India Act in future will be on the most liberal lines, such as have been adopted up till this year in the administration of that Act. Particularly, in view of the fact that we have to deal with people who are emotional as well as hard-headed, I believe that something might be done to render real co-operation in fututre possible, if the Government would take one or two minor steps to make that co-operation easier. For instance, there is Lajpat Rai dying of tuberculosis in an Indian gaol. He is a man universally respected in India; he has really committed no crime whatever, and he has been in gaol now for nearly two years. What is there to prevent that man being released in the Punjab, just as all the political prisoners have been released in the United Provinces? Indeed, I think, in all the other provinces, except the Punjab, prisoners similar to Rajpat Rai have been released.

There is the Mahatma Gandhi, probably the most saintly person since Jesus Christ, who is revered and worshipped by the people of India, he is in gaol, too. His cause has ceased to be a cause of any danger to English rule in India. His followers are split. He would disapprove of going on to the Council, but C. R. Das, the Pandit Motilal, Nehra, the Pandit Maleviya, and the rest of them, are going on to the Council, whether he approves or not. So far as danger to British rule in India is concerned, he is no danger whatever. Indeed, he is a force making for peace and for amity between the races, rather than hostility. Cannot the Government do something in this direction which would act as an offset against this certification of the Salt Duty? There are other ways in which they can help in the same manner. They have only got to make it clear that the Government of India Act may be amended in certain ways before the 10 years' period elapses. In that way, the Government can do something to save the situation.

In any case, we on these benches, by the efforts we are making to-day to reverse the decision taken by the Viceroy in India, are actuated solely by the desire for the really amicable co-operation of Englishmen and Indians in the future; not only in the government of India, but also that their personal relations shall be friendly. You are up against in India the gradually growing hostility of a subject people. As they get educated—when they are uneducated, they have not any hostility—you find more and more hostility, often springing from some personal views on what they consider injustice or insolence. You have in India to-day exactly the same cleavage between two races as existed in Venetia, when Venice was under the Austrians, the growing hatred of two peoples, who have no earthly reason to hate one another. This is increased whenever acts of this sort take place. It can be decreased if the Government will take steps in the other direction. This miserable feeling is being allowed to grow up and develop, and to end in open rupture, such as we have seen in Ireland. Ought not we in this House of Commons—not merely we in the Labour party, but all hon. Members who really want the British Empire to be a nation of free peoples—to join together in trying to impress on the Government, and through them the Indian people, that we want not autocracy, but free institutions, and that we resent, as much as Indians do, any action contrary to that development of the Indian Commonwealth?

8.0 P.M.

This act of the Viceroy's is not final, but unfortunately it has been in the wrong direction, and has come at a time when the Nationalists are just going on to the Indian Legislature. The time has been unfortunate, and the position in this House is even more difficult. Here, we know that by taking a Division to-day we, on this side, will be in the minority. We may get a few votes from hon. Members opposite, who know the situation in India, but we shall certainly be in the minority. The taking of that Division will show to the people in India that they have not got, in their constitutional struggle—what they believe to be their righteous constitutional struggle—the support of the democracy of Great Britain. Unfortunately, it will be worse if the Division be not taken. If they find that their cause can be pleaded, but that no decision is come to by the British House of Commons, the position will be infinitely worse than even if we took a Division, and were beaten. Therefore, I would beg the Committee to let us have the Division on the Salt Tax now, and, as soon as that Division is out of the way, let us, after a number of private Bills are disposed of, get back to the general Debate on the Indian question, and have from the Noble Lord a reply dealing with all these outstanding points which have nothing whatever to do with Salt Tax. That seems to me the best way out of the present situation. May I make a final appeal to some hon. Members opposite who know how serious it would be to start an Irish situation in India? I appeal to them to give us their support, knowing, as I do, that every vote we get will make a very wide difference in the attitude which India will take up.

When the hon. and gallant Gentleman was speaking he seemed very much concerned about the condition of the officers in India. I happen to have got a letter from a private soldier which I think should be read——

That seems to be taking an unfair advantage. I have not called upon the hon. Member to make a speech.

I do not agree with some of the things which have been said by my hon. and gallant Friend (Colonel Wedgwood), but I do agree with him in his protest against the interruption of business with which we are to be faced, and that there should not be a proper discussion in this House on Indian matters. It may not be the fault of the Government, but it shows the need for some decentralisation of our business. I have listened with the greatest possible interest to the Under-Secretary. He touched only too rapidly on many subjects on which we would have heard him quite gladly, and I think I must appeal to the Prime Minister to give us another day on which to carry on this discussion. It is all very well for my hon. and gallant Friend to suggest that we should now take a Division, but there are many Members in this House who want to speak on this subject and many whom the House ought to hear, because they have a real knowledge of the question, and can speak with authority. I do not know whether the Prime Minister will indicate that he will give us another day.

Had you not better try and get another Supply day devoted to it?

I hesitate really in the few minutes which remain at my disposal to enter on this subject. But I should like if I may to enter a protest against the appointment of another Public Services Committee. There was a Public Services Commission which reported in 1917, and although there are post-war conditions which have now to be considered, I am bound to say there is a very great deal of discontent, and I agree it is very hard that men whose grievances have admittedly been held up for two or three years should suffer a still further delay while this Committee is going round the country making its inquiry. I feel it is impossible to have these racial distinctions and racial questions raised in a discussion on the question of Public Services without creating a good deal of bad feeling. On the last Public Service Commission such feeling did arise and it seems a great pity that the process should be gone through again. There is, too, the question of cost—not a negligible matter. I cannot but think that, if the information which was gathered together by the last Public Services Commission were brought up to-day, it might have been left to the Secretary of State for India to deal with the question and thus avoid the delay and disadvantages likely to result from the appointment of another Commission. There is a great deal of ground to cover, but it does not seem to me that the question stands in a position in which the matter cannot be dealt with in the ordinary way by the Under-Secretary, in consultation with the Governor-General and the Governors of Provinces.

The Under-Secretary has referred to the Kenya problem. That is a matter of the gravest importance from the Indian standpoint. I think the whole question of the future participation of India in the Empire is raised here as well as other questions which affect the future development of the Empire. I am glad to think the India Office has made the stand which is demanded by Indian public opinion, and by, I think, the more enlightened public opinion in this country, and I believe the case can now be left, with complete confidence, in the hands of the India Office.

It being a Quarter-past Eight of the Clock, and there being Private Business set down by direction of the CHAIRMAN OF WAYS AND MEANS under Standing Order No. 8, further Proceeding was postponed, without Question put.

Private Business

London, Midland, and Scottish Railway Bill [Lords] (By Order)

Order for Second Reading read.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read a Second time."

It is not my intention to move the Motion standing in my name and the names of other hon. Members for the rejection of this Bill, but, with the permission of the House, I should like to make a brief statement. I may remind hon. Members that several Members on both sides of the House have been opposing this Bill for some considerable time, in consequence of many grievances that some of us have in connection with this particular company. In the year 1912 the Midland Railway Company promoted a Bill, and a Clause was inserted in it, which became Section 21 of the Act, to electrify the line between Fenchurch Street and Southend. They were authorised to promote a Bill in the Session of 1914, and they did so, but the War intervened, and there were various extensions of time until, I think, 1919. Since then the company have done nothing at all to electrify the line from Fenchurch Street to Southend. There are a number of other grievances which we desire to get rectified, and the only chance that private Members have of doing this is when the company in question promotes a Bill.

Our chief complaint against the company was in consequence of their not having carried out their obligations of 1912 and 1914. We have been negotiating with the general manager of the London, Midland and Scottish Railway Company, and he was good enough to meet several Members of this House, together with delegates representing the various local authorities from East Ham to Southend. We laid all our complaints before him on that occasion, so they are well known to him, and in the early part of April we sent a statement to the Minister of Transport setting out the grievances, with which, of course, I am not going to trouble the House. All that I want to do now is to read a letter which has been sent to me from the General Manager of the company, so that it may be recorded in the Journals of the House for future reference. It is dated the 4th June, and reads as follows:

Question, "That the Bill be now read a Second time," put, and agreed to.

Bill read a Second time, and committed.

The following Instruction stood on the Order Paper in the name of Major PAGET:

"After Second Reading of the London, Midland and Scottish Railway Bill [ Lords ], to move, That it be an Instruction to the Committee on the Bill that they do insert in the Bill a Clause to repeal the statutory provision which requires the railway company to keep closed for road traffic the level crossing on the Watling Street, near Willey."

The Instruction standing in the name of the hon. and gallant Member for Bosworth (Major Paget) is not in order. It is not relevant to the subject matter of the Bill, and, further, it asks a Committee on a private Bill to repeal part of a public Act, namely, the Regulation of Railways Act, 1842, which cannot be done. The hon. and gallant Member's remedy, if he has a good case, is, under that Act and subsequent Acts, to make application to the Ministry of Transport.

On a point of Order. I should like to ask your ruling as to whether I am entitled to move that this Bill be referred to a Committee of the whole House.

No. This is a private Bill, and it is governed by Standing Orders. It is bound to go to a Select Committee.

London and North Eastern Railway Bill [Lords] (By Order)

Order for Second Reading read.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read a Second time."

I beg to move to leave out the word "now," and, at the end of the Question, to add the words "upon this day three months."

In moving this Amendment, I much regret that very important business of this House has to be interrupted by a discussion on a Private Bill, but the responsibility for that certainly does not rest either upon my shoulders or upon those who are associated with me in this Amendment. I was very much interested in the speech of the hon. Member for Plaistow (Mr. W. Thorne) a few moments ago, when he detailed the negotiations which had taken place with another railway company in connection with the Bill which has just been given a Second Reading, and I thought at the time that, had the London and North Eastern Railway Company taken the same trouble to meet those of us who have a serious grievance in connection with their Bill, as the London, Midland and Scottish Railway Company have taken in their case, it possibly would not have been necessary to take up the time of the House this evening.

This Bill appeared on the Paper only on Tuesday, and I thought that the promoters, seeing that the Bill was opposed, would have made some effort to obviate the taking up of the time of the House and to meet those who object. I want to pay a tribute to the right hon. Gentleman the Minister of Transport, who, during the last two days, has done his very utmost to bring the parties into touch, and it certainly is not his fault that he has not been successful. Those who have objected to this Bill have been ignored by the London and North-Eastern, and, instead of any attention being paid to the protest and representations which they desired to make to the promoters of the Bill, a statement has been sent out to every Member of this House in support of the Bill. Evidently, the London and North-Eastern Company believe that, no matter what individual Members may do to protect the public interests, this House will always vote them down. I am not so sure. I venture to hope that when I have put my case—which, by the way, is not a party case—the majority will follow me into the Lobby and refuse a Second Reading to this Bill until the company takes up a more reasonable attitude. This is an omnibus Bill conferring further powers, and before passing it the House ought to be satisfied that the powers already possessed by the company are not being used against the public interest.

I want to put the case which has prompted the present opposition to the Bill. For a good many years, the whole population of North London, comprising roughly 500,000 people, have been suffering under grievous disadvantages in not having proper travelling facilities in getting to and from their business. There has been a growing demand on their part for a tube railway to be constructed north of Finsbury Park. It is not necessary to go into details as to the dangers of the present system, and the inconvenience resulting to thousands of people leaving off work at six o'clock, and not getting home till half-past eight or nine, spending two-and-a-half hours on the way, and struggling for trams. It is bad enough for men, but worse for women. Apart from that, there is the tremendous amount of time lost and danger incurred every week by people being buffeted about, and stranded at Finsbury Park. The local authorities have had the matter in hand for a considerable time. A deputation has seen the Minister of Transport, and has been received very sympathetically. We made an effort to get something done, not only from the point of view of meeting the inconvenience of the people who reside in that vast area, but also in order to relieve the terrible unemployment that exists there. After that deputation, an appeal was made to the Metropolitan Railway Company to construct a tube railway, and it was then that a secret Clause was discovered in an Act passed in 1902, which is the point of objection to the whole Bill. It is one of the most extraordinary Clauses that ever crept into any Act of Parliament.

I mean a Clause the existence of which was apparently not known either to the general public or to the local authorities. The only people who appear to have been aware of it were the Great Northern Company and the Metropolitan Railway Company, and to that extent, inasmuch as it is operating against the welfare of the whole of the people of North London, I think it might well be described as a "secret" Clause. I will read it, and then hon. Members may judge for themselves why we are objecting:

Let me deal with the statement issued by the promoters, and sent to every Member of the House, in support of the Second Reading. Let me quote from the statement:

The question may be asked, "Is the Metropolitan Railway willing to construct a tube railway provided we succeed in getting this Clause withdrawn?" I have here a letter from the General Manager of the Metropolitan Railway, dated 23rd January, 1923, to the secretary of one of the large ratepayers' associations in North London, who has been active in promoting this scheme. He says: waited upon him. That petition was signed by 28,860 people. It was also signed officially by the chairman and clerks of five district councils. The Mayor of Hornsey signed on behalf of the Borough of Hornsey, and the Clerk of the Edmonton Board of Guardians signed. It was presented by either the chairman or one of the leading members or the clerks of the following districts: Tottenham, Edmonton, Wood Green, Ponders End, Hornsey, Enfield, Southgate, Finchley and Barnet.

We regret the haste with which this matter has been brought forward. We regret that no endeavour has been made to enter into any consultation in regard to the matter. What we ask and what we put before the company, and what they refuse to give us, is a guarantee that they will consider immediately the extension of the tube from Finsbury Park and the electrification of the old Great Northern line, or failing that, that they will allow other companies to proceed with the work. Surely that is a fair proposition. Let them either do the job themselves or get out of the way and let others do it. When the London and North Eastern Railway Company behaves in such a high-handed way, this House is not justified in voting for a Bill which confers further powers upon that company.

I beg to second the Amendment.

I oppose this Bill in the strongest possible manner, and associate myself with the remarks made by the hon. Member for North Tottenham (Mr. R. Morrison). For the benefit of those hon. Members who are not aware, of it, I should like to say a few words as to the iniquitous condition of transport under which my constituents and that vast business population who reside in the North of London in the area served by the late Great Northern Railway and the present London and North Eastern Railway are suffering. There you have an enormous residential area, populated almost entirely by people who go backwards and forwards to the City every day to their work. Practically the whole of the male population are city workers, and also a large part of the female population. The conditions of inconvenience and discomfort to which those unfortunate people every day of their lives are subjected almost baffle description. They have two alternatives. They can take a single tier omnibus—double tier omnibuses cannot be used in the greater part of that area, owing to the Great Northern Railway bridges—in which, if they are lucky, they can get a seat during the rush hours, after waiting for half an hour or three quarters of an hour. That omnibus takes them to the railway head of the Metropolitan Railway at Finsbury Park, and there, after further jostling and pushing, they got hold of a strap in a train which takes them to their City destination.

Perhaps the right hon. Baronet will allow me to develop my argument. I have seen queues of these unfortunate people at Finsbury Park during the rush hours standing in pouring rain, waiting sometimes for an hour or so, until they can get a 'bus. Their other alternative is to walk or take a 'bus to the nearest London and North Eastern Railway Station, where they are again subject to conditions of congestion which are intolerable, and they get a seat in an ordinary steam train which takes them to the City. I must admit that during the rush hours the Great Northern Railway do all they can to put on as many trains as possible. But, as is perfectly natural with steam trains, they cannot adequately and efficiently deal with the rush from that district of over half a million people going to the City.

Those are the conditions under which the people are suffering. The conditions of communication between the main business areas and the residential area are conditions which exist in no other civilised city in the world. I consider it a scandal that they should exist in the premier city of the world. They exist because the late Great Northern Railway had a complete monopoly of the railway transport in that part of London. They had that monopoly for two reasons. First, because the Finsbury Park Station belonged to them and the Underground Company leased it from them, and no underground company can extend beyond Finsbury Park without the approval of the London and North Eastern Railway Company. The other reason is the iniquitous Clause in the Great Northern Railway Act, 1902, which, pre- vents the Metropolitan Railway, which would be the prime mover in any extension scheme of this sort, even taking steps towards extending the electrical lines from Finsbury Park.

I myself, of course in a private capacity, approached several officials of the Great Northern Railway some time ago. I pointed out that they appeared to be taking no steps to keep up to date in modern methods of travel, so far as their suburban lines were concerned, and at the same time they were preventing competition from other sources from adding to the convenience of the residents in that part of London. They told me that as soon as the amalgamation scheme was carried into effect, they thought that something should be done. We are perfectly prepared for the London and North Eastern Railway to carry on the transport of that part of London, provided that they will do it in an up-to-date manner. If they would electrify their suburban line, then the Metropolitan Railway could build a branch to the London and North Eastern line and run their trains right through. When late last night I realised that this Bill was lying on the Table, naturally I expected to find that some provision was going to be made in it for this scheme. I looked through the Clauses with the greatest eagerness, and I found Clauses dealing with the limits of jetty masters' jurisdiction, lifeboat crews being exempt from tolls, and so on, but nothing dealing with this very important subject of modern lines of condition of travelling in North London. Unless my mind is set at rest by the promoters of this Bill in regard to these questions, and unless they assure me and my friends who are working with me on this Bill that steps will be taken immediately to consider the electrification of the London and North Eastern line, and if necessary the removal of this embargo, and possibly, in consultation with the tube railways, an extension of the tubes in that part of London, we will oppose this Bill, and I appeal earnestly to all Members to support us in what is to us a very important matter.

The House must be grateful to the hon. Member for North Tottenham (Mr. R. Morrison) and the Noble Lord the Mem- ber for Hornsey (Viscount Ednam) for the eloquent manner in which they have explained the case, as they conceive it to be, against this Bill. On behalf of the North Eastern Railway Company, I propose to deal shortly with some of the arguments adduced against the Bill, and to show the House why they should give a Second Reading to this Measure. The Noble Lord quoted from various provisions of the Bill, and went on to say that it contained nothing about the extension of the tube system beyond Finsbury Park, and that there is nothing about electrification of the suburban railways of London. Of course there is not. This Bill was never intended to deal with these particular subjects. It was introduced to carry out certain specific purposes, and, as no attention has been drawn to these purposes to-night, I crave the indulgence of the House while I specify what they are.

The first principal object of this Bill is to authorise the construction of certain important railways for facilitating access to the Hull and Barnsley Railway, as part of the London and North Eastern Railways undertaking. Under the Railway Act, 1921, the Hull and Barnsley Railway was incorporated with other railways in the East Coast system, in what is now known as the London and North Eastern Railway. One of the principal objects of this Bill is to provide easy access between the Hull and Barnsley Railway, and that part of the system of the London and North Eastern Railway which adjoins it. Another purpose of this Bill is to restrict the volume of traffic passing over certain of the level crossings in the city of Hull. Hon. Members for Hull are aware of the importance of that. It is further proposed to authorise the construction of a new jetty at a place called Salt End at Hull, to develop the oil trade of that port. It is also proposed to extend the time for the construction of certain railways which have been authorised, and the Bill further includes powers for facilitating the housing of the staff of the Company.

Another provision to which I would like to draw the attention of my hon. Friend on my right has been inserted at the instance of the Railway Clerks Association. That association were not satisfied with Section 48, Sub-section (8) of the North Eastern and East Scottish group Amal- gamation Scheme, 1922. The Sub-section to which they took exception was,

So will the Bill? I hope some, at least, of my hon. Friends have sufficient Parliamentary experience to know that if a Bill be rejected on Second Reading it goes by the board. Attention has been drawn by the Mover of the Amendment to the fact that a considerable amount of money will be expended in the various purposes to which I have alluded, should this Bill become law. He has also said that if what he asks for, namely, this immediate extension of the tube railway to Finsbury—[HON. MEMBERS: "And the removal of the embargo."] I thought one was the corollary of the other from listening to the hon. Member's speech, but with the removal of what he calls the embargo, I will deal later. He said that if what he asked for were done large sums of money would be expended in this part of the country. That is quite true, but the hon. Member has advanced no argument to show why he should seek to prevent the expenditure of a considerable sum of money in the North East of England and to prevent the employment which would be created by such expenditure. No argument has been advanced either by the Mover or Seconder of the Amendment against any of the proposals which are germane to the subject-matter of this Bill

We have no desire whatever to prevent the Bill going through if the hon. and gallant Member will give us the concessions for which we are asking.

Perhaps the Noble Lord will do what he asked the right hon. Baronet the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury) to do, and will allow me to develop my argument. I think I am perfectly entitled to say that the Noble Lord and his colleagues on the Labour benches have advanced no argument against anything contained in the Bill. Both the Mover and the Seconder of the Amendment referred to an agreement which was arrived at under the original Act of 1892. As a result of that agreement the Bill of 1902 was introduced and passed. A Clause in that Bill was referred to by the hon. Member for North Tottenham as the "secret" Clause. I was not quite certain what reason he had for referring to it in that way, as it was open to all to read who had eyes to use. The same Clause was referred to by the Noble Lord as "iniquitous," but he gave no indication to the House as to why he considered it iniquitous. That was part of an agreement arrived at between the City tube railways and what was then the Great Northern Railway. The hon. Member for North Tottenham said it was a bargain between two railway companies, and the inference seemed to be that because it was a bargain between two railway companies it should not be allowed to stand. In that agreement the interests of the general public were taken into account.

The hon. and gallant Member refers to a bargain which was made 20 years ago, but since then the population in one district alone has increased by 47 per cent.

That may be so, but it does not alter my argument. Not only were the interests of the public taken into account at that time, but the interests of the public are being considered at the present moment in reference to the negotiations which are being carried on. The Great Northern Railway Company was only incorporated in the London and North Eastern Railway on 1st January of this year. The London and North Eastern Railway are willing to do all in their power to meet the case put forward, but, however willing they may be, it can hardly be expected that any definite scheme could have been matured in the short period which has elapsed since the amalgamation took place. The problem of the suburban traffic of London must be regarded by the railway groups formed under the 1921 Act in a much broader and, in many respects, a very different aspect from that which it presented to the various individual railway companies before they were formed into one group. I suggest to those who moved this Amendment that if they, by their action in the Division Lobby, could reject this Bill on Second Reading, it would bring what they have at heart no nearer than it is at the present time, and it would be disastrous if the problem of the London suburban railway traffic were dealt with in the same haphazard way as has been the traffic in the centre of London. The whole system of tube railways in and around London has grown up without any real consideration of the needs of the traffic, and each promoter has selected what he considered to be the most advantageous route for his purpose, without any regard to the best needs of the traffic and of the district as a whole.

This is not a discussion on the respective merits of capitalism and socialism. So I will not follow the hon. Member's interpolation in that direction, but let me come to what was said by the hon. Member for North Tottenham with respect to the Metropolitan Railway Company in connection with this scheme. The hon. Member read a letter from the general manager of that company, in which he stated that a scheme was still before the company, to be proceeded with when circumstances permit, "and the present difficulties, of which you are aware, are removed." I think that it would have given the House more information—I pass no reflection upon anyone, and I wish to say it absolutely without offence—had steps been taken to ascertain what the difficulties were to which this letter refers. I am at a loss to understand what those difficulties can be, and all I can say is that if there be difficulties, it is perfectly open to the Metropolitan Railway Company to state to the London and North Eastern Railway Company what those difficulties are. No such difficulties, so far as I am aware, have been referred to in any conversations between the two companies, and, so far as I am aware, no application for consent to go on with the scheme has been made by the Metropolitan Railway Company to the London and North Eastern Company.

May I again read——

"The City Company shall not, except with the consent of the (London and North Eastern Railway) Company, construct or seek powers to construct."

Yes, but we are well aware that there have been conversations between the Metropolitan Railway Company and the London and North Eastern Railway Company, and if the Metropolitan Company were desirous of constructing this extension, they would naturally inform the London and North Eastern Company, but, so far as I am aware, no such move has yet been made. I suggest that what the hon. Member called the embargo is a mere myth of his vivid imagination, and that no such approach as might lead in the direction of making this extension has been made by the Metropolitan Railway Company to the London and North Eastern Railway Company, and further, there is nothing to prevent any other railway company from starting upon this scheme should they so desire at an early date. I suggest that the only result which the rejection of this Bill to-night would bring about would be to deprive important places, such as Harrow and Middlesbrough, of railway facilities which are very urgently required, and would seriously delay the development of the South Yorkshire coalfield. Further to that, the development of the arrangements which are already in process for the import of petroleum and petrol in large quantities into this country at Salt End, on the Humber, would be interfered with, and it is quite possible that a large proportion of that trade might not be retained in this country but be driven away to foreign ports. The hon. Member for North Tottenham asked for a guarantee that the tube railway which formed the subject matter of his speech should be constructed, and the Noble Lord the Member for Hornsey (Viscount Ednam) not only asked for a similar guarantee, but asked also for the electrification of the suburban traffic.

No; I asked only for the consideration of the matter by the London and North Eastern Railway Company. I did not ask them to give a guarantee, but to consider it, and that is all that the hon. Member for North Tottenham asked.

The Noble Lord and the hon. Member then will be interested to know that this subject of the electriffication of London suburban traffic, as far as the London and North Eastern Railway Company are concerned, has been the subject-matter of very earnest consideration for some considerable time past. But, of course, not being as efficient in railway management as the Noble Lord, they are unable to arrive at a decision before the matter has received the consideration which is its due. I assure the House that the London and North Eastern Company very early in their existence were made alive to the necessity for giving careful attention to the requirements of the London and suburban traffic. They have considered carefully how best to deal with the many difficult problems which every one of us sees arising, and they are pressing forward these investigations with all practicable speed. They are including in these investigations the whole question of electrification. But it is a very difficult and complex problem. At any rate, I wish to assure hon. Members that the points which they have raised are points which will continue to receive the earnest consideration of the company. The company are not in any sense adopting any line of passive resistance, and they are giving immediate attention to the whole problem, not only from their own point of view, but from the point of view of the travelling public, from whom, after all, they derive any profits that accrue. I hope I have said enough to show that the rejection of this Bill, while it will retard considerable developments, railway and commercial, in the North East of England, would not bring immediately nearer the objects which my hon. Friends have in view—objects to which the company is continuing to give most serious attention. That being so, I ask the House to give the Bill a Second Reading.

We fully realise the great importance of the vote that we shall give to-night, for to reject a Bill which in itself is a good Measure is a very serious matter. We have, however, to fall back on the procedure of the House in order to bring before the company the importance of the position that we are taking up. We have a district comprised of eight local authorities. Those eight local authorities formed a deputation and waited upon the Minister of Transport to-day. Men do not throw up a day's work and come from Enfield, Tottenham, Edmonton and other places in order to present their case to the Minister, unless they feel very much aggrieved. The point we have to deal with is simply the extension of the tube. The London tubes run to Finsbury Park and that is their terminus. We want an extension to Tottenham, Edmonton, Enfield, Wood Green and those districts. I can assure the company that it would be a paying concern if carried out, because the number of people who have to travel daily from those districts is enormous. What does the hon. and gallant Gentleman who represents the company to-night offer us? Nothing at all. A more uncompromising speech I never heard in this House.

I had very great hesitation about going into the Lobby against this Bill, because, in the main, it is a good Bill, but after the statement of the hon. and gallant Gentleman there is no other course open to me. Another thing that we feel very much is, that the extension of the tube would relieve unemployment to a great extent in those districts. We have thousands of men unemployed, engineers and other men who are eminently suited for this class of work. We raised in our district eight companies of engineers, who went to the War, and a great number of them are to-day idle in the streets because they cannot get employment. If this work were put in hand by the company, with the co-operation of the Minister of Labour, we would be able to employ those men. The suggestion put forward to-day was a most moderate one. We toned it down as far as possible. The suggestion was to consider immediately the extension of the tube from Finsbury Park. That was the principal paragraph in the suggestion. Then came the electrification of the old Great Northern Railway, or allowing another company to proceed with the work. What could be more moderate than that? I am very sorry to see that the company is not prepared to go as far as that and, therefore I shall be forced to vote against the Bill.

As has been said, the Bill is a Bill to provide for the extension of the London and North Eastern Railway in the Hull and Barnsley district. I am no longer a director of the Great Northern Railway. Neither am I at present a director of any railway company, with the exception of the Forth Bridge Railway, which is a very modest undertaking. But I am a shareholder, and I am not at all sure that in my own interests I ought to vote against the rejection of the Bill. I am rather inclined to think it probable that the expenditure of this money will not result in a very great pecuniary benefit, if any at all, to the shareholders. Therefore, being a share holder, I am not at all sure that I should not be rather glad if the Bill were rejected. But I am prepared to vote for the Bill, as I believe that the directors would not have brought it forward had they not thought it would be of great use, and that it would provide a considerable amount of employment in the districts for which it is wanted. I do not know if the hon. and gallant Gentleman who has just spoken is a shareholder or not.

I thought not. If railway companies and other commercial undertakings are to be encouraged to spend money to give employment to people out of work, it is not a great encouragement to them to say that we are not going to be satisfied with the proposals they make, which in this case are certainly of a very considerable amount, but that we are to ask to have an Act of Parliament, on the faith of which certain things were done 20 years ago, repealed, and that we are going to ask that, because the company have already begun to make extensions, they should spend still more money before they see whether or not it can be done. The Act of 1902 was a bargain made between the company, of which I was then a director, and the Great Northern and City Company. The Great Northern Company made that bargain because they were desirous of giving greater facilities for people living in that area going to the City. The Great Northern Company made a connection with the Great Northern and City at Finsbury Park. The Noble Lord the Member for Hornsey (Viscount Ednam) has spoken of that agreement, but I do not think he was of great age at that time or that then he could have known much about this agreement or any other agreement. The Noble Lord said, and I think an hon. Member opposite also said, that this was an improvident bargain, but it was a bargain entered into in an Act of Parliament passed by a Committee of this House after due consideration, when the people who are now represented by the Noble Lord and by the hon. and gallant Member for South Tottenham (Major Malone) had an opportunity of appearing by counsel before the Committee of this House and stating their objections to the Clause if they thought the Clause was a wrong one. Nothing of the sort happened. The Clause was passed by a Committee of the 1900 Parliament, a very good Parliament, and now they say that that Clause, which was passed by this House, was an improvement Clause which ought not to have been passed, and this is said by people who know nothing whatever about the circumstances, and who were not in the House of Commons at that time, as I was. The undertaking became a failure somewhere about the year 1912 and the Metropolitan Railway Company bought it in 1913. I was concerned in the negotiations in 1913 and, at that time, I had no reason to suppose that the Metropolitan Railway Company wanted in any way to object to or alter that Clause, but it was always in the power, perhaps not of the Metropolitan Company, but of another company, to make an agreement with another company. A bargain had been made in 1900.

Hon. Members opposite talk about the sacredness of a bargain when it suits them to do so. Hon. Gentlemen must be consistent. They cannot vote for the preservation of an agreement if they are to get something out of it, and for the destruction of an agreement when they think they cannot get anything out of it. The Noble Lord spoke about people "hanging on by the straps," but he cannot be speaking of the present time.

I have made inquiries, and I am told by several people who travel on the line every day that every railway carriage is crowded 50 and 75 per cent. above its capacity.

I was dealing with the statement of the Noble Lord that people have to hang on to the straps. On the Metropolitan Railway in which he is interested there are straps, but on the Great Northern Railway there are, no straps. May I point out to the Noble Lord a circumstance which I know myself. The Noble Lord says that our carriages are not up to date. Some years ago we built a great number of new carriages for the suburban traffic. We built them in a peculiar manner and they were so successful that we have put similar carriages upon our main lines to Scotland. The Prince of Wales travelled in a sleeping compartment designed in that manner, and expressed to us afterwards his satisfaction, and said it was the most comfortable carriage in which he had ever ridden.

Do you know anything about those carriages where people have to sit on bars without any cushions?

I do not know to what the hon. and gallant Gentleman is referring, but I do know that the construction of the carriages of which I am speaking makes travelling extremely easy.

I travelled in a carriage yesterday where there were seats with bars, and without cushions.

What we had to do was this: There were no straps to the windows, and we had to devise fastenings for the windows, because the constituents of the Noble Lord had cut off the straps. This sort of thieving of straps went on to such a degree that I myself went to interview some of the guards of the trains. I said to them: "Cannot you catch these people?" They replied: "We have done everything we could do, and we cannot catch them. They cut off the straps in order to use them as razor strops." These men are the people that the Noble Lord the Member for Hornsey (Viscount Ednam) and the hon. and gallant Member for St. Albans (Lieut.-Colonel Fremantle) say are suffering such frightful hardship. Yet they are able to cut off the straps, the property of the railway company, in order to use them as razor strops!

I trust that the House will really consider what they are going to vote for to-night. It is whether or not a particular company, in this case a railway company, shall be encouraged to spend money on improvements as an incentive to travel without being called upon to entertain large demands to make improvements in other parts of the system where a certain number of the constituents of any hon. Member can get together and pursuade their Member to get us in this House and ask that these facilities should be extended. There are plenty of business men in the House at this moment. Hon. Members opposite, too, belonging to the Labour party, are quite keen enough where their interests are concerned. I do not blame them. But would they care to be called upon to spend money on an undertaking before they have got to know whether money already spent was proving remunerative, or would they like to be refused the power to spend the money because they would not take in many other matters which they have not yet had time really to consider? The House may reject the Bill. I trust it will not. It would be an extremely bad thing from the point of view of employment, and from the point of view of encouraging people to invest money in undertakings of this character.

We on this side are taking the action we do to-night because when Parliament confers powers of the character indicated, those upon whom the powers are conferred have a duty and a responsibility to the community. Before they get an extension of their powers, this House has a perfect right to examine how far they have fulfilled their duty, and carried out their responsibilities in the past. Both hon. Members who have spoken on behalf of the railway companies seem to have lost sight of any responsibility at all to the public. They have not shown in any way how these responsibilities are being carried out. As a matter of fact, the hon. and gallant Member for Aberdeen and Kincardine (Lieut.-Colonel A. Murray) spoke of himself as representing the London and North-Eastern Railway Company. I prefer—and I think it is more correct—to say that I represent a section of the citizens of this country, and that that is the only right I have to be here. I think it is because of that lack of perception and the lack of opposition of hon. Members that Clauses of this sort were allowed to go through in days gone by.

I know full well how far these companies of this big London and North Eastern group are carrying out their responsibilities as far as the suburban districts of London are concerned. At our conference this morning to deal with these Measures there were three hon. Members from the opposite side and two from this, and we agreed to resist the company getting this Bill unless they were going to give some undertaking to provide better services and more adequately to fulfil their responsibility than they have done in the past. We have evidence of the need of this from our district. I do not speak of one imported into a constituency, although I do not wish to say a word against anyone who has been; but I have travelled up and down one section of these lines for over 20 years. That is the Great Eastern, on the Enfield line. It has been my misfortune—yes, misfortune—to travel that line for nearly a quarter of a century, and I would desire hon. Members to understand just what sort of conditions exist on that line. I travelled before I left the bench for this House. I joined the train three stations from one terminus, and left it three stations from the other terminus. I travelled morning after morning and night after night. I have gone through a whole week and never been able to get a seat, and never been in a compartment with less than 18 persons. The carriages are not suitable. They are the old-compartment carriages; not the electrically-driven ones.

During a hot summer we had girls who had been working in underground warehouses, men who had come from the fish market with their clothes reeking from that market, men from the meat market, and men from all sorts of industries—men whose work had made them perspire until their clothes were reeking with perspiration. There were 22 in a carriage, night after night packed into the compartment, with no means of getting air, until I myself have had to get out mid-way and vomit at the station because of the condition of the carriages. Hon. Members who represent the railway companies may laugh at such disgusting tales, but I have seen girls faint, and men faint, this, of course, following their day's work. I want hon. Members to recognise that these people in this great North Eastern suburb of London are mostly industrial workers—perhaps the most patient, long-suffering, least vocal of any section of the working classes of the country. Most of these have to travel, not only up to Liverpool Street, for instance, under such conditions, but afterwards they have to take journeys to their work at other places, some of them as far West as Chiswick, right from the South or East of London. A big proportion of our people have to spend an hour and a half or two hours at morning and at night to travel to and from their work under such conditions.

Another matter to which I wish to refer is the condition of our stations. On some of them they provide no hand-lift for goods. On the passenger trains we get large quantities of fish and milk landed on the stations, and they are dragged down the staircases, the consequence being that the stairs are saturated with fish, liquor and spilt milk, and they smell very badly indeed. We have repeatedly protested against this, but nothing has been done, and the company are only concerned to get what profit they can out of it. When the Great Eastern Railway Company were seeking to enlarge Liverpool Street Station they had to destroy a large number of working-class dwellings, and they put forward the consideration that it was not advisable to build more working-class dwellings in that district. They stated that at Enfield and Edmonton rows of houses were being put up at a very cheap rate, and this would absolve them from the necessity of putting up houses in the place of those they had destroyed.

They undertook to run workmen's trains to these outer suburbs at a low rate. The companies were allowed some exceptions on the higher fares on condition that they ran workmen's trains, but apart from that general liability for running trains, the company had this particular responsibility. It was a moral and legal responsibility and so we found the workpeople going out to those districts in conseqence. What do we find now? As the result of the Railway Rates Act they have increased those fares by 200 per cent. Many of those people went out into those districts some 20 years ago. They are men with sons just going out into the world to work, and you will often find two or three going out to work as well as the father, and they have to pay these additional fares. I say that these people have been betrayed by the company because they were induced to go out to live in those districts. These are considerations to which I think attention ought to be paid. We have not had the voice of the workers from these benches in the past on these questions, and we are now going to insist upon this House taking a wider view of its responsibilities, and we must have some undertaking from this company that these grievances will be attended to before we allow this Bill to pass. If not, we shall resist this Bill for all we are worth.

We shall also see that those hon. Members who do not insist upon railway companies recognising their responsibilities shall be plainly told about it at election time. Hon. Members have been bombarded with protests from that area and they have been asked: "What is your position on the railway traffic question?" That has always been a strong point at the election. We are here now to let this company understand that from now these grievances of the travelling public must be attended to. Year after year we are told by the Great Eastern Railway Company that they have all the plans ready, and that they are going to electrify the suburban system of the Great Eastern Railway. A new company we are told has got all these schemes worked out in detail, but as long as people are prepared to sweat and swelter in those carriages without complaining, we shall see no electrification of that line. We have to keep up these protests.

There is one other particular grievance which we have at Edmonton which the Great Eastern Railway Company ought to have remedied long ago. There is an old line there with a level crossing on a road which is largely used by the public. The company only run about two passenger trains a day, one up and one down, but they run a number of goods trains into a yard there. At the busy part of the morning very often that level crossing will be shut with a train across it, and perhaps for a quarter of an hour or 20 minutes the people have to take a detour which makes about 10 minutes' difference to them, and they lose time at their employment and get into trouble in that way. We have asked for a footbridge to remedy this grievance. We have sent a deputation to the company on the subject, but nothing has been done in the matter. We feel that even with some attention to some of these things on that particular line, and even if they electrify that line, on its present line with full electrification and saloon carriages and more frequent trains, they cannot adequately deal with the growing population in that district which has to come to London every day.

Therefore any undertaking they can give will be of no avail, and what we want is a new tube electric railway through Finsbury Park which will save people half their time in travelling. Anyone who has gone down Broad Street when the workers are leaving knows that they can scarcely move because of the mass of people coming down by train. Any development which is going to bring more people to Liverpool Street and Broad Street will only make matters worse. You might relieve that part of the City of the pedestrian traffic by making a link line. All round the City to the north-east there is not a line to be seen, and that shows how this area has been neglected because of the monopoly granted to this company. I hope hon. Members will reject this Bill, because we have failed to extract any kind of undertaking from the promoters that these grievances will be attended to.

As a director of the London and North Eastern Railway Company, I may say I have listened in this Debate to a great many home truths, which will sink deeply into my mind. But we are getting into a rather difficult position. We are getting into the position that a London and North Eastern Railway Bill, which deals chiefly with traffic in the North of England, is to be blocked because the districts of Hornsey and Tottenham have not got exactly what they want. The Noble Lord the Member for Hornsey (Viscount Ednam) complained rather bitterly that he could not find in this Bill anything with regard to his own particular district. This Bill is a purely North Eastern Bill, and perhaps that will settle the difficulty in my Noble Friend's mind. As regards the greater question of the grievances which exist, I hope hon. Members do not really believe what they are suggesting, namely, that we are not going into this matter. In the first place, let me remind them that the London and North Eastern Railway Company has only been in existence six months. Three months ago a small Committee, of which I am a member, was appointed to go into the whole question of the electrification of suburban areas. That is not a job that can be finished in a few months. It is a very big question, and the fact that the Great Eastern and the Great Northern and also the Great Central lines are now in one big union, and all possess lines running into London, it is only fair and right that we as directors should look into the whole question, and not devote ourselves to one side of it, neglecting the point of view of the Great Northern, the Great Eastern, or the Great Central.

10.0 P.M.

I assure hon. Members that our Committee is going into the whole question of electrification. It is not endeavouring to delay matters in any sort of way. We realise the necessity very fully, we realise the enormous advantages to be gained by electrification, but we cannot settle here and now which particular piece of line we are going to electrify or how it is to be done. Before the amalgamation took place we had definitely decided to electrify our main line and we went to the extent of building an engine for experimental purposes, but after amalgamation we felt it our duty to scrap our plans and to look into the question from the wider point of view which was necessitated by the amal- gamation. There is no question of holding up the work, but there are serious reasons for some delay. Firstly, we want the necessary data, and then we want to make perfectly certain of our own position. On a question of the actual guarantees required by hon. Members opposite I think I have them from the hon. Member for North Tottenham (Mr. R. Morrison). He wants us to consider immediately the construction of a tube north of Finsbury Park and the electrification of the Great Northern line. We are absolutely at this moment going into the whole question of electrification of the suburban traffic. I cannot bind myself down to say whether or not there is going to be a tube, but we certainly are going into the whole question with a view to developing the traffic. Then we are asked if, in the event of our not doing the work, we will allow another company to proceed with it. I do not think that that comes into the question at all, because we are proceeding ourselves to deal with the question. We are doing our level best to get the facts and we want to do all we possibly can for the suburban traffic as a whole. Obviously it is a question which must be fully examined into before I can commit the company to any definite plans.

May I put this question? If after making the inquiry, your company comes to the conclusion that they cannot extend the tube, will you allow some other company to do it, if it come forward with a proposal?

I think I have already heard a ruling from the Chair that that is a hypothetical question which cannot properly be put. May I appeal to hon. Members to remember that we are trying to solve the problem, and are doing our level best in that direction.

I want to say a word or two in support of the Second Reading of this Bill, as it is one which is designed to further the interests of the Port of Hull, and has the support of the corporation of that municipality. It would also provide more employment in the city. I consider I am fairly impartial in supporting the Second Reading, because, when the amalgamation of these railway companies came before the House—I refer particularly to the amalgamation between the North Eastern Company and the Hull and Barnsley Company, the Members of Parliament for Hull, myself included, gave it very vehement opposition. We are now faced with the accomplished fact. We have now amalgamated the Hull and Barnsley and the North Eastern, and I am happy to say that some of the evil effects which we anticipated from that amalgamation have not materialised. I am glad to make that statement. I think the group are considering the interests of the port and developing its resources. So far as this Bill is concerned one of its main objects is to obtain further and better access between the main railway system and the Hull and Barnsley Railway. As long as we have the port in the hands of one body it is obvious that full use ought to be made of the Hull and Barnsley system. In addition to that, when the amalgamation took place there was an undertaking—at any rate, a moral undertaking—on the part of the group that they would make some effort to relieve the congestion on the North Eastern Railway system which was causing so much trouble by reason of the railway crossings in Hull. I do not know whether hon. Members have ever been in the City of Hull, but it is notorious for the number of railway crossings to be found in its streets. The first time I went into Hull I was astounded that any city of that size should have had so many railway crossings. One of the objects of this Bill is to so divert the goods traffic that it shall go over the Hull and Barnsley system, which has no railway crossings, and so relieve the Congestion on the North Eastern system, which causes interminable delay to traffic in Hull, and undoubtedly is the cause of a very large economic loss. There is a further purpose of the Bill, to construct a jetty on the Salt End Pier. All these objects are admirable ones, and designed in the interests of the community. Therefore I ask the House to give the Bill favourable support.

I understand that the opposition to this Bill is not as regards the provisions which are in it—the kind of provisions of which I have just spoken—but because it does not carry out other things on which hon. Members have grievances. With regard to that, we have had an undertaking given by the hon. Member who has just spoken that the whole matter is under consideration. Whether that be so or not, I would appeal to hon. Members not to retard a Bill which carries out very admirable things, and which will result in increased employment in certain parts of the country merely because there are grievances elsewhere. The proper method of dealing with those grievances is, not to prevent other grievances being remedied, but to allow this Bill to go through, and to take steps in other directions. I have had experience of the line of argument which says that a Bill may be admirable in its conditions, but because it does not contain other things that other people want, and because they want something more, and desire the Bill extended, they will prevent it going through. I do not agree with that line of argument. I tried to resist it in regard to my own Bill, which, fortunately, went through the House the other day. I appeal to hon. Members, if this Bill in its provisions carries out good objects, to give it a Second Reading. If there are further things which ought to be carried out, they can either be moved as Amendments in Committee, or, if the assurances of the hon. Member are not carried out, ample opportunity will occur for hon. Members to see that their grievances are dealt with at a future time. Therefore I hope the Bill will be given a Second Reading.

The hon. Gentleman who has just sat down, and the right hon. Baronet the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury)—who appears in a new character to-night as a philanthropist—appeared to argue that this company, in spite of all the bad things it had done in the past, will, if it only get this opportunity, make good in the future. The argument of a previous speaker, who said he was speaking on behalf of the company, was a rather curious statement for anybody in the House of Commons to make. It appears to me—when I came here I was innocent, I have learned a good deal since—that when some hon. Members come here, they do not come here to represent the public, or any particular section of the public, but rather they openly state that they come here to represent particular companies. [An HON. MEMBER: "Or trade unions!"] No. The right hon. Baronet spoke about the agreement that was made 20 years ago, and said he thought that because there were two parties to that agreement, and because that agreement was passed by the House of Commons at that time, therefore those of us who are in the House of Commons now should honour it and do nothing that appeared to be breaking it. I should like to remind the right hon. Baronet that that agreement was not one in which the public had anything to say. It was an agreement between two sets of people, both of whom were endeavouring to make their own financial arrangements in their own material interests. Therefore the House of Commons to-day has a right to consider how the bargain was carried out.

The right hon. Baronet was interesting, and certainly amusing in his reference to the straps which disappeared from certain carriages on this line. When he was speaking, it occurred to me whether the service provided by the railway company then, and even to-day, did not make it probable that some of the people who got the opportunity to travel, and who very frequently had to walk, were wearing out their boots so quickly that they had to take the straps to make them into new soles. When we are considering whether we, who represent the people of the nation, should make concessions to a group of people who desire, by getting those concessions, to make personal profit, we have the right to ask ourselves, just as anyone in an insurance company would, what has been the experience of the past. All of us who have any knowledge of insurance companies—I have just a little—know what experience tables mean. I always approach any of these questions from the point of view of the experience we have had. In the past, this House has made valuable concessions to the railway companies which now form the North-Eastern group. I am particularly interested, and there are other hon. Members here who are also particularly interested, in the way they have used the powers given them by Parliament. I put this to Members who, perhaps, have no personal interest in the matter at all, and who are trying to do what appeals to them as the right thing. The company gave certain guarantees, in return for which they got certain concessions from Parliament. We ought to ask ourselves, now, whether the com- pany, having got those concessions, and having profited by them, have carried out the guarantees they gave to the public.

I have travelled on the line from Walthamstow to London for a great number of years, part of the time all the way from the terminus, and part of the time a portion of the way. In all the districts that I represent, and in all the surrounding areas served by the old Great Eastern Railway—now the London and North Eastern Railway—there is very serious and grave dissatisfaction among all sections of the population. It is not confined to working men; it is not confined even to the middle classes. It is general amongst all classes, in the whole of the suburban areas covered by this company. During the last few years I was one of those who took part in a movement in the town of which I represent a part, to make representations to the old Great Eastern Railway Company in regard to the condition of their carriages, the condition of their stations and the fares they were charging. A deputation was sent from the local authority. It was supported by the Chamber of Commerce in the district; by the trades council in the district, and by all the organisations there that had any influence at all. We were supported by other local authorities and organisations in the whole of North and a great part of East London, which this railway company served. I was not amongst that deputation, but they interviewed the late manager of the Great Eastern Railway—Sir Henry Thornton. They had a very long interview, and he gave them exactly the same kind of assurances that we have had in this House to-night—that the whole matter was under consideration, and that everything would be all right if we would only trust the company.

That is some few years ago, and during the last few months I have myself been in communication with the Ministry of Transport, and have drawn their attention to the filthy condition of the carriages on the line on which I myself travel. I have drawn their attention to the fact that there are third-class carriages and second-class carriages constructed in exactly the same way, upholstered in exactly the same way, and in every respect of exactly the same type, except that one carriage has "2nd Class" and the other has "3rd Class" on it. The only difference, if there be any difference at all, is that you frequently, if not generally, find that the second-class carriages are worse than the third-class. Anyone, however, who wants to travel in what he may consider to be reasonable comfort, and who asks for a second-class ticket, is charged a higher fare. You can get into either of two carriages side by side, either the last one of the second class or the first one of the third, and both of those carriages will be exactly the same, although the fares are different.

I have personally drawn the attention of the Minister of Transport to these facts, and he has communicated with the company; and I have also drawn his attention to the filthy condition of many of the carriages, both by question in this House and by letter; and I have received the reply that I gave no details in my letter. I followed that up by travelling myself night and morning, sometimes two and even three times a day, taking the numbers of some of these carriages, and sending them to the Minister of Transport. I did that over a month ago, and have had no reply of any kind, nor any promise of better conditions from the railway company concerned. This House has a right to insist, if it is asked to make concessions to this company, that there shall be reasonable conditions for the travelling public, and that they shall not be charged excessive fares. When I was travelling as a workman, with a workman's ticket, we used to pay 2d. for coming from any of the three stations in Walthamstow to Liverpool Street, but if I travel from any of those stations now, I have to pay 6d. for the same workman's ticket. The season ticket holders are in exactly the same position. The company has taken advantage of the War conditions that prevailed a few years ago, and has raised the fares very materially. They never reduced them when once they had been put up. We have been told, when we have sent deputations and correspondence to them, that the reason for the increase in fares was the increased cost of the workmen's wages. The wages of the workmen have been reduced, as everyone knows, by a large percentage, and the cost of the materials used by the railway companies in repairs to rolling stock, and so on, have also been reduced, but there has been no reduction in the fares, either to workmen or to season ticket holders, or, in fact, to the general public who travel under ordinary conditions.

I do not think that any fair-minded man or woman would deny that these things prove that the concessions made by Parliament to this company in the past have not been appreciated by the company, and that the company has proved its inefficiency to manage the lines of which Parliament gave it control. The hon. and gallant Gentleman who spoke just before me said that, because we have grievances against the company, he hoped we were not going to do anything that would injure places in Yorkshire, and that also is the hope of other Members. We are not doing anything that will injure Yorkshire; we are saving Yorkshire from the same fate that has overtaken us. If a young man were trusted by a young lady and he failed, and if the same young man were afterwards seen in the company of another young lady, and the first young lady told the second one the type of young man he was, she would, if she were a sensible young lady, take the hint and give him up. This young man who is courting some of the towns in Yorkshire came to court us many years ago. We were taken in by his blandishments and his fair speech. We have heard him in this House to-night, but we are not likely to be taken in again, and if we can help Yorkshire, or any part of Yorkshire, we shall be glad to do so. I urge upon the House that, after all, there ought to be, in the consideration of this matter, a sense of fairness. Whatever may be the personal interest of a few people here the great bulk of them have a high sense of duty for the public. We give concessions to people, because we expect to get concessions from them for the public. In this instance we rave given concessions, but they have misused them, and I hope the House will say this company has not earned the support and the good will of the House and the right to expect any further concessions and will reject the Bill.

I hope that the House will give the Bill a Second Reading. It will give a considerable amount of employment in certain parts of the country where a great number of people are out of work. In the second place it proposes to improve facilities for dealing with traffic which ought to command consideration. When the Railways Act was passing through Committee the hon. Member opposite and his colleagues in the representation of Hull left no argument unexploited which would call attention to the economic crime of associating the Hull and Barnsley Railway with the North Eastern, and those who served on that Committee, including the right hon. Baronet the Member for the City (Sir F. Banbury), would be proud to hear the admission that the arrangements within the group between these two component parts of it are entirely satisfactory. These Bills are always employed by everyone having a grievance along the line to create opposition. The men who are walking the streets of Hull awaiting an opportunity of employment will no doubt be very grateful to hon. Members opposite who are preventing them from getting that opportunity because they have a grievance in North London. One would imagine from the speeches of hon. Members opposite that the new scheme of railway amalgamation has been in existence for a very long period. It has only been completed about five months ago and can anyone expect that, with all the complexities and difficulties which surround the organisation of railway transport which is now developing, it will be possible for the Great Northern Railway with the best intentions in the world—we always know what excellent intentions they have—to develop a scheme which would meet the immediate requirements of hon. Members opposite. This Bill aims at facilitating traffic at the port of Hull. Hull is not unknown in this House. If every other great centre in the country had the same adequate and efficient representation in this House as Hull we should have the business of the House converted into a sort of co-ordinated Hull.

The Electricity Commissioners have been at work on the problem of electricity for over 2½ years. They have produced, after long and exhaustive examination of all the circumstances, a scheme for London. For the moment, it is suspended because of a technical difficulty which forced them into a Court of law. Yet hon. Gentlemen opposite think that the Great Northern Railway can facilitate a transport scheme for them in face of the great hold-up in electricity work. The Parliamentary Secretary is aware how anxious the Electricity Commissioners are to develop the scheme for extending traffic facilities in London; but it is not the simple problem that hon. Gentlemen opposite imagine. There are a great variety of interests concerned. There are great difficulties of construction. The hon. Member for Bow and Bromley (Mr. Lansbury), who has a monopoly of economic wisdom in East London——

——must realise that in the problem of the organisation of electric railways time must be given, because a great many considerations have to be examined. You cannot come to this House, and on a Bill of this kind endeavour to force the railway company, which is only just finding its way in the new group, to give facilities which they have not the power to give. Having regard to the present state of unemployment, and the importance of developing transport facilities in our ports by every means possible, I hope that the House will give the Bill a Second Reading, and that hon. Members opposite will find means of coming to an understanding with representatives of the company which will obviate difficulties. The Great Northern Railway, as a component part of the North Eastern system, is willing to give the fullest consideration to any proposals made to them in the direction of improving traffic in North London. If that be so, what more do hon. Members want? Do they want an undertaking that this 20-years-old agreement will be broken in order to enable them at once to proceed with some scheme? When they talk about somebody else proceeding, who do they think is going to proceed? Have they any alternative proposition? [HON. MEMBERS: "Yes!"] Not at all. Vague and nebulous suggestions were made, but no concrete proposition was put forward. I hope that these purely local difficulties will not be used to block an important Measure which will confer a boon upon the port of Hull and other parts of the area served by the company. Questions of this kind should be approached on their merits and from a broad national standpoint. It is a national question. It seeks to solve to some extent the problem of unemployment and to enable greater facilities to be given for transport. Therefore I hope that this weak and nagging opposition will fail, and that by a substantial majority the Bill will be read a Second time.

I think that the railway company would be well advised to authorise some much more definite statement to be made than any yet heard. I believe there is quite a number of Members who are loth to prevent this Bill from being passed, and yet are by no means satisfied, indeed, have been made somewhat suspicious by the statements which have already been made. It is not enough to suggest to the Noble Lord the hon. Member for Hornsey (Viscount Ednam) that he can promote a company for the extension of the tubes, when it is well known that there is an agreement to prevent the only railway company which is able to do this work profiting from undertaking it; and it is because of this that I appeal to Members who may be able to speak on behalf of the North Eastern Railway Company to give us a definite undertaking that, if not now, in Committee or on the Third Reading, they will make a definite statement dealing with the case for tube extension which has been made here to-night. The right hon. Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury) has referred to the agreement as though it were a very sacred document. Agreements are sacred documents, and I do not wish to go behind them, but I wish to suggest that public interests are also sacred, and that Members of this House on both sides—this is in no sense a party question—are expected to put the public interest in the forefront.

In these cases we have the public interest at stake, and the position is somewhat difficult. The only way we can bring railway companies to reason at times is by blocking their Bills. I am very sorry that that is so. I am very anxious to develop the work that is to be undertaken by the Bill before the House, but it must be recognised that here is a grievance of long standing. Statements have been made in this House that make us exceedingly suspicious. I do not think that any Member, whether he supports or opposes the Bill, is satisfied that the statements made in any sense meet the difficulties that have been raised, and I do hope that, before the debate closes, some Member representing the railway company will give us a frank undertaking that in Committee or on the Third Reading this agreement, that prevents a railway company that can make the work a paying proposition from carrying out that work, will be at once cancelled in some way or other, or that the company itself will undertake the work of extension. This is a fair and reasonable thing to ask. These views have been expressed from all sides, and I hope that we shall have that undertaking so that we can allow the Bill to proceed and the work to be carried out.

This debate has followed the course of many previous debates on railway Bills to which it has been my fortune, or misfortune, to listen during the lengthening years in which I have been in the House. We have had hon. Members who support the Bill telling us about the virtues of the Bill, the employment it will give, and the necessity for the works being carried out. We have had other hon. Members, quite legitimately taking the opportunity of bringing before the House what they consider to be their grievances, even though those matters have no relation to the subject-matter of the Bill. Unfortunately, owing to the forms of the House, that is the only way in which such grievances can be ventilated, and I make not the slightest criticism of the hon. Members who avail of it. I simply hope and trust that possibly our great grandchildren may see some change in procedure which will permit a Bill of this kind to be discussed on its own proposals alone, and the grievances separately at some other time.

I may say at once in my opinion the necessity for this Bill has been proved. It is a Bill which, if passed, will in Yorkshire and the important seaport of Hull give much-needed employment; will carry out railway works which I am told have long been desired; will provide railway workers with housing; and will, in short, do much that is necessary in that part of the world. It is, therefore, unfortunate that we have been obliged—legitimately obliged, as I admit—to bring into discussion grievances which are very pressing on North London, but are right away from the real gist and matter of the Bill. It will be within the recollection of the House that last autumn, in the Press, in this House, and all over the country, the Government was being urged to do what they could to deal with the problem of unemployment, and mitigate that terrible scourge which now afflicts the country. The Government did not need any urging, and my right hon. Friend the Member for Central Glasgow (Mr. Bonar Law), who was then Prime Minister, even before the agitation became pronounced, had already interviewed the chairmen of the railway companies, had put the case to them that unemployment was great and increasing, and had appealed to them as patriotic citizens to do what they could in their enterprises to help in solving the problem. I do not contend that everything in the Bill is the result of the agreement between the late Prime Minister and the chairmen of the railway companies, but I unhesitating say that some of the provisions of the Bill are the result of the appeal of the right hon. Gentleman to the railway companies. As the House of Commons fully approved of what the right hon. Gentleman then did, and urged him to do even more, it would be illogical and unreasonable of this House, when a Bill comes before us in accordance with the policy indicated by the House and the Government three months ago, if we were to reject the Second Reading, and stop this railway company from carrying out work to help the unemployed. As regards unemployment, we are not yet out of the wood. Unemployment is still rife. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] I am sorry to hear hon. and right hon. Gentlemen cheer that statement. [HON. MEMBERS: "We did not cheer."] I thought they would have been sorry that unemployment is still rife.

It will possibly be worse next winter. I would strongly urge the House not to do anything which would add, however small an amount, to that unemployment by rejecting this Bill. In my opinion to reject this Bill, on the ground that the company ought to do something else in another place, far away from where these works will be carried out, would be a most unfortunate precedent. It would mean that improvements and developments which the users of railways are always urging them to undertake would become impossible unless the railways satisfied every claim put forward in every part of the country.

We are objecting on the ground that this company is not fitted to carry out the public duty with which it has been entrusted, and that has been proved by its action in the past.

That is purely a matter of opinion. I would like to reinforce one point which has only partially been made. I think this is the most unfortunate Bill that has ever been brought into this House, for this reason. It was brought in as the North Eastern Railway Bill, and if amalgamation had been delayed a few months, there would have been no opposition to it at all. It is only because amalgamation has taken place between the time when the Bill was introduced and the time when it comes up for Second Reading that all this opposition has been aroused. Had amalgamation been postponed for six months, there would have been no opposition, because the old North Eastern Railway had, before amalgamation nothing to do with the Great Northern Railway, nor with the suburban traffic around London.

On the other hand, I fully admit that hon. Members who represent those districts in the North of London have serious cause for complaint. The travelling facilities, whoever may be at fault, in that part of the world are deplorable. I have been there myself. I have been through the locality once or twice, and though some of the statements which have been made by various deputations to me are perhaps painted with rather a heavy brush, still, condition exist there which ought not to exist, which I think hon. Members are quite right in pressing upon this House and the Ministry of Transport as strongly as they possibly can, and which ought to be put right at the earliest possible moment. We have, within the limited powers which we possess, done what we could to improve the omnibus traffic and the tramway traffic. But I admit again that you can only mitigate the unfortunate circumstances there, and you want either electrification or new railways, or both, in that locality to put things on a proper footing and serve the teeming scores of thousands who live there, and have, old and young, weak and strong, to go in every day to their work under these unfortunate conditions.

I have been in fairly constant touch with the London and North Eastern Company, and, candidly, they are not unsympathetic. I have had assurances sent to me officially. They are now considering carefully this part of the general problem of improvement for the suburban traffic of the new group. They are investigating the problem at Finsbury in conjunction with the Metropolitan Railway Company. What does that mean? I take it to mean that the London and North Eastern Company and the Metropolitan Company are now considering what, if anything, can be done to get a tube extension from Finsbury Park to the affected areas.

No assurance of that kind was given by the hon. Member who spoke for them to-night. Why not remove the embargo in the 1902 Act, and then our trouble would be at an end?

I quite appreciate the hon. and gallant Gentleman's point of view. I am trying to explain that these negotiations are proceeding. My statement was that they are investigating the problem at Finsbury, in conjunction with the Metropolitan Railway Company. I will go further. I had the good fortune to have a conversation to-day with Lord Ashfield—a casual meeting—and I told him that this Debate was taking place this evening. Lord Ashfield is the head of the strong combine which, among other railways, controls the Piccadilly tube, which also ends at Finsbury, and he tells me that he is in constant communication with the London and North Eastern Railway Company to see whether they can do anything. He said that he had been approached in a most friendly and practical spirit by that Company. The London and North Eastern Company, then, is negotiating both with the Metropolitan Company and Lord Ashfield's combine to see what can be done to improve the facilities of travel in this district.

I would ask the House to appreciate the difficulties of these new big groups. They came into existence only four and a half or five months ago, and they can hardly be said to have got really started. They have innumerable difficult problems with which to deal, and I feel sure that they are to be believed when they say that they are going into the matter and wish to solve this very difficult problem. Suppose that hon. Members opposite defeat the Second Reading of the Bill. Are they any better off? What are they to gain? They will undoubtedly injure very considerably the workers in Yorkshire and Hull. They will also lose the benefit of the Railway Clerks' Clause, which has been inserted as a concession by the company—a very proper concession—and hon. Members will be no better off. The only result of rejection will be that work will be stopped, and they will be no nearer getting better communications from Finsbury to North London.

I wish very briefly to ask the House to consider one point which has been put forward not, as the Minister has suggested, from this side of the House, but from both sides. That is the question whether the North Eastern Railway Company should not repeal this Clause so that, if they be unable to carry out the work which we say ought to be carried out, they can clear out of the way and let some one else do it. The hon. Member for Moseley (Mr. Hannon) alluded to this as purely a local question, but the problem of Greater London is the problem of one-fifth or one-sixth of the popualtion of this country, and you cannot call that a purely local question. I hope the House is impressed by the fact that for the first time for many years Greater London has become vocal in this House in regard to its traffic facilities. These districts have grown up since this embargo was placed on the extension of the tube, and it is futile to come here to-night and say that the bargain which was made prohibits us from asking for the repeal of this Clause. As the right hon. Baronet the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury) stated, these companies have been given great powers, but they were given these powers on the understanding that they would use the monopoly granted to them for the benefit of the public. Here we bring forward a case where these powers have been most flagrantly abused; where, instead of being used for the benefit of the public, they have been used to the detriment of the public. I am not at all sure that the electrification of the North Eastern system is going to be of great advantage to the people there, because that involves changing trains at the end of the Metropolitan Railway, and part of the trouble consists of people having to change from one system to another. Until we get this concession we have asked for, I do not see that that part of Greater London can be properly dealt with.

The House has already set a precedent for the legislation we are asking for in regard to the south side of the river where we have an even worse railway than the North Eastern. It has decided that the monopoly which that system claims for dealing with suburban traffic shall not continue, but that the Clapham Common Tube is to be given powers to extend its system as far out as Sutton. That was opposed by the Southern Railway in the same arguments that have been used for the North Eastern this evening. That is the important question the House has to consider. We have the same attitude to-night that hon. Gentlemen representing railway companies always adopt towards the requests of the public. Just before the War, when this question was being pressed, the Great Eastern Company designed an engine which they named the "Decapod" to deal with the problem better than by electrification. On the assumption that something was to be done pressure was withdrawn, and then the experiment was dropped, the engine was scrapped, and nothing was done for these people. We have heard nothing from the representatives of the company and from the Minister to show that we are to do any serious injury by rejecting this Bill, but we are to say to the railway companies that they cannot ignore the needs of the people. It is idle to dismiss this as a question of purely local facilities. Here we are in the centre of the railway systems of the country, and the people living nearest to the great railway termini are the worst placed in regard to railway facilities. We have a right to ask that the House of Commons shall listen to the unanimous voice of Greater London, and its appeal that this problem shall be satisfactorily dealt with by rejecting this Bill.

The railway directors have made a point that a bargain was struck 20 years ago, and that a bargain was a sacred thing. It reminds me of President Roosevelt's description of the kind of bargains that used to be struck between the American trusts, that "It was a bargain between the trusts, and the public be damned." The right hon. Baronet the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury) said that the Members must be consistent over that bargain. But here is a different case. The bargain is struck only till the one side comes up to the House of Commons for further facilities to be ratified, for some further monopoly rights; and the House has therefore a perfect right to say, "Very well, if you want those rights, we have a perfect right to ask you to give something in exchange—either to give an undertaking that you will, within a reasonable time, start building this railway, or get out of the way and let somebody else do it."

Hon. Members opposite supporting this Bill continually say to us: "This is an excellent Bill; you surely are not going to prevent it going through?" I wonder if they are aware of the fact—I think it is a fact—that there is no way to get rid of the Clause on the Paper which blocks the way of the Bill. Until the company waive their right, no one can deal with it. That is a substantial fact which justifies us in fighting the Bill. Why is it that on this one essential——

rose in his place, and claimed to move, "That the Question be now put," but Mr. Speaker withheld his assent, and declined then to put that Question.

rose in his place, and claimed to move, "That the Question be now put," but Mr. Speaker withheld his assent, and declined then to put that Question.

We have asked them this evening what they have done, and we find that they have never even considered the matter. The hon. Member for the Moseley Division of Birmingham (Mr. Hannon) has said that you cannot electrify lines or put down a new tube without consideration. We have not asked them to do that, but we have asked the company, when they come to consider the matter, that they——

rose in his place, and claimed to move, "That the Question be now put," but Mr. Speaker withheld his assent, and declined then to put that Question.

The company is able itself to carry out the work; if not, it should allow somebody else to do it. There is no question at all——

rose in his place, and claimed to move, "That the Question be now put," but Mr. Speaker withheld his assent, and declined then to put that Question.

rose in his place, and, claimed to move, "That the Question be now put."

Question put, "That the Question be now put."

The House divided: Ayes, 198; Noes, 105.

Division No. 214.]

AYES.

[11.0 p.m.

Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte

Ford, Patrick Johnston

Lane-Fox, Lieut.-Colonel G. R.

Alexander, E. E. (Leyton, East)

Forestier-Walker, L.

Lloyd, Cyril E. (Dudley)

Alexander, Col. M. (Southwark)

Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot

Locker-Lampson, G. (Wood Green)

Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin

Fraser, Major Sir Keith

Lort-Williams, J.

Ashley, Lt.-Col. Wilfrid W.

Furness, G. J.

Loyd, Arthur Thomas (Abingdon)

Astor. J. J. (Kent, Dover)

Galbraith, J. F. W.

Lynn, R. J.

Baird, Rt. Hon. Sir John Lawrence

Ganzoni, Sir John

Macdonald, Sir Murdoch (Inverness)

Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

Garland, C. S.

McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury)

Barlow, Rt. Hon. Sir Montague

Gaunt, Rear-Admiral Sir Guy R.

Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.)

Barnett, Major Richard W.

Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John

Manville, Edward

Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W.

Gould, James C.

Margesson, H. D. R.

Blades, Sir George Rowland

Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central)

Martin, F. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, E.)

Bowyer, Captain G. E. W.

Gray, Frank (Oxford)

Milne, J. S. Wardlaw

Brass, Captain W.

Gray, Harold (Cambridge)

Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C.

Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive

Greene, Lt.-Col. Sir W. (Hack'y, N.)

Morden, Col. W. Grant

Brown, Brig.-Gen. Clifton (Newbury)

Greenwood, William (Stockport)

Nall, Major Joseph

Brown, J. W. (Middlesbrough, E.)

Gretton, Colonel John

Nesbitt, Robert C.

Bruford, R.

Grigg, Sir Edward

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

Bruton, Sir James

Guest, Hon. C. H. (Bristol, N.)

Nicholson, Brig.-Gen. J. (Westminster)

Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A.

Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E.

Oman, Sir Charles William C.

Burney, Com. (Middx., Uxbridge)

Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich)

Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William

Burnie, Major J. (Bootle)

Halstead, Major D.

Paget, T. G.

Button, H. S.

Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland)

Parker, Owen (Kettering)

Cadogan, Major Edward

Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry

Pease, William Edwin

Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R.

Harrison, F. C.

Penny, Frederick George

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord H. (Ox. Univ.)

Harvey, Major S. E.

Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings)

Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton

Hawke, John Anthony

Perkins, Colonel E. K.

Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood)

Hay, Major T. W. (Norfolk, South)

Perring, William George

Churchman, Sir Arthur

Henn, Sir Sydney H.

Peto, Basil E.

Clayton, G. C.

Hennessy, Major J. R. G.

Pielou, D. P.

Cobb, Sir Cyril

Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford)

Pollock, Rt. Hon. Sir Ernest Murray

Collie, Sir John

Herbert, S. (Scarborough)

Preston, Sir W. R.

Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale

Hewett, Sir J. P.

Price, E. G.

Conway, Sir W. Martin

Hiley, Sir Ernest

Pringle, W. M. R.

Cope, Major William

Hinds, John

Raeburn, Sir William H.

Cotts, Sir William Dingwall Mitchell

Hoare, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir S. J. G.

Raine, W.

Courthope, Lieut.-Col. George L.

Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (St. Marylebone)

Rawlinson, Rt. Hon. John Fredk. Peel

Craig, Captain C. C. (Antrim, South)

Hopkins, John W. W.

Remer, J. R.

Croft, Lieut.-Colonel Henry Page

Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley)

Reynolds, W. G. W.

Crooke, J. Smedley (Deritend)

Houfton, John Plowright

Rhodes, Lieut.-Col. J. P.

Curzon, Captain Viscount

Howard, Capt. D. (Cumberland, N.)

Richardson, Lt.-Col. Sir P. (Chertsey)

Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead)

Howard-Bury, Lieut.-Col. C. K.

Roberts, C. H. (Derby)

Davies, Thomas (Cirencester)

Hudson, Capt. A.

Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford)

Dixon, C. H. (Rutland)

Hume, G. H.

Robertson-Despencer, Major (Isl'gt'nW)

Dudgeon, Major C. R.

Hurd, Percy A.

Robinson, Sir T. (Lancs., Stretford)

Ellis, R. G.

Hutchison, G. A. C. (Midlothian, N.)

Robinson, W. C. (York, Elland)

Entwistle, Major C. F.

Hutchison, Sir R. (Kirkcaldy)

Roundell, Colonel R. F.

Erskine, Lord (Weston-super-Mare)

Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H.

Ruggles-Brise, Major E.

Evans, Capt. H. Arthur (Leicester, E.)

Jarrett, G. W. S.

Russell, William (Bolton)

Evans, Ernest (Cardigan)

Jephcott, A. R.

Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham)

Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray

Joynson-Hicks, Sir William

Sanderson, Sir Frank B.

Fawkes, Major F. H.

Kennedy, Captain M. S. Nigel

Sinclair, Sir A.

Fermor-Hesketh, Major T.

Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M.

Snowden, Philip

Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L.

King, Captain Henry Douglas

Somerville, A. A. (Windsor)

Flanagan, W. H.

Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement

Somerville, Daniel (Barrow-in-Furness)

Foot, Isaac

Lamb, J. Q.

Spender-Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H.

Stanley, Lord

Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull)

Wise, Frederick

Steel, Major S. Strang

Warner, Sir T. Courtenay T.

Wolmer, Viscount

Stewart, Gershom (Wirral)

Watts, Dr. T. (Man., Withington)

Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.)

Stockton, Sir Edwin Forsyth

Wedgwood, Colonel Josiah C.

Woodcock, Colonel H. C.

Stuart, Lord C. Crichton-

Weston, Colonel John Wakefield

Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward

Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser

Wheler, Col. Granville C. H.

Yerburgh, R. D. T.

Sugden, Sir Wilfrid H.

White, Lt.-Col. G. D. (Southport)

Young, Rt. Hon. E. H. (Norwich)

Thompson, Luke (Sunderland)

Wilson, Col. M. J. (Richmond)

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Wilson, Lt.-Col. Leslie O. (P'tsm'th,S.)

TELLERS FOR THE AYES. —Lieut.-Colonel A. Murray and Sir F. Banbury.—Lieut.-Colonel A. Murray and Sir F. Banbury.

Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.)

Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George

Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement

Winterton, Earl

Turton, Edmund Russborough

NOES.

Adams, D.

Hardie, George D.

Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan)

Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock)

Hayday, Arthur

Phillipps, Vivian

Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro')

Hayes, John Henry (Edge Hill)

Ponsonby, Arthur

Ammon, Charles George

Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (N'castle, E.)

Potts, John S.

Attlee, C. R.

Herriotts, J.

Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery)

Hillary, A. E.

Riley, Ben

Barnes, A.

Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath)

Ritson, J.

Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith)

John, William (Rhondda, West)

Rose, Frank H.

Berkeley, Captain Reginald

Johnston, Thomas (Stirling)

Royce, William Stapleton

Bonwick, A.

Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown)

Russell-Wells, Sir Sydney

Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W.

Jones, R. T. (Carnarvon)

Saklatvala, S.

Broad, F. A.

Jowett, F. W. (Bradford, East)

Salter, Dr. A.

Brotherton, J.

Kenyon, Barnet

Scrymgeour, E.

Buchanan, G.

Kirkwood, D.

Shinwell, Emanuel

Buckle, J.

Lansbury, George

Simpson, J. Hope

Buxton, Charles (Accrington)

Leach, W.

Sitch, Charles H.

Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, North)

Lee, F.

Smith, T. (Pontefract)

Chapple, W. A.

Lees-Smith, H. B. (Keighley)

Snell, Harry

Charleton, H. C.

Linfield, F. C.

Stephen, Campbell

Collins, Pat (Walsall)

Lowth, T.

Stewart, J. (St. Rollox)

Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities)

Lunn, William

Sullivan, J.

Crook, C. W. (East Ham, North)

MacDonald, J. R. (Aberavon)

Thomas, Sir Robert John (Anglesey)

Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale)

M'Entee, V. L.

Tillett, Benjamin

Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton)

McLaren, Andrew

Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline)

Duncan, C.

Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan)

Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda)

Ede, James Chuter

March, S.

Welsh, J. C.

Edmonds, G.

Marshall, Sir Arthur H.

Williams, Dr. J. H. (Llanelly)

Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty)

Middleton, G.

Williams, T. (York, Don Valley)

Fairbairn, R. R.

Millar, J. D.

Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe)

Gosling, Harry

Morel, E. D.

Wintringham, Margaret

Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton)

Murnin, H.

Wright, W.

Greenall, T.

Murray, R. (Renfrew, Western)

Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne)

Nichol, Robert

Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan)

O'Grady, Captain James

TELLERS FOR THE NOES. —Captain Viscount Ednam and Mr. R. Morrison.—Captain Viscount Ednam and Mr. R. Morrison.

Groves, T.

Oliver, George Harold

Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil)

Paling, W.

Harbord, Arthur

Question put accordingly, "That the word 'now' stand part of the Question."

The House divided: Ayes, 217; Noes, 84.

Division No. 215.]

AYES.

[11.10 p.m.

Adams, D.

Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A.

Davies, Thomas (Cirencester)

Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte

Burney, Com. (Middx., Uxbridge)

Dixon, C. H. (Rutland)

Alexander, E. E. (Leyton, East)

Burnie, Major J. (Bootle)

Dudgeon, Major C. R.

Alexander, Col. M. (Southwark)

Button, H. S.

Ellis, R. G.

Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro')

Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R.

Entwistle, Major C. F.

Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord H. (Ox. Univ.)

Erskine, Lord (Weston-super-Mare)

Ashley, Lt.-Col. Wilfrid W.

Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton

Evans, Capt. H. Arthur (Leicester, E.)

Astor, J. J. (Kent, Dover)

Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood)

Evans, Ernest (Cardigan)

Baird, Rt. Hon. Sir John Lawrence

Charleton, H. C.

Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray

Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

Churchman, Sir Arthur

Fawkes, Major F. H.

Barlow, Rt. Hon. Sir Montague

Clayton, G. C.

Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L.

Barnett, Major Richard W.

Cobb, Sir Cyril

Flanagan, W. H.

Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W.

Collie, Sir John

Ford, Patrick Johnston

Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith)

Collins, Pat (Walsall)

Forestier-Walker, L.

Berkeley, Captain Reginald

Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale

Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot

Blades, Sir George Rowland

Conway, Sir W. Martin

Fraser, Major Sir Keith

Bonwick, A.

Cope, Major William

Furness, G. J.

Bowyer, Captain G. E. W.

Cotts, Sir William Dingwall Mitchell

Galbraith, J. F. W.

Brass, Captain W.

Courthope, Lieut.-Col. George L.

Ganzoni, Sir John

Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive

Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities)

Garland, C. S.

Brown, Brig.-Gen. Clifton (Newbury)

Craig, Captain C. C. (Antrim, South)

Gaunt, Rear-Admiral Sir Guy R.

Brown, J. W. (Middlesbrough, E.)

Croft, Lieut.-Colonel Henry Page

Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John

Bruford, R.

Crooke, J. Smedley (Deritend)

Gould, James C

Bruton, Sir James

Curzon, Captain Viscount

Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central)

Gray, Frank (Oxford)

Loyd, Arthur Thomas (Abingdon)

Russell, William (Bolton)

Gray, Harold (Cambridge)

Lynn, R. J.

Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham)

Greenwood, William (Stockport)

Macdonald, Sir Murdoch (Inverness)

Sanderson, Sir Frank B.

Gretton, Colonel John

McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury)

Simpson, J. Hope

Grigg, Sir Edward

Manville, Edward

Sinclair, Sir A.

Guest, Hon. C. H. (Bristol, N.)

Margesson, H. D. R.

Sitch, Charles H.

Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E.

Marshall, Sir Arthur H.

Snowden, Philip

Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich)

Martin, F. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, E.)

Somerville, A. A. (Windsor)

Halstead, Major D.

Millar, J. D.

Somerville, Daniel (Barrow-in-Furn'ss)

Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland)

Milne, J. S. Wardlaw

Spender-Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H.

Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry

Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C.

Stanley, Lord

Harbord, Arthur

Morden, Col. W. Grant

Steel, Major S. Strang

Harrison, F. C.

Nall, Major Joseph

Stewart, Gershom (Wirral)

Harvey, Major S. E.

Nesbitt, Robert C.

Stockton, Sir Edwin Forsyth

Hawke, John Anthony

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

Stuart, Lord C. Crichton-

Hay, Major T. W. (Norfolk, South)

Nicholson, Brig.-Gen. J. (Westminster)

Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser

Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (N'castle, E.)

O'Grady, Captain James

Sugden, Sir Wilfrid H.

Hennessy, Major J. R. G.

Oman, Sir Charles William C.

Sykes, Major-Gen. Sir Frederick H.

Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford)

Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William

Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby)

Herbert, S. (Scarborough)

Parker, Owen (Kettering)

Thompson, Luke (Sunderland)

Herriotts, J.

Pease, William Edwin

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Hewett, Sir J. P.

Penny, Frederick George

Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.)

Hiley, Sir Ernest

Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings)

Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement

Hillary, A. E.

Perkins, Colonel E. K.

Turton, Edmund Russborough

Hinds, John

Perring, William George

Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull)

Hoare, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir S. J. G.

Peto, Basil E.

Warner, Sir T. Courtenay T.

Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (St. Marylebone)

Phillipps, Vivian

Watts, Dr. T. (Man., Withington)

Hopkins, John W. W.

Pielou, D. P.

Wedgwood, Colonel Josiah C.

Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley)

Pollock, Rt. Hon. Sir Ernest Murray

Weston, Colonel John Wakefield

Houfton, John Plowright

Ponsonby, Arthur

Wheler, Col. Granville C. H.

Howard, Capt. D. (Cumberland, N.)

Preston, Sir W. R.

White, Lt.-Col. G. D. (Southport)

Howard-Bury, Lieut.-Col. C. K.

Price, E. G.

Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe)

Hudson, Capt. A.

Pringle, W. M. R.

Wilson, Col. M. J. (Richmond)

Hume, G. H.

Raeburn, Sir William H.

Wilson, Lt.-Col. Leslie O. (P'tsm'th, S.)

Hutchison, G. A. C. (Midlothian, N.)

Raine, W.

Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George

Hutchison, Sir R. (Kirkcaldy)

Rawlinson, Rt. Hon. John Fredk. Peel

Winterton, Earl

Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H.

Remer, J. R.

Wintringham, Margaret

Jarrett, G. W. S.

Reynolds, W. G. W.

Wise, Frederick

Jephcott, A. R.

Rhodes, Lieut.-Col. J. P.

Wolmer, Viscount

Joynson-Hicks, Sir William

Richardson, Lt.-Col. Sir P. (Chertsey)

Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.)

Kennedy, Captain M. S. Nigel

Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

Woodcock, Colonel H. C.

Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M.

Riley, Ben

Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward

Kenyon, Barnet

Ritson, J.

Yerburgh, R. D. T.

King, Captain Henry Douglas

Roberts, C. H. (Derby)

Young, Rt. Hon. E. H. (Norwich)

Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement

Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford)

Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

Lamb, J. Q.

Robertson-Despencer, Major (Isl'gt'nW)

Lane-Fox, Lieut.-Colonel G. R.

Robinson, Sir T. (Lancs, Stretford)

TELLERS FOR THE AYES. —Lieut.-Colonel A. Murray and Sir F. Banbury.—Lieut.-Colonel A. Murray and Sir F. Banbury.

Leach, W.

Robinson, W. C. (York, Elland)

Lloyd, Cyril E. (Dudley)

Roundell, Colonel R. F.

Lort-Williams, J.

Ruggles-Brise, Major E.

NOES.

Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock)

Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil)

Oliver, George Harold

Ammon, Charles George

Hardie, George D.

Paget, T. G.

Attlee, C. R.

Hayday, Arthur

Paling, W.

Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery)

Hayes, John Henry (Edge Hill)

Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan)

Barnes, A.

Hurd, Percy A.

Potts, John S.

Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W.

Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath)

Rose, Frank H.

Broad, F. A.

John, William (Rhondda, West)

Royce, William Stapleton

Brotherton, J.

Johnston, Thomas (Stirling)

Russell-Wells, Sir Sydney

Buchanan, G.

Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown)

Saklatvala, S.

Buckle, J.

Jones, R. T. (Carnarvon)

Salter, Dr. A.

Buxton, Charles (Accrington)

Jowett, F. W. (Bradford, East)

Scrymgeour, E.

Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, North)

Kirkwood, D.

Shinwell, Emanuel

Chapple, W. A.

Lansbury, George

Smith, T. (Pontefract)

Crook, C. W. (East Ham, North)

Lee, F.

Snell, Harry

Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale)

Lees-Smith, H. B. (Keighley)

Stephen, Campbell

Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton)

Linfield, F. C.

Stewart, J. (St. Rollox)

Duncan, C.

Locker-Lampson, G. (Wood Green)

Sullivan, J.

Ede, James Chuter

Lowth, T.

Tillett, Benjamin

Edmonds, G.

Lunn, William

Trevelyan, C. P.

Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty)

MacDonald, J. R. (Aberavon)

Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline)

Fairbairn, R. R.

M'Entee, V. L.

Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda)

Fermor-Hesketh, Major T.

McLaren, Andrew

Welsh, J. C.

Foot, Isaac

Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan)

Williams, Dr. J. H. (Llanelly)

Gosling, Harry

Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.)

Williams, T. (York, Don Valley)

Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton)

March, S.

Wright, W.

Greenall, T.

Morel, E. D.

Greene, Lt.-Col. Sir W. (Hack'y, N.)

Murnin, H.

TELLERS FOR THE NOES. —Mr. R. Morrison and Captain Viscount Ednam.—Mr. R. Morrison and Captain Viscount Ednam.

Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne)

Murray, R. (Renfrew, Western)

Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan)

Nichol, Robert

Groves, T.

Bill read a Second time, and Committed.

Supply

Again considered in Committee.

[Mr. JAMES HOPE in the Chair.]

Civil Services and Revenue Departments Estimates, 1923–24

Class I8

India Office

Postponed Proceeding resumed on Question proposed on Consideration of Question,

"That a sum, not exceeding £80,000, be granted to His Majesty to complete the sum necessary to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1924, for a Contribution towards the Cost of the Department of His Majesty's Secretary of State for India in Council, including a Grant-in-Aid."

Question again proposed, "That a sum, not exceeding £79,900, be granted for the said Service."

It being after Eleven of the Clock, and objection being taken to further Proceeding, the Chairman left the Chair to make his Report to the House.

Committee report Progress; to sit again upon Monday next (18th June).

Alderney (Transfer of Property, etc.) Bill [Lords]

Read a Second time, and Committed to a Committee of the whole House for Monday next (18th June).

Explosives Bill [Lords]

As amended ( in the Standing Committee ), considered; read the Third time, and passed, with an Amendment.

Advertisements Regulation Bill [Lords]

Read a Second time, and committed to a Standing Committee.

The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.

Business of the House

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House do now adjourn."—[ Colonel Leslie Wilson. ]

I want to protest against what has happened to-night. It is an amazing way of managing the Empire that when a matter of first-rate constitutional importance is proposed, and for once in a Session the affairs of an Empire are brought before the House, we should switch on to suburban transit, and drop our attention to the affairs of the Empire. The forms of the House are such that no one is to blame except the forms of the House. I should wish that some precautions might be taken against that sort of thing in future. I have no doubt whatever that the impression produced in India will not be good, and it is a serious matter that hon. Members in different parts of the House should not have been allowed by the forms of the House to take any part in a really important Debate. I do not blame the Government. It is not their fault. It is due to the extraordinary way we manage business. The only remedy—I only speak for myself and I express my personal hope—is that we have not heard the last of this Debate, and that it will be continued under more satisfactory conditions at a later period of the Session. That seems to me to be really indispensable if we are to pay proper regard to the affairs of India.

I am in thorough agreement with what has been said by the hon. Gentleman. I also think that it is very unfortunate—I cannot go further, because it would be out of order to do so—that, by the peculiar procedure of the House, a debate of the great interest and importance of that in which we were engaged this afternoon should have been so interrupted. It is in no way the fault of the Government, and I think hon. Members will agree with me in hoping that further opportunity will occur for a continuance of this Debate at a later period, which I think in the interests of India is most desirable. I trust that some means may be found of doing that.

There is a very simple way in which the Noble Lord's wish can be met. That is if his Noble Friend the Parliamentary Secretary to the Treasury will put down a Motion according to the forms of the House giving us extra Supply days. If that were done, the wish expressed so feelingly by the Noble Lord would be met.

May I point out to the Parliamentary Secretary to the Treasury that this is a good example of the need of some means for limiting the length of the speeches in this House. I sympathise with the Noble Lord, who speaks possibly only once a year on behalf of his great office; but I think, with great respect, that one hour should be sufficient for any speech in this House. What I recommend would be that the Government should be allowed one hour for reply, that the hon. Member moving the Motion should be allowed half an hour, and that other hon. Members intervening should be allowed only 15 minutes, except by leave of the House. Something is required because of the congestion of public business, the long months that we are sitting, and the many excellent Measures of the Government which the Parliamentary Secretary is forced to slaughter with other "innocents" at the end of the Session. Something could be done on the lines I have suggested. The only other suggestion I make, and it is a constructive suggestion, is that we should consider the hours of sitting. The present hours are out of date, unhealthy, and insufficient. It would be very much better if we were to meet every day at 11 or 12 o'clock in the forenoon, and rise at a reasonable hour, so that we should not have these unfortunate incidents. I make no personal attack upon the Noble Lord. He has my sympathy. He knew that if he did not get his innings then, he would not have another chance, but under my proposal he would have a chance of winding up the Debate.

There is another reason why the Debate on India should be continued, and that is that there has been no voice heard in any sense speaking on behalf of the Lancashire cotton industry, with any considerable knowledge of the district connection between that industry and India.

Question put, and agreed to.

Adjourned accordingly at Twenty-nine Minutes after Eleven o'Clock.