House of Commons
Wednesday, June 20, 1923
The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.
Oral Answers to Questions
Questions
China (Protection of Foreigners)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if his attention has been called to the effect that the serious and continued disturbances in China are having on trade in this country, particularly in the midland counties, by intensifying unemployment; also the danger to lives and liberty of British subjects; and if he has any information up to date regarding the fate of those captured in the Tientsin-Pukow train outrage?
His Majesty's Government are aware of the interference with trade caused by the disturbed conditions obtaining in China, and as I have several times informed the House, His Majesty's Minister at Peking is now in consultation with his colleagues regarding the measures to be taken for the better protection of foreigners in the future. All the persons captured by bandits in the Tientsin-Pukow train outrage have been released.
Russia (Treatment of Jews)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether Sir H. Mackinder, when acting as His Majesty's High Commissioner during the period in which the British military mission was established in South Russia, made reports on the persecution of the Jews?
Owing to the military situation it became impossible for Sir H. Mackinder to furnish any such report.
How was it that no reports were made when it was well known that great numbers of Jews were massacred at that time, partly by drowning in the River Dneister?
A great many reports to that effect came to us, some of which were reliable and some not, but owing to the military situation it was impossible for Sir H. Mackinder to get sufficiently accurate stories in order to furnish a report to the Government.
Ellis Island (British Subjects' Detention)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs how many Englishmen and Englishwomen are incarcerated in Ellis Island, New York, owing to the quota of immigrants being filled; has his attention been called to the fact that sometimes as many as 150 women and children of all nationalities and colours are placed in one room to sleep; will he make representations to the United States of America Government protesting against this prison-like treatment of English subjects; and, in the event of the continuance of this practice, will he consider taking measures of retaliation?
I cannot say exactly how many British subjects are at the moment detained at Ellis Island. The attention of His Majesty's Government has repeatedly been called to the conditions prevailing there and no opportunity has been lost of pressing the United States Government to effect an improvement. His Majesty's Ambassador at Washington recently inspected the island at the invitation of the United States Government and the result of his inspection was communicated unofficially to that Government. It would be difficult to devise suitable means of retaliation, as very few United States citizens come to this country to settle.
Can the hon. Gentleman give the House the statement made by the Ambassador with regard to the conditions at Ellis Island?
I do not know whether the hon. Gentleman means that it should be laid as a Report. If that is what he means, I will inquire what can be done.
Does the hon. Gentleman know that no improvement at all has been made, and that during the last few days English visitors to the United States, with passports and visas absolutely in order, have been subject to these indignities and kept in a cage with people from all parts of Europe?
Does the hon. Gentleman recollect that nearly six months ago I drew attention to the fact that one of my constituents, Mrs. Thompson, was taken off an Atlantic liner and subjected to grave indignities, and that this sort of thing has been going on in the last few weeks? Surely some active representations should be made to the United States in the matter?
May I ask whether, in view of the case stated, steps will be taken to intimate to industrial centres like Glasgow that people should not emigrate, as the quota of emigrants is full.
These are not emigrants.
I am quite aware of the conditions to which several hon. Members have drawn attention, but there are extreme difficulties in dealing with the subject, and all I can say is that, as far as I am aware, the United States Government are very anxious to do anything they can to alleviate the conditions. But there are very grave difficulties in the way.
rose ——
Obviously we cannot carry the matter further by question and answer.
Central Prisoners of War Committee, Denmark
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he is aware that the King's Messenger who left London on the 20th July, 1918, for Scandinavia, travelling via St. Pancras, Aberdeen, and Bergen, carried from London to Copenhagen a very large sum of money in English notes, and that the package containing those notes was handed to him at the Foreign Office; and whether he is prepared to state whose money this was, and to whom it was delivered by the British authorities at Copenhagen?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. This money was the property of the Central Prisoners of War Committee of the British Red Cross Society and Order of St. John of Jerusalem, and was transmitted at the request of the committee in the care of the King's Messenger to His Majesty Legation at Copenhagen for delivery to the representative of the committee in Denmark.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that this gentleman was not a King's Messenger at all, but an Admiralty Courier, and that he was Lieutenant Waterhouse, R.N.V.R.?
I believe that the name stated by my hon. Friend is correct. Under the conditions at that time prevailing, all the messengers were under the direction of the Admiralty, and subject to Admiralty orders.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that during the whole of the War there were only six King's Messengers, that those were the only messengers who were entitled to carry the ancient badge of the silver greyhound, and that they came only from the Foreign Office?
I cannot contest the facts given by my hon. Friend, as I have not sufficient knowledge of the arrangements at that time.
Bulgaria
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he is yet in a position to give any information to the House of Commons about the situation arising out of the recent Bulgarian revolution; and whether he is aware of any political activity on the part of the ex-Tsar Ferdinand?
The late Agrarian Government in Bulgaria was recently expelled by a military coup d'état and M. Stamboulisky was subsequently killed. A provisional Government has been appointed, consisting of members of each opposition party, except the Communists. All this information can be gathered from the newspapers. The answer to the second part of this question is in the negative.
Has the hon. Gentleman any information about the ex-Tsar of Bulgaria? Has he any information to show whether the ex-Tsar is or is not in any way connected with this revolution?
No; we have no information to indicate that in any way.
Saar Valley
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if the British representative on the Council of the League of Nations has been or will be given instructions to raise the question of the administration of the Saar region at the meeting of the Council at the end of this month; and whether, if the French insist that the Council has not the right to send a Commission of Inquiry into the Saar region, the British representative will demand that the status of the Saar Commission and the rights and powers of the League Council in relation to it be referred to the Permanent Court of International Justice for decision?
With reference to the first part of the question, I would refer the hon. Member to the reply given by me to the hon. and gallant Members for Maidstone and Leith on 18th June. With regard to the second part of the question, I cannot say what will be the attitude of the British representative in circumstances which have not yet arisen.
South-West Africa (Slave Trade)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether his attention has been drawn to the Report issued by the Administrator of South-West Africa, in which he draws attention to the existence of slave trading and slave owning on a large scale in that country, and the need for more potent measures for dealing with the situation; whether, in view of British obligations under the Convention of St. Germain, the covenant of the League, and of the resolution under which the Council of the League is requested to gather together information upon slavery for the next assembly, the representative of Great Britain upon the Council of the League will be requested to bring this section of the Administrator's Report formally to the notice of his colleagues on the Council?
I have seen the passage in the Report in question which relates to the discovery by the Administration of South Western African territory in the course of last year that slavery exists among the tribe of the Okabango River. It rests with the Union Government as the mandatory authority to take the necessary action in the matter. The Report shows that the Administration only recently established connection with these people, but that instructions have been given to put a stop to the custom. In answer to the last part of the question the matter does not seem of the character contemplated by the Resolution of the Assembly referred to.
Royal Navy
Sheerness Dockyard (Discharges)
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether, in view of the large number of men unemployed in the Isle of Sheppey who were formerly employed at the dockyard at Sheerness and are unable to find other employment in the neighbourhood, he will arrange for a share of any work being given to Sheerness, and thus provide employment for these men?
I regret that the money provided in the Navy Estimates for dockyard wages does not permit of any addition being made to the number of men employed at Sheerness Dockyard.
Naval Base, Singapore
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty where exactly it is proposed to establish the new dockyard and graving-dock at Singapore; what size vessels the existing graving-dock at Singapore will accommodate; and whether any steps are being taken to provide an adequate floating-dock in the examination anchorage or elsewhere at Singapore?
The new dockyard and graving dock will be established in the Old Strait, the exact site being dependent upon the result of investigations now about to be made. The existing graving dock at Singapore can accommodate vessels of dimensions up to 850 feet in length, 92 feet beam and 32 feet draught. With regard to the last part of the question, the matter is still under consideration.
Could the hon. and gallant Gentleman say whether the Admiralty are wedded to this policy of a graving dock as against a floating dock, whether this position in the Straits is not open to attack from the land side, and whether this matter is being considered in consultation with the War Office?
Yes; very naturally, it has been most carefully considered in consultation with everybody concerned. The Strait is much the easiest place for general defence purposes. The Admiralty are not wedded to any particular project.
Absent Voters
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he will authorise the issue of a pamphlet in simple language, for posting on the notice boards of His Majesty's ships and establishments, explaining the main provisions of the Representation of the People Acts, 1818–20, with special attention to the Regulations concerning absent voters and voting by proxy?
Various Orders have been issued since 1919 which contain information concerning absent voters and voting by proxy, and these Orders were posted on the notice boards of His Majesty's ships and establishments. As the future procedure for naval voters is at present under consideration, I do not think it would be advisable to issue any further notices in the meantime.
Will the hon. and gallant Gentleman bear this question in mind in framing these Regulations?
Certainly; it is being borne in mind.
Does the hon. and gallant Gentleman realise that a great number of naval absent voters in Devonport were unable to record their votes last time? Will he see that this sort of thing does not happen again?
I am perfectly aware of that fact, and I think that every Member of the House is aware that it is very difficult to get all voters to the poll. The difficulty is far greater in the case of naval voters, because the ships may be anywhere.
Submarine Service (Stokers)
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he is aware that a system has been introduced into the submarine service of rating leading stokers as acting stoker petty officers, in which acting rate they serve for three years or more and are then reverted to leading stoker on their return to general service; and whether, since such a system is not fair to the men themselves nor in the best interests of discipline, steps will be taken to allow these men to retain the acting rating of stoker petty officer on return to general service, as supernumerary to the port establishment, until such time as they are due for promotion from port rosters?
Approval was given for 30 leading stokers to be rated acting stoker petty officer while in the submarine service. This was done as a temporary measure to meet a temporary difficulty owing to the abnormal situation in the submarine service after the War. It is not intended that these leading stokers shall retain their acting rate of stoker petty officer on return to the general service. Should any individuals among these 30 ratings represent cases of hardship through their commanding officers in the customary service manner their representations will receive careful consideration.
Graving and Floating Docks
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty what is the cost, respectively, of a graving-dock and floating-dock each capable of accommodating the largest size war vessel under the Washington Convention; what is the comparative cost of upkeep of these two types of docks for a period of 10 years; how many floating docks of this size are in British possession; and where they are now being utilised?
The cost of such a graving dock depends so much on the locality in which it is built, the range of tide, and the physical characteristics of the ground that it is impossible to state any figure of general applicability. The approximate cost of a floating dock would be £400,000. The cost of upkeep of the graving dock would be very small, while that of the floating dock would amount to about £10,000 per annum. There are at present no floating docks in British possession capable of taking a ship of the maximum size allowable under the Washington Conference, but an ex-German dock, lying in the Medway, is at present being extended, and when completed will take such ships.
Can the hon. and gallant Gentleman state the approximate estimated cost of the proposed graving dock at Singapore?
As that dock is not to be commenced for 18 months or two years, and the exact site is not determined, I think it is too early to give any exact estimate.
Cannot we have an estimate within a million, if we are to be committed to this policy? Surely, the Admiralty has some idea?
If the hon. and gallant Gentleman will put a question on the Paper, I will see what I can do.
Unemployment
Juvenile Centres
asked the Minister of Labour whether, in view of the unsettlement caused to staff and students by the uncertainty as to the policy he is going to pursue with regard to the future of juvenile unemployment centres, he will consent to their continuation for at least another 12 months?
asked the Minister of Labour whether the Government is prepared to reconsider its decision to gradually close the juvenile unemployment centres in view of the large number of children and young persons who would thereby be subjected to the demoralising influence of complete idleness?
asked the Minister of Labour whether he can make any further announcement on the subject of juvenile unemployment centres; and how many will close at the end of this month if no new decision is made by the Government?
asked the Minister of Labour whether he has yet received a Report on the work of the juvenile unemployment centres; and whether it is the intention of the Government, in view of the continued prevalence of unemployment amongst juveniles, to continue to give financial aid to these centres?
I have received a Report on the juvenile unemployment centres. This Report and the whole question of the continuance of the juvenile unemployment centres is under consideration, as I stated in my reply to previous questions last week. The number of centres which under present arrangements will close on 30th June is 35.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the uncertainty which exists is doing harm in regard to these centres and can he hold out any prospect of an early decision on the matter?
I am quite aware of the points put forward by the hon. Member and I realise the necessity of a speedy decision. I hope that will be achieved very shortly.
Would it not be possible to reopen these centres in the winter months?
That is one of the things which are in contemplation.
If the right hon. Gentleman decides to go on with the centres, will he, in framing the new regulations, arrange that the consent shall be given from month to month, rather than from week to week for the convenience of the authorities who have to engage teachers, thus enabling them to engage teachers on a monthly basis, as they cannot get good teachers on a weekly basis?
I will bear that in mind. The whole question of proper teaching staffs is one of the matters to be taken into consideration.
Why should the right hon. Gentleman and his Department hesitate for a moment about this matter when it is undoubtedly necessary for the welfare of the young people concerned that the juvenile unemployment centres should be continued?
As the Noble Lord is aware, the matter does not rest entirely with me. Other Departments have to be consulted.
Why should the Cabinet or the Government, or whoever is responsible, hesitate?
asked the Minister of Labour whether, in view of the large number of unemployed young persons in Glasgow, he will, in conjunction with the Glasgow Education Authority, open special day classes for continuation education?
If, as I assume, the hon. Member is referring to the establishment of Juvenile Unemployment Centres, I may say that I have repeatedly urged the Glasgow Education Authority to establish such Centres on the usual basis of a Government grant of 75 per cent. of the cost, but the authority has not seen its way to do so.
Can the Government use any means to take away this power of refusal from a dull body such as an education authority and to compel these bodies to do what is right?
The Minister has no responsibility for local education authorities.
Committee on Domestic Service
asked the Minister of Labour what is the cost being daily incurred by the Committee on Domestic Service now sitting in his office; from what fund that cost is met; and whether he will see if the labours of the Committee might with advantage be brought to a conclusion?
The expenses occasioned by this Committee consist of travelling expenses and other allowances of members and witnesses and the taking of a shorthand note. For a full day's hearing of evidence these expenses, as nearly as can be estimated, amount to about £15, of which £12 is borne on the Vote of the Ministry of Labour, and £3 on the Vote for Royal Commissions, etc. The Committee have so far held 10 such hearings, and have now received a considerable amount of evidence. The Chairman informed me last week that the list of oral witnesses has now been practically completed, with the exception of a small number, including several Members of Parliament, who have arranged to attend the next sitting of the Committee. This, I understand, will be the last sitting for taking evidence.
Does the right hon. Gentleman think this Committee has contributed anything to the main point, namely, the bringing together of those who are ready to offer remunerative employment, on conditions which are constantly improving, and those, on the other hand, who, seeking employment and not being able to obtain it, are falling back on the dole?
Is it not the case that the deliberations of the Committee revealed facts which have hitherto escaped notice; and in view of that fact, has its existence not been justified?
Is it not the case that the demand for this inquiry came absolutely and solely from the Government side, and why should they ask for its discontinuance?
Is it not the fact that up to the present time no statement whatever has been made by this Committee, and is it not better to wait until its findings have been drawn up and published?
Who selected the witnesses to appear; were they selected by the Chairman of the Committee?
I am not responsible for the conduct of the proceedings of the Committee. That is a matter for the Chairman. I believe, as a matter of fact, a certain number of witnesses suggested themselves to give evidence and others were selected by the Chairman after consultation with the Committee. With regard to the various questions which have been put, I do not know whether they are seriously pressed or not, but I really do not remember where the first suggestion came from. It has been under consideration in the Department for a long time, and as to the question of the results achieved I think it is desirable to await the Report of the Committee.
It has already done infinite harm.
Juveniles (Administrative Expenses)
asked the Minister of Labour what is the cost of the administration of the Unemployment Insurance Acts for juveniles for the whole country and for the County of London, separately?
A great part of the organisation for administering the Unemployment Insurance Acts is common to juveniles and adults. I regret, therefore, that figures showing the cost separately for juveniles are not available and could not be obtained without very considerable expense.
asked the Minister of Labour whether, in the event of a local education authority opting to take over the administration of unemployment benefits for juveniles, under Section 107 of the Education Act, 1921, all administrative expenses, including the rent of the necessary office accommodation, will be repaid to the local education authority?
Education authorities exercising the option referred to will receive a grant for their additional administrative expenses, on the basis of a scale fixed in the manner prescribed by Section 6 of the Unemployment Insurance Act, 1923. The scale will be settled after consultation with associations representative of local authorities and will, no doubt, take into account any necessary additional expenditure on premises.
Seasonal Trades
asked the Minister of Labour whether he has any information to show how much of the improvement in employment this year is due to resumption of work in seasonal trades where idleness always occurred in winter, and how much to genuine trade recovery; and has he any information to show what was the normal difference between the winter and summer volume of employment before the War?
It is not possible to say how much of the improvement in employment this year is due to seasonal causes. The only statistics available as to the fluctuations in unemployment over a period of years before the War are those relating to certain trade unions. In the years 1900–1914 the proportion unemployed in these unions averaged 3·8 per cent. at the end of May and 3·9 per cent. at the end of June, compared with 4·8 per cent. at the end of December.
Benefit (G. Jevons, Wednesbury)
asked the Minister of Labour whether he is aware that the Wednesbury Employment Exchange recently threatened to stop the unemployment benefit of George Jevons, 65, Witton Lane, unless he produced a certificate that his stepson, Samuel Broadbent, was still attending school; whether this action is in accordance with the Regulations; whether the manager of the Exchange has been officially informed of the school term; and whether he will exercise his powers to prevent a continuation of this conduct?
I am having inquiry made and will communicate with the hon. Member as soon as possible.
Is it in order for this Exchange to threaten to take away the unemployment benefit of the father because of the non-production of some certificate; and is the right hon. Gentleman aware of the dissatisfaction aroused in connection with the policy of the Exchange?
Until I have had inquiries made, I do not know how we stand on the facts. I will have inquiries made and will communicate with the hon. Member as soon as I have confirmation of the facts.
Whitley Councils
asked the Minister of Labour whether he intends to take steps in the near future to examine the working of the Whitley Councils and works committees generally, as foreshadowed in his speech at Plymouth on 28th May, 1923?
I have had prepared a Report on the Establishment and Progress of Joint Industrial Councils. This is now in the press and will shortly be published.
Ex-Service Men (Instructional Factories)
asked the Minister of Labour whether the Government instructional factory, St. James's Mill, Norwich, is to be closed down in the course of the year; and, if so, what arrangements are proposed as regards the trainees whose course does not expire until 1924, and ex-service men of the City of Norwich and ex-service men residing in East Anglia, respectively, who are still awaiting training?
It is not proposed to close this training centre during the current year. Before any centre is closed, I satisfy myself that adequate facilities are available for completing the training of existing trainees and for providing training for men on the waiting list, and with a substantial margin of available accommodation.
Does the right hon. Gentleman realise the isolation of many districts in East Anglia in which these trainees are and the extreme difficulty in the way of their attending any training centre except Norwich?
That is one of the things which is being carefully considered.
Housing
Empty Premises
asked the Minister of Health the number of empty houses in England and Wales, at the latest date before the War for which figures are available, giving separately the numbers in rural areas, in urban district council areas, in boroughs, in county boroughs, and in London; the number of these houses which were not reasonably fit for human habitation without repair; the number which were uninhabitable; and will he state how all these figures were obtained?
As the answer contains a number of figures, I will, with permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
Following is the answer:
The only information available showing the number of empty houses in England and Wales is that contained in the Census returns. The following figures are taken from the Return for 1911:
Empty Houses. London … 47,260 County boroughs … 133,655 Urban districts … 144,641 Rural districts … 108,492 England and Wales … 434,048
These figures include houses which were vacant on Census night only through the absence of the occupier and not actually unoccupied.
Information is not available showing the number of these houses which were not reasonably fit for human habitation or which were uninhabitable.
Building Materials (Prices)
asked the Minister of Health if he is aware that the local brick trust in the Middlesbrough district refuses to sell bricks to local authorities for housing purposes except at prices 10 per cent. higher than those quoted to members of the master builders' federation; and what action he proposes to take in this and similar cases?
I have not previously received any information on this matter, but I am bringing it to the notice of the Committee which is sitting to inquire into the cost of building materials.
What are the methods of the Committee which the right hon. Gentleman has appointed to inquire into cases of this kind; and have they made any report to him upon any of these matters?
No, Sir. They have not made any report. As to the other part of the Supplementary Question, I should like to have notice.
asked the Minister of Health to what extent advances in the prices of building materials since the announcement of the proposed Government housing subsidies have reduced the value of such subsidies; and whether he has reason to suppose that the advances in prices are due to the concerted action of persons or firms desirous of taking undue advantage of the circumstances?
I understand that the prices of certain building materials have recently been increased. I am not able to state the precise extent by which these increases have reduced the value of the proposed subsidies, but I am advised that it is negligible. The Committee which has been appointed is inquiring into the whole matter, and will also deal with the. question as to whether these advances in prices are due to the concerted action of any persons or firms desirous of taking undue advantage of the present circumstances.
Have the Committee appointed by the Minister in fact taken any action whatever up to date?
Will the right hon. Gentleman circulate a list showing the comparative cost of materials from time to time?
I hope to be able to publish such a list later on.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that certain persons are increasing prices by 10 per cent., and are also at the same time decreasing the wages of their workpeople in the industry; and what action does he intend to take?
The question of wages in the industry is not one that concerns my Department, and the question of the increases in the prices is engaging the attention of the Committee.
New Houses (Statistics)
asked the Minister of Health whether he can state, approximately, the number of new houses which have been built and completed for occupation in each of the years 1920, 1921, and 1922 in England; and how many new houses are under construction in the same area at the present time?
During the three years in question the number of houses completed in England and Wales under State-aided housing schemes was 15,700, 86,669, and 88,976 respectively. Statistics are not available showing the total number of houses erected during the same period without State aid. On the 1st instant, 8,019 houses were in course of construction under the State-assisted scheme authorised by the Housing, Town Planning, etc., Act, 1919. In addition, schemes for over 13,000 houses have been authorised which will rank for assistance under the new Bill if it becomes law. According to a return recently obtained from certain local authorities, 14,763 houses had been completed by private builders since the end of September last, and 17,693 houses were in course of construction without State assistance.
Ejections, Glasgow
asked the Minister of Health whether, in view of the eviction of tenants in Glasgow for non-payment of rent, and where such non-payment is due to poverty arising from low wages, unemployment, or other causes beyond their control, the Government will undertake to pay such rents and set up local committees for the purpose of dealing with such cases?
I have been asked to reply to this question. As I stated in the Debate on the Adjournment of the House on 17th May, the general practice in the Glasgow Ejection Court is to grant a decree of ejection for non-payment of rent only in the case where the sheriffs are satisfied that the tenant is able to make some payment in respect of rent. In this connection, I would point out that the scale of relief for destitute unemployed persons which has been generally adopted by parish councils in industrial areas is designed not only to aliment the recipient and his dependants, but to enable him to meet his current rent. I cannot hold out any hope that additional assistance will be provided from public funds.
Has the attention of the hon. and learned Gentleman been called to the fact that in one district in England two families have had to be housed in a stable as the result of an eviction order, and will he take all possible steps to see that people in Scotland are not reduced to having to live in stables or byres?
Is the hon. and learned Gentleman aware that in the Tradeston and Gorbals districts of Glasgow certain people who are of very decent character have been evicted from their homes, and have had to seek a place of refuge in the Govan poorhouse, and will he say what steps he intends to take in the matter?
Is it the case that in the Tyneside Division of England special allowances are made to unemployed persons for rent?
With regard to the question put by the hon Member for Gorbals (Mr. Buchanan), he knows that decrees of eviction are not granted in cases where destitution is proved, and, as I said in my answer, it is only where the sheriffs are satisfied that some payment can be made that a decree is granted. The hon. Member knows also that the sheriffs in Glasgow freely exercise their discretion under Section 5 of the Rent Restriction Act.
May I press for an answer to the question of the hon. Member for West Stirling (Mr. Johnston), as to whether special allowances for rent are paid in the Newcastle area in addition to unemployment relief?
There would have to be another Minister to answer that question, and it would be better to put it on the Paper.
Housing Conditions, Surrey
asked the Minister of Health if his attention has been called to pages 25 to 36 of the annual Report, dated 24th May, 1923, of the County Medical Officer of Health for Surrey, in which that officer deals with the housing conditions in the county, and states that it is beyond dispute that there is a grave dearth of houses and an appalling amount of overcrowding; what steps is he taking to urge the local authorities of the county to deal with the housing situation; how many local housing authorities there are in the county; and how many have expressed their opinion that it is possible to deal with the housing problem on the lines of the Housing Bill now before Parliament?
I have received the Report of the County Medical Officer of Health for Surrey for the year 1922, and have noted his reference to housing conditions in the county. On the 27th of April last I addressed a circular to all local housing authorities calling attention to the provisions of the Housing Bill now before Parliament, and urging immediate action in anticipation of the passing of the Bill. There are 40 local housing authorities in the county. I have received no expression of opinion from these authorities, but I hope that they will avail themselves of the facilities which the Housing Bill affords.
When the right hon. Gentleman has made a detailed study of the Report, will he bring pressure to bear upon the more recalcitrant authorities to shoulder their obligations to the working classes of the community?
It will be my duty, if there are recalcitrant authorities, to put pressure upon them in whatever part of the country they are.
Will the right hon. Gentleman note that I only asked for the "more" recalcitrant authorities? I think they are all recalcitrant about his Bill.
Licensed Premises
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he has considered the position of the licence-holders under the Rent and Mortgage Interest Restriction Bill, whose premises, though paying a standard rent of £78 or more, are scheduled as dwelling-houses; and if he will secure to these persons the same protection under the Bill as the ordinary citizen?
The question to which the hon. Member refers was discussed yesterday by the Committee which is now considering the Rent Restriction Bill. The Committee decided to retain the Sub-clause under which licensed premises would be excluded from the provisions of the principal Act, but I expressed my willingness to consider any Amendments to the Clause which might be brought up on Report.
Government Departments
Ministry of Health (Medical Staff)
asked the Minister of Health how many medical men are employed at the Ministry of Health and regional headquarters on a sessional basis; and if, owing to the urgent need of economy, he will consider placing some of these on the salaried staff?
There are 54 medical men employed in the work of the regional staff on a sessional basis. There would be no economy in placing any of these on the salaried staff.
asked the Minister of Health how many retired-pay medical officers who are m receipt of pensions from the Army, etc., are employed in salaried positions in the Ministry of Health; and if he will recommend that these officers be replaced by some of the highly-experienced ex-service medical men who are not so placed?
Three medical officers of the Ministry of Health are in receipt of retired pay; two of these officers are established civil servants, and the unestablished officer possesses special qualifications in connection with venereal disease. I am unable to adopt the suggestion contained in the latter part of the hon. Member's question.
asked the Minister of Health if he is aware of the unsatisfactory approach to the Government offices for old age pensions and the Ministry of Health in Wigan; that in the former the old people have to climb 22 steps, and in the latter 44 steps to reach the offices; that in many cases these people are exhausted when they arrive at the top, where no seats are provided for them to rest upon; and whether he will have the matter inquired into and proper provision made for these people in attending the offices?
I am not aware that any complaint has hitherto been made about the approach to the Government offices in Wigan, but I will have immediate inquiry made.
Regent's Park (Buildings)
asked the First Commissioner of Works whether the buildings at Gloucester Gate, Regent's Park, which were constructed as a depot for parcels sent to prisoners of war, and were temporarily assigned after the Armistice to the Army Pay Staff, have yet been vacated; and what steps are being taken to secure the removal of these unsightly erections and to restore the amenities of the park?
These hutments were vacated towards the end of last month, and the fittings are being removed for use elsewhere. The buildings will shortly be handed over to the Disposal Board, and as soon as they have been cleared, the site will be restored.
How can these buildings be handed over to the Disposal Board if the Board has already been closed down?
I think there are still some people there who will see to this matter.
Who are they? Who has taken the place of the Disposal Board?
I think they are working under the Treasury.
Are we to take it that the Disposal Board or its substitute is still in existence, and carrying on the same work?
What have these buildings been used for during the last 12 months?
I do not know, I should like notice of that question.
Why were they not handed over before?
If the hon. Gentleman will put that question on the Paper I will try and answer it.
Will the hon. Gentleman consider, when these buildings have been removed, using the ground for the purpose of tennis courts at a small charge, to repay the cost?
asked the First Commissioner of Works whether he is aware that the Imperial and Foreign Corporation, Limited, or the Aircraft Disposal Company, Limited, is still in occupation of the extensive area in Regent's Park commandeered during the War by the Royal Air Force; whether his Department is still discussing with the Treasury the continuance of an occupation which was to have been finally terminated on the 12th September, 1921; and whether steps can now be taken for the eviction of the company or companies, the dismantling of the buildings, and the restoration of the occupied land to the use and enjoyment of the public?
My Department is still in consultation with the Treasury with a view to the earliest possible restoration of Regent's Park to its full use by the public, but, owing to the large financial commitments involved, I fear it is not possible as yet to give a forecast of the date when the wishes of the public, which coincide with those of myself and my Department, can be realised.
Does the First Commissioner realise that we are all getting older, and some of us would like to see the necessary work of restoring the amenities of Regent's Park carried out in our lifetime?
I entirely endorse what my hon. and gallant Friend has said.
Have these buildings been put to any useful purpose and is any rent being paid for them?
These buildings do not some within my jurisdiction at the moment, but if the hon. Member will put down a question as to the rent I will give him an answer.
May I have an answer to my question? We have been told that these buildings have been handed over to the Disposal Board, which does not exist.
The hon. Baronet must put that down as a separate question.
Is it in order to tell us that certain, things have been handed over to a Board which does not exist?
The hon. Baronet must put that question down.
National Health Insurance
Panel System
asked the Minister of Health if his attention has been drawn to the practice of certain medical practitioners of transferring their panel patients to other doctors for a monetary consideration regardless of the wishes of the patients themselves; and whether he will take steps to prevent such a practice being pursued?
The hon. Member is under a misapprehension. Under the Medical Benefit Regulations, no insured person can be transferred to any practitioner against his wishes, and his rights in this respect are in no way affected by any arrangements which doctors may make with one another for the sale of the good will of a practice.
Is it not a fact that panel patients have to give six months' notice to transfer, and that in many cases they are transferred to another practitioner against their will before the expiry of the requisite notice?
It still remains the fact that he cannot be transferred against his wish.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that there is a large body of opinion that has strong objections to this practice, and is this one of the matters which are going to be considered by him and the special committee of the British Medical Association? Can the right hon. Gentleman inform the House whether he proposes to make a statement to the House following this conference with that special committee?.
Those questions should be put upon the Paper.
Benefits (E. Connell, Liverpool)
asked the Minister of Health if his attention has been called to the case of Edward Connell, of Bevington House Hostel, Bevington Bush, Liverpool, a Post Office contributor under the National Health Insurance Act, who, notwithstanding his payment of 176 weeks, contributions, has been informed that he cannot receive any benefits on the ground that no contributions have been credited to him since 2nd January; and if, in view of the fact that the contributor has been out of employment and is at present certified as unable to follow any employment through sickness, he will give the case his further consideration.
No contributions have been received in respect of Mr. Connell since the end of the year 1920, and his insurance, therefore, ceased on the 31st March, 1922, in accordance with the Regulations applying Section 13 of the National Health Insurance Act, 1918, to deposit contributors. There is no power to extend Mr. Connell's insurance beyond the period specified in the Act and Regulations.
Nurses
asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware of the serious position in which the smaller hospitals have been placed in consequence of the regulations of the General Nursing Council regarding the training of nurses, which have increased the difficulty of obtaining probationers in such hospitals and are adding seriously to the financial difficulties with which they have to contend; and whether he will approach the General Nursing Council with a view to some modifications being made in their regulations in order to overcome these difficulties and enabling nurses trained in such hospitals to be qualified for registration after passing the central examination or otherwise?
I have not received representations in this sense. It is open to any hospital which is refused approval by the General Nursing Council to appeal to me, and no such appeal has been made. I see no reason for adopting the suggestion contained in the last part of the question.
asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware that the General Nursing Council has been rejecting for registration on the State Register of Nurses during the past two years nurses who had been for three years before the passing of The Nurses' Registration Act, 1919, in bona fide practice as existing nurses, on the ground that they had not had one year's training in a general hospital; that Section 3 (2) ( c ) of the Act expressly contemplated that such nurses should be admitted to the register on terms not involving training in a general hospital; that, in consequence of the acts of the council and the lapse of time, only four weeks now remain during which applications can be received under the Act, and that many nurses to whom the decision of this House of 13th June applies are not aware of the fact that they are now eligible for registration; and will he say what steps he intends to take to make the facts known to them?
I understand that 947 applications have been rejected by the General Nursing Council as ineligible for registration under the Rules hitherto in force. As regards the second part of the question, I am advised that these Rules were not inconsistent with the provisions of the Act to which the hon. Member refers. As regards the last part of the question it rests with the Council to determine what steps should be taken to advise the nursing profession of the decision of the House, but in view of the publicity given to this question by nursing and other papers I doubt whether there will be many nurses who are unaware of the effect of last week's vote.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the Press has given very little publicity to the change affected by the decision of this House last Wednesday, and that there are scores of nurses who will be elegible under that decision who are ignorant of the fact that a change has been made; will he take steps to see that these girls are made acquainted with the decision?
Has the decision of the House any effect until the Department of the right hon. Gentleman or the King in Council issues an Order pursuant to the decision?
The suggestion of the last question is correct. An Order has to be issued before the decision becomes operative. In regard to the first supplementary question, I think the papers that are most likely to have the information are the nursing papers. Those who did not see the notices last week doubtless will see them this week.
Will the 900 nurses who already have been rejected have their applications made valid, so that if no further application comes from them before the 4th July the application already made will be valid under the Act?
I should say their wiser course would be to put in a fresh application.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that many Members of the House have received a letter from the College of Nursing repudiating the action of the hon. Gentleman the Member for Dumfries (Dr. Chapple) in moving the Resolution he did the other night?
On that, Mr. Speaker, may I——
called upon Mr. Gilbert to put the next Question on the Paper. [ See col. 1435.]
Cancer Research
asked the Minister of Health whether he will consider the desirability of providing a Government grant towards the cost of cancer research?
I would refer my hon. Friend to the answer given on 4th June in reply to a question by the hon. Member for Lincoln (Mr. A. T. Davies).
Childbirth (Mothers' Deaths)
asked the Minister of Health what number of women died through pregnancy or childbirth in England and Wales during the past year?
The number of deaths classed to pregnancy and childbearing in 1922 was 2,971. In the same year the number of deaths associated with childbirth but attributed to other causes was 1,051.
Poplar Borough Council (Surcharge)
asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware that the district auditor has surcharged the members of the Poplar Borough Council the, sum of £17,000 in respect of illegal payment of excessive wages during the past municipal year; for what reason this surcharge was subsequently reduced to £5,000; by whose instructions and under what statutory authority was the reduction made; and whether the figure of £17,000, the amount of the original sur- charge, was subsequently found to be incorrect?
There was no reduction in the surcharge. I am aware that the auditor referred to the sum of £17,000 in his report to the council as the total amount paid by the council in wages in excess of the rates accepted from time to time in the trade union and other awards appropriate to the several grades of employés, but after hearing the arguments of the persons concerned he made a surcharge in respect of £5,000 only. The making of a surcharge is a matter solely within the auditor's jurisdiction.
May we take it that this sum of £5,000 as a surcharge will be maintained?
Defrozen Eggs
asked the Minister of Health whether his Department have made full investigation into the use of defrozen eggs; and whether any time limit has been fixed for the use of such eggs as food after being defrozen?
My Department have from time to time made inquiries with regard to frozen eggs, and are acquainted with the general conditions under which they are prepared and used. No time limit has been fixed for the use of such eggs or of any other food.
Does the right hon. Gentleman not think, in the case of eggs that have been treated either by boric acid or by freezing, that if a cargo is taken, say, to a big bakery, where they are all used quickly, there is no harm done, but that if they are taken to a small bakery, where a man may use only half the supply at a time and take the remainder out into the air, thinking of saving it until the next day, there may be harm done? I should like to know if the Department are taking some measures to protect the public against that kind of danger.
As I stated in my answer, my Department did make some inquiries into the use of frozen eggs, but they did not find anything to warrant them in thinking legislation necessary.
Have any instructions been issued by the Ministry of Health as to how to unfreeze an egg?
Empire Settlement
asked the Minister of Health whether his attention has been drawn to a recent case before the magistrates at Romford when they refused the application of the local guardians to grant them permission to send two young children to one of the Dominions; what powers guardians have in order to send young children abroad; and whether, in view of this decision, he proposes to issue any fresh instructions to guardians as to the emigration of young children at the present time?
My attention has been called to this case. Guardians have power to emigrate or contribute towards the cost of emigrating a child without its parents subject to my consent and to the child formally giving its consent before justices. It has not been the practice of my Department, in the absence of special circumstances, to consent to the emigration of very young children. As at present advised, I see no ground for the issue of further instructions on this matter.
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies if youths sent from this country to Australia under the emigration scheme become liable to the conscription laws of the Commonwealth?
I have been asked to reply to this question. I would refer the hon. Member to the reply given on the 21st March by my hon. Friend the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies to a similar question asked by the hon. Member for the Springburn Division of Glasgow.
May I ask whether the right hon. Gentleman has received any report from the Empire Settlement Delegation from Australia?
I do not think that arises out of the question on the Paper.
Betting and Sweepstakes
asked the Prime Minister whether he will consider the extension of the terms of reference of the Select Committee on the Betting Tax, so that they can consider the propriety of a tax on sweepstakes?
The answer is in the negative.
Transport
Foreign Macadam
asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware that the Kent County Council recently accepted a tender for foreign macadam for use at Faversham for 30s. a ton, in spite of the fact that the Clee Hill Company, which was only working 30 hours a week owing to bad trade, had tendered to supply English material of equal quality for 2s. 10d. a ton cheaper; and if, seeing that a grant is being made by the Government for the work for which this foreign material has been given a preference, he will in future have regard to the unemployment and short hours being worked in the quarrying trade, and make it a condition precedent to a grant that only British products shall be used, provided they are not dearer than foreign materials?
I have been asked to reply. I am making inquiries into the circumstances of the case referred to by my hon. Friend, and will communicate with him on the subject as soon as I am in a position to do so.
Ferry Service, Llanstephan
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Transport whether he has received a large number of complaints giving instances of loss and inconvenience to residents and visitors at Llanstephan, in Carmarthenshire, by the unsatisfactory working of the ferry service between Llanstephan and Ferryside; whether he will grant the inquiry asked for by the Llanstephan Parish Council; and, if so, will he direct that the views and statements of the residents of Llanstephan are ascertained as well as those of the lessee at Ferryside?
In reply to an inquiry on the Carmarthenshire County Council, and after an inspection by an officer of the Ministry, the county council were informed on 10th January, 1922, that the Minister of Transport would be prepared to approve of the purchase by them of the Llanstephan Ferry, under the Ferries (Acquisition by Local Authorities) Act, 1919, but that no grant towards the cost could be made from the Road Fund. So far as I am aware, no action has been taken in this direction by the county council, though I have recently received a communication from them forwarding further complaints as to the working of the ferry. I have no power, however, to impose conditions on the owner or lessee of what, I understand, is a private ferry.
Regent's Park (Fatal Accident)
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Transport whether his attention has been called to the death of an 11-year-old schoolboy caused by his being fatally injured by a motor lorry at Park Road, Regent's Park, and to the fact that the jury expressed the opinion that drivers of such vehicles should always be accompanied by another man on long distances, the driver in this case having driven from Warrington, near Liverpool; and will he, in view of the danger indicated by this case, consider the issuing of regulations on the subject?
My attention has not been drawn to this accident, but I am making inquiries into it. On the general considerations raised in the latter part of the question, I may say that while I consider it very undesirable that drivers of heavy motor vehicles should be employed to drive excessive distances, or for long hours, I have no powers to make regulations on the subject.
Will the hon. and gallant Gentleman consider the advisability of obtaining further powers? Is he not aware of the great physical and mental fatigue arising from such work and the great danger that ensues to the public?
A Departmental Committee of the Ministry of Transport reported in 1920, and after having taken evidence upon this very point they made no recommendation. Consequently I feel well advised in following the course indicated by that Committee on this very point.
Is there any reason to differentiate between engine drivers and motor drivers. Why should they come under a different category because they have more difficult work to do?
I am not making any differentiation.
Stirlingshire Roads
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Transport if he will make inquiry into the condition of the roads in Stirlingshire, with the view of bringing pressure to bear on the county council to have the roads put into proper condition?
The condition of the roads in Stirlingshire has been the subject of inquiry at various times. I am informed that certain comprehensive proposals are now under the consideration of the county council, and I expect to be advised of their decision at an early date. The general improvement of the roads in the county can only be brought about as the result of a programme extending over a number of years, as financial and practical considerations, in the case of this authority, as of many others, limit the amount of improvement work which can be done in any particular year.
Is it not possible for the county council authorities, with the assistance of the Ministry of Transport, to put the roads in Stirlingshire in a good a condition as the roads in the adjacent counties?
That is entirely a matter for the Stirlingshire County Council. If they wish to put the roads in order we shall be pleased to assist them.
Is it not true to say that if the Ministry of Transport give grants for the upkeep of roads, they have authority to say that the county council shall use that money in a proper fashion?
Yes, Sir. In regard to any grant we make to a county council, the expenditure is subject to our approval and supervision.
Venereal Disease
asked the Minister of Health if he has considered the Report of Lord Trevethin's Committee on Venereal Disease; and what action he proposes to take thereon?
I would refer my hon. and gallant Friend to the reply which I gave on this subject on the 13th instant to my hon. Friend the Member for the Barnstaple Division (Mr. Peto).
Has any notification been given to chemists, on the lines of this Report, that they are entitled to sell these disinfectants, or will further legislation be necessary in the matter?
No notification has been issued to the chemists in consequence of this Report; as to whether legislation will be required, that is a question into which I am now inquiring.
Justices of the Peace, London
asked the Attorney-General the number of Justices of the Peace for the County of London who have been appointed for each of the years 1920, 1921 and 1922?
The number of Justices of the Peace for the County of London appointed in the year 1920 was 81; in the year 1921, 38; and in the year 1922, 58.
Can the right hon. and learned Gentleman say how many Labour men were among those appointed?
No, Sir, I cannot.
Have political qualifications anything to do with the administration of justice?
Of course they have!
High Court of Justice
asked the Attorney-General the number of cases issued in the High Court of Justice which could have been entered in the County Court during the year 1922; the number of these cases in which judgment was given; and the number of judgments in these cases in which costs on the County Court scale only were allowed?
I regret that it is impossible to give the figures for which the hon. Member asks. More than 40,000 writs were issued in the High Court in the year 1922, and more than 29,000 judgments were signed. It would be necessary to go through the whole of these writs and judgments before any part of the question could be answered, and even then there would remain a number of cases of doubt as to whether the action could have been commenced in the County Court.
County Court Bailiffs
asked the Attorney-General if he is aware that the Government appoint and pay the wages of bailiffs employed in the County Courts of England and Wales; that one of the bailiffs' duties is to serve default summonses; that they perform this work efficiently, with despatch, and at a minimum of costs; and will he, therefore, give instructions that solicitors shall not be allowed to serve default summonses or, if he is still of opinion that solicitors should be allowed to serve default summonses, will he order that they only be allowed the same fee as is allowed to a bailiff, namely, 1s. for each defendant to be served, this fee to be for service, affidavit of service, and filing?
The bailiffs of the County Court are appointed, not by the Government, but by the registrar or high bailiff, and are paid out of an allowance made to the registrar or high bailiff by the County Courts Department. They perform their work, I hope, with reasonable efficiency and despatch. The fee of Is. charged under the County Court Fees Order in respect of the service of a default summons does not, taken by itself, cover the cost to the Department involved in the operation, but has been fixed, and must be considered in connection with the other fees charged for other operations connected with the same matter. As I informed the hon. Member on the 14th March last, the operation of serving a default summons when undertaken by a solicitor is not remunerative to him at the charges allowed on taxation. I see no reason for suggesting to the authorities any alteration in the present system.
Debtors Act, 1869 (Commitments)
asked the Attorney-General the number of persons who were imprisoned for contempt of Court for non-payment of debt during the year 1922, and the number of persons who served the whole term?
I presume that the hon. Member's question refers to the number of persons committed under the Debtors Act, 1869?
Yes.
The number of persons so committed during the year 1922 was 1,015, and the number who served the full term was 753.
Could not the right hon. and learned Gentleman take into consideration the desirability of abolishing altogether this form of imprisonment?
No, Sir. I cannot undertake to do that. As the House knows, there cannot be a committal for non-payment of a judgment debt unless the Court is satisfied that the debtor has the means to pay and will not pay: then the committal is not for non-payment, but for contempt of Court—for deliberately disobeying the order of the Court. The pressure of a judgment summons, too, is often a useful method of inducing recalcitrant debtors to pay a debt they quite well can pay.
Day School Regulations (Scotland)
asked the Under-Secretary to the Scottish Board of Health whether it is intended in the Regulations for Scottish day schools to follow the advice given to the Scottish Education Department in the Report of their advisory council on the general organisation of day schools, dated 22nd December, 1922; that the term intermediate should be retained in respect that it is embedded in the definition of intermediate school in the Education (Scotland) Act, 1918; that it connotes a type of education to which the term primary cannot properly be applied; and that its familiarity and the prestige which it possesses render this desirable?
The various recommendations made in the Report to which the hon. Member refers were most carefully considered by the Department in framing the Code and Regulations recently issued in draft form. As a result of that consideration, the Department are satisfied that the development of the type of education hitherto known as intermediate can be most successfully fostered by the adoption of the first of the two alternatives indicated as possible in the paragraph of the Report from which the hon. Member quotes, and they have proceeded accordingly.
Is the Solicitor-General aware that practically every education authority in Scotland is opposed to the proposals of the Department, and if that is so will he take action to withdraw what is against the sense and the opinion of that practically unanimous body of opinion?
That raises another question.
Can the Solicitor-General get the Department to wait until the Scottish Estimates are taken before the draft code is finally approved?
Is the hon. and learned Gentleman not aware that there is a very considerable body of educational opinion in Scotland which strongly supports the action taken by the Department?
I understand that the draft will be laid upon the Table early next month and it will remain for a month. Consequently there will be ample opportunities for criticism. I thoroughly endorse what my right hon. Friend (Sir H. Craik) has said with regard to the educational opinion which approves of the action that has been taken.
Will the hon. and learned Gentleman see that these Regulations do not come into force until the House has had an opportunity of discussing them?
They cannot come into force until the draft has remained on the Table for a month.
How do we know that the Scottish Estimates may not be taken in the meantime?
Silicosis
asked the Secretary for Mines what has been the result of the Departmental Inquiry into the death from silicosis of the lungs of the two miners who had been drilling in siliceous rock at the Newbury Colliery, in Somerset; and whether he is consulting the leaders of the industry as to any change in the degree of hardness of siliceous rock at which the use of sprays should be made compulsory?
It is not established with certainty that silicosis was the cause of death in the case that has been investigated. But as my health advisory committee, after examination of the dust from the mine, was of opinion that there might be some danger from gritty particles, the owners, at the request of the inspector, installed drills fitted with a spraying device, and these are now in use. The general question is receiving my careful consideration.
May I take it that the hon. and gallant Gentleman has consulted experts on this question?
I said that the general question was receiving my careful consideration.
Is the hon. and gallant Gentleman prepared to recommend that this complaint should be scheduled as an industrial disease because of the great danger arising from it in this and other industries?
I have already said that the whole question is now being considered.
Foodstuffs (Prices)
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is prepared to set up an inquiry into the wholesale and retail prices and distribution costs of foodstuffs generally, as has been done for agricultural produce?
I do not think it would be desirable to set up the inquiry which my hon. and gallant Friend suggests, particularly as the Committee on Agricultural Produce has not yet issued all its Reports.
Omnibus Driver (Conviction Quashed)
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether his attention has been drawn to the case of Evan Morris, an omnibus driver, who was prosecuted and convicted for being drunk in charge of a motor omnibus, and on appeal the conviction was upset and costs given against the police; and whether, in the circumstances, the man will be compensated for the nine weeks' work lost by reason of the charge?
There is no provision under which compensation can be paid from public funds in such a case.
Is it not time that the Home Secretary made some inquiries into this case?
I will make further inquiries.
Tobacco (Hours of Sale)
asked the Home Secretary whether he is aware of the public feeling with regard to the present restricted hours during which tobacco may be sold; and whether, before renewing the Shops Act, he will take steps to amend the law to extend the hours for the sale of tobacco to meet public convenience?
I am not aware of any considerable demand for the removal of the existing restriction. As I stated in reply to a question by my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Bilston on the 10th ultimo, any amending legislation would be controversial and could not be undertaken by the Government at the present time.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that cigarettes are obtainable from penny-in-the-slot machines at any hour of the day, and is there any reason why shops should not also be at liberty thus to sell them?
I think there is a good deal of reason.
Licences (Compensation)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he is aware that for the purposes of assessing compensation for licences not renewed the Inland Revenue authorities assume a profit of 15s. per barrel of beer; and, in view of the admitted fact that brewery profit for the last ascertained year worked out at 11s. 8d. per barrel, he will secure that the compensation awarded by the authorities for licences not renewed is not based on an exaggerated and fictitious value?
The hon. Member is under a misapprehension in thinking that the Commissioners of Inland Revenue, in determining the amount of compensation payable in cases referred to them under the Licensing (Consolidation) Act, 1920, adopt a fixed profit of 15s. per barrel of beer. Each case is dealt with on its merits, the profit per barrel being determined by reference to the class of beer supplied to the particular premises and not to a flat rate applicable to beer as a whole.
Will the right hon. Gentleman consider any cases which I send him where this flat rate is apparently enforced?
Of course, I will consider anything the hon. Member sends me.
Cider (Excise Duty)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether Excise Duty is levied upon the sugar contained in cider, and what is the estimated revenue from this source; and whether he can state the amount derived from the duty charged upon the sugar used in the manufacture of sweetened table waters?
No duty is chargeable on the natural sugar contained in apple juice from which cider is made, but any sugar added in the process of manufacture would have paid duty. No information is available as to the revenue derived either from this source or from the sugar used in the manufacture of sweetened table waters.
State Printing Works ("London Gazette")
asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury at what price the State printing works intend to produce the "London Gazette," at the expiration of the present contract; and whether he is aware that the cost of printing has diminished considerably since contractors were last invited to tender, and that in consequence contractors would now be able to quote much lower prices for producing this publication?
The price credited to the State printing works for producing the "London Gazette" will be the same as would have been paid to the present contractor had it been decided to continue the contract for the full term. I am aware that the cost of printing has diminished considerably since firms were invited to tender for printing the "London Gazette" three years ago, and the price paid under this contract has been diminished pari passu with each decrease of wages in the printing trade.
Will the right hon. Gentleman say whether this contract was put out to tender before the work was given to the present printers?
I do not see how that arises out of the question on the Paper, but if my hon. Friend will put it down, I will get an answer for him.
British South Africa Company
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies, whether, before reaching any binding agreement with the British South Africa Company upon its claim to the commercial ownership of the lands of Northern Rhodesia, His Majesty's Government will be prepared to submit the main prin- ciples of any proposed agreement to this House?
Should it be found possible to reach an agreement with the British South Africa Company with regard to the outstanding questions in Northern Rhodesia, my hon. Friend's expectation is that an opportunity would be afforded to the House for discussing the whole subject before any such agreement were implemented.
Does not the right hon. Gentleman think it is high time that this claim of the Chartered Company was paid, seeing that these patriotic shareholders have not received a penny for developing a large part of the British Empire?
Before that question is answered, may I inquire whether the idea of remitting this claim to the Privy Council, as recommended by the Buxton Committee, has been dropped, and are the company now dealing directly with the Government?
I must ask for notice of the last question, but with regard to the first supplementary question I can only say that all interests will be taken into consideration.
Criminal Law Amendment Bill
I beg to move, order!"] I apologise, I ought to have mentioned the name of the hon. Gentlemen's constituencies, but what I am pointing out is that the Bill is backed by hon. Gentlemen representing all parties. It is absolutely simple. It consists of one Clause, and, in passing, I would like to thank hon. and right hon. and learned Members who have assisted me in drafting it and given me many hundred pounds worth of gratuitous legal advice in connection with the matter. The Clause reads:
I assure the House that I am not taking up this extremely unpleasant task lightly. I have asked a large number of legal luminaries, Chairmen of Quarter Sessions, Magistrates, and Recorders in our great cities, and I have also asked a certain eminent Member who has great knowledge of the police force. In not one case have these men, who ought to know better than anyone else the deterrent effect of whipping, shown any sign of disagreement, and I could have got seven or eight times as many names as are necessary on the back of the Bill. I hope, therefore, that the House will give a First Reading to this simple little Bill. It is directed to what, I think, is the most important matter in the view of every Member of this House, and is a matter of enormous importance to those outside the House, namely, the protection of young and innocent children. I am afraid that this offence is distinctly on the increase. In my capacity as a county magistrate there have been brought under my notice during the last year no less than four of these cases, while during the three years previous to the War I do not remember a single case having come before me.
Other Members, whom I have asked, have told me the same thing, and no man, whatever his personal views on corporal punishment may be—and I know that many are thoroughly sincere in their views—can deny that, where outbreaks of crimes of violence, and this is a crime of violence with which I wish to deal, have occurred, the "cat" has had a deterrent effect, and in many cases has stamped out this particular form of crime. Any man, whether he be properly sane or on the borderline, who attacks a small child, is a coward and a cur, and, although he may not object to a long term of imprisonment, he is certainly thoroughly afraid of the least thing that is going to happen to his disgusting and horrible hide. Therefore, I ask hon. Members in all quarters of the House to allow me to introduce this Bill, and I think that, when they see its nature, they will allow it an easy and uncontested passage. After all, if one or two mental degenerates do get beaten instead of being put into an asylum, if it protects only four or five innocent little girls from outrage, I think we can be quite content and happy in our consciences that these men have been beaten, possibly, by mistake.
I rise because I think the speech of the hon. and gallant Member calls for some comment, and I want to say quite frankly that this method is not calculated to get the desired result. I do not think there is any question with any Member of this House, or with the generality of people outside in the country, that a crime of this character is one which every citizen, no matter what his rank or circumstances, heartily condemns and detests; but what we are trying to find, by a Measure of this kind, is not so much the condemnation of the crime as a solution. That is the problem before us, and I maintain that this is not a proper method. I could have seen the logic, nay, I could have almost agreed with the hon. and gallant Member, if he had come before this House and said that a person who commits a crime of that character is an enemy to society, that he is a constant danger to every person who is associated with him, and that, because-he is such a danger, we ought to take him from society, take his life if you will, lock Mm up if you will; but, after all, what does whipping do? It does not so much degrade the person who is whipped as it does the person who does the whipping, and, for my part, I would very much rather this Bill compelled the criminal to be taken from human society for all time than have a measure of whipping brought in. I do not think it is a Measure the will bring about the desired result.
I want, further, to direct the attention of the House to another important aspect of the matter. I have for years past attended the High Court of Glasgow, a city which has its own share of this problem. There I have watched, not on one day, but week in and week out the men that appeared before our Judges, and in every case these men were a product of your present civilisation. Never once have I seen appear in that Court a person belonging to what may be termed the middle or upper class Never once did a man belonging to the artisan class appear. The whole of the criminals who appeared in that Court were of the very poorest and lowest in human society. The problem is not a problem of whipping; it is one of our great social problems that will be with us as long as capitalist society goes on. If you wish to face this problem, you can do so temporarily by various means. I do not think that whipping is a good deterrent. Your great methods, and the only methods, are education, good housing, and social facilities for the people, to wipe out those things that we all abhor.
Question,
"That leave be given to bring in a Bill to provide for the better protection of young children,"
put, and agreed to.
Bill ordered to be brought in by Major Paget, Sir John Butcher, Mr. Hodge, Mr. Lyle-Samuel, Captain Arthur Evans, Captain John Hay, Mr. Sexton, Lieut.-Colonel Watts-Morgan, Mr. Groves, Sir Sydney Russell-Wells, Mr. Maddocks and Mr. Hogge.
Criminal Law Amendment Bill,
"to provide for the better protection of young children," presented accordingly, and read the First time; to be read a
Second time upon Monday next, and to be printed. [Bill 170.]
Business of the House
Motion made, and Question put,
"That the Proceedings on the Housing, Etc. (No. 2) Bill be exempted, at this day's Sitting, from the provisions of the Standing Order (Sittings of the House)."—[ The Prime Minister. ]
The House divided: Ayes, 210; Noes, 153.
Division No. 237.] AYES. [4.0 p.m. Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) Locker-Lampson, G. (Wood Green) Ainsworth, Captain Charles Doyle, N. Grattan Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (Handsw'th) Alexander, E. E. (Leyton, East) Du Pre, Colonel William Baring Lorden, John William Allen, Lieut.-Col. Sir William James Edmondson, Major A. J. Lort-Williams, J. Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S. Ednam, Viscount Loyd, Arthur Thomas (Abingdon) Apsley, Lord Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Lumley, L. R. Ashley, Lt.-Col. Wilfrid W. Ellis, R. G. Lynn, R. J. Astbury, Lieut.-Com. Frederick W. England, Lieut.-Colonel A. McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Astor, J. J. (Kent, Dover) Erskine, James Malcolm Monteith Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Baird, Rt. Hon. Sir John Lawrence Erskine, Lord (Weston-super-Mare) Mason, Lieut.-Col. C. K. Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Erskine-Bolst, Captain C. Milne, J. S. Wardlaw Balfour, George (Hampstead) Evans, Capt. H. Arthur (Leicester, E.) Mitchell, W. F. (Saffron Walden) Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G. Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham) Barlow, Rt. Hon. Sir Montague Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Moles, Thomas Barnett, Major Richard W. Fawkes, Major F. H. Molloy, Major L. G. S. Barnston, Major Harry Fermor-Hesketh, Major T. Molson, Major John Elsdale Becker, Harry Flanagan, W. H. Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Ford, Patrick Johnston Morrison, Hugh (Wilts, Salisbury) Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Murchison, C. K. Bennett, Sir T. J. (Sevenoaks) Furness, G. J. Nall, Major Joseph Bentinck, Lord Henry Cavendish- Gates, Percy Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Berry, Sir George Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John Newson, Sir Percy Wilson Betterton, Henry B. Goff, Sir R. Park Nicholson, Brig.-Gen. J. (Westminster) Blades, Sir George Rowland Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Blundell. F. N. Gwynne, Rupert S. Oman, Sir Charles William C. Bowyer, Captain G. E. W. Hacking, Captain Douglas H. O'Neill, Rt. Hon. Hugh Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W.(Liv'p'l,W.D'by) Paget, T. G. Brass, Captain W. Halstead, Major D. Parker, Owen (Kettering) Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive Hamilton, Sir George C. (Altrincham) Pease, William Edwin Briggs, Harold Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Penny, Frederick George Brittain, Sir Harry Harmsworth, Hon. E. C. (Kent) Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Brown, Brig.-Gen. Clifton (Newbury) Harrison, F. C. Perkins, Colonel E. K. Brown, J. W. (Middlesbrough, E.) Henn, Sir Sydney H. Perring. William George Bruton, Sir James Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Buckingham, Sir H. Herbert, Col. Hon. A. (Yeovil) Privett, F. J. Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Herbert, S. (Scarborough) Raeburn, Sir William H. Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Hewett, Sir J. P. Raine, W. Butcher, Sir John George Hiley, Sir Ernest Rawlinson, Rt. Hon. John Fredk. Peel Cadogan, Major Edward Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D.(St. Marylebone) Rawson, Lieut.-Com. A. C. Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R. Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Remnant, Sir James Cautley, Henry Strother Hopkins, John W. W. Reynolds, W. G. W. Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City) Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Rhodes, Lieut.-Col. J. P. Cecil, Rt. Hon. Sir Evelyn (Aston) Houfton, John Plowright Richardson, Sir Alex. (Gravesend) Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord R. (Hitchin) Hudson, Capt. A. Richardson, Lt.-Col. Sir P. (Chertsey) Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton Hughes, Collingwood Roberts. Samuel (Hereford, Hereford) Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood) Hume, G. H. Roberts, Rt. Hon. Sir S. (Ecciesall) Churchman, Sir Arthur Hunter-Weston, Lt.-Gen. Sir Aylmer Rogerson, Capt. J. E. Clarry, Reginald George Hurd, Percy A. Roundell, Colonel R. F. Coates, Lt.-Col. Norman Hutchison, G. A. C. (Midlothian, N.) Ruggles-Brise, Major E. Cobb, Sir Cyril Hutchison, W. (Kelvingrove) Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth) Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Jackson, Lieut. Colonel Hon. F. S. Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Jenkins, W. A. (Brecon and Radnor) Sanders, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert A. Conway, Sir W. Martin Jephcott, A. R. Sandon, Lord Cope, Major William Jodrell, Sir Neville Paul Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South) Joynson-Hicks, Sir William Sheffield, Sir Berkeley Courthope, Lieut.-Col. George L. Kelley, Major Fred (Rotherham) Shepperson, E. W. Craig, Capt. C. C. (Antrim, South) Kennedy, Captain M. S. Nigel Simpson-Hinchcliffe, W. A. Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry King, Captain Henry Douglas Skelton, A. N. Crook, C. W. (East Ham, North) Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement Somerville, A. A. (Windsor) Crooke, J. Smedley (Deritend) Lamb, J. Q. Somerville, Daniel (Barrow-in-Furness) Curzon, Captain Viscount Lane-Fox, Lieut.-Colonel G. R. Steel, Major S. Strang Davidson, J.C.C.(Hemel Hempstead) Lloyd, Cyril E. (Dudley) Stockton, Sir Edwin Forsyth Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Lloyd-Greame, Rt. Hon. Sir P. Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Sykes, Major-Gen. Sir Frederick H. Wells, S. R. Wood, Rt. Hn. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Thompson, Luke (Sunderland) Western, Colonel John Wakefield Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Whitla, Sir William Woodcock, Colonel H. C. Titchfield, Marquess of Wilson, Col. M. J. (Richmond) Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George Yerburgh, R. D. T. Turton, Edmund Russborough Winterton, Earl Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull) Wise, Frederick TELLERS FOR THE AYES. —Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs.—Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs. Watts, Dr. T. (Man., Withington) Wolmer, Viscount
NOES. Adams, D. Hayes, John Henry (Edge Hill) Ritson, J. Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Henderson, T. (Glasgow) Roberts, C. H. (Derby) Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock) Herriotts, J. Roberts, Frederick O. (W. Bromwich) Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro') Hill, A. Robinson, W. C. (York, Elland) Asquith, Rt. Hon. Herbert Henry Hirst, G. H. Rose, Frank H. Attlee, C. R. Hodge, Rt. Hon. John Royce, William Stapleton Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Hogge, James Myles Salter, Dr. A. Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Irving, Dan Scrymgeour, E. Broad, F. A. Jarrett, G. W. S. Sexton, James Bromfield, William Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath) Shaw, Hon. Alex. (Kilmarnock) Brotherton, J. John, William (Rhondda, West) Shaw, Thomas (Preston) Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Johnston, Thomas (Stirling) Shinwell, Emanuel Buchanan, G. Johnstone, Harcourt (Willesden, East) Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) Buckle, J. Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Simpson, J. Hope Burgess, S. Jones, R. T. (Carnarvon) Sinclair, Sir A. Buxton, Charles (Accrington) Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Smith, T. (Pontefract) Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, North) Kenyon, Barnet Snell, Harry Cape, Thomas Kirkwood, D. Snowden, Philip Chapple, W. A. Lambert, Rt. Hon. George Spencer, George A. (Broxtowe) Clarke, Sir E. C. Lawson, John James Stephenson. Lieut.-Colonel H. K. Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock) Leach, W. Stephen, Campbell Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities) Lee, F. Stewart, J. (St. Rollox) Darbishire, C. W. Lees-Smith, H. B. (Keighley) Strauss, Edward Anthony Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton) Lowth, T. Sturrock, J. Leng Davison, J. E. (Smethwick) MacDonald, J. R. (Aberavon) Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Dudgeon, Major C. R. McLaren, Andrew Tillett, Benjamin Duffy, T. Gavan Maclean, Nell (Glasgow, Govan) Tout, W. J. Duncan, C Macnamara, Rt. Hon. Dr. T. J. Trevelyan, C. P. Ede, James Chuter Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I Turner, Ben Edmonds, G. March, S. Twist, H. Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Marshall, Sir Arthur H. Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince) Emlyn-Jones, J. E. (Dorset, N.) Maxton, James Watson, W. M. (Dunfermilne) Fairbairn, R. R. Middleton, G. Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda) Falconer, J. Millar, J. D. Webb, Sidney Gilbert, James Daniel Morel, E. D. Wedgwood, Colonel Josiah C. Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton) Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.) Weir, L. M. Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central) Mosley, Oswald Welsh, J. C. Gray, Frank (Oxford) Muir, John W. Westwood, J. Greenall, T. Murnin, H. Wheatley, J. Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne) Murray, John (Leeds, West) White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan) Murray, R. (Renfrew, Western) White, H. G. (Birkenhead, E.) Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) O'Grady, Captain James Whiteley, W. Groves, T. Oliver, George Harold Williams, T. (York, Don Valley) Grundy, T. W. Paling, W. Wintringham, Margaret Hall, F. (York, W.R., Normanton) Parker, H. (Hanley) Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil) Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Wright, W. Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland) Phillipps, Vivian Young, Rt. Hon. E. H. (Norwich) Hardie, George D. Ponsonby, Arthur Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Harris, Percy A. Potts, John S. Hartshorn, Vernon Pringle, W. M. R. TELLERS FOR THE NOES. —Mr. Morgan Jones and Mr. Lunn.—Mr. Morgan Jones and Mr. Lunn. Hay, Captain J. P. (Cathcart) Richards, R. Hayday, Arthur Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)
Message from the Lords
That they have agreed to,
Ministry of Health Provisional Orders (No. 4) Bill.
Ministry of Health Provisional Order (Frimley and Farnborough District Water Company) Bill,
Buchanan Trust Order Confirmation Bill.
Fraserburgh Harbour Order Confirmation Bill.
South West of Scotland Blind Asylum Order Confirmation Bill.
Newhaven and Seaford Sea Defences Bill, without Amendment.
Amendments to,
Great Western Railway (Swansea Harbour Vesting) Bill [ Lords ],without Amendment.
That they have passed a Bill, intituled, "An Act to amend the Law with respect to the constitution and powers of visiting committees under the Lunacy Acts, 1890 to 1911, the constitution of the Board of Control, and the exercise of the powers and duties of Commissioners with respect to visitation and inspection under the said Acts, and the Mental Deficiency Acts, 1913 to 1919, to substitute the name 'mental hospital' for the name 'asylum,' and to make provision for the temporary treatment of mental disorder without certification." [Mental Treatment Bill [ Lords ].
Also, a Bill, intituled, "An Act to confirm a Provisional Order of the Minister of Health relating to Bridport." [Ministry of Health Provisional Order (Bridport Extension) Confirmation Bill [ Lords. ]
Also, a Bill, intituled, "An Act to confirm a Provisional Order of the Ministry of Health relating to Bridlington." [Ministry of Health Provisional Order (Bridlington Extension) Confirmation Bill [ Lords. ]
And also, a. Bill, intituled, "An Act to confirm a Provisional Order of the Ministry of Health relating to Brighton." [Ministry of Health Provisional Order (Brighton Extension) Confirmation Bill [ Lords. ]
Carriage of Goods by Sea Bill [ Lords ],
That they propose that the Joint Committee appointed to consider the Bill do meet in Committee Room A on Thursday next, at Twelve o'clock.
Indian Affairs,
That they propose that the Joint Committee on Indian Affairs do meet in Committee Room A on Tuesday next, at a quarter past Twelve o'clock.
MENTAL TREATMENT BILL [Lords]
Read the first time; to be read a second time upon Monday next, and to be printed [Bill 169.]
MINISTRY OF HEALTH PROVISIONAL ORDER (BRIDPORT EXTENSION) CONFIRMATION BILL [Lords]
Read the First time; and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, and to be printed. [Bill 171.]
MINISTRY OF HEALTH PROVISIONAL ORDER (BRIDLINGTON EXTENSION) CONFIRMATION BILL [Lords]
Read the First time; and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, and to be printed. [Bill 172.]
MINISTRY OF HEALTH PROVISIONAL ORDER (BRIGHTON EXTENSION) CONFIRMATION BILL [Lords]
Read the First time; and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, and to be printed. [Bill 173.]
CARRIAGE OF GOODS BY SEA BILL [Lords.]
So much of the Lords Message as relates to the time and place of meeting of the Joint Committee on the Carriage of Goods by Sea Bill [ Lords ],considered.
Ordered, That the Committee appointed by this House do meet the Lords Committee as proposed by their Lordships.—[ Colonel Leslie Wilson. ]
Message to the Lords to acquaint them therewith.
Indian Affairs
So much of the Lords Message as relates the time and place of meeting of the Joint Committee on Indian Affairs, considered.
Ordered, That the Committee appointed by this House do meet the Lords Committee as proposed by their Lordships.—[ Colonel Leslie Wilson. ]
Message to the Lords to acquaint them therewith.
Standing Orders
Resolution reported from the Select Committee;
"That, in the case of the Broadstairs and St. Peters Urban District Council Bill [ Lords ], Petition for additional Provision, the Standing Orders ought to be dispensed with:—That the parties be permitted to insert their additional Provision if the Committee on the Bill think fit."
Resolution agreed to.
Bills Reported
Ministry of Health Provisional Orders (No. 6) Bill,
Reported, with Amendments [Provisional Orders confirmed]; Report to lie upon the Table.
Bill, as amended, to be considered To-morrow.
Ministry of Health Provisional Orders (No. 8) Bill,
Reported, with Amendments [Provisional Orders confirmed]; Report to lie upon the Table.
Bill, as amended, to be considered To-morrow.
Ministry of Health Provisional Orders (No. 10) Bill,
Reported, with Amendments [Provisional Orders confirmed]; Report to lie upon the Table.
Bill, as amended, to be considered To-morrow.
Oyster Fishery (Roach River) Provisional Order Bill,
Reported, without Amendment [Provisional Order confirmed]; Report to lie upon the Table.
Bill to be read the Third time To-morrow.
Pier and Harbour Provisional Orders (No. 2) Bill,
Reported, without Amendment [Provisional Orders confirmed]; Report to lie upon the Table.
Bill to be read the Third time To-morrow.
Tramways Provisional Orders Bill,
Reported, with Amendments [Provisional Orders confirmed]; Report to lie upon the Table.
Bill, as amended, to be considered To-morrow.
London County Council (Money) Bill,
Oakham Gas and Electricity Bill [ Lords ],
River Wear Watch Bill [ Lords ],
South Elmsall and District Gas Bill [ Lords ],
Reported, with Amendments; Reports to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.
Orders of the Day
Housing, Etc. (No. 2) Bill
As amended ( in the Standing Committee ) considered.
The first of the new Clauses on the Notice Paper that I select is the one—(" Power to hire dwelling-houses compulsorily for housing of the working classes ")—standing in the name of the hon. Member for West Middlesbrough (Mr. Trevelyan Thompson).
NEW CLAUSE.—(Power to hire dwelling-houses compulsorily for housing of the working classes.)
(1) For the purpose of providing houses any authority, being a local authority within the meaning of Part III of the Housing of the Working Classes Act, 1890, shall have power to hire compulsorily any house which is suitable, without reconstruction, and has not been in the bona fide occupation of any occupier at any time during a period of at least three months immediately preceding the date on which the local authority gave notice of their intention to exercise their powers under this Section.
Provided that—
( a ) the term for which a house may be hired under this Section shall be from the date of hiring until the first day of June, nineteen hundred and twenty-six; and
( b ) nothing herein contained shall prevent a local authority hiring compulsorily a house which may be adapted for occupation by more than one family at a reasonable cost having regard to the period of hiring.
(2) For the purposes of this Section a house shall be deemed not to have been in bona fide occupation at any time during the period of three months as aforesaid, if such house has not been continuously inhabited as a dwelling-house for at least one week in the said period of three months.
(3) The provisions set out in the Third Schedule to this Act shall have effect with respect to the compulsory hiring of houses under this Section.—[ Mr. Thomson. ]
Brought up, and read the First time.
I beg to move, "That the Clause be read a Second time.
I submit this new Clause with all the more confidence, because, when dealing with this question before, the Minister of Health and the Parliamentary Secretary referred to these unoccupied houses as being a very great scandal. We shall all agree, whatever our views are as to the solution of the problem, that the fact that there are a large number of houses which might be occupied standing empty when at the same time there are in every town hundreds, if not thousands, of people badly crowded together, unable to get decent accommodation, is a standing cause of offence. I also move this new Clause with great confidence because it has already been embodied in an Act which applies to Scotland, and what is good for Scotland, I submit, is equally good for England. Not only has it been applied to Scotland, but in 1920 the Minister of Health of that day embodied a similar Clause in a Bill which passed through this House, but which unfortunately came to an untimely end elsewhere. That Clause was put in on the representation of a number of local authorities, who not merely suffer because of their inability to make use of these houses for those who were wanting them, but also suffer by the fact that they receive no rates from these houses while they stand empty.
I submit that if the need was great in 1920 both for England and for Scotland, that need is as great to-day. The Minister told us on the Second Reading of this Bill that under the various Housing Bills which have passed this House recently something like 215,000 houses have been supplied. Satisfactory as that may be, the net shortage to-day is even greater than it was in 1920 when this proposal received the assent of this House. I do not want to go into a multitude of figures, but I do want to stress the point that the need to-day is as great as it was then. Hon. Members know perfectly well that prior to the War something like 80,000 houses were built each year in this country. During the five years of the War, 1914–19, through the action of the State—quite rightly—no housing accommodation could be provided in addition to that which existed. The shortage, therefore, in 1919 amounted to 400,000 houses. There are also the slums that have to be replaced, so that I do not think we are over-estimating the number when we state that in 1919 there were 500,000 houses required. If that number was required in 1919 and the normal needs of ordinary growth have not been met in the four years from 1919 to 1923 by the 215,000 houses that have been built, the demand for accommodation to-day is even greater than it was when this Clause was passed, both for Scotland and for England.
That being so, I think one may have confidence in submitting to the House the desirability of utilising these powers, drastic though they may be, for dealing with what is a crying scandal and a great need. Surely, when you have people clamouring for houses and you have houses standing empty, it is the heighth of folly that you should not immediately use those houses. It is very desirable to build as many houses as possible, but it is exceedingly foolish to allow those houses which are built and which are ready for occupation to stand idle. One has been told that in certain places there is a test of mental stability by requiring the occupants to empty a bath into which the taps are running when the plug is out. Our mental stability will hardly stand that test if we go on building houses and at the same time allow to remain idle and unoccupied those houses which are immediately available. Therefore, I do hope that the Minister, on further consideration, may see his way to give the local authorities those powers which were granted to Scotland and which it was suggested by his predecessor should be granted to England. I do not believe that there is any reliable information as to the number of these vacant houses. It has been stated, on what I believe is good authority, that, according to the Census of 1921, there were in London and the adjoining counties something like 48,000 unoccupied houses—not large mansions, but houses with not more than eight rooms. If a similar figure applies to the provinces, you must have throughout the country 70,000 houses which might be used at once. I noticed the other day that the Liverpool Corporation approached various property owners, drawing their attention to the large number of unoccupied houses in that city which they thought ought to be made use of. That, I am sure, is the experience of every one of us in our own districts. We can see these houses standing empty. The question is why has Parliament delayed so long? Why has nothing been done to utilise that which is available?
I know there are other possible remedies. It has been suggested that it would be very desirable that these houses should be rated so that it would not pay the owners to keep them out of use. Unfortunately an Amendment to that effect will not come within the province of this Bill, and the Parliamentary Secretary upstairs was unable to hold out any prospect of the Government introducing a Measure which would give effect to that remedy. Then we have the remedy suggested of this Clause, which I understand has been worked excellently in Scotland. Then you have the third proposal, which is the Government defence, that the real way to bring these houses into occupation is to decontrol them and allow them to be let at whatever rent the owner can get. I agree that is a possible means of bringing some of them into use, but at what a price? Surely the price is going to be a tremendous rack rent on those who are least able to pay. They have been withheld from use to get a higher selling price or a higher rent. The Government's remedy is to say, "You have been a good and faithful steward, you have withheld your house from the public service, you are to have the reward of your efforts and we are going to allow you to charge whatever you like when these houses are decontrolled."
That is the least satisfactory of the three ways because it will put on to those who are least able to bear it an exceedingly heavy rent. It will take a huge toll from those who are in most urgent need of houses. The correct way would be to give the local authorities the power which they have had in Scotland. What are the objections? The Noble Lord in resisting this in Committee suggested that it really had not been much used in Scotland, and had not proved to be a very great success. The test of legislation of this kind is not the number of cases which are taken into Court. It is the deterrent action in preventing people withholding their houses from occupation. Surely we do not measure the success of our penal code by the number of prosecutions that take place but rather in inverse proportion. The fewer the prosecutions the greater the success of our penal system. The test of this Clause is not the number of cases which are taken into Court but the deterrent effect it has had in Scotland, and which it would have if it were passed here.
The Minister will find that this is a watertight scheme. It is the drafting of his own Department taken word for word from the 1920 Act which unfortunately so far as Scotland is concerned came to an end last month. You have the position in all large towns of houses standing idle. Whether the number be great or small is not the real point because although you might not be able to build houses for more than a tithe of the people who are requiring them it is a cause of offence to everyone who has not got a house. In my town we have 3,000 people on the waiting list for houses. I do not suggest that more than a small number would be able to get accommodation if the Clause passed, but it is not the number who would get accommodation; it is removing a cause of offence to every one of these 3,000 people who see the empty houses. I appeal to the Minister in view of the urgency of the question to have at hand a means whereby he can supply part of this need immediately. It is all very well to put building schemes in hand, but it will be six months before you get any houses erected. In one month you will get available increased accommodation which it would take several months to give under any building scheme. Therefore I appeal to the Minister to consider this modest proposal favourably. It does not go far. It does not deal with the question of those who have many mansions. It is not a question of taking away seaside residences or country bungalows. It is not dealing with large houses which require conversion into flats, but where there are small houses standing idle in a good state of repair every one of them is a cause of offence to those who have not got houses, and if local authorities have the power of utilising them it would do something to relieve that appalling shortage which is a crying evil in all our large industrial centres.
I beg to second the Motion.
I desire only to refer to one point which the hon. Member has touched on. Supposing it could be said, as a result of importing this Clause into the Bill, that there was a single local authority that availed itself of the power it conferred, I would urge upon the House that it is of the very highest value. At present there are a large number of empty houses of all sizes. As they fall vacant the owners do not desire to let but to sell, and if possible on a basis that makes them profiteers. We are all human, and we cannot blame them for that. Probably a good many of us who are fortunate enough to be property owners have done that at some time or other. But the result of doing it is twofold. Obviously, it increases the shortage of housing accommodation, but what is probably more important is that it tends to maintain the high prices of houses with which are coupled the advantages of vacant possession, and as a result it also tends to maintain and to increase the cost of building material. It is worth the while of owners to hold up vacant houses, maybe for a year or two, if by so doing they could get their price, and perhaps an increased price of even £1,000 without paying rates in order to obtain that end. But if they know that through this Clause they have ever upon them the watchful eye of the hon. Member for Middlesbrough (Mr. Thomson), they will see the risk they run, and it will make them either let, which it is not likely they will do, or accept a reasonable offer for the price of the house they are holding up.
This Clause was discussed at considerable length in Committee. After hearing the arguments for and against, the Committee decided to exclude it, and I am going to ask the House to follow the example of the Committee, not because it is not a fact that there are a number of vacant houses in the country or because it is not desirable that they should be occupied, but because I believe the method the hon. Member suggests to bring about the occupation of the houses is not necessary and would bring in its train evils greater than those it is desired to remove. The hon. Member adduced two reasons in support of the Clause. He says it forms part of a previous Bill. That Bill has never been in operation in this country. He says it formed part of an Act in Scotland. That is true, but as he was constrained to admit, it has never practically been put into force. If I may apply what he said, what is not good enough for Scotland is not good enough for England, and I think his argument really is testimony against the Clause and not in favour of it. What is the cause of these vacant houses existing to-day? That is what we have to look at in considering what is the best way of dealing with the evil which admittedly exists. The reason is the Rent Restrictions Act. A landlord who has a vacant house does not care to let it because he knows that if he does he cannot sell it again with vacant possession. Therefore, unless he can get a purchaser at a price which he considers adequate he keeps it vacant. I think the way to remove that difficulty is to do what we are trying to do under the present Rent Restrictions Bill, that is to say, when a house becomes vacant it comes out of the Act altogether. When the restrictions are removed the incentive to the landlord to keep the house vacant is also removed, because once it comes out of the Act he can let it on a short lease until he can obtain a purchaser for it. That, I believe, will be the effect of the Rent Restrictions Bill, and, if so, that is the best way of seeing that these houses will no longer remain vacant. This is a proposal to impose further restrictions upon house property, and the cumulative effect of all these restrictions has been in the past, and must continue to be in the future, to restrict the operations of private enterprise in supplying new houses. That is the very thing we are trying to avoid. We want to see new houses provided in greater numbers, and if we are to do that we must make up our mind that we have to get rid of the present restrictions as soon as we can without inflicting undue hardship upon anyone concerned. I hope the House will resist the proposal.
The main argument used by the Minister was the fact that Scotland did not exercise the powers conferred on her which are sought for in this Clause. The position in regard to empty houses in Scotland is entirely different from the position in England. Scotland has been wiser in its handling of empty houses. The owner who keeps a house empty in Scotland has to pay rates on it. In England he is allowed to hold the house rates free. The result, of course, is that houses in Scotland have been forced into the market in considerably greater numbers than they have been in England and, therefore, it has not been necessary to the same extent to have or to exercise these powers. I do not think even the greatest friends of the Government could compliment them on the way they have handled the empty house problem. They have allowed people to take houses for which there was an unprecedented demand and, in the interests of profit making, withhold them from public use. That arises from the view that dominates the other side of the House, that there is something morally wrong in putting the hand of the State or of the municipality upon private property. What would hon. Members opposite think of a section of the community who withheld bread from a starving people, or withheld clothing from children who were going naked in winter?
The trade unions withhold their labour when they think it is advantageous to do so, as in the case of the coal mines.
If you could put the same pressure in this case as you do in the case of a trade unionist I should be perfectly satisfied. If a trade unionist withholds his labour, you withhold his food. Here, you reward a man who withholds his house from public use. With what sort of mentality do hon. Members opposite approach the problems which affect the different classes? The Government, instead of punishing the people who have withheld houses, are now in the process of passing special legislation to reward them in comparison with other house owners. Take the case of two owners who, say, in the month of April, each had an empty house. One of them had a sense of what was his duty towards his fellow men and let his house to a family. The Government come forward with a Bill and say: "Because you have been a good owner we are going to keep your house under complete control until 1925, and under partial control until 1930." They say to the other man who, with no regard to the convenience and requirements of his fellow men, withholds his house from public use: "We are going to reward you, good and faithful servant, because you have gone down on your knees to the interests of private property and profit making. Therefore, we are going to allow your house to be de-controlled." That is the action of the Government, and it is defended by the Minister to-day.
The need for the powers that are sought in this new Clause is becoming increasingly greater. The shortage of houses to-day, to which we hear universal reference when housing discussions take place here or anywhere else, has a counterpart. It means that there is a surplus of families in the community in relation to houses. If there are more families than houses, obviously the time will come, and come very soon, if it is not already here, when there will be a number of families for whom there are no houses, and who cannot find, even under the most overcrowded conditions, anything approaching sanitary or insanitary shelter. Who is to deal with this position? Obviously not private enterprise. They are not going to make any profit in the transaction, and therefore they wash their hands of the problem and leave it to the local authorities. The local authorities are required to provide houses for these houseless people. How are they to get the houses? What houses should they take first? Should they not take first the houses that are being withheld from public use in the interests of private profit? Is it not a perfectly reasonable request to ask that, in the interests of providing homes for the people, the local authority, on whom the obligation is put, should have the power to hire these houses for which other people cannot find a profitable use.
This is a question which gets right down to the roots of our society. Hon. Members opposite frequently preach to us of the virtues of social stability. They always say that our present society owes its stability to the institution of family life. That is the issue with which we are confronted here and now. If the local authority cannot get houses, and they must find shelters, the alternative is something in the nature of concentration camps, and the issue is really between houses and camps. When you get down to the alternative of accommodation for family life and the herding of people into mere barracks or mere public places, you are right down to the alternative of providing family accommodation or providing something in the nature of domestic anarchy. There is a strong case for this Amendment, and I ask the Minister to reconsider his decision.
We have had a very characteristic speech from the hon. Member for Shettleston (Mr. Wheatley) and, if I may respectfully say so, a very short-sighted speech. His view of solving the housing problem in this country is to seize all the empty houses. [HON. MEMBERS: "He did not say so."] That is the suggestion—the seizure of all empty houses by local authorities.
"Can," not "must."
Surely no hon. Gentlemen opposite would put forward this Clause unless they desired it to be put into full operation. I should be sorry if the hon. Member for West Middlesbrough (Mr. T. Thomson) did not intend to put it into operation as thoroughly and as vigorously as possible, seeing that he is moving it.
Hear, hear!
That is a very shortsighted policy. What is the best policy for solving the housing problem, as I see it? I want to restore confidence to the building industry. You would shake that confidence once again by imposing further restrictions and regulations upon those people who in the past have gone into house building and invested their money in it. There has not been a single hon. Member opposite who has reminded the Committee that during the last three or four years the local authorities have had very drastic powers in regard to empty property. Any local authority where there was an empty house could have come forward at any time and acquired it under the provisions of the Housing Act. I should have thought that was the more equitable and proper way of dealing with the matter. They would not have had to pay a fancy price for it. Any local authority could acquire, and can acquire, any empty house, and the price which they would have to pay for it would be decided by an independent tribunal. Therefore it is not correct to say, and it is not right to say, that the municipality or the State is absolutely defenceless in the matter.
When you come to the question of compulsory hiring, it is a very different state of affairs. The people who in the past have put their money and enterprise into the building industry have done so for the purpose of sale, and if you are going to interfere once again, as you would do by this Amendment, you will be once again shaking the confidence of all the people whom we are anxious to see, and I do hope particularly, coming back into the business. I share entirely the view of the Minister of Health. If the provision which has been suggested in the Rents Bill is put into operation, we shall find that empty houses will disappear. If these houses become decontrolled under the provisions of the new Bill, the fundamental objection to letting them will disappear. A landlord will be able to let his house for a short or a long period, or he will be able to sell by the ordinary methods of sale. By that means, if the Rents Bill is passed with that Clause in it, we shall find very few empty houses within a very few months. It is upon these lines rather than imposing further restrictions upon the building industry that this problem will best be solved. The hon. Member for Shettleston would like to see the whole building industry entrusted to the municipalities or the State. I do not know whether the hon. Member for West Middlesbrough shares that view. If I am correctly informed, that is not the view of his party; that is not the official view of his party, the Independent Liberals. Their policy, as I understand it, is to promote private enterprise and to utilise all forms of building activity to obtain houses. They do not say that the local authorities should not be employed in this work, but I believe their policy is that they would like to see private enterprise back again in its old position in the building industry. I agree with that policy. For all these reasons, I think this Clause, if passed, would be very gravely detrimental, and I shall vote against it.
I am sorry that we have had such an unsympathetic reply from the Minister. I had hoped that since the Committee he would have given sympathetic consideration to the suggestion of the hon. Member for West Middlesbrough and that if he could not accept the Clause he would have come down with some alternative suggestion. This is a serious problem. In spite of what the hon. Member for West Woolwich (Sir K. Wood) said, we are not living under normal conditions. If the building trade had been in active work during the War, and if house building had been going on for the last 10 years, the need for special legislation and for this Bill would not have arisen. We have to face facts as they are. The hon. Member knows as well as I do that in London there is a terrible and serious house famine, a famine so serious that it is undermining the self-respect of a large percentage of our population. I know of thousands of men who have families and who have to live with their parents-in-law simply because, for love or money, they cannot get houses. It is very irritating, to say the least of it, when these people are walking the streets looking for a house to see in certain suburbs of London a large number of houses quite suitable for occupation by ordinary working people, standing empty. That being so, there ought to be some very drastic powers given to local authorities to enable them to deal with these empty houses.
I do not say that it is the ideal way that is proposed by the new Clause. It is a difficult thing to find a practical solution. I rather favour the part-rating of empty houses. That is a reform which has been recommended unanimously by the London County Council. I believe that would be a tremendous stimulous for bringing these empty houses into occupation. Alternatively, I think the local authorities should have some powers of the character suggested in the Clause. I would remind the hon. Member for West Woolwich that while we are allowing these houses to stand idle, we have to build subsidised houses, and the taxpayer and ratepayer have to foot the bill. It is not unreasonable to say to the owners of houses who were lucky enough to build houses before the War, when prices were comparatively low, and now they are of monopoly value, that they cannot take monopoly value entirely for themselves and hold up the community to ransom by keeping these houses empty for speculative purposes. If the Minister cannot accept this Amendment, which was drafted by a previous Minister, he has an obligation to take this question in hand, and, if he cannot deal with it in this Bill, deal with it in the Rent Restrictions Bill, which gives plenty of opportunities for dealing with the problem. There is no greater cause of unrest in London than this house famine, and there is no greater stimulus to that unrest than the fact that a very large number of landlords are keeping houses for speculative purposes off the market.
The hon. Member who moved this new Clause described it as a very modest proposal. It is indeed an extremely modest proposal. One of the things that have always amazed me most about the housing question—I do not speak as a housing expert, but as an observer interested in the problem in a general way—is the patience with which the working class of this country look upon this vast amount of existing housing accommodation in the country, let alone the provision of new houses. We speak as if it were purely a question of providing the houses; as if there were not room enough at any rate to house a great many more people than are being housed already by the existing housing accommodation. I lived for many years in a working-class district of London, and perhaps I was able to look a little more from the outside point of view on the great mansions and the many empty houses that we find from time to time in the centre of London, and it has been a source of perpetual amazement to me to see the little indignation that was aroused by the vast amount of housing accommodation actually there which was not used.
I am aware that this new Clause touches only an extremely small fringe of this great problem. But it does raise this great problem—a very big problem indeed—how to utilise the houses that we as a nation have already got. In this country it comes, perhaps, somewhat with a shock of surprise when it is suggested that existing housing accommodation might be utilised by great houses being divided up, and by other methods, to provide accommodation for people who are without houses. But in various other countries this comes with no surprise, for this is a familiar system. In Austria and Germany it has become a matter of course; nobody is surprised at it. People do complain of it, but nobody is surprised if, being the possessor of a large house, he finds one or more working-class families actually quartered upon him in that house side by side with him, a standard of rooms required or allowed for each family being laid down, and no family, however large the house of which it may be possessed, being allowed to occupy more than the limited number of rooms, if the state of the people is such that the accommodation is required for other families.
The compulsory housing to which the hon. Member for Middlesbrough alluded to is merely, I understand, compulsory housing by the local authorities, and the local authority must then make its own arrangement, but the common system in countries on the Continent of Europe, which I have seen in operation, is that the compulsory hiring is a compulsory hiring by the owner of the house to the new tenant direct without the intervention of the local authority. There is another method of doing the same thing. The limits of this new Clause do not allow me to open up this vast question of the utilisation of housing accommodation already existing, but when hon. Members opposite say that action of this kind, such as is proposed by this new Clause, will act as an obstacle in the way of the provision of houses, I suggest that on the contrary it will have a most salutary effect in making people more inclined to favour drastic and far reaching housing reform. If people are going to suffer, as hon. Members have suggested, and to find it exceedingly unpleasant and inconvenient to have their houses compulsorily hired in that way, I believe that the very first effect of that upon those people will be to make them say, "If this is the sort of thing we have to put up with, let us do all we can to provide new houses in plentiful measure so that we need not be troubled with that inconvenience."
I wish that the Minister of Health had seen fit to elaborate in rather more detail the arguments which he has advanced, because, although it is probably true that this matter was discussed at great length in Committee, many Members of the House had not the advantage of hearing those arguments. As I see it the issue is very simple. Under the scheme of the Minister of Health, these 70,000 houses now standing empty will be available for the community at the exorbitant profiteering prices which can be obtained in a period of housing shortage. On the other hand, under the scheme of my hon. Friend these houses will become available for the community at the reasonable prices of the Rent Restrictions Act. The method of the Minister of Health is to encourage these people to fill their houses by telling them that they can charge any price they like. The method of my hon. Friend is to deter them from keeping their houses empty, in the hope of obtaining higher prices, by informing them that if they do so they run some risk of having them compulsorily hired by the local authority.
Obviously, if there were no disadvantages in the proposal of my hon. Friend, it is advantageous for the community to have these houses at reasonable prices rather than at exorbitant prices. The only argument which the right hon. Gentleman advanced against the proposal of my right hon. Friend in favour of his own was, in the first place, the utterly untenable argument that in Scotland these powers had not been taken advantage of, and, second, that if they were in any substantial way they would discourage private enterprise in the building of houses. As my hon. Friend showed, the fact that these powers were not utilised to any great extent in Scotland in no way detracts from the desirability of having the powers in existence as they act as a deterrent, and the less they are used the more reason there is to suppose that the threat is effective in bringing these empty houses into the market at a reasonable price. That argument cannot hold water for a moment.
Then we have the argument in reference to private enterprise. Private enterprise appears to be coming unduly sensitive as to its interests. It is indeed a very tender plant which cannot sustain the shock of a Clause such as that of my hon. Friend. Why should it be a shock to private enterprise in building house property that houses which are already built, and are standing empty, are made available for the community at reasonable prices? New houses that are now built are not subject to these restrictions. After all, that which affects the builder of houses is the price which he is going to obtain for the house which he actually builds. That is what he will consider. Why should he be disturbed in any way because houses that have been built long since can be acquired for the community at a reasonable price? That does not affect in any way the proposition which confronts him. The question which he has to ask himself is "what price shall I obtain for the house which I am about to build?" Surely the question is not so much concerning the position of houses now standing empty, as when the whole housing problem will be brought under revision, as it is now being considered in the Bill which has been taken up stairs by the right hon. Gentleman. Many of us do not desire to see houses decontrolled at all until adequate housing accommodation is available, but the right hon. Gentleman is so solicitous for the tender feelings of private enterprise that he proposes to decontrol houses before there is a sufficiency of houses available. I shall not proceed further on that point. I was merely pointing out to the right hon. Gentleman that, with the immense incentive which he is now holding out to private enterprise, it is futile to say that a great shock to confidence will be given by the acceptance of the Clause under discussion, which in no way affects the actual future building of houses. I was very glad to hear my hon. Friends speak of the drastic measures taken in Italy and other countries with regard to the rationing of rooms in houses.
Drastic steps are being taken in Italy to decontrol the houses.
I do not know what they are doing now when the hon. Gentleman's friends are in power; I can well understand that they are pursuing the policy which he is now commending to the favour of the country.
It is the hon. Gentleman opposite who is commending it to the favour of the country.
I cannot follow the subtlety of that Scottish wit. When I was last in Italy very different conditions were prevalent. It was a fact that housing room was rationed in Italy exactly in the manner described by my hon. Friend. It was a matter of peculiar amusement to me to see some of the wealthy inhabitants of the largest cities in Italy sharing their extensive palaces with people who were without any housing accommodation. But it is absurd to argue that the acceptance of this Clause, the effect of which would be to provide 70,000 houses for the community at reasonable prices rather than at exorbitant prices, can affect the future of the housing problem. I hope that the right hon. Gentleman, in his own interests, will reconsider the position and, if possible, present some solution of the problem rather than that of handing over so many empty houses to the tender mercies of the housing profiteer.
I trust that my hon. Friend the Member for Middlesbrough (Mr. T. Thomson), if he does not get a more satisfactory reply from the Minister, will take this matter to a Division. The point which I desire to make is this. The Minister, both in the Committee and in this House to-day, has insisted upon the idea that because you decontrol empty houses those houses will be let at a rent. There is no ground for making that assertion. Let me bring the House back to the realities of the situation. The other day I received, from a clergyman in the County of Somerset, a letter in which he stated—the right hon. Gentleman has heard it before, but it is worth repeating because it is such a scandal in a civilised community—that he had taken two families of farm labourers who were evicted from their cottage homes and put them into his stables, where horses are generally housed, and those two families, so far as I know, are still living in those stables. And, to make the position ten thousand times worse, there are three empty houses within a hundred yards of the stables where the two families are located; they cannot get those two houses to live in simply because the owners retain them in the hope of selling them with vacant possession at a very high price.
5.0 P.M.
The Minister says that if you decontrol those empty houses they will at once come into the market on rent. There are some landlords who do not intend letting empty houses at any rent. They will still hold them with the intention of selling them with vacant possession, because vacant possession to-day means a profit, in some towns, of from £200 to £300 above the market value. We have it stated here that the municipality should not intervene in a case like this. After all, the municipality will be the body to decide whether the houses will be hired or not. I have yet to learn that municipalities in this country are so inclined towards Socialism that they would take these houses by force out of the hands of the owners. There seems to be something in the minds of some hon. Mem- bers against the intervention of the municipality or State in cases of this kind. Strange to say, hon. Members on the other side of the House during the War actually billeted soldiers on families against the will of those families. They never even asked the consent of the families at all. The War Office came to my city and cleared hundreds of school children out of the elementary schools, took the schools out of the control of the municipality and placed soldiers in them; and, so far as I know, they have never paid their dues in some cases for the use of those schools. What is the use, therefore, of hon. Members telling us that the State and the municipality ought not to intervene in the case of empty houses? I venture to say, on the housing problem in this country, that private enterprise is a colossal failure and will never again be able to house the people. Therefore, I want to see the municipality take its rightful place in this connection. Some hon. Members opposite know full well that what I am saying now is true, that we have had ex-soldiers seizing empty houses in our city by force, and I do not blame them. If I had a family and no place to live, I would seize a house any time, and I should think that I was entitled to do it. But it is very much better that we should deal with this problem in this House, and try to get under municipal control these empty houses, and make them into decent houses, so that we can solve the housing problem, in part at any rate.
May I, in a few sentences, ask whether we cannot get a further answer from the Government on this undoubtedly very important proposal? I have been looking at the report of the Debate in the Standing Committee, and I see that the Noble Lord the Parliamentary Secretary, in dealing with the proposal of my hon. Friend in Committee, opened his remarks by admitting that the prevalence of vacant houses in the present circumstances was a disgrace and a scandal. Therefore, in considering this matter, the House begins with this as common ground, that at a time when the need for further housing accommodation is everywhere admitted to be most serious, at a time when it presses with such hardship on people such as those to whom the last speaker referred, there are actually standing in our midst a very substantial number of houses that are being deliberately kept from being let. I altogether dispute that if Parliament thinks fit to make special provision to deal with a case of that sort, it is thereby engaged in betraying the true principles of private enterprise, or rushing headlong into Socialism or anything of the kind. On the contrary, it has occurred to me that those who are concerned to support the principle of private enterprise, as I certainly desire to do, should be specially anxious to see that what is, as the Noble Lord said, a disgrace and a scandal, should not really become an intolerable affront to people who are in great extremity. Consider what has been done by the Legislature in what are analogous cases. If a man owns a patent, the use of which, in the public interest, is necessary, and, if he refuses to work his patent, and refuses to give people a licence to work his patent, the law will, in certain cases, compel him to grant a licence, and will fix the sort of terms on which he shall grant the licence. So that in the case of the owner of an invention, who will neither work the invention himself nor let others work it, the sacred principles of private enterprise have never been allowed to make it impossible to say, "There is a public need here which we must put in front of your private interest."
There is exactly the same remedy here. Any of these local authorities can acquire any of these houses if they desire.
This proposal is one which says that we are faced with a public need, and here are individuals who have got these houses which pro tanto might meet a proportion of the public need. One quite recognises that their own motives may be natural in trying to hold up the houses with a view of making better terms, but my point is that if there be an overwhelming public interest, a proposal such as this is not to be put on one side on the ground that it breaks the traditions of legislation. Take a second example of the same sort. If a landlord has got a piece of land which is needed for a railway or any other public enterprise, and if he is not prepared to make that land available for the purpose, the law will come in under suitable regulations and make him part with his property. It seems to me that this Clause is based in principle on exactly the same idea, namely, that here is an individual who has got a piece of private property—and I want to see the property remain private property—which he might allow to be used on fair terms to meet a public need, but because he is consulting his own private profit, he is not inclined to do so. I admit this Clause is not going to solve the housing problem, but it is going to secure, at any rate, that there will be some 70,000 or 75,000 houses which are at present deliberately vacant——
May I ask what is the right hon. and learned Gentleman's authority for that number?
At any rate, so far as London and the adjacent counties are concerned, the number of empty unoccupied houses on the Census figures of 1921 was over 48,000.
Were those six-roomed houses or large houses?
I do not want to exaggerate at all. There is no object in doing that, but as the hon. Member asks me the reason I make the statement, it is this. I see that in Committee it was stated that, according to the Census figures of 1921,
"in London and the adjacent counties the number of empty, unoccupied houses is over 48,000, only 11 per cent. of which have more than eight rooms. If the same proportion still holds good for the rest of the country there must be 75,000 or even more of such houses."
The point is this: There is a very substantial number, and they are, in fact, being kept from occupation deliberately by their owners for reasons, which I do not blame the owners, because they are perfectly natural, but the question is, are you really offending against sound legislative principles by giving power to the local authorities to say, "If you do not find a tenant within a limited time, then we shall have to find a tenant for you"? The other observation made against the Clause is this. The Minister says, "I do not think a Clause of this sort has very much effect," and, in support of that, he says that the Scottish Clause did not have much effect. There is this to be said in reply. If you put upon the Statute Book a provision that, in certain events, vacant houses may be compulsorily occupied on fair terms, the very existence of that provision on the Statute Book tends to make owners let their houses. It would be a very bad argument indeed against a law punishing a particular crime to say, "What is the good or having a law to punish such crime, because since we have passed such legislation the crime has greatly decreased?" That is the object of law, and a provision of this sort may be supposed to have the effect—I do not say a conclusive or complete effect—but it operates in the direction of encouraging what everyone in the House desires, namely, that these houses should be used rather than kept empty. I do not at all take the view that this proposal is one which will make a fundamental difference in the housing situation, but we do ask the Minister, who we know is sympathetic in these things, whether something further might not be said, and whether, on reflection, this Clause ought not to be put in the Bill, because if it operated it would do a great deal of good directly, and, if not directly, is there not good reason for thinking its indirect effect would be to encourage the letting of these houses?
There seems to be certain misapprehension in the minds of hon. and right hon. Members opposite. They have argued—and argued with great force—that this is not a sin against morality or even a sin against certain legislative proposals. They say, "Why, on a point of abstract principle, do you refuse to give this power to the local authorities?" Then, with skill and imagination, which I do not attempt to rival, they sketch out the marvellous effects which this hypothetical reform would produce. But we are not in any sense of the word opposed to it because of the principle, as to which there is no reason to suppose it is a wrong principle. We are opposed to it because we have a working experiment extending over several years which shows, as a matter of fact, that this so-called reform does not produce the effect which it is supposed this Clause ought to have.
The Clause has been argued by certain Members above the Gangway and below the Gangway. The hon. Member for South-West Bethnal Green (Mr. Harris) said that anybody who had been lucky enough to build houses pre-War, when costs were low, should not now be allowed to exploit the community. The hon. Member for Harrow (Mr. Mosley) with that superiority which he enjoys alone amongst the House, explained, although he had not been at the Committee and had not listened to the discussion, that he was fully capable of enlightening the House upon this proposal. I quite agree with him on that point. He was quite capable of enlightening the House, and enlighten the House he did, but what he enlightened the House upon was the fact that he had not read the Clause he proceeded to discuss.
I shall be no more capable after listening to the speech of the hon. and gallant Gentleman.
I quite agree that the hon. Member will not be capable of understanding the Clause unless he reads the Clause, and, undoubtedly, it would be a valuable preliminary to discussion upon the topic. The hon. Member for Harrow said that this Clause did not interfere with private enterprise in any way. He said that new houses which are now built are not subject to those restrictions. But they are subject to those restrictions in the Amendment which is brought forward. I would be glad if I had misinterpreted the hon. Member or the Mover of the Amendment, for they belong, I believe, to different groups in the same party. Does this Amendment apply or not apply to new houses which are being built at present?
Obviously it does. I think the hon. Member was referring to the Rent Restrictions Act.
Never would I strike the hon. Member for Harrow such a crushing blow as that which has just been struck by his friend. The hon. Member was indeed discussing an Amendment which, although he had not read it, he had the Parliamentary savoir faire to know that he must connect with his remarks. The hon. Member for Shettleston (Mr. Wheatley) said that this question got right down to the roots of society, and he spent some happy moments grovelling among the roots. He is a Scottish Member. He knows that this provision was in force in Scotland. He is as well acquainted as I am with the Statute which I hold in my hand, a Statute in which this very proviso was passed, and he is also acquainted with the fact that he tells us repeatedly on every possible occasion that, acute as may be the housing position in other parts of the country, and bitter as may be the struggle between landlords and tenants in other parts of the country, it is nothing to the acuteness of the housing position as it exists in Scotland and the bitterness of the conflict between landlord and tenant there. He says that the provision ought to have produced certain effects, and, therefore, that it must have produced certain effects. He cannot have it both ways. We know there is a great stringency of housing accommodation in Glasgow and throughout Scotland, and that this stringency has not been relieved in practice by the working of this proviso when it became an Act of Parliament. Therefore, it is disingenuous to pretend that the passing of this Clause would cause a relief of the housing stringency in this country.
I pointed out mainly that it was not so insignificant in Scotland, because in Scotland we rate empty houses and force them into the market.
That, indeed, was the argument of the hon. Member, and it was repeated by the right hon. Member for Spen Valley (Sir J. Simon). He said that although there had been only one case during the years this provision was in operation in Scotland, we must not measure the effect of such a provision by the number of cases which it had prevented. He said, "Consider the great effect that this has had in modifying the position," and the hon. Member for Shettleston said, "Our rating system forces these houses into the market." The right hon. Member for Spen Valley stated that the existence of this compulsory hiring provision has the effect of forcing these houses into the market. What are the facts? It has been stated several times in Debate that there are in and around London 40,000 empty houses, and it is estimated that throughout England there may be 70,000 empty houses which would be affected by this provision. Scotland has about one-eighth of the population of Great Britain. What are the figures of the June census? The figures show that there are 51,835 unoccupied houses in Scotland. Surely that knocks the bottom out of the contention of right hon. and hon. Members opposite- The figure for England has been repeated several times as approximately 70,000.
That refers to eight-roomed houses.
A question having been put from this side, the right hon. Member for Spen Valley gave an estimate, which showed that a very small percentage were of eight rooms or six rooms.
There were 40,000 in London. On that basis it was estimated that there would be 70,000 for the whole country.
The population of Scotland is rather less than the population of London and the surrounding country, and the figure for Scotland shows that in that country there are 10,000 more empty houses than there are in London and the surrounding country. It seems to me that those figures knock the bottom out of the proposal in this new Clause. We say that the figures which have been brought out by the working of the Act of 1920—an Act which expired only a month or two ago—do not justify us in embarking upon a similar experiment for the whole of Great Britain. For those practical reasons I ask the House to reject this new Clause.
I wish to support the Clause. Our support of it from the Labour Benches is a proof that we are not overlooking the practical necessities of the moment in our desire to secure a complete solution of the housing problem. We agree that this Clause is a comparatively small one, but these are the days when small remedies and small alleviations are very welcome. The Parliamentary Secretary for the Scottish Board of Health has dealt in a somewhat heavy-footed way of merriment with the suggestion coming from this side of the House—a heavy-footed way which is quite unlike his usual Scottish humour, and I can only suppose that he has been influenced for the moment by the English circumstances surrounding this discussion. With regard to the Scottish position, he cannot have it both ways. If it is the case that the law in Scotland at present permits the hiring of these houses by the local authorities, and that it is not being so applied, it is right and proper that we should emphasise the fact that in Scotland the great bulk of houses of this type are forced into the market because the owners have to pay education rates, county rates, municipal rates, and other rates upon them.
The hon. and gallant Member has not answered the arguments brought forward by quoting figures. The figure of 70,000 empty houses in England is a problematical figure. It is based very moderately upon the stated figure, not of 40,000 for London, but of 48,000. The hon. and gallant Member quoted one partial figure against the other figure. The complete figure for Scotland is 50,000. The estimated figure for England for houses with less than eight rooms is somewhere between 75,000 and 80,000. Even if it could be shown that by the adoption of this Clause only a very small proportion of that number of houses would be forced into the market and would receive inhabitants, surely in these days that constitutes a very solid reason why the Clause should be adopted. If we have 70,000 houses forced into the market and little more than half of them were occupied, taking a proportion of five persons to the house, we would find accommodation for something like 250,000 people. Is not that something at which it would be worth our while aiming? We do not doubt that something very much bigger than this will have to be passed before we solve the housing problem, but we are glad to think that steps may be taken to alleviate it. Again we are having the old bogey trotted out, that anything which gives power to the local authorities to assist in solving the housing problem is a blow at private enterprise. Private enterprise is, indeed, a very tender plant, and the only thing we can say with regard to it is that we must welcome this reiterated cry of "Wolf, wolf!" if there is any effort to attack a problem of this kind, because it is possible that the other side may make the people of the country so familiar with the persistent cry of "Wolf, wolf!" that when something is really done to support the local authorities in this matter the cry will fail in its effect. I trust that the Amendment will be accepted, because in some very small way it will assist in relieving, if it does not solve, the dire necessity for housing.
I have been rather amused at some of the speeches from the opposite side with reference to the shortage of houses, because hon. Members who have made those speeches belong to the party which was responsible to a great extent for the shortage of houses in the country. They belong to the party which brought in land valuation, and stabbed behind the back that unfortunate man, the jerry builder, who built a very large number of the houses of the country. It has been alleged that the number of empty houses in England is from 70,000 to 80,000. Those figures I dispute. There are very few small houses vacant just now. There are large numbers of large vacant houses; in fact, we saw in one of the newspapers the other day photographs of huge houses in the West End of London, and it was said that the servant shortage was the cause of their being vacant. That may or may not be so. If there are so many small vacant houses now in England, how is it that when new houses are built, as they are being built in very large numbers around London and the big cities, these houses are snapped up at once? There are certain reasons why, if there are any small houses vacant, they are not let or sold. Many of these small houses represent the entire capital of some man or woman. Trade has been very bad for several years, and if these unfortunate owners, who may have their whole capital wrapped up in one house, were able to sell that house at a price, they could possibly start in business or be able to emigrate—[HON. MEMBERS: "Oh!"]—a very good thing if they went to our Colonies.
If these people have their houses compulsorily taken under this Amendment they have no chance of realising their capital. Tenants will be put into the houses under compulsion, and tenants who take possession of houses in such circumstances do not trouble very much as to how they look after the houses. We had a good many examples of that during the War. When rent restrictions come to an end and the unfortunate owner of the house gets possession again he finds that his house has been practically destroyed inside. If he is a man of small means, as many of them are, where is he going to find the money with which to put that house in order? It will entail a great injustice on a large number of house owners, if such an Amendment as this is allowed to pass. With regard to the larger houses of which there are far more to be sold or let, do hon. Members realise what it costs to convert such houses? I have just converted a house of nine floors and turned it into flats and it cost me £3,000 to do so. What private owner is going to convert a house on those terms? Do hon. Members opposite realise that you can build seven small houses for the cost of converting that one great big house, [HON. MEMBERS: "How many houses?"] Seven houses can be built for £400 each or £2,800, which is the cost of converting one big mansion. [An HON. MEMBER: "What rental have you charged for the flats?"] With regard to the statement made from the Front Bench as to further restrictions, the position of nearly every business man and of every property owner in this country, is that there are so many restrictions at present in force that they do not want to have anything more to do with house property, and are only too glad to get out of it. Another point to be considered is that you will have to appoint a court or some authority, in addition to the local authority, to deal with the compulsory taking over of these houses. There is going to be enormous administrative expense, and yet we are supposed to be out for economy. Who is going to assess the rents? There will be endless legal trouble, and such an Amendment as this might benefit a certain part of the community, namely, the legal fraternity, but it will benefit nobody else.
I do not think anything that has been said here this afternoon meets the situation, and that remark applies particularly to the speech made by the Parliamentary Under-Secretary for Health, Scotland. The hon. and gallant Gentleman seems to be more concerned about scoring debating points off his particular political enemy for the moment than in keeping to the matter which really concerns us, and that is the provision by some means or other of houses for the many thousands throughout the country who are at present without any possibility of obtaining accommodation. If the figures given on this side of the House with regard to the number of vacant houses are at all correct, here is a means whereby something can be done. The Government in their wisdom or in their lack of wisdom are against the proposal for giving us even an opportunity of dealing with the matter. The Under-Secretary pointed out that Scotland has at least 10,000 more vacant houses of this kind—or houses which possibly can be brought under this definition—than there are in London. Scotland has a population rather less than that of London and its immediate vicinity, but Glasgow is one-fourth of the whole of the Scottish population, and Glasgow to-day, out of 234,000 houses, has only got 190 empty houses, and of that number of empty houses 116 are of five rooms and over.
Many of these are in localities which are not working-class localities. The people who own property and who live in the vicinity of the property are against working-class families coming into their particular district on the ground that it would destroy the amenities of the property. While they are content to work alongside these people in office, in yard, in factory, in moulding shop or in warehouse, they do not like that the people with whom they work, and who help to make it possible for them to live in large houses, should come into the same district. They feel it has a detrimental effect on the value of the surroundings, as well as compelling them in some degree to associate with these people. The whole object of this Bill and of these discussions, the motive animating everyone in this House, is to try to deal with a difficulty which seems almost insuperable. Here is a little contribution towards doing so, a very minor one perhaps, but, minor or major, it is still a contribution towards meeting the immediate difficulty, and if the Government are as sympathetic as they ought to be—and I think some Members of the Government are really sympathetic—they would concede this point. It is not going to do property any harm, and it does not affect the question of private enterprise. Private enterprise has been dragged into this discussion on an Amendment which has really very little to do with it.
If the Government are anxious to meet this difficulty and to help the people who are suffering, who have suffered for us, and have won for us all we have got, they might at least, if they cannot accept this Amendment, propose something else which will enable us to go some way towards dealing with this tremendous difficulty. I appeal to the Under-Secretary, as a Scotsman and as one who knows something about this question in Scotland, to give us his help. Everybody in the House recognises the sincerity of the Minister of Health, but, in my opinion, because of the fear of going just a little bit too far, the right hon. Gentleman is falling a little bit behind. Let the Government do the right thing. Let them give us something in keeping with this Amendment, even if it only provides 1,000 houses If we can provide only 10 homes for 10 of the families who are living in stables and in the conditions which have been described by hon. Members around me, it is worthy of our consideration, and is worthy of action by the Government.
I should not have intervened on this Amendment had it not been for some of the statements which have been made. It is suggested that many empty houses are being held up and the figure of from 70,000 to 75,000 has been given. That is the figure given as regards England, and I am only dealing with England, because Scotland can look after itself, and if Scotland had not been attached to England we should not have had so much difficulty on this question.
Separate us.
That is another question. These figures, I may point out, are changing from day to day. They were the Census figures and apply only to the time of the Census, and people are constantly moving. I think a great deal too much has been made of this point. There are many difficulties in the way of carrying out the proposal of the Amendment. Had the local authorities no power at all, probably I should be ready to agree to giving them some power, but they have the power of acquiring these houses. I know of certain houses at the present time which should be occupied but which are now empty, and nearly the whole of the capital of the owners is sunk in those houses. The tenants have left them, and it would require four or five years' rent to put them into repair. I know many instances of houses which are for sale with vacant possession, but they are in a very deplorable condition of repair, the tenants having gone out and left them in that way. The poor people who own them—and they are poor people in many cases—have not sufficient money to repair them. These houses are not being held up.
I know of one case in particular where a poor woman has got to live on charity and she is the owner of a house which she could not let if she desired to do so, because the sanitary authorities would not allow people to go into it, and she has not the means of repairing it. If the local authorities would purchase houses of that kind, as they could at a very low price, and put them into repair under the power which they have under the 1919 Act, it would be a great relief, but the local authorities do not want this power. The bulk of them are afraid of it. It is a difficult thing to deal with house property which is not in a good state of repair, and the rent allowed at the present time is quite inadequate to maintain property. Therefore in this matter you are up against a serious proposition. I do not think it is a good thing at any time that houses should be unoccupied, but at the present time it is particularly bad. If the local authorities would only buck up and seek to acquire these houses, as they could do in many cases at extremely low prices, and put them into repair, they could do much to meet the situation.
Many people seem to think that only wealthy persons own these houses, but that is very far from being the case, because many poor people put their money into pre-War houses and it is in connection with pre-War houses that this difficulty has arisen. Many have put their little all into these houses, and in the case of which I am speaking this poor woman would be only too glad to get rid of the house almost at any price. That is not a solitary instance. There are many similar cases, and it is ridiculous to suggest that the houses are being held up. This house was the woman's means of living and now she has practically nothing upon which to live. I do not think the present proposal would be of any advantage. This matter has been discussed over and over again already, and I think it is a vicious principle to compel people to hire when there is a possibility of acquiring the houses. I think the acquiring power is a proper power, but the hiring power is not a proper power, and I am glad to think the Government are resisting this Clause.
The argument that has just been advanced by the hon. Member for North St. Pancras (Mr. Lorden) appears to me to be an extra argument in favour of the Clause. He tells us that most of these houses which are empty are owned by poor people. It is an extraordinary thing to me that, whenever a desire is expressed to take something that is being held up against the people, we hear such opposite arguments as we have heard to-day. The Minister tells us that really these are valuable properties to their owners and that we ought not to interfere with them, but his follower tells us they are owned by poor people who would be very glad to get rid of them, but they cannot because they are in such a bad condition. Private enterprise is at any rate rich enough to own house property, and it succeeded in using it to get rent out of the people, apparently giving them accommodation for the rent it was taking from them, but letting the houses go into disrepair all the time. If the owners had done what they ought to have done, if they had spent the money which they were taking from the tenants on putting the houses into repair, as they are required to do by law, obviously the houses would not be in their present state of disrepair, and now they say: "Do not do anything against our interests, as we are poor people." Who are the people against whom these houses are being held up, and who are the people who are holding them up?
Nobody opposite, not even the humorous Gentleman who represents the Scottish Office, disputes that there are a large number of people in this country who need houses, and nobody, except the hon. Member for North St. Pancras, disputes that there are a large number of houses held up empty at the present time. The people need them, and the houses are there. If they were occupied, they would be rated, and the municipality would be getting some income from them. They are held up, in the first place—whether by poor or rich people does not matter in the least—against the people who need houses and who are living under shocking conditions. I have a letter from a constituent of mine who says that four of them, father, mother, and two children, are living in one very small room. There is just room for a bed, a table, and two chairs. When they sit down to a meal, one of them sits on the bed, one stands up, and two sit on the chairs, but before they can get out of the room, the two chairs have to be put up on the table to enable them to open the door. Yet these people tell me—and I have no reason to doubt them—that they are in a position to pay a rent up to about £1 a week, and that they are quite prepared to give security. Within a hundred yards of the place where those conditions exist, there are, to my personal knowledge, several houses now standing empty. In the town that I represent it is estimated that we are losing £500 a year in rates that we ought to be getting, and should be getting if these empty houses were occupied. We have in the Town Hall the names of over 4,000 applicants for houses, and there are probably not more than three or four of the houses in the town that are now empty which would contain more than eight or nine rooms. Well over half of them contain under six rooms, and yet they are held up against the people who need them to live in, just to suit those few people whose character, from the point of view of ownership, is probably worse than that of any owners we have in the country to-day.
The decent landlords are letting their houses. It is the indecent landlords who are holding them up, and these are the people whom the Ministry are so anxious to protect. We are told that if we put these houses into occupation by the means suggested, the result will be that people who would otherwise build houses will not build them, and you will not get an increase but a shortage in the housing accommodation as a consequence of filling up these houses. That is an extraordinary argument coming from a property owner. May I put the other side of the argument, particularly to the speculative house owner? It is very obvious that houses are sold or let, like everything else, in competition. If you occupy these houses, or compel the landlord to allow them to be occupied, you take away from the market for houses a large number of houses now up for sale, but which are not being sold because of the exceedingly high prices demanded. You would remove those houses from the sale market, and obviously, if people want to buy houses, they will still be looking for houses to buy, and there will at once be an inducement for people to build new houses for these prospective buyers. If you compel these houses to be let, the people who desire to buy houses will still be there looking for houses. There will be an increased demand and less supply, and consequently the inducement will be to build houses for those who still wish to buy.
From that point of view, I submit that the Government's argument is quite wrong, but there ought to be a higher motive. Some hon. Members, I know, come here to represent property, but others come to represent the people. If we came here, as we pledged ourselves in our election addresses to do, to represent the people, we could not have a discussion like this, but every time we have any discussion on property, up you get, one after the other, those of you who speak in the interests of the private speculator. One hon. Member, who has now left the House, was very concerned about that unfortunate person—he is unfortunate from the point of view that decent people would not like to associate with him—the jerry builder. This House is asked to defend the jerry builder. There are speculative builders, and there are jerry builders, and a speculative builder is not necessarily a jerry builder. I have had the misfortune in one case, and the good fortune in the other, of working for both, and the jerry builder is just like the person who sells bad food, or who gives short weight, or who in any other manner tries to swindle the public. He is the person who puts up a house, decorates it nicely on the outside, makes it appear to be what it is not, and tries to sell it for what it appears to be rather than for what it is. This man ought to be in gaol, but instead of that you have people in this House getting up to defend him and talking about the interests of the jerry builder. Surely we have not sunk quite so low that we are going to give any assistance at all to these scoundrels who try to swindle the public.
The hon. and gallant Gentleman the Under-Secretary of Health for Scotland told us that what we want is something practical. You will never get anything more practical in this life than this, namely, that whether it be 10,000, or 70,000, or 70,000,000, if there are a large number of houses empty and suitable for accommodation, as most of them are—every one in my district is certified by the sanitary authorities to be suitable for accommodation at the present time—they should not be held up because somebody wants to get a bigger profit out of them than he is really entitled to get. You have hundreds of thousands of people living under conditions in which you would not allow your pigs, if you kept any, to live. This is the position—houses empty, and kept empty, because somebody wants to make a profiteering price by selling them, and people living under conditions worse than pigs outside and desiring to have possession. We are told that the municipality must not be allowed to interfere, but has not the municipality the right to interfere when you want land on which to build new houses? You not only allow it, but the Minister of Health instructs them to interfere. He tells them they must take possession of land in certain instances for building new houses, and even for the purpose of providing allotments.
Why, then, are these property owners to be sacrosanct, kept separate from the rest of the community, and treated in a way that is infinitely better than the way in which the rest of the community are treated? If the Ministry do not give way over this point—I do not suppose they will, and they do not look as if they would—I hope the public outside will judge them by their action. The public know that the houses are empty and suitable for their requirements, and they would be glad to pay a rent for them, given the opportunity, and I hope the public will also know that it was by the votes of hon. Members opposite that they were kept living under the conditions in which they are living to-day, when they might have been living under decent conditions, had you the common sense and had you the desire, which you expressed in your election addresses, to give them the housing accommodation to which nobody denies they are entitled.
May I ask the House now to come to a decision upon this Clause? We have 16 pages of Amendments, and we have spent two hours on this first Clause. If we are to have adequate time to discuss other matters in which hon. Members opposite are interested, we ought to get rid of this question now.
Question put, "That the Clause be read a Second time."
The House divided: Ayes, 173; Noes, 230.
Division No. 238.] AYES. [6.0 p.m. Adams, D. Hastings, Patrick Pringle, W. M. R. Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Hay, Captain J. P. (Cathcart) Richards, R. Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock) Hayday, Arthur Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro') Hayes, John Henry (Edge Hill) Riley, Ben Ammon, Charles George Henderson, Sir T. (Roxburgh) Ritson, J. Asquith, Rt. Hon. Herbert Henry Henderson, T. (Glasgow) Roberts, C. H. (Derby) Attlee, C. R. Herriotts, J. Roberts, Frederick O. (W. Bromwich) Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Hill, A. Robinson, W. C. (York, Elland) Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Hirst, G. H. Rose, Frank H. Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Hodge, Rt. Hon. John Saklatvala, S. Briant, Frank Hogge, James Myles Salter, Dr. A. Bromfield, William Hutchison, Sir R. (Kirkcaldy) Scrymgeour, E. Brotherton, J. Irving, Dan Sexton, James Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath) Shaw, Hon. Alex. (Kilmarnock) Buchanan, G. John, William (Rhondda, West) Shaw, Thomas (Preston) Buckle, J. Johnston, Thomas (Stirling) Shinwell, Emanuel Burgess, S. Johnstone, Harcourt (Willesden, East) Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) Buxton, Charles (Accrington) Jones, Henry Haydn (Merloneth) Simon, Rt. Hon. Sir John Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, North) Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly) Simpson, J. Hope Cape, Thomas Jones, R. T. (Carnarvon) Sinclair, Sir A. Chapple, W. A. Jowett, F. W. (Bradford, East) Smith, T. (Pontefract) Clarke, Sir E. C. Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Snell, Harry Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R. Kirkwood, D. Snowden, Philip Collie, Sir John Lambert, Rt. Hon. George Spencer, George A. (Broxtowe) Cotts, Sir William Dingwall Mitchell Lawson, John James Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K. Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities) Leach, W. Stephen, Campbell Darbishire, C. W. Lee, F. Stewart, J. (St. Rollox) Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale) Lees-Smith, H. B. (Keighley) Strauss, Edward Anthony Davies, J. C. (Denbigh, Denbigh) Lowth, T. Sturrock, J. Leng Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton) Lunn, William Sullivan, J. Davison, J. E. (Smethwick) MacDonald, J. R. (Aberavon) Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Dudgeon, Major C. R. Macdonald, Sir Murdoch (Inverness) Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow) Duffy, T. Gavan M'Entee, V. L. Tillett, Benjamin Duncan, C. McLaren, Andrew Tout, W. J. Ede, James Chuter Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan) Trevelyan, C. P. Edmonds, G. Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Turner, Ben Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) March, S. Twist, H. Emlyn-Jones, J. E. (Dorset, N.) Marshall, Sir Arthur H. Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince) Entwistle, Major C. F. Maxton, James Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline) Fairbairn, R. R. Middleton, G. Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda) Falconer, J. Millar, J. D. Webb, Sidney Gilbert, James Daniel Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred Moritz Wedgwood, Colonel Josiah C. Gosling, Harry Morel, E. D. Weir, L. M. Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton) Morris, Harold Welsh, J. C. Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central) Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.) Westwood, J. Gray, Frank (Oxford) Mosley, Oswald Wheatley, J. Greenall, T. Muir, John W. White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne) Murnin, H. White, H. G. (Birkenhead, E.) Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan) Murray, John (Leeds, West) Whiteley, W, Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Murray, R. (Renfrew, Western) Williams, T. (York, Don Valley) Groves, T. Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Winfrey, Sir Richard Grundy, T. W. O'Grady, Captain James Wintringham, Margaret Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton) Oliver, George Harold Wright, W. Hall, G. H (Merthyr Tydvil) Paling, W. Young, Rt. Hon. E. H. (Norwich) Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland) Parker, H. (Hanley) Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Harbord, Arthur Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Hardie, George D. Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry TELLERS FOR THE AYES. —Mr. Phillipps and Major McKenzie Wood.—Mr. Phillipps and Major McKenzie Wood. Harney, E. A. Ponsonby, Arthur Harris, Percy A. Potts, John S.
NOES. Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Barnett, Major Richard W. Brass, Captain W. Ainsworth, Captain Charles Barnston, Major Harry Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive Alexander, E. E. (Leyton, East) Becker, Harry Briggs, Harold Allen, Lieut.-Col. Sir William James Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Brittain, Sir Harry Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S. Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Brown, Brig.-Gen. Clifton (Newbury) Ashley, Lt.-Col. Wilfrid W. Bennett, Sir T. J. (Sevenoaks) Brown, J. W. (Middlesbrough, E.) Astbury, Lieut.-Com. Frederick W. Bentinck, Lord Henry Cavendish- Bruton, Sir James Astor, J. J. (Kent, Dover) Berry, Sir George Buckingham, Sir H. Baird, Rt. Hon. Sir John Lawrence Betterton, Henry B. Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Blades, Sir George Rowland Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Balfour, George (Hampstead) Blundell, F. N. Butcher, Sir John George Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G. Bowyer, Captain G. E. W. Butler, H. M. (Leeds, North) Banks, Mitchell Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Button, H. S. Cadogan, Major Edward Herbert, S. (Scarborough) Perring, William George Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R. Hewett, Sir J. P. Pilditch, Sir Philip Cassels, J. D. Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Cautley. Henry Strother Hoare, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir S. J. G. Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City) Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (St. Marylebone) Privett, F. J. Cecil, Rt. Hon. Sir Evelyn (Aston) Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy Rae, Sir Henry N. Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord R. (Hitchin) Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Raeburn, Sir William H. Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm., W.) Hood, Sir Joseph Raine, W. Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood) Hopkins, John W. W. Rawlinson, Rt. Hon. John Fredk. Peel Churchman, Sir Arthur Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Rawson, Lieut.-Com. A. C. Clarry, Reginald George Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Reid, D. D. (County Down) Coates, Lt.-Col. Norman Houfton, John Plowright Remnant, Sir James Cobb, Sir Cyril Hudson, Capt. A. Reynolds, W. G. W. Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Hughes, Collingwood Rhodes, Lieut.-Col. J. P. Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Hume, G. H. Richardson, Sir Alex. (Gravesend) Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Hurd, Percy A. Richardson, Lt.-Col. Sir P. (Chertsey) Conway, Sir W. Martin Hutchison, G. A. C. (Midlothian, N.) Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Cope, Major William Hutchison, W. (Kelvingrove) Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford) Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South) Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S. Roberts, Rt. Hon. Sir S. (Ecclesall) Courthope, Lieut.-Col. George L. Jarrett, G. W. S. Robertson-Despencer, Major (Islgtn, W.) Craig, Captain C. C. (Antrim, South) Jenkins, W. A. (Brecon and Radnor) Rogerson, Capt. J. E. Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Jephcott, A. R. Rothschild, Lionel de Crooke, J. Smedley (Deritend) Jodrell, Sir Neville Paul Roundell, Colonel R. F. Curzon, Captain Viscount Kelley, Major Fred (Rotherham) Ruggles-Brise, Major E. Dalziel, Sir D. (Lambeth, Brixton) Kennedy, Captain M. S. Nigel Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth) Davidson, J. C. C.(Hemel Hempstead) King, Captain Henry Douglas Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement Sanders, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert A. Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) Lamb, J. Q. Sanderson, Sir Frank B. Doyle, N. Grattan Lane-Fox, Lieut.-Colonel G. R. Sandon, Lord Du Pre, Colonel William Baring Leigh, Sir John (Clapham) Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Edmondson, Major A. J. Lloyd-Greame, Rt. Hon. Sir P. Shepperson, E. W. Ednam, Viscount Lorden, John William Simpson-Hinchcliffe, W. A. Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Lorimer, H. D. Skelton, A. N. Ellis, R. G. Lort-Williams, J. Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South) England, Lieut.-Colonel A. Lougher, L. Somerville, A. A. (Windsor) Erskine, James Malcolm Monteith Lowe, Sir Francis William Somerville, Daniel (Barrow-in-Furness) Erskine-Bolst, Captain C. Loyd, Arthur Thomas (Abingdon) Spears, Brig.-Gen. E. L. Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Lumley, L. R. Steel, Major S. Strang Fermor-Hesketh, Major T. Lynn, R. J. Stockton, Sir Edwin Forsyth Fildes, Henry Macnaghten, Hon. Sir Malcolm Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Flanagan, W. H. McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford. Henley) Ford, Patrick Johnston Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Thompson, Luke (Sunderland) Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Mason, Lieut.-Col. C. K. Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Fraser, Major Sir Keith Milne, J. S. Wardlaw Titchfield, Marquess of Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Mitchell, W. F. (Saffron Walden) Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement Furness, G. J. Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham) Turton, Edmund Russborough Galbraith, J. F. W. Moles, Thomas Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull) Gates, Percy Molson, Major John Elsdale Watts, Dr. T. (Man., Withington) Gaunt, Rear-Admiral Sir Guy R. Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Wells, S. R. Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Weston, Colonel John Wakefield Goff, Sir R. Park Morrison, Hugh (Wilts, Salisbury) White, Lt.-Col. G. D. (Southport) Greaves-Lord, Walter Murchison, C. K. Whitla, Sir William Greenwood, William (Stockport) Nall, Major Joseph Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George Guinness, Lieut. Col. Hon. W. E. Newson, Sir Percy Wilson Winterton, Earl Gwynne, Rupert S. Nicholson, Brig.-Gen. J. (Westminster) Wise, Frederick Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Wolmer, Viscount Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W. (Liv'p'l, W. D'by) Norton-Griffiths, Lieut.-Col. Sir John Wood, Rt. Hn. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Halstead, Major D. Oman, Sir Charles William C. Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Hamilton, Sir George C. (Altrincham) O'Neill, Rt. Hon. Hugh Woodcock, Colonel H. C. Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Paget, T. G. Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward Harrison, F. C. Parker, Owen (Kettering) Yerburgh, R. D. T. Henn, Sir Sydney H. Pease, William Edwin Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Penny, Frederick George TELLERS FOR THE NOES. —Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs.—Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs. Herbert, Col. Hon. A. (Yeovil) Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Perkins, Colonel E. K.
NEW CLAUSE.—(Bye-laws respecting houses divided into separate tenements.)
(1) Section twenty-six of the Housing, Town Planning, Etc., Act, 1919 (which relates to bye-laws respecting houses divided into separate tenements), shall, in its application to the administrative County of London, have effect—
( a ) as if after paragraph ( i ) of Sub-section (1) of that Section there were inserted the following paragraph—
"(j) for the taking of precautions in the case of any infectious disease;"
( b ) as if in paragraph ( a ) of Sub-section (10) of that Section for the words "for those purposes," there were substituted the words "under Section ninety-four of the Public Health (London) Act, 1891."
(2) Bye-laws made by the London County Council, in pursuance of the said Section as so amended, may provide that the bye-laws shall, either generally or as respects any particular metropolitan borough or any part thereof, have effect subject to such modifications, limitations, or exceptions as may be specified in the bye-laws.—[ Lieut.-Colonel Fremantle. ]
Brought up, and read the First time.
I beg to move, "That the Clause be read a Second time."
The Clause which I beg to move is one which I have been asked to move on behalf of the London County Council. It is, I hope, as sound as it is dull, for it deals with necessary bye-laws. In London we are in a very complicated position owing to the fact that we had a dual system of government by the Metropolitan boroughs and the London County Council. Hitherto, the Metropolitan boroughs have had power to make and enforce bye-laws for houses for the working classes, including those divided up into separate tenements. These bye-laws were found insufficient. In 1919 there was introduced into Parliament the Housing, Town Planning, etc., Bill, which included a Clause in which the arrangement was as follows: The County Council was to make the bye-laws in regard to houses divided up into separate tenements and the borough councils were to report to them. I do not think there was any opposition from the borough councils on that subject. It was recognised that this was a very big problem, this question of houses divided into separate tenements, and for the purpose you should have a very serious and complete set of bye-laws, much more extensive than those laid down in the Public Health (London) Act, 1891. It was also recognised that it would be necessary to have a uniform code for these houses all over London. Power was, therefore, given to the London County Council, limited to the houses for the working classes. In actual practice it was found, as in many other Departments, impossible to definitely define what were the working classes, and in actual practice it has been found impossible so to define tenements for the working classes that you have got confusion reigning as between the bye-laws made by the borough councils under the Act of 1891, and the bye-laws made under the Act of 1919 by the County Council. The result has been that this Clause of the 1919 Act became a dead letter.
The London County Council, not wishing to introduce complete sets of bye-laws which would overlap the borough councils' administration, have restrained from making those bye-laws, yet the necessity for those bye-laws under the 1919 Act has been acknowledged—and is still recog- nised! For that purpose, therefore, I proposed the new Clause in Committee, with certain other provisions, since modified. I proposed a Clause under which the whole of the bye-law making power for houses for the working classes for houses divided up into separate tenements should be given the London County Council, although the bye-laws would, have to be continued to be administered by the borough councils. In Committee upstairs that was opposed by my hon. Friend the Member for St. Pancras on behalf of the metropolitan borough councils, and for this reason: that there are certain metropolitan boroughs which have a very large number of boarding houses for the middle classes, and the upper classes—if such there be still in existence—and it appeared that the London County Council were taking powers that would overlap in the inspection of these boarding houses or lodging houses, or houses otherwise divided up for better-class inhabitants, inspection which admittedly is unnecessary. The Minister of Health, therefore, in Committee proposed that we should try to get an agreement. Since then the metropolitan borough councils and the London County Council have come to an agreement. The London County Council has agreed with the metropolitan borough councils, so that we have omitted the powers over the houses above those of the working classes. We recognise that this is sufficient, because it has been found sufficient in working by the medical officers of health. Therefore I have to ask for the powers which the metropolitan borough councils have agreed with the London County Council for this limited purpose, making the London County Council the sole bye-law making authority for London and giving the metropolitan boroughs still the powers and duties of enforcing the bye-law. Accordingly I propose this new Clause.
There are two provisos to which I must refer. Paragraph ( a ) asks for an addition to the bye-laws in the Act of 1919 for taking precautions in the case of infectious disease. Why this was omitted I do not know—I think by some inadvertence possibly. In paragraph ( b ) the words are merely drafting alterations, and do not change the sense whatever.
Sub-section (2) is the part in which we meet the variability over London, and in which we take powers to amend and vary the bye-laws either in accordance with the wishes of different metropolitan boroughs for their respective areas, or in respect of limitations as to rental or in the case of the owner-occupier living in the house. Those are necessary variations, but we want the London County Council to vary these conditions as little as possible, because it is for the general benefit to get a set of bye-laws for London as uniform as possible. I would like to point out also that this Sub-section provides that the question of the bye-laws shall be subject to the approval of the Minister of Health, who will give due regard to any representations made to him by the borough councils.
I beg to second the Motion.
This Clause has been instigated by the central authorities in London, and it is one of the rare instances in which the central bodies are unanimous. Controversies run as bitter in the County Hall as in the House of Commons, but here is a case where we have unanimity. The local authorities took some exception to this Clause as introduced, but I am able to say that meantime their objections have been met, and now there is pretty well general agreement. The trouble arose largely because of the conditions contained in a large number of Acts dealing with public health questions and housing problems. The Housing Act of 1918 gave special bye-law making powers of certain authorities to build houses for the working classes. The phrase, "housing of the working classes" appears in almost all our housing legislation, but it has never been clearly defined, and in fact it is very difficult to define. There is no particular income limit, and you cannot say whether a house comes in the category of this particular phrase. The central authority now will have power to make bye-laws for housing—[HON. MEMBERS "Agreed!"] If hon Members are agreed, I do not need to press the matter any further.
I am glad the county council have modified their demands. The borough councils who approached me said that they were very disappointed that the county council are taking these powers out of their hands, and they know very well that under the Act of 1919 they have that power. The bye-laws that were prepared by the London County Council some time ago were so drastic and so far-reaching that it was felt by the borough council that some protest was necessary. With regard to the Clause now before the House, I should like the Mover to consent to add at the end of the Clause the words, "and approved by the Minister of Health." I think those words ought to be put in, because there is no court of appeal except the Minister of Health, and there would be some protection afforded if my suggestion were adopted. I do not know whether the Mover of this Clause is prepared to accept those words.
They are not necessary.
If that is so, I will not press for the inclusion of those words, but I feel that there should be some protection in cases where the London County Council make bye-laws which are too drastic, and which might apply where they were not wanted.
The power given of making bye-laws under the Public Health Act requires the approval of the Minister of Health. I ask the House to accept this Clause.
Question, "That the Clause be read a Second time," put, and agreed to.
Clause read a Second time, and added to the Bill.
NEW CLAUSE.—(Dwelling-house occupied by miner.)
Notwithstanding any agreement to the contrary, where under any contract of employment of a person employed in or in connection with any mine (in this Section referred to as a miner), current at or made after the commencement of this Act, the provision of a dwelling-house or part of a dwelling-house for the occupation of the miner forms part of the remuneration of the miner, and the provisions of Sections fourteen and fifteen of the Housing, Town Planning, &c., Act. 1909, are inapplicable by reason only of the house or part of the house not being let to the miner, there shall be implied as part of the contract of employment and as from the commencement of the occupation or of this Act, whichever date is the later, the like conditions as would be implied under those provisions if the house or part of the house were so let, and those provisions shall apply accordingly as if incorporated in this Section, with the substitution of "employer" for "landlord," and such other modifications as may be necessary.
Provided that this Section shall not affect the obligation of any person other than the employer to repair a house to which this Section applies or any remedy for enforcing any such obligation.—[ Mr. T. Williams. ]
Brought up, and read the First time.
I beg to move, "That the Clause be read a Second time."
The object of this proposal is to place houses occupied by miners and which are owned by a colliery company in the same category as other classes of houses, more particularly in cases where a man occupies a house as part of his wages. Owing to these omissions in many mining districts, the inevitable result is that we find that the housing conditions are simply intolerable. The power of the local authority is to a large extent curtailed in dealing with these houses, and to that extent the same supervision is not forthcoming. We find also that in consequence of these omissions tenants who are miners complain of the most unscrupulous kind of treatment under which intolerable conditions are imposed, not only on the man at his work, but also at home. I do not suggest that all colliery companies are alike in this respect. Some of them act reasonably towards their tenants because they realise that the healthier the home and the happier the man in his home life the better work they get out of him. While this is not general, it does apply in many cases, and the object of this Clause is to give the local authority the same power in the case of a house when it is owned by a colliery company and tenanted by a miner whose tenancy is due to part of his wages that he otherwise would receive himself.
At this moment, when such large sums of public funds are being handed out to various large companies, the least we might expect is that full supervision by local authorities should be invested in these local bodies. It is certainly to the advantage, not only of workmen as workmen, but also as tenants, that the same powers should be conferred upon the local authorities in these cases as would be conferred in any other instances. We have already had instances of what some colliery companies have done for their tenants in regard to matters over which the tenant has no control. On the 7th March last I put a question to the Minister with regard to some 40 miners, and the Minister in reply stated that he had no power in those cases, and as a consequence could do nothing.
Later on the 14th of the same month I asked the present Minister of Health a question with regard to certain provisions that ought to be inserted when public funds are granted to public utility societies, and I suggested that those funds should be only granted on the condition that safeguards were inserted that the tenants should not be affected because of any industrial disturbance. On that occasion the Minister told me that he would consider this question in the new Housing Bill. While this particular Clause does not go the whole of the way, I suggest that, as far as it does go, the Minister ought to be ready and willing to accept it, and to insert it at a later period as a condition where public funds are granted for the purpose of erecting houses. I think all the safeguards and guarantees in this respect that can be inserted should be put in to safeguard the interests of the working classes. I think those are sufficient reasons for the insertion of this Clause in the Bill, and rather than the inference shall be drawn that we are merely agents of a vested interest, I hope the Minister will tell us forthwith that he is willing to accept this Clause, and give the guarantee necessary for these tenants before the Housing Bill passes its Third Reading.
I beg to Second the Motion.
I hope the Minister of Health will see his way to include this proposal in the Bill. I happen to know something about the housing conditions in the mining villages. I know many miners who have houses in those villages, and I think it is high time some protection was given to these people. We are acquainted with the tyranny exercised over these people, and the conditions under which they have to live, and we desire that the people who are compelled to live in these houses shall have the same amount of liberty as other tenants. In consequence of the scarcity of houses in the vicinity these people are compelled willy-nilly to live in those houses, and they have very little liberty left. We are asking that this condition of things shall be altered.
What has been said on this point by the Mover of this new Clause applies to my district as well. These tenants are subject to a tyranny over which they have no control whatever. We have had scores of cases of people living in our colliery houses in my district who after they have left the company have been turned out into the street almost immediately. In some cases the widows of men who have been killed at their occupations have been turned out of these houses into the streets, and while the local authority have had as many as 800 applicants for houses erected by them, many of whom have been living in lodgings for three years expecting at any moment to get into the new houses, yet because of the fact that the colliery company have turned these people out the local authority has had to put them into the houses in preference to those who have been waiting so long. The colliery company have taken advantage of the fact that they can do this, and that the local authorities have built houses, and they have compelled the local authority to take in their evicted tenants, while they themselves have accepted as tenants people who have only just come into the district. That is a hardship which calls for remedy at the earliest possible moment, and I hope that the Minister will agree to embody this Clause in his Bill.
The two hon. Gentlemen who have spoken have put forward a case which those of us who know anything about housing conditions in mining areas very fully appreciate already. The reason why the Government cannot accept this Clause is because it does none of the things which the Mover and Seconder believe it accomplishes. The hon. Member for the Don Valley (Mr. T. Williams) said that, owing to the fact that these houses were not let, but are occupied by employees as part of their remuneration, the powers of the local authority were thereby limited, and he suggested that the Clause would remedy that. It really does not do anything of the sort. The Clause refers to Sections 14 and 15 of the Housing and Town Planning, etc., Act of 1909, and the only provision in those two Sections of that Act which relate to the powers of the local authority at all are Sub-sections 3 to 6 of Section 15. If the hon. Member will look at the Bill now before him he will find that in Section 10 of it we are repealing those Sub-sections, on the grounds that they are superseded by Section 28 of the Act of 1919. Section 28 of the Act of 1919 has now become the charter of the tenant, and it applies exactly as much to the people to whom this Clause is meant to apply as it does to ordinary tenants. It is the Section which enables the local authority to intervene, and the only single thing that this Clause would do—and I ask both hon. Members whether it will be of any use—would be to give to the miner and occupier of the house the right to sue his landlord, the mining company, on an implied contract that the house was let as one fit for human habitation and should be kept in such a condition. Is it any good giving the miner—who may be turned out of the house under the Rent Restriction Act by the mining company at any moment—a right to sue the mining company? It is clearly absolutely useless. The hon. Member is under a misapprehension. What he wants to protect is the power of the local authority to intervene. That is given by Section 28 of the Act of 1919. Both the hon. Members raised other points about Public Utility Societies and the security of tenants, but those are points which we cannot discuss on this Bill. They could be discussed on the Rent Restriction Bill, but that would not be in order now.
May I ask the Noble Lord if it is not permissible to refer to any matter with regard to tenancy of houses in respect of which public funds are going to be handed over to assist in their erection? Perhaps I did not make it quite clear in my remarks that what I desired was, that this power should be conveyed, when the Ministry takes steps to amend the Rent Restrictions Act.
I think that point arises on Section 3. This Amendment does not deal with houses in respect of which any public funds have been advanced.
I cannot understand the argument of the Noble Lord when he says there is no use in giving power to a miner to sue the colliery owner on the ground that there is an implied contract with the letting of the house that it shall be kept in a sanitary condition. I fail to follow the Noble Lord's reason. He said that there is no use in giving the power because the miner could not exercise it, as, under the Rent Restriction Act, the owner may eject him from the house, and bad as an insanitary house is, it is better than no house at all. Surely, that is not a very noble attitude for the Government to adopt. If implied in a contract there is an obligation on the owner of a house to keep it in a sanitary condition, it is only proper that the occupier of the house should have a legal right to enforce that obligation. The Noble Lords says he is familiar with the conditions that prevail in mining districts in this country. I always feel great difficulty in speaking with any kind of restraint when I am dealing with the housing conditions of miners, and that is because, as I stated in a former discussion, I have had personal experience of those conditions. I want to tell the Government that to-day in the County of Lanark, where the hon. and gallant Mem-
ber who represents the Scottish Office (Captain Elliot) is well known, we have, possibly in the division which he represents, as many as 14 human beings living in a single room. Why then should we refrain from putting anything into this Bill that would strengthen the hands of the unfortunate people who have to occupy these houses in insisting on better sanitary conditions? I submit to the Government that, however limited may be the additional powers that will be conferred on the occupier and the local authority by the Clause, the case for an improvement is so tremendous that they ought to accept every contribution that will strengthen the hands of the people and of the local authority. The blackest spot in the housing of this country, and probably the greatest stain on the character of this country, are the conditions under which miners have to live, and for the Government to ride off from remedying the evil on the plea that it would be dangerous for the occupier of the house to have this power is surely an unworthy thing to do.
Question put, "That the Clause be read a Second time."
The House divided: Ayes, 169; Noes, 236.
Division No. 239.] AYES. [6.40 p.m. Adams, D. Emlyn-Jones, J. E. (Dorset, N.) John, William (Rhondda, West) Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Entwistle, Major C. F. Johnston, Thomas (Stirling) Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock) Fairbairn, R. R. Johnstone, Harcourt (Willesden, East) Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro') Falconer, J. Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Ammon, Charles George Gilbert, James Daniel Jones, R. T. (Carnarvon) Asquith, Rt. Hon. Herbert Henry Gosling, Harry Jowett, F. W. (Bradford, East) Attlee, C. R. Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton) Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central) Kenyon, Barnet Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Gray, Frank (Oxford) Kirkwood, D. Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Greenall, T. Lambert, Rt. Hon. George Briant, Frank Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne) Lawson, John James Bromfield, William Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan) Leach, W. Brotherton, J. Groves, T. Lee, F. Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Grundy, T. W. Lees-Smith, H. B. (Keighley) Buchanan, G. Hall, F. (York, W.R., Normanton) Lowth, T. Buckle, J. Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil) Lunn, William Burgess, S. Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland) MacDonald, J. R. (Aberavon) Buxton, Charles (Accrington) Harbord, Arthur M'Entee, V. L. Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, North) Hardie, George D. McLaren, Andrew Cape, Thomas Harney, E. A. Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan) Chapple, W. A. Harris, Percy A. Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Clarke, Sir E. C. Hartshorn, Vernon March, S. Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R. Hastings, Patrick Marshall, Sir Arthur H. Collie, Sir John Hay, Captain J. P. (Cathcart) Maxton, James Cowan. D. M. (Scottish Universities) Hayday. Arthur Middleton, G. Darbishire, C. W. Hayes, John Henry (Edge Hill) Millar, J. D. Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale) Henderson, Sir T. (Roxburgh) Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred Moritz Davies, J. C. (Denbigh, Denbigh) Henderson, T. (Glasgow) Morel, E. D. Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton) Herriotts, J. Morris, Harold Davison, J. E. (Smethwick) Hill, A. Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.) Dudgeon, Major C. R. Hirst, G. H. Mosley, Oswald Duffy, T. Gavan Hodge, Rt. Hon. John Muir, John W. Duncan, C. Hogge, James Myles Murnin, H. Ede, James Chuter Hutchison, Sir R. (Kirkcaldy) Murray, John (Leeds, West) Edmonds, G. Irving, Dan Murray, R. (Renfrew, Western) Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath) O'Grady, Captain James Oliver, George Harold Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline) Paling, W. Simon, Rt. Hon. Sir John Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda) Parker, H. (Hanley) Simpson, J. Hope Webb, Sidney Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Sinclair, Sir A. Wedgwood, Colonel Josiah C. Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Smith, T. (Pontefract) Weir, L. M. Phillipps, Vivian Snell, Harry Welsh, J. C. Ponsonby, Arthur Snowden, Philip Westwood, J. Potts, John S. Spencer, George A. (Broxtowe) Wheatley, J. Pringle, W. M. R. Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K. White, H. G. (Birkenhead, E.) Richards, R. Stephen, Campbell Whiteley, W. Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Stewart, J. (St. Rollox) Williams, Dr. J. H. (Llanelly) Riley, Ben Strauss, Edward Anthony Williams, T. (York, Don Valley) Ritson, J. Sturrock, J. Leng Wintringham, Margaret Roberts, C. H. (Derby) Sullivan, J. Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Roberts, Frederick O. (W. Bromwich) Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Wright, W. Robinson, W. C. (York, Elland) Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow) Young, Rt. Hon. E. H. (Norwich) Saklatvala, S. Tillett, Benjamin Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Salter, Dr. A. Tout, W. J. Scrymgeour, E. Trevelyan, C. P. TELLERS FOR THE AYES. —Mr. T. Griffiths and Mr. Morgan jones.—Mr. T. Griffiths and Mr. Morgan jones. Sexton, James Turner, Ben Shaw, Thomas (Preston) Twist, H. Shinwell, Emanuel Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince)
NOES. Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Curzon, Captain Viscount Hutchison, W. (Kelvingrove) Ainsworth, Captain Charles Dalziel, Sir D. (Lambeth, Brixton) Jarrett, G. W. S. Alexander, E. E. (Leyton, East) Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Jenkins, W. A. (Brecon and Radnor) Allen, Lieut.-Col. Sir William James Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) Jephcott, A. R. Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S. Doyle, N. Grattan Jodrell, Sir Neville Paul Ashley, Lt.-Col. Wilfrid W. Du Pre, Colonel William Baring Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington) Astbury, Lieut.-Com. Frederick W. Edmondson, Major A. J. Kelley, Major Fred (Rotherham) Astor, J. J. (Kent, Dover) Ednam, Viscount Kennedy, Captain M. S. Nigel Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) King, Captain Henry Douglas Balfour, George (Hampstead) Ellis, R. G. Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G. Erskine-Bolst, Captain C. Lamb, J. Q. Banks, Mitchell Evans, Ernest (Cardigan) Lane-Fox, Lieut.-Colonel G. R. Barnett, Major Richard W. Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Leigh, Sir John (Clapham) Barnston, Major Harry Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Lloyd, Cyril E. (Dudley) Becker, Harry Fermor-Hesketh, Major T. Lloyd-Greame, Rt. Hon. Sir P. Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Flanagan, W. H. Lorden, John William Berry, Sir George Ford, Patrick Johnston Lorimer, H. D. Betterton, Henry B. Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Lougher, L. Blades, Sir George Rowland Fraser, Major Sir Keith Loyd, Arthur Thomas (Abingdon) Blundell, F. N. Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Lumley, L. R. Bowyer, Captain G. E. W. Furness, G. J. Lynn, R. J. Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Galbraith, J. F. W. Macnaghten, Hon. Sir Malcolm Brass, Captain W. Gates, Percy McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Brassey, Sir Leonard Gaunt, Rear-Admiral Sir Guy R. Maitland, Sir Arthur D. Steel- Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Briggs, Harold Goff, Sir R. Park Mason, Lieut.-Col. C. K. Brittain, Sir Harry Greaves-Lord, Walter Milne, J. S. Wardlaw Brown, Brig.-Gen. Clifton (Newbury) Greenwood, William (Stockport) Mitchell, W. F. (Saffron Walden) Brown, J. W. (Middlesbrough, E.) Grigg, Sir Edward Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham) Bruton, Sir James Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E. Moles, Thomas Buckingham, Sir H. Gwynne, Rupert S. Molloy, Major L. G. S. Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Molson, Major John Elsdale Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W. (Liv'p'l,W.D'by) Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Burney, Com. (Middx., Uxbridge) Halstead, Major D. Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Butcher, Sir John George Hamilton, Sir George C. (Altrincham) Morrison, Hugh (Wilts, Salisbury) Butler, H. M. (Leeds, North) Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Murchison, C. K. Button, H. S. Harmsworth, Hon. E. C. (Kent) Nall, Major Joseph Cadogan, Major Edward Harrison, F. C. Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R. Henn, Sir Sydney H. Newson, Sir Percy Wilson Cassels, J. D. Hennessy. Major J. R. G. Nicholson, Brig.-Gen. J. (Westminster) Cautley, Henry Strother Herbert, Col. Hon. A. (Yeovil) Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City) Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Norton-Griffiths, Lieut.-Col. Sir John Cecil, Rt. Hon. Sir Evelyn (Aston) Herbert, S. (Scarborough) O'Neill, Rt. Hon. Hugh Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord R. (Hitchin) Hewett, Sir J. P. Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm. W.) Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank Paget, T. G. Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood) Hoare, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir S. J. G. Parker, Owen (Kettering) Churchman, Sir Arthur Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D.(St. Marylebone) Pease, William Edwin Clarry, Reginald George Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy Penny, Frederick George Cobb, Sir Cyril Hood, Sir Joseph Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Hopkins, John W. W. Perkins, Colonel E. K. Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Perring, William George Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Pilditch, Sir Philip Conway, Sir W. Martin Houfton, John Plowright Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Cope, Major William Hudson, Capt. A. Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South) Hughes, Collingwood Privett, F. J. Courthope, Lieut.-Col. George L. Hume, G. H. Rae, Sir Henry N. Craig, Capt. C. C. (Antrim, South) Hunter-Weston, Lt.-Gen. Sir Aylmer Raeburn, Sir William H. Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Hurd, Percy A. Raine, W. Crooke, J. Smedley (Deritend) Hutchison, G. A. C. (Midlothian, N.) Rawlinson, Rt. Hon. John Fredk. Peel Rawson, Lieut.-Com. A. C. Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull) Reid, D. D. (County Down) Sheffield, Sir Berkeley Watts, Dr. T. (Man., Withington) Remnant, Sir James Shepperson, E. W. Wells, S. R. Rentoul, G. S. Simpson-Hinchcliffe, W. A. Weston Colonel John Wakefield Reynolds, W. G. W. Skelton, A. N. White, Lt.-Col. G. D. (Southport) Rhodes, Lieut.-Col. J. P. Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South) Whitla, Sir William Richardson, Sir Alex. (Gravesend) Smith. Sir Harold (Wavertree) Wilson, Col. M. J. (Richmond) Richardson, Lt.-Col. Sir P. (Chertsey) Somerville, A. A. (Windsor) Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Somerville. Daniel (Barrow-in-Furness) Winfrey, Sir Richard Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford) Spears, Brig.-Gen. E. L. Winterton, Earl Roberts, Rt. Hon. Sir S. (Ecclesall) Steel, Major S. Strang Wise, Frederick Robertson- Despencer, Major(Islgtn, W) Stockton, Sir Edwin Forsyth Wolmer, Viscount Rogerson, Capt. J. E. Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Wood, Rt. Hn. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Rothschild, Lionel de Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley) Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Roundell, Colonel R. F. Thompson, Luke (Sunderland) Woodcock, Colonel H. C. Ruggles-Brise, Major E. Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth) Thorpe, Captain John Henry Yerburgh, R. D. T. Samuel, A, M. (Surrey, Farnham) Titchfield, Marquess of Sanders, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert A. Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement TELLERS FOR THE NOES. —Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs.—Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs. Sanderson, Sir Frank B. Tubbs, S. W. Sandon, Lord Turton, Edmund Russborough
NEW CLAUSE.—(Provisions relating to inspection under Section 17 of the Act of 1909.)
(1) The duty of a local authority under Sub-section (1) of Section seventeen of the Housing, Town Planning, Etc., Act, 1909 (in this Section referred to as the principal Sub-section), shall include a duty to cause the inspection therein referred to to be made with a view to ascertaining whether any house in their district which is suitable for occupation by persons of the working classes within the meaning of Section twenty-eight of the Housing, Town Planning, Etc., Act, 1919, is not in all respects reasonably fit for human habitation, and for that purpose the local authority shall comply with such Regulations and keep such records as may be prescribed by the Minister of Health.
(2) The inspection required by the principal Sub-section shall be at least once in every year, together with such re-inspection as may be requisite or desirable:
Provided that, without prejudice and in addition to any power to make Regulations under the principal Sub-section which might have been exercised if this proviso had not been enacted, the Minister of Health may, by Regulations under the principal Sub-section, prescribe the period within which the inspection required as aforesaid is to be carried into effect, and any Regulation so prescribing such period may be either general or special, and different periods may be prescribed for different local authorities and for different parts of the same local authority, and any period so prescribed may be either longer or shorter than twelve months so, however, that in no case shall such period exceed three years.
(3) The provisions of this Section shall be deemed to be incorporated in Section seventeen of the first cited Act.—[ Mr. Rhys Davies. ]
Brought up, and read the First time.
I beg to move, "That the Clause be read a Second time."
The purpose of this Clause is to reiterate, in part at any rate, Section 17 of the Housing and Town Planning Act, 1909, and it relates to the inspection of house property by the local authority. Those Members of the House who are members of local authorities will know that, during the last year or so, there has been a great relaxation in the work of local authorities through their sanitary inspectors in inspecting property that is unfit for human habitation. The case is so bad in some quarters of this country, where the authorities are backward and reactionary, that the local authority, in fact, does not know how many houses are fit and how many are unfit for human habitation. I myself have placed questions on the Order Paper of this House more than once, asking the Minister of Health whether he could inform us how many of the houses that are in existence are really fit for human habitation. I know that there is a standard that is measured by the local authority, which, in some cases, indeed, is a very low standard, but, irrespectively of the standard laid down by the local authority, it would be very interesting if we had a census of those houses. It is urged very often that we should not intrude into the homes of the people in order to find out exactly the housing accommodation that they possess; but I would remind the House that, under the Statutes of this country at the moment, we inspect bakehouses, factories, workshops, roads, sewers—we inspect almost everything but the homes of the people.
The intention of this Clause is to take a census of such property. A census is taken of almost everything but house property, and some of us are very anxious to secure some information to guide us for the future, in order that we might know at a glance, from the statistics provided by the Ministry of Health itself, where we stand with regard to housing accommodation. I want to impress upon the House that it is not sufficient for us to find out how many houses are required. We are informed that there are no actual figures in the possession of the Ministry of Health to show how many new houses are required. Some people say we require three-quarters of a million, and some say that that is a very conservative estimate of our requirements. I say it is not sufficient merely to secure information as to the number of houses required. If we are proceeding to lay down a huge scheme of housing for the people, we ought, in my submission, to secure information as to how many of the houses that are in existence are fit or unfit for human habitation, and that is the object of this Clause.
I understand, from people who are better able to give information on this subject, that this used to be done much more efficiently than it is done at the present moment. There has been, since the War, a relaxation in the work of the Ministry of Health, and all that we propose in this Clause is to bring the Ministry, if that be possible, and I think it is possible, right up to date with all the information that can be secured in regard to the housing conditions of our people. I have never been able to understand why the Ministry of Health does not secure, from the data available throughout the country, very useful information that would help us in regard to these problems. I am sure that if the State Health Insurance scheme were used as it was intended to be used, they could get information from that source that would help them in their work, so that a local authority which is backward in its duties might be compelled to do the work which it was intended that it should do under the Act of 1909.
I beg to second the Motion.
I think it is necessary that the Minister of Health should be quite conversant with all that is happening in any district. I do not think that the Minister is quite aware of the vast amount of over-crowding that there is in various districts. I am sure that, if information has been given to the Ministry with regard to that over-crowding, and with regard to the number of insanitary areas which have been reported from time to time, someone in the office has not taken very much notice of it. When the Ministry does know of these insanitary areas, and of this overcrowding, it ought to use its best endeavours to abolish them. It is no wonder that in many instances we have a great deal of illness and disease, and, if the Minister would look through the National Health Insurance returns as to sickness and illness, he would be able to judge that a great deal of the illness is due to the insanitary areas with which we have to contend.
Again, in the district which I have the honour to represent, we have a very great number of houses which have been allowed to get into such a state of dilapidation through the War that, when we come down upon the owners now, we get the cry which has been mentioned by the hon. Member for North St. Pancras (Mr. Lorden), that they are not in a position to do the necessary repairs to put the houses into proper order. If the local authority, with the powers which the Minister of Health gives, take it upon themselves to do the necessary repairs and put the houses into habitable order, they have to wait a considerable time before they are repaid the expenditure they have incurred. We have a case in our district at the moment where we have taken the initiative and put the house in habitable order. We had to go to Court to get the money, and we are going to have it at the rate of 2s. a week. The Court can decide what the authority can get, and in a case of that description no local authority can afford—I am sure Poplar cannot—to spend £70 or £80 to put a house in order and then wait for the period laid down by the Court. I certainly think the Minister should adopt this Clause, and use his powers as much as he possibly can to see that the people are living under decent conditions. That is not so in the case of a large number of houses in our district. We do not want to go to Somerset, which has been referred to, to find people living in stables. There are two families in my district who are living in a loft over stables, without any sanitary convenience, and there is also a case in which a man, his wife and six children are living in one room. They have not a bed in that room, because they cannot get a bed into it; it is not large enough. Those are the kind of conditions under which a large number of the people in our district are living. I hope the Ministry will help us, and will do all they possibly can to prevent this kind of thing going on very much longer.
7.0 P.M.
This is a most unreasonable proposal, which would be very much objected to by the working classes of this country. What, in fact, does the Clause propose? It casts upon the local authority of a particular district the duty of entering any house, once a year, without the permission or invitation of the occupant, in order to inspect his property. I say that the vast majority of the people of this country have no wish for inspectors to enter their houses without their consent. There is not a word of suggestion in this Clause that any consent is to be obtained by the person who is to enter the house. It is very interesting to observe that not only is the local authority to enter a particular house once a year, but it can cause as many, re-inspections "as may be requisite or desirable." Who is going to decide when re-inspections are to be requisite or desirable? [HON. MEMBERS: "The local authority!"] I take it that it will be the local authority. Therefore, I suppose, under this Clause, if the local authority so determines, it can have as many inspections during the year as it likes—[HON. MEMBERS: "Why not?"]—and, I suppose, the average working man, on any night when he gets home, can expect to see one of the officials of the local authority inspecting his house without his consent.
My hon. Friend who moved this Clause is completely out of touch with the wishes and desires of the working classes. They have no desire for these periodical inspections, and they would be the very first to resent them. What, in fact, is happening? The hon. Member says that nothing has been done in this matter. I have been very interested during the last two or three years to notice what is being done in regard to repairs of working-class houses in this country. I think it is correct to say that last year over 1,000,000 houses were inspected, not at the request of local authorities, but at the request of the tenants themselves. As a result of those inspections, some 250,000 notices were served; and as a result of the service of those notices, 200,000 houses were put in repair by the owners themselves, without further proceedings. That ought to be sufficient for anyone, and shows that this work of repairing houses is proceeding vigorously and efficiently.
It may very well be that a very large number of houses are not in that state of repair which the hon. Gentleman opposite and myself would desire to see, but there are very many causes operating in that direction. I think he will agree that one of the causes is the Rent Restriction Act itself. The House generally will agree that the problem of repairs of houses is not going to be served by the constant inspection of those houses, but rather by getting full and free housing accommodation, and by the removal of restrictions in connection with house-building. I, personally, feel that not only shall I be interpreting the wishes of, at any rate, the average working man and working woman in my constituency by voting against this Clause, but I shall be voting against vexatious interference in the home life of the working classes of this country.
The hon. Member for West Woolwich (Sir K. Wood) indicated that in the course of the period he mentioned, 1,000,000 houses were inspected at the request of the tenants, which is evidently an indication that tenants do welcome inspection up to the standard of their requirements. It has been my privilege, as chairman of the housing committee of the West Riding of Yorkshire, to make many inspections after the inspectors had made inspections of the houses concerned in various parts of the county. I have never yet been to a place where the tenants have at all objected to the inspections taking place. Where the houses have been in a defective condition, and I have seen an alarming state of things in some places, they have actually been pleased that some one is caring for them and giving attention to this matter of inspection. I went to some houses on the hillside at Hebden Bridge. We went to about 40 or 50 different houses, and the tenants were pleased with our visit. They were living in houses built against the hillside, which were so damp that every time the housewife—and the Yorkshire housewife is a very clean housewife—put some new paper on the walls, or some fresh paint or whitewash upon the kitchen walls, it lasted but a very short time indeed, because the builders had not left a space behind the houses on the hillside and thus given them a chance of being more damp-proof than they were. Everyone of those tenants welcomed our inspection.
I can say, also, in connection with our visits to certain mining places in the West Riding, where the conveniences and amenities were somewhat antedeluvian, that there never was the slightest objection by the tenants to the inspection by the inspectors before we went there, nor, to our inspection, either. I went into one house, and they asked me to go upstairs. A family of six people lived there, and there was only one bedroom. The decency that was required and desired, in view of the difference between the sexes, had to be satisfied in such a lamentable way that the only division of the bedroom was by means of a big rug or blanket, which divided it into two sections. The people did not object to our inspection; but they pleaded that it was very hard indeed that they were not able to find a larger house. It seems to me that the housing accommodation is very bad indeed in various districts. Our own authorities say that 45,000 houses are wanted at once in the West Riding area. I have in my hand a report, presented to our housing committee, on Monday of this week, which indicates some of the inspections which have taken place. Here is one, for the district of Southowram, a place not unknown to some hon. Members in this House, including, probably yourself, Mr. Speaker. The Report says that when this district was reported on in 1916 the housing conditions were below standard. Eighty-eight percent. of the houses had four or less rooms. The statement goes on to say that 61 houses were morally below the standard fixed for housing accommodation; 44 were below the Registrar-General's standard; 41 were unfit for habitation; and 42 were not in all respects reasonably fit.
I contend that these inspections are serving a very useful purpose. Since increased interest has been taken in housing—due largely, I think, to the efforts of hon. Members on these benches, and of our people outside—there has been much greater activity in regard to housing inspection than was the case three or four years ago. I was pleased to find on Monday, when that report was presented, that although for six or seven years we have been trying to get the various local authorities to move ahead more rapidly, in the past three years in particular there has been some improvements, due to inspection and re-inspection. There has been a very great and proper desire to see that there shall be no tuberculosis in cattle, and that there should be inspection of cattle-sheds. If it be quite right to have inspections of cattle-sheds, in order to secure, if possible, clean milk and cattle free from tuberculosis, surely human beings are entitled to the same protection and support in regard to houses. I trust, therefore, that this Clause will be accepted by the House.
It is quite evident that some of the hon. Members who have spoken have not quite apprehended the existing condition of legislation. The hon. Member who moved the Clause described it as a Clause to bring the Ministry of Health up-to-date. It is fairly obvious from what he said and from what has fallen from the hon. Gentleman who has just spoken, that it is not the Ministry of Health but the local authorities who, if anybody, require to be brought up-to-date. There are already in existence practically the same powers as the hon. Member seeks to give by this Clause. He was literally correct when he said that this Clause reiterated Section 17 of the Act of 1909. If I read a few of the opening words of that Section, and if hon. Members will compare them with the opening words of the new Clause before us, they will see that I am justified in saying that they are practically identical. Section 17 of the Act says:
"It shall be the duty of every local authority within the meaning of Part II of the principal Act to cause to be made from time to time inspection of their district, with a view to ascertain whether any dwelling-house therein is in a state so dangerous or injurious to health as to be unfit for human habitation"—
The Section goes on to say:
"and for that purpose it shall be the duty of the local authority, and of every officer of the local authority, to comply with such Regulations and to keep such records as may be prescribed by the Board."
Those are exactly the things which are laid down in the Clause before us. I cannot, for the life of me, understand why the hon. Member wants to introduce a new Clause stating in almost, though not quite exactly, the same words the very things we have got in an Act which has been on the Statute Book since 1909.
The Clause I am submitting to the House will tighten up the law as it stands. That is its intention.
I ask the House to consider whether the words I have read are not, for all practical purposes, identically the same. It is quite true the hon. Member's new Clause goes on to say that the inspection required is to be at least once in every year. If one looks a little further on, however, one finds that the Minister of Health may make Regulations, and that any Regulation may prescribe such period as apparently the Minister of Health chooses, differing from the one year, which is first of all laid down, differing altogether from locality to locality.
It may be more than once in a year.
It may be more than once in a year, or it may be five or ten years.
It states definitely that in no case shall the period exceed three years.
The hon. Member is quite right. I had forgotten that fact. It is not to exceed three years. It is any period up to three years, and it may be different in different localities. That is a very much less practical proposition than we have before us under existing legislation. The regulations which have been issued by the Ministry of Health—by the Local Government Board as it was when the Act was passed—are very drastic and lay down a number of things which are to be inquired into in the course of this inspection. Let me read some of the things that are laid down. It goes much further than even the hon. Member does. The arrangements for preventing contamination of the water supply, closet accommodation, drainage, condition of the dwelling-house in regard to light and free circulation of air, dampness, cleanliness, drainage, sanitary conditions, arrangements for the deposit of refuse and ashes, and a whole lot of other things. There are a very large number of matters that the local authority can inquire into.
There is no truth in the hon. Member's statement that local authorities have not been so active in prosecuting their inspection during the last few years as they were at one time, but that is not due to the activities of the Labour party as the hon. Member for Batley (Mr. Turner) flatters himself. It is due to the general conditions which have followed the close of the Great War. All the Departments have been thrown into confusion and it has taken an appreciable time for them to get working again. The hon. Member for Batley says things are already improving. That is precisely what one would expect, and I have no doubt now that things have become much more normal that local authorities will pursue their activities in very much the same way as they did before the War. But it must be borne in mind that owing to the exceptional shortage of housing accommodation it is not possible for local authorities to put into operation closing and demolition orders, which would have the effect of turning tenants out. That must be for some little time to come a limiting factor in this form of activity of local authorities, but as houses are increased and accommodation becomes more available, I have every confidence that the local authorities will carry out the duties which are prescribed for them under the Act of 1909.
I do not think there is a great deal of strength in the argument of the Minister that because we cannot provide new houses we should not take the necessary steps to ascertain the condition of existing houses. It is clear from the speeches which have been made that the Ministry of Health has not been performing its duty. We have had, for instance, the remarkable speech of the hon. Member for Woolwich (Sir K. Wood), who was connected with the Ministry of Health in a previous Parliament and who told us he was shocked at the idea that there should be any inspection at all. There was the old argument about the Englishman's house being his castle and the determination of the Englishman to resist this invasion by a horde of sanitary inspectors. That is after his experience of the Ministry of Health. What stronger argument could we have for putting some fresh legislation on the Statute Book which would lay down from this House to the Ministry of Health the duties it should perform and lay a clear and definite obligation on the local authorities, because it is evident, on the evidence of the man who knows best in this House
what the local authorities have been doing, that they have been neglecting their duty.
Question put, "That the Clause be read a Second time."
The House divided: Ayes, 158; Noes, 243.
Division No. 240.] AYES. [7.20 p.m. Adams, D. Hayday, Arthur Ritson, J. Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Hayes, John Henry (Edge Hill) Roberts, C. H. (Derby) Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock) Henderson, T. (Glasgow) Roberts, Frederick O. (W. Bromwich) Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro') Herriotts, J. Robinson, W. C. (York, Elland) Attlee, C. R. Hill, A. Saklatvala, S. Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Hillary, A. E. Salter, Dr. A. Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Hirst, G. H. Scrymgeour, E. Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Hodge, Rt. Hon. John Sexton, James Briant, Frank Hogge, James Myles Shaw, Thomas (Preston) Bromfield, William Irving, Dan Shinwell, Emanuel Brotherton, J. Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath) Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) John, William (Rhondda, West) Simon, Rt. Hon. Sir John Buchanan, G. Johnston, Thomas (Stirling) Simpson, J. Hope Buckle, J. Johnstone, Harcourt (Willesden, East) Sinclair, Sir A. Burgess, S. Jones, R. T. (Carnarvon) Smith, T. (Pontefract) Buxton, Charles (Accrington) Jowett, F. W. (Bradford, East) Snell, Harry Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, North) Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Snowden, Philip Cape, Thomas Kenyon, Barnet Spencer, George A. (Broxtowe) Chapple, W. A. Kirkwood, D. Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K. Clarke, Sir E. C. Lawson, John James Stephen, Campbell Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R. Leach, W. Stewart, J. (St. Rollox) Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities) Lee, F. Sturrock, J. Leng Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale) Lees-Smith, H. B. (Keighley) Sullivan, J. Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton) Lowth, T. Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby) Davison, J. E. (Smethwick) Lunn, William Thomas, Sir Robert John (Anglesey) Dudgeon, Major C. R. MacDonald, J. R. (Aberavon) Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Duffy, T. Gavan M'Entee, V. L. Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow) Duncan, C. McLaren, Andrew Tillett, Benjamin Ede, James Chuter Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan) Tout, W. J. Edmonds, G. Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Trevelyan, C. P. Edwards, C (Monmouth, Bedwellty) March, S. Turner, Ben Emlyn-Jones, J. E. (Dorset, N.) Marshall, Sir Arthur H. Twist, H. Entwistle, Major C. F. Maxton, James Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince) Fairbairn, R. R. Middleton, G. Watson, W. M. (Dunfermilne) Falconer, J. Millar, J. D. Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda) Gilbert, James Daniel Morel, E. D. Webb, Sidney Gosling, Harry Morris, Harold Wedgwood, Colonel Josiah C. Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton) Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.) Weir, L. M. Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central) Mosley, Oswald Welsh, J. C. Gray, Frank (Oxford) Muir, John W. Westwood, J. Greenall, T. Murnin, H. Wheatley, J. Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne) Murray, R. (Renfrew, Western) White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan) O'Grady, Captain James White, H. G. (Birkenhead, E.) Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Oliver, George Harold Whiteley, W. Groves, T. Paling, W. Williams, Dr. J. H. (Llanelly) Grundy, T. W. Parker, H. (Hanley) Williams, T. (York, Don Valley) Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton) Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Wintringham, Margaret Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil) Phillipps, Vivian Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland) Ponsonby, Arthur Wright, W. Harbord, Arthur Potts, John S. Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Hardie, George D. Pringle, W. M. R. Harney, E. A. Richards, R. TELLERS FOR THE AYES. —Mr. Ammon and Mr. Morgan jones.—Mr. Ammon and Mr. Morgan jones. Hastings, Patrick Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Hay, Captain J. P. (Cathcart) Riley, Ben
NOES. Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Brown, Major D. C. (Hexham) Alexander, E. E. (Leyton, East) Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Brown, Brig.-Gen. Clifton (Newbury) Alexander, Col. M. (Southwark) Berry, Sir George Brown, J. W. (Middlesbrough, E.) Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S. Betterton, Henry B. Bruton, Sir James Ashley, Lt.-Col. Wilfrid W. Blades, Sir George Rowland Buckingham, Sir H. Astbury, Lieut.-Com. Frederick W. Blundell, F. N. Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Bowyer, Captain G. E. W. Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Balfour, George (Hampstead) Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Burn, Colonel Sir Charles Rosdew Banks, Mitchell Brass, Captain W. Burney, Com. (Middx., Uxbridge) Barlow, Rt. Hon. Sir Montague Brassey, Sir Leonard Butcher, Sir John George Barnett, Major Richard W. Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive Butler, H. M. (Leeds, North) Barnston, Major Harry Briggs, Harold Button, H. S. Becker, Harry Brittain, Sir Harry Cadogan, Major Edward Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R. Hoare, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir S. J. G. Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Cassels, J. D. Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (St. Marylebone) Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Cautley, Henry Strother Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy Price, E. G. Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City) Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Privett, F. J. Cecil, Rt. Hon. Sir Evelyn (Aston) Hood, Sir Joseph Rae, Sir Henry N. Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord R. (Hitchin) Hopkins, John W. W. Raeburn, Sir William H. Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm. W.) Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Raine, W. Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood) Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Rawlinson, Rt. Hon. John Fredk. Peel Churchman, Sir Arthur Houfton, John Plowright Rawson, Lieut.-Com. A. C. Clarry, Reginald George Hudson, Capt. A. Reid, D. D. (County Down) Cobb, Sir Cyril Hughes, Collingwood Remnant, Sir James Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Hume, G. H. Rentoul, G. S. Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Hurd, Percy A. Reynolds, W. G. W. Collie, Sir John Hurst, Lt.-Col. Gerald Berkeley Rhodes, Lieut.-Col. J. P. Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Hutchison, G. A. C. (Midlothian, N.) Richardson, Sir Alex. (Gravesend) Conway, Sir W. Martin Hutchison, W. (Kelvingrove) Richardson, Lt.-Col. Sir P. (Chertsey) Cope, Major William Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S. Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford) Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South) Jarrett, G. W. S. Robertson-Despencer, Major (Islgtn, W.) Courthope, Lieut.-Col. George L. Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath) Rogerson, Capt. J. E. Craig, Captain C. C. (Antrim, South) Jephcott, A. R. Rothschild, Lionel de Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington) Roundell, Colonel R. F. Crook, C. W. (East Ham, North) Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Ruggles-Brise, Major E. Crooke, J. Smedley (Deritend) Joynson-Hicks, Sir William Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth) Curzon, Captain Viscount Kennedy, Captain M. S. Nigel Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Dalziel, Sir D. (Lambeth, Brixton) King, Capt. Henry Douglas Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney) Davies, J. C. (Denbigh, Denbigh) Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement Sanders, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert A. Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Lamb, J. Q. Sandon, Lord Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) Lane-Fox, Lieut.-Colonel G. R. Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Doyle, N. Grattan Leigh, Sir John (Clapham) Sheffield, Sir Berkeley Du Pre, Colonel William Baring Lloyd, Cyril E. (Dudley) Shepperson, E. W. Edmondson, Major A. J. Lloyd-Greame, Rt. Hon. Sir P. Simpson-Hinchcliffe, W. A. Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Lorden, John William Singleton, J. E. Ellis, R. G. Lorimer, H. D. Skelton, A. N. Erskine-Bolst, Captain C. Lougher, L. Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South) Evans, Capt. H. Arthur (Leicester, E.) Loyd, Arthur Thomas (Abingdon) Smith, Sir Harold (Wavertree) Evans, Ernest (Cardigan) Lumley, L. R. Somerville, A. A. (Windsor) Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Lynn, R. J. Somerville, Daniel (Barrow-in-Furness) Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Macnaghten, Hon. Sir Malcolm Steel, Major S. Strang Flanagan, W. H. McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Stewart, Gershom (Wirral) Ford, Patrick Johnston Maitland, Sir Arthur D. Steel- Stockton, Sir Edwin Forsyth Forestier-Walker, L. Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Strauss, Edward Anthony Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Margesson, H. D. R. Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Fraser, Major Sir Keith Mason, Lieut.-Col. C. K. Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley) Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Milne, J. S. Wardlaw Thompson, Luke (Sunderland) Furness, G. J. Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham) Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Galbraith, J. F. W. Moles, Thomas Thorpe, Captain John Henry Gates, Percy Molloy, Major L. G. S. Titchfield, Marquess of Gaunt, Rear-Admiral Sir Guy R. Molson, Major John Elsdale Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Tubbs, S. W. Goff, Sir R. Park Morrison, Hugh (Wilts, Salisbury) Turton, Edmund Russborough Greaves-Lord, Walter Murchison, C. K. Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull) Greenwood, William (Stockport) Nall, Major Joseph Watts, Dr. T. (Man., Withington) Grenfell, Edward C. (City of London) Newman, Colonel J. R. P. (Finchley) Wells, S. R. Gretton, Colonel John Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Weston, Colonel John Wakefield Grigg, Sir Edward Newson, Sir Percy Wilson White, Lt.-Col. G. D. (Southport) Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E. Nicholson, Brig.-Gen. J. (Westminster) Whitla, Sir William Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Wilson, Col. M. J. (Richmond) Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W. (Liv'p'l. W. D'by) Norton-Griffiths, Lieut.-Col. Sir John Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George Halstead, Major D. O'Neill, Rt. Hon. Hugh Winterton, Earl Hamilton, Sir George C. (Altrincham) Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Wise, Frederick Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Paget, T. G. Wolmer, Viscount Harrison, F. C. Parker, Owen (Kettering) Wood, Rt. Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Henderson, Sir T. (Roxburgh) Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Henn, Sir Sydney H. Pease, William Edwin Woodcock, Colonel H. C. Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Penny, Frederick George Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Yerburgh, R. D. T. Herbert, S. (Scarborough) Perkins, Colonel E. K. Hewett, Sir J. P. Perring, William George TELLERS FOR THE NOES. —Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs.—Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs. Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank Pilditch, Sir Philip
CLAUSE 1.—(Government contributions to expenses of local authorities in assisting construction of houses.)
(1) The Minister of Health (hereinafter referred to as the Minister) shall, subject to such conditions as to records, certificates, audit or otherwise, as, with the approval of the Treasury, he may determine, make or undertake to make contributions out of monies provided by Parliament:
( a ) towards any expenses incurred by a local authority for the purposes of Part III of the Housing of the Working Classes Act, 1890 (hereinafter referred to as the principal Act), in promoting in accordance with Section two of this Act the construction of houses of such type and size as is specified in this Section and completed before the first day of October, nineteen hundred and twenty-five;
( b ) where the local authority satisfy the Minister that the needs of their area can best be met by the provision of such houses wholly or partly by such an authority themselves, towards any expenses incurred by the authority in making such provision;
so, however, that such a contribution shall be the sum of six pounds for each house in respect of which the contribution is made, payable annually for a period of twenty years, except that where the amount of the expenses incurred by a local authority under paragraph ( a ) in respect of any house is less than the value of six pounds per annum for twenty years, such reduction shall be made in the amount of the annual sum payable, or in the number of years for which it is to be payable, or in both, as may be necessary in order to reduce the value of the contribution to the amount of the expenses so incurred.
(2) The houses in respect of which contributions may be given under this Section shall be either—
( a ) a two-storied house with a minimum of six hundred and twenty and a maximum of nine hundred and fifty superficial feet; or
( b ) a structurally separate and self-contained flat or a one-storied house with a minimum of five hundred and fifty and a maximum of eight hundred and eighty superficial feet;
such measurements being calculated in accordance with Rules made by the Minister.
Provided that if the local authority in any particular case satisfy the Minister that, having regard to special circumstances existing in their area, there is a need for houses of smaller dimensions, the minimum measurement may be reduced, as respects such limited number of houses for that area and subject to such conditions as the Minister may determine, in the case of a two-storied house to five hundred and seventy, and in the case of a flat or a one-storied house to five hundred, superficial feet.
Except where otherwise approved by the Minister on the recommendation of the local authority, every such house shall be provided with a fixed bath.
(3) The Minister may, with the approval of the Treasury, make or undertake to make contributions out of moneys provided by Parliament towards the expenses in curred by a local authority in carrying out a re-housing scheme in connection with a scheme made under Part I or Part II of the principal Act (including the acquisition, clearance, and development of land included in the last-mentioned scheme, and whether the re-housing will be effected on the area included in that scheme or elsewhere), of such amounts, for such periods, and subject to such conditions as, with the approval of the Treasury and after consultation with the local authority, the Minister may deter mine, so, however, that the annual contributions in respect of any such re-housing scheme shall not exceed one-half of the estimated average annual loss likely to be incurred by the local authority in carrying out the scheme.
(4) Where within fifteen months before the passing of this Act a local authority have submitted to the Minister proposals for assisting persons or bodies of persons undertaking to construct houses, or for the provision of houses by the local authority themselves, or where after the twenty-fifth day of April, nineteen hundred and twenty-three, a society or company to which Section three applies has submitted proposals for the provision of houses, and such proposals have been aproved by the Minister otherwise than for the purposes of Section seven of the Housing, Town Planning, Etc., Act, 1919, contributions may be made of the like amount as if the assistance had been given or the houses provided after the passing of this Act, and notwithstanding that the houses do not comply in every respect with the conditions imposed by or under this Section.
(5) References in this Section to local authorities shall in any case—
( a ) where the powers of a local authority have been transferred to a county council; or
( b ) where a county council, or any such board or body as is mentioned in Sub-section (3) of Section eight of the Housing, Town Planning, Etc., Act, 1919. exercises the powers conferred by that Section of providing houses for persons in their employment or paid by them or by a statutory committee,
include such county council, board, or body.
(6) The expression "local authority" shall, for the purposes of paragraph ( b ) of Sub-section (1) of, this Section, include a metropolitan borough council, and the London County Council may, in the case of any house provided by a metropolitan borough council, supplement the contribution made by the Minister in respect of such house under this Section to an extent not exceeding the sum of three pounds payable annually for a period not exceeding twenty years.
I beg to move, in Sub-section (1, a ), to leave out the words "in accordance with Section two of this Act."
This should be read together with another consequential Amendment also in my name—in Sub-section (1, b ), to leave out the words "wholly or partly by such an authority themselves," and to insert thereof the words "in accordance with Section two of this Act." In this Bill the Minister takes power to give a subsidy to the building of houses, and he may give it in two ways. He may give a subsidy to the expenses of building by private builders or, where the local authority is satisfied that they are the better people to build the houses, he may give it direct to them. That is to say, he has laid emphasis upon the subsidy to the private employer and not to the municipal authority. All through the speeches he has made on this Bill he has made it quite clear that his design was to give a preference to private enterprise. He has said that:
Why do I put down an Amendment stressing the municipal side of the housing problem? The shortage with which we are faced was largely created by national action. It was a shortage which existed before the War, but it was very largely aggravated by the War, and I do not believe that the shortage will ever be made good except by national or municipal action. Moreover, it has to be remembered that from the health standpoint alone the task of tackling the problem of housing will always be one of the principal tasks of the local authority. No one has ever suggested that slum areas can be cleared by private enterprise. The municipal authorities will always have to deal with slum areas, not primarily for the purpose of providing houses, but as a health problem. The more one looks at the housing problem the more one is impressed with the fact that at the root it is the health problem, and not a problem in which we should give free play to our particular bias for one particular form of production over another.
The Bill says that private enterprise shall get the subsidy unless the local authority is in a position to satisfy the Minister that it can do the work better itself. The first obvious objection to that proposal is that instead of getting on with the provision of houses the local authority has to make a number of inquiries, to produce some sort of agreement, and then present it to the Minister to prove that they are entitled to the subsidy because, after inquiry made and efforts to seek out private builders, they are unable to find private builders to carry out the work. Therefore, at the time when all agencies should be engaged—because the Bill limits the date beyond which no subsidy will be paid—the local authority, instead of being busy preparing for and building houses, will be forced to waste time by presenting the Minister with a case in favour of their having the money instead of the money being given to the private builders. This, in spite of the fact that the financial risk is not being taken any longer by the Government, but by the local authorities. A great deal of evidence goes to show that in the provision of the smaller class of house it will be years before private enterprise is able to tackle the problem. Many societies of property owners and house builders report that the provision of the smaller type of working-class dwelling is not one that has any attraction for the private builder. An earlier Minister of Health (Sir A. Griffith Boscawen), in dealing with this question exhaustively in a speech made about three months ago, said: There is a further point. Some people are under the impression that private enterprise can build houses more cheaply than municipalities are able to do. Probably, generally speaking, it is true that private enterprise does get a better price than State or municipal management, [HON. MEMBERS: "NO!"] That is my view. [An HON. MEMBER: "It is not borne out by facts!"] It may interest my hon. Friends if I quote some facts. There was a statement made by the National Housing and Town Planning Council, a body of some authority, that builders are quoting less to local authorities than to private purchasers. Then there is a statement which says that
The last argument that I can adduce is the most weighty of all. During the War house building was stopped because we were at war. When the War was in progress, and towards the end of the War, it was declared by everybody that it would be a scandal if the men who had been fighting were to come back to unfit houses. The then First Lord of the Admiralty, Lord Long, said that it would be a disgrace if the men came back from the water-logged trenches to houses little better than pigstyes. If we are finding money, whether from the taxes or from the rates, for the purpose of providing these necessary houses, we are entitled to ask that the houses should be provided for the people who most need them. It is idle to say that we will give money here and there, and that there will be a general stimulus to house building. That may or may not be a good thing. I do not think it is a good thing. What we want is the right type of houses for the people who really need them. If it can be shown that by stressing in the Bill the need for the employment of private enterprise, and by throwing an obstacle in the way of municipal enterprise, we are in fact lessening our chance, or even destroying our chance, of getting the houses for the men who need them, then the objection to the Minister's construction of the Bill is a fatal one. The Minister has not denied that.
Some months ago I read in the "Daily Telegraph" a report with respect to housing in Birmingham. There were 25,000 people who were demanding houses there. This number was cut down to 12,000. This is a description of the 12,000 people who wanted the houses. The persons whose claims were first considered were ex-service men who had been overseas and had five children. Then came the ex-service men who had not gone abroad, and behind them were civilian applicants. The next category was men with four children, and the Housing and Estates Committee have now closed the list of applications to all persons except those with two or three children. The original list was thus reduced from 25,000 to 12,000, and 1,000 houses were to be completed to provide for them. With an urgent need of that kind, and having regard to the class of applicant whose claims cannot be denied by any party in this House, it becomes of paramount importance that the houses that are to be built—and there are few enough to be built—should go to the people that we intend should get them. Whereas 90 per cent. of the Addison houses did go to ex-service men, the present Minister of Health puts private enterprise first, and then when we ask that private enterprise should be required to say that the houses they are building are for this deserving class of tenant, he says
I beg to second the Amendment.
I think I can illustrate a case in point which goes to prove what my hon. and gallant Friend has been trying to explain. One of the towns in my constituency, Clacton-on-Sea, is peculiarly placed in this respect. We have at the present time a building scheme, all by private enterprise. All these houses are being built for people who have, possibly, not hitherto resided in Clacton-on-Sea, and who intend to occupy them as weekend resorts or as summer houses. In our case, persons, who might build houses that come within the dimensions of the. Bill, will find that, by adding a little ornamentation, instead of having to sell these houses to ordinary occupiers, or let them, they can readily sell them at a much better price for week-end bungalows. They are not assisting us in our housing problem at all. Our council are most anxious to get on with a scheme. Our place comes next to West Ham, in the whole of Essex, as having the worst conditions of overcrowding in the matter of houses. We have some most amazing cases. We have houses with only three bedrooms, with two families and seven children, and a case recently came before me of a woman, approaching her confinement, who has to go back to her mother because of the overcrowding in the house where she lives. I could give multitudes of these cases. I know of one instance of a family, a man, wife, and three children, living in a loft, 12 feet by 6 feet, with no fireplace in the winter and the greater part of the floor space taken up with trapdoors. Private enterprise, in these conditions, is pretty nearly impossible.
For two years the housing committee at the council have been striving to get forward with a scheme. The council ask for no more than the subsidy which the right hon. Gentleman is prepared to allow, without which we cannot possibly house the people. It stands to reason that the council have no desire to place any restrictions on private enterprise. They are glad to have even those houses, to which I have referred, built, though they do not relieve our housing problem, but standing, as we do, miles away from the main line, the cost of production is higher owing to the greater expense of conveying building material. For the smaller-sized houses the lowest tender offered the council recently was £470. It is impossible for private enterprise to build houses, at a cost like that, which would be available for ex-service men or the low wage earners. Yet these people have a right to be served as well as others. I hope that the right hon. Gentleman will accede to this request and put the councils in the first place.
I would point out to the House that this Amendment raises a limited issue, and not the whole question of the number of people in the house or the number of rooms. It is a question of re-drafting the Clause, and putting first what is now second.
Though it is true that the effect of this Amendment would be merely to alter the drafting of the Bill, I think that the hon. and gallant Member intended in moving it to raise the whole question as to whether, as he put it, we should be in favour of private enterprise or building by the local authority. That is an issue which I thought we had decided upon the Second Reading of the Bill. The hon. and gallant Member was good enough to say that I made it clear from the beginning, both in the House and in Committee, that I did intend this Bill to show a bias in favour of building houses by private enterprise. I did that because I was sincerely convinced that in that way only shall we ever get a sufficient number of houses built to make up the shortage from which we are suffering to-day. The hon. and gallant Member quoted from my predecessor a passage which is thoroughly relevant to the issues which we are now discussing, in the course of which he said that he did not think it possible for private enterprise to build the smallest class of dwelling houses under present conditions. Of course that is well known to everybody. That is the whole reason for this Bill. That is why we are giving a subsidy for those houses, because it is not possible for private enterprise to build them without assistance. But that does not mean that it never will be possible for private enterprise to build houses of that kind.
The best way to bring nearer the time when they will be able to do so is to get them to build as many houses as they can, and as near as possible to the type of houses to which the hon. and gallant Member referred. I could not follow his point in bringing in that quotation, which has so little to do with what we are now discussing. I do not propose to enter into the question whether private enterprise or the local authorities can build houses more cheaply. There is a difference of opinion between the two sides of the House on that question. It is possible to bring up particular instances which would appear to indicate, on the one hand, that private enterprise can build more cheaply than the local authorities, and other cases which seem to show that the local authorities can build more cheaply. But it is not on that that I am basing my case, although I do think that private enterprise can do it more cheaply than the local authority, on the whole. It is necessary to get private enterprise to work, because I believe that the task of providing the houses that are required for the working classes is one which is altogether beyond the power of the municipalities. I am certain that they will never be able to carry it into effect. Unless they can get private enterprise to take up a very large share of the burden we shall never get the houses that are required.
There is a sort of Gresham's law in this matter. It is extremely difficult, if not impossible, to get private enterprise and municipal enterprise working together. The one drives out the other. For that reason you want to get private enterprise to work, and it will be necessary to do everything we can to encourage it, and everything we can to stimulate the local authorities to make use of the assistance given by the State by way of helping private enterprise to come into action, and not to keep the task of housing entirely to themselves. The hon. and gallant Member said that valuable time is going to be lost, and that while local authorities are looking round to find private enterprise to do the work they might be building the houses themselves. That begins with an assumption that they can build houses more quickly than private enterprise. That is very far from the fact, but, of course, it is true that you may find cases here and there where local authorities who are bona fide anxious to carry out the intentions of the Bill, and to get private enterprise to work, will, nevertheless, have a difficulty in finding builders anxious to take up the schemes. Under the Bill they will have to enter into negotiations with them and all that may take a certain amount of time. I have made it clear upstairs, and to the local authorities in a Circular, that I should be prepared to sanction limited schemes to be carried out by the local authorities themselves in those cases, while they are unable to make the arrangements for the larger part of the scheme with private enterprise. Therefore, there need be no loss of time in those circumstances. That is merely a question of administration, and I hope that the assurance which I have given to the local authorities will prevent there being any undue delay.
Does that mean that the local authorities will not be encouraged to develop their own scheme, but will only be allowed to go on With limited schemes? Are the local authori- ties going to be cramped, or are you going to allow them to go on with their own schemes?
Each case must be judged on its merits. I should want to be satisfied that the local authorities were not, out of prejudice, in favour of their own schemes, refusing to give private enterprise a chance of developing schemes under this Bill, and while it is necessary to see that they do not abuse in that way we should try to deal with the matter from a common-sense point of view, bearing in mind that the object is to get houses and get them quickly, and also bearing in mind, as I said at the beginning of my remarks, that if you are to take a longer view, to try to foresee a time when we shall get sufficient houses built to overcome the present shortage, it is my firm conviction that we shall only do that by private enterprise. In reference to the last argument of the hon. and gallant Gentleman, there is hardly a subject in which the case of ex-service men is not brought forward to support the views of one section or another. While I agree entirely that in this matter particularly? ex-service men, who served abroad and underwent the risks and dangers which those men incurred, are entitled to special preference and special consideration, I do think that it is very easy to exaggerate the proportion of such men who are to be found among the applicants for houses.
I did not deal exclusively with the case of ex-service men. I was dealing also with the men with large families, who really need housing accommodation, rather than the men who can pay the best price to the private owner of the house.
I think that the hon. and gallant Member did deal particularly with the ex-service man. The man with a large family has always been a problem. He was a problem long before we had these pressing difficulties, and I am not at all sure that the man with a large family is necessarily the man who should go into a new house. He certainly wants a larger house than the man with a small family, but why he should be picked out to go into a new house, instead of the man with the smaller family, I do not see, when you have plenty of rooms in the older houses, more than in many of the new houses with small accommodation. But while with regard to these ex-service men, it is as well to take particular cases, you must not proceed always from the particular to the general. The hon. and gallant Member, no doubt for particular reasons, selected Birmingham for his illustration. The shortage of houses in Birmingham is greater in proportion to the population than in any other of the large towns in the country.
Everybody is in agreement on that.
8.0 P.M.
It is not often that everybody is in agreement. The case of Birmingham is not necessarily the case of other places, and we must look at the country as a whole. In a great many places I do not believe the proportion of ex-service men I have described would be as large as in Birmingham. If those men could not get accommodation in the new houses provided by private enterprise, that would be, in my mind, a good reason why I should give authority to the municipalities to build a limited number of houses which could be reserved particularly for these men. I have said that, and I repeat it now, and I think that is sufficient to meet the case. But, again, I must emphasise the fact that in the long run the ex-service man's interest is that there should be as large a number of houses as possible. It is only when there are enough houses for everybody that he will have that freedom of choice which, of course, he desires to have, as we all do. Therefore, his interest, like the interest of others, is to see that the largest number of houses is provided, and if you believe, as I do, and I think the majority of this House believe, that it is going to be secured by the encouragement of private enterprise, then, again, we are justified in saying the bias in this Bill must be on that side, and not on the side of the municipalities.
I was rather alarmed to hear the Minister make a statement about which I got up to ask a question, and I was pleased that the hon. Member brought up this question, because it has made the Minister show what his real attitude is on this Bill. It certainly opened my mind to what the attitude of the Government is in reality. When private enterprise would not touch houses, municipalities have built houses of a quality and nature with which private enterprise could not compete. The right hon. Gentleman will probably find some difficulty in believing it, because I think the bias on his side in favour of private enterprise is very heavy indeed. I could point to places and give evidence to prove what I am saying. It seems an alarming thing that those local authorities which have developed housing schemes, and proved beyond a shadow of doubt that they can build houses both cheaply and of a decent quality, eight to the acre, and let those houses, even to-day, at fair rents, should be crushed, as is evidently the intention of the Government in this Bill. Personally, I say, if the private enterpriser can build these houses more cheaply and can beat the municipality, let him come in. If it be true, as hon. Members opposite are always arguing, that State and municipal enterprise is a complete failure, and that private enterprise is such a glorious thing and can beat State and municipal enterprise out of the field every time, why does it not come in and beat it out of the field? It will have the same opportunity under this Bill as the municipalities, and yet it is to have a bias in its favour to get it to produce houses at all, even under the Bill.
I want to protest against that view. I was on an urban council which took advantage of the old Act, and built houses. I make bold to say that when this Bill goes through, bad as it is in my opinion, that council will still do its best to build houses, and, in addition, will be prepared, if private enterprise wants to come in, to give it facilities. But I do not see why that urban council, or any other council, should be debarred in favour of private enterprise. I would like to read out something that has been done at the present moment to show whether these houses can be built by local authorities or not. I have a list here of houses that are being built to-day at Bentley-with-Arksey in my Division, at £303 15s. per house, contract price, parlour type house, semi-detached, ten to the acre—and I view with alarm the possibility of 20 to the acre under the new Bill. These houses are being built to-day at that figure, and with the subsidy under the Bill, wretched as it is, and small as it is, we shall be able to improve these houses still more. Here is the opinion of one deputation out of scores that have been there to examine the houses:
I think we all agree that the one and all important thing is to get houses, no matter from what source they come. But they ought to be houses which will satisfy the need which is the most urgent. The Minister told us on Second Reading that, unfortunately, the whole of the problem was crippled by the limited supply of labour which was available, and I want to put to the Noble Lord who is representing the Minister that to utilise the bulk of the labour with a bias towards private enterprise is going very seriously to cramp and confine the labour which will be available for houses built by various municipalities. The hon. and gallant Member who moved this Amendment showed conclusively that the houses to be built by private enterprise would, in the first instance, be for those who had the bigger pockets, who were able to buy the houses, whose need consequently was not as great as those who had for years been dwelling in the most overcrowded condition. Therefore, I do submit that by this heavy bias against municipal enterprise you are going to put the labour which is available, limited in quantity as it is. into directions which will be less fruitful in supplying the greatest need. I think it is most unfortunate that we should have had this very definite pronouncement this evening from the Minister, that local authorities were only going to be allowed to carry out small schemes when private enterprise had exhausted all its demands, and I do hope that when the Minister comes to administer this Bill, his administration will be better than his speeches in the House. If not, I am afraid there is little hope for those whose need is the greatest.
Surely, when all is said, the need of the ex-service man is still the greatest. The right hon. Gentleman suggested that Birmingham was an exception. I know in my own town over 90 per cent. of those for whom houses have been built have been ex-service men. We have on our waiting list of 3,000 a large number of ex-service men and we as a municipality have said their claim is the most urgent, their need must be satisfied and especially those who have the larger families. As it is, this public money is going to be used to help those who least need the assistance, because private enterprise naturally will look out for the best return. It will, therefore, build the larger type of house which is allowed under the Bill, and will sell those houses wherever it is possible. That limits the houses to those who have the longest purse, the man who has saved money, or, possibly, made money during the War, when the other fellow was overseas and unable to make money. That man comes in with the scales weighted in his favour as against the ex-service man. If there were an unlimited amount of labour available, then no doubt there would be a good deal to be said for level pegging, but you have the scales heavily weighted against municipal enterprise. Surely the experience of the last four years redounds to the credit of municipalities throughout the length and breadth of the land.
Compare the houses erected under the late Act with those houses which our boasted private enterprise did before. There is no comparison. In one case you have houses properly planned in decent surroundings, and with the amenities of life provided in a reasonable degree. On the other hand, you have a large number of mean, sordid, narrow streets, with houses crowded 30 or 40 to the acre, and not worthy of the name of homes. We had hoped we had now placed this subject on a higher plane. I am afraid that this Bill, if carried in its present form, is going to be a retrograde action, and will compel those whose needs are the greatest to be satisfied with the lowest standard. I do appeal to the Government, at any rate, to be influenced in their administration by the Debate, and not to choke off municipalities which to-day are able to start on large schemes. In many cases they have the land laid out, and in some cases the streets laid out and the sewers in, and are ready to put up houses as soon as the Ministry meet their request. It is a waste of building time, unless the Minister will very generously interpret his Circular, and allow local authorities to get on with the schemes, so that we shall have the houses as soon as possible. I do hope that those who have served us well in providing a public health service will be encouraged to go on, that public money shall go to the quarters where it is most needed, and that the whole of the money goes to the advantage of those who are going to occupy the houses, and does not filter into other channels to bolster up vested interests rather than satisfy a public need.
I do not propose to discuss the merits and demerits of private enterprise and of municipalities in the building of houses. The principal point with which I am concerned is the necessity for houses being built, and built as rapidly as possible. The House cannot have been other than alarmed at the statement of the right hon. Gentleman, in which he indicated that it was the intention of the Ministry in some way to limit and cramp the building capacity and powers of municipalities. We have a shortage of houses of from 500,000 to 750,000, and some people say that the number is much larger. I should have thought that the policy of the Government would have been to encourage everybody, private enterprise as well as municipalities, and particularly municipalities, to develop housing schemes within their areas. During this unhappy period we have been told frequently from the other side that private enterprise has been driven out of the field largely because of legislation passed years ago, and that private enterprise has not had a fair opportunity. But we have to recall that during this period municipalities have risen to the occasion. They have had to face the burden and carry the responsibility, and within their limited powers they have done everything they could to supply the houses needed.
It would be a scandal and disastrous to our people if the Ministry should now limit and cramp municipal authorities in the building of houses. The municipalities have not only built houses within their limited means, but they have built an extraordinarily good type of house, placing anything from 8 to 12 on the acre; they have set out elaborate estates, developing the town planning idea, and they have added to the amenities and comforts of the people. While we are not surprised that this Bill is biased in favour of private enterprise, yet we are entitled to ask that there should be no bias against the possibility of municipalities building houses. I hope that we shall not pass from the consideration of this Amendment until we have a further statement from the Government reassuring us on that point. It may be that there has been some misunderstanding. I ask the Government to indicate that in future municipalities are to have the same opportunities for developing schemes of house building for the people.
I am not concerned with a discussion of the comparative methods of private enterprise and municipal building, but I am concerned that we should avail ourselves of every possible source of house supply. Nor do I wish to press the Government to show a bias in favour of the one or the other. I wish to press upon the Ministry the supreme importance of doing everything possible to get houses erected in whatever way they can be got. In view of what has been said, I rather fear that that is not to be done, and that the Ministry is influenced by a bias in favour of private enterprise. Is it worth while risking the possibility of spoiling this scheme for such a reason? It is houses that we want, and we should get them wherever we can. Although it is a statement which is sometimes received with a cynical smile, I believe that on the whole the municipalities have a good record in the matter. It is important to remember, in view of the peculiar economic conditions which prevail, that it is quite possible that municipal authorities are better able to supply the type of house that is needed than private enterprise would be. Private enterprise, naturally and properly, has as one of its main considerations the question of the profit which is to come to the firm or company engaged in building. It may very well be that it would pay such private companies better to supply a class of house which is not the class most urgently needed to-day. For that reason we should do nothing to discourage municipal authorities from supplying that type of house which is needed, not only by ex-service men, but by what are commonly called the working classes, and what are known as the lower middle classes, who cannot afford to pay the rents now demanded for the type of house in which they used to live before the War. I join with other hon. Members who have spoken in pressing upon the Minister that in administering this Act he should utilise every possible source of supply to secure the houses that are so urgently demanded.
I am very glad to support this proposal as a protest against the alarming statement which the Minister of Health has made to-day. To stand here and affirm that it is his intention roughly to thrust back the municipalities in their benevolent collectivist work for the community on the one hand, and with the other richly to endow private speculators of one sort and another under conditions which would leave available the endowment of the worst elements of private enterprise, is a revelation of the Conservative mind in a most marked degree. The Minister has, of course, as we expected, refused to move from his original position. That is his attitude with regard to this Bill as a whole. I think that my colleagues here and my political half-brethren below the Gangway will agree that the Bill has returned from Standing Committee exactly as it was when it left this House, with the solitary exception of the addition of 100 feet super for the larger houses. The weight of argument rained upon the Minister from all sides, even by his own supporters, the evidence supplied by the Royal Institute of British Architects, the Association of Municipal Corporations, local authorities, and even private enterprise itself, in favour of adding to and improving the Bill, have met with a non possumus attitude from the Minister on every occasion. When the House commits an important Measure to a Committee upstairs it is understood that this is done in order that new light may be thrown upon that Measure from different sides, so that when it returns to the House it will bear some impress of views other than those which it indicated when it emerged from the draftsman's hands originally. If the Minister's attitude is to be adamant then it seems to me it would be wise to dispense with the discussions in Committee and that it would be a saving of time.
Does the hon. Member propose to connect this argument with the Amendment?
I think seriously it would save time, as no Amendments of any description are to be accepted, if we were to have the Closure applied to the whole Bill so that we might get on with some useful legislation. The Minister has set himself up as a biased judge; he tells us specifically that he will only permit the municipalities to engage in limited schemes, but that there is to be no limitation of the operation of private enterprise. In the case of most of the great municipalities, we shall find on the one hand, the municipality endeavouring to persuade the Minister to give them the means of supplying the needs of their own citizens, under the best conditions, as they have done in the past and, on the other hand, federations of builders and associations of builders will be brought into life as a direct result of this Measure. We have the Judge before whom these litigants are to appear, advising us, to commence with, that he has a bias and that he is prepared to exercise his powers in favour of private enterprise as against the local authorities. That situation is fraught with the greatest possible danger to the community. So far as the Corporation of Newcastle-on-Tyne is concerned, it will not be without a very great struggle that they will assent to scrapping the machinery which they set up for the erection of houses in their district.
The local authorities are not, as the Minister would affirm, upon their trial. They have demonstrated their capacity to meet the needs and obligations of the people under the best conditions, whereas private enterprise has failed to do so in the past. That has been proved to demonstration. Another feature to be observed is that when the municipality has erected its property, there is no need, except as regards an increase of rates, to augment the rental, but in the case of private building, under this Measure the speculator is empowered, once he has erected his house, to charge any rental he can extort. This new property is not under any control. The speculator is empowered to dispose of the house to any individual whether he is an ex-soldier or not. The guarantees which the municipalities were invited to give to ex-soldiers with families of preferential treatment is extinguished under this Measure, and the ex-soldier, unless he is an individual with monetary resources, will be prevented for many years to come from having housing accommodation placed at his disposal. We have here a clear exhibition of the fact that the interests of private enterprise and private speculation are to be set against the actual rights and needs of the people. The Measure proposes to allot a sum of between £15,000,000 and £20,000,000 for the purpose of building, but the major portion is to pass into the hands of the speculator. Not only is it a case of putting this large sum of public money into the hands of private individuals, but it means that you are thereby giving them a weapon with which to extort rack rents. That is a reactionary stand. Those who have municipal experience are entitled to protest against it, and at the present moment, in this House, it is a sorry commentary upon the professions of those who allege themselves to be the custodians of law and order and public right to see the unoccupied benches opposite. We are debating a Bill than which there is none more important to the industrial welfare of the country, and with the exception of one hon. Member, on one occasion, and on another occasion of two hon. Members, the Government Benches have for some time past been vacant. That indicates the outlook of this Conservative Government. No wonder their supporters escape and go elsewhere out of the House of Commons when they have a Minister who sets himself up as a dictator, and who insists that public money shall not flow into public channels but shall go into the pockets of private individuals.
Like the hon. Gentleman who has just spoken—my political half-brother—I commiserate with the Noble Lord the Parliamentary Secretary on the heavy support which is behind him on the Government Benches at the moment. The greater number of the hon. Gentlemen whose cards are fixed in the slots on the empty benches opposite laid their hands on their hearts at the last Election and swore to the electors by all their gods that one of the things they were keen about and eager about was the provision of houses for the working classes. We have listened to a somewhat curious speech, and, I think, a refreshingly candid speech, from the Minister of Health. It revealed to the House that the real object of this Bill and the real aim of the policy of the Government which is adorned by the Noble Lord, is the bolstering up at all costs of private enterprise in the production of jerry-built slum dwellings for the working classes. Above all things, we are to assist in subsidising, re-starting, and bolstering up this private enterprise which has made England hideous with its horrible, jerry-built, miserable, insanitary, rickety dwellings. I am glad the hon. Member for North St. Pancras (Mr. Lorden) is here, and I hope he will say a word of gratitude to the Minister of Health. Let us reflect on one or two of the sentences in the curious and interesting speech of the right hon. Gentleman. As a great favour, after he is fully satisfied that by no other means can houses be provided, he is going to sanction limited schemes——
No. What the Minister said was that he was prepared to sanction limited schemes during the transition period while they were finding out what the private builders could do, which is a totally different proposition.
This transition period has lasted during the period in office of Dr. Addison, during the period in office of the right hon. Member for West Swansea (Sir A. Mond), and, before that, under the Ministry of Reconstruction before the Armistice, and how much longer is it to last? How much longer are the people who have not yet been mentioned, those who want houses because they cannot get married without them, to wait while this last attempt to bolster up private enterprise in the provision of working-class dwellings is being made? It is no use talking about transition periods. This Government took long enough to produce this Bill, and they had to lose a few bye-elections before we had even this Measure, and now we have heard from the lips of the Minister of Health the methods which he will use, and he talks of sanctioning these limited schemes during the transition period, as the Noble Lord puts it. Then we hear that these limited schemes are eventually going to be sanctioned, after, I suppose, fighting their way through the forests, and the stockades, and entanglements of the Ministry of Health, when, through some prejudices of the local authorities, they cannot, or will not, or do not wish to, enter into arrangements with the private builders. What are these prejudices? That the houses should have bath-rooms? That the houses should be habitable? That the houses should not only be sanitary but good to look upon? Are those the prejudices of the Minister of Health?
Look at the Addison houses.
There are not enough of them. The Addison houses that I have seen in going about the country are a vast improvement on the houses built by the friends of the hon. Member. He never assisted in building a slum or a jerry-built house, and he never will, I know very well, but the members of his fraternity have made the English countryside hideous with their horrible, serried rows of monotonous, little, red-brick boxes that are a reproach to the wealthiest and greatest Empire the world has ever seen. These prejudices are prejudices that I heartily support. They are prejudices in favour of providing decent homes, that look well, and of which we can all be proud. I do not say that the houses that were built under the Addison scheme were the last word in housing, but they were an improvement and an advance. During the War, when it was necessary, I suppose, to keep up the people's spirits, either by appealing to their hopes or arousing their passions, I used to believe the Ministers when they said they would turn England into a garden city. I am afraid it is a case now of the Minister of Health being really "willing to wound, and yet afraid to strike." He wishes finally to destroy municipal enterprise in housing. It came out in his speech, and I ask the hon. Member for North St. Pancras to read that speech over his breakfast coffee in the morning, and he will again thank his stars that he managed to assist in returning a Conservative Government to power. Yes, it is a case of "willing to wound, and yet afraid to strike." There is just enough provision for sanctioning these limited schemes, to hoodwink and bamboozle the country for a little while longer, until some fresh bogey is raised that will enable this matter to be forgotten, as they think.
I would very much like to know what are the views of the Noble Lord, the Parliamentary Secretary. He has played a very distinguished part, I believe, in municipal housing schemes. I understand he was chairman of the Finance Committee of the London County Council. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] In any case, I understand he played a great part in the work of the London County Council. Does he condemn municipal enterprise in housing? Does he hold that private enterprise and municipal schemes cannot exist side by side? Does he support this rationing law? The fact of the matter is that we are, in this Amendment, faced with the whole issue on this Bill. The Government are not certain—they do not base their claims so high—that private enterprise, if given an absolutely clear run, is going to provide houses for the working classes. They do say, however, that it is beyond the power of the municipalities to provide them, and there I must say that I agree with the right hon. Gentleman. It has been proved to be beyond their power, but they have done something, and the municipalities are the next best thing to carrying out the policy that I have advocated once or twice, namely, the policy of building houses by a great national effort. Although it is beyond the power of the municipalities to fill the gap, they have done something, and they could do a great deal more. As my hon. Friend the Member for Middlesbrough (Mr. Thomson) says, they have been getting experience during these years, in laying out drainage schemes and road schemes, but they are going to have difficulties put in their way by the Government.
I think it is a scandalous disgrace that this gamble—for it is nothing else—on the power of private enterprise to supply these houses is still going to be entered upon, after all these years of failure proved against it. I only hope that the speech of the right hon. Gentleman will be read, marked, learned, and inwardly digested by the citizens of this country, and I hope they will see what we are doing, and that this unrest of which hon. members opposite seem so afraid—I hope there will be some unrest, by which I mean, of course, constitutional unrest—will reflect itself by very shortly turning out of office a Government which so trifles with the greatest needs and requirements of a very long-suffering people.
I am not going to detain the House for more than a few moments, for I desire to appeal to hon. Members to come to a decision on this Amendment. We have discussed it for some time now, and, therefore, it seems to be desirable to come to a decision, especially in view of the number of other Amendments on the Order Paper. I would only say this in reply to the speeches which have been made, that I think the most remarkable thing about this Debate has been during the whole course of it no hon. Member who has been accusing the Government of cramping municipal effort has alleged that any particular municipality which has presented any particular scheme has been in any way cramped or delayed! That has not been alleged. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh, oh!"] Oh, yes! Hon. Members are quite mistaken in thinking otherwise. Schemes have been presented, many, and there has been no lagging in this respect by the municipalities. Many have submitted schemes; questions and answers in respect to this matter were given in the House not very long ago. The extent to which municipal enterprise is going to be cramped by Government policy, as stated by the Minister—the statement that it has been cramped or is likely to be cramped—depends upon the assumption that there are local authorities who wish at this moment not to encourage private enterprise as far as possible, but themselves to put in hand large schemes. Is there any evidence whatever of that? Is it not, on the contrary, as a matter of fact, true, that local authorities, just as much as the Government are conscious that they are by themselves unable to cope with the necessary provision of houses? [HON. MEMBERS: "Some of them!"] I hope all of them are conscious that by themselves they are unable. But is it not the fact that the local authorities at large are conscious that they cannot meet this problem alone, are as conscious as the Ministry, are as anxious as any hon. Member of this House can be, to explore how far they can get private enterprise to work? As a matter of fact, the policy stated here by the Minister is the policy, on the whole, of the vast majority of municipalities in this country. There has been no proof adduced in this Debate that the Ministry has cramped——
The speech of your own chief is sufficient.
The hon. and gallant Gentleman may put his own interpretation upon that speech for electioneering purposes, but that is scarcely a contribution to debate.
Is the Noble Lord aware of the case of Swansea? Is he aware that the late Minister of Health forbade the municipality to continue the undertaking of municipal houses and compelled them to hand the work over to a contractor?
I think the hon. Member is referring to schemes under another Bill.
No!
Well, I will be prepared to discuss that instance on its merits on a more appropriate occasion. But I would note, in the absence of evidence to prove what has been alleged by hon. Members opposite, the ineffectiveness of this Debate from the point of view of practical policy. I would make an appeal to the House to come to a decision.
I would gladly have responded to the appeal made to the Noble Lord had it not been that the Amendment we are discussing may be regarded as covering the same ground as one I have down which consequently will be ruled out by the present Amendment. I think, therefore, I am entitled, though I did not intend to take part in the discussion, to express my opinion on some of the points raised. I am not sorry that the discussion has taken the course it has as to the utility or otherwise of Collectivist principles; a discussion commenced interestingly by the hon. and gallant Member for Leith (Captain W. Benn), who moved the Amendment. I was very interested when I heard him put forward the remarkable figures he did, figures with which I am familiar, having heard them upon Labour platforms, and having myself used them often. I refer to the, figures as to the £200 saving declared by the late Minister of Health, and the £42 saving admitted by the Scottish Secretary with regard to the houses erected by direct labour in the City of Glasgow. I could not help, as I heard these remarkable admissions of the value of Collectivism and municipal Socialism coming from the quarter of the House, thinking how rapidly the Opposition are travelling towards that closer political association which is desired so much in the interests of the country! I admit there are one or two weak links in the chain. I do wish, however, that the hon. and gallant Gentleman the Member for Leith would have a heart-to-heart talk with the hon. Member for Penistone (Mr. Pringle), because I read in the "Newcastle Chronicle" a day or two ago that the hon. Member had been distinguishing himself by a scathing criticism of Socialism at the Morpeth bye-election.
Hear, hear!
The hon. Member for Shettleston (Mr. Wheatley) is going a little, I think, beyond the scope of the Amendment.
I was attracted, Mr. Deputy-Speaker, by some of the contributions to the discussion to pass by, for a moment, the Amendment. The point I was endeavouring to make was this; the difficulty that one is in in making up one's mind on the strength of the arguments submitted to the House as to the sufficiency of the evidence that one section of the House are Conservatives in the constituencies and Socialists in Parliament. The Clause to which the proposed words are an Amendment contains Sub-section (1, b ), which demands that, before a local authority can proceed to build, it must satisfy the Minister that the needs of the area can be met by the provision of such houses wholly or partly by the local authority itself. In other words, they must prove that private enterprise has failed. I thought it was unnecessary to demonstrate that. I thought it was generally accepted that the failure of private enterprise was responsible for all the housing Bills that had been brought before this Parliament. I admit that in the past private enterprise gave us working-class dwellings, but it has also given us the slums, and made our industrial districts the horrible places that they are now, and it would have been better if a century earlier private enterprise had been demonstrated to be the failure that it is generally admitted to be to-day.
If the Noble Lord intends to use the powers given in this Sub-section I am sure that they are going to delay the construction of houses. If you are going to ask the local authority to make an inquiry in its locality as to whether the necessary houses there can be provided by private enterprise before the Minister of Health will authorise the local authority to go on with the building of houses, you are going to lead to considerable delay. I ask the Noble Lord representing the Government what inquiry he intends to institute before deciding that the local authority must be brought in to provide the houses itself? How long will it take? Will he put any limit on the inquiry as to the getting of evidence? I am now dealing with the point in Sub-section (1, b ) in which the local authority has to satisfy the Minister before it is allowed to go on with the building that cannot be done by private enterprise. If you intend to put that Sub-section into operation, how long are you going to allow for the evidence to be produced to show that private enterprise cannot build the houses?
9.0 P.M.
I want to reply on this question. If private enterprise offers to provide the houses at £350 per house and the local authority is satisfied that it could do the work for £42 per house less, as the City of Glasgow has demonstrated it can do, is the Minister of Health still going to insist that, because private enterprise is willing to provide the houses at that price, the local authority shall hand over the work to private enterprise? If that delay is not to take place; if we are not to have all that conference and inquiry and information that will satisfy the Minister, then I submit that the provision contained in the Clause is quite unnecessary. If it is the case, as has been stated by the Noble Lord, that circulars have been issued to the local authorities, and that they have promptly responded, and that not a single objection has been raised to them going on with the houses, I want to know what inquiry has taken place that would justify the retention of this Clause in the Bill. I want to insist that in all the arguments on private enterprise and municipal enterprise we should never forget that private enterprise has made the country what it is in regard to housing, and it has given us our slums and our disease. Private enterprise has left us with all these social evils, and for the Minister of Health to come forward in face of that, and say that he starts with a bias towards private enterprise, I submit that that is not a statement that ought to have been made by a right hon. Gentleman who claims to be enthusiastic about housing. On the other hand, we have had it demonstrated and admitted on the Front Bench that the municipality can provide houses and provide them cheaper and better than private enterprise. In regard to the Glasgow houses it is not merely that they have been provided £42 cheaper, but they stand out distinct from all the houses contracted for under the Addison scheme.
The Minister of Health was not here to listen to the speech of the Noble Lord (Lord E. Percy). During the dinner hour the Noble Lord let his chief down very badly, because it is impossible to imagine two speeches more inconsistent in support of the same proposition than the speech of the Minister of Health and the speech of the Noble Lord opposite on the Amendment which we are now discussing. We know exactly the position of the Minister; he has indicated to us that he is convinced that private enterprise, or the system of providing houses by private enterprise, is, under all circumstances, the best, and he has declared that he is going to do his best to encourage that system in order to completely supersede the other. I think that is a very strange attitude to take up. If he is convinced that private enterprise is adequate and will succeed, why should he give it a preference at all? Surely it is capable of winning on equal terms, and that is just what this Amendment proposes. It provides that there shall be no bias or preference, but simply that the municipality in each case may exercise their discretion without intervention from the Minister.
This Amendment is directed to taking away the preference laid down in the Bill, and to secure that in the circumstances prevailing in different places that the best means should be adopted in the discretion of the municipality for providing the houses. The speech of the Noble Lord was devoted to rebutting the idea that there was any intention of cramping private enterprise, and he said that not a single example had been cited in which the Ministry had cramped a municipality under this Bill. This Bill has not had much opportunity of operating, because it is not the law of the land yet, and therefore municipalities cannot be said to have operated to any large extent; but if he uses that argument for the purpose of leading the House to believe that in future municipalities will not be cramped that is inconsistent with the whole argument of the Minister of Health. I think it is important that the House, before parting with this Amendment, should know exactly how the Government stand. Do they adhere to the position laid down by the Minister of Health, or to that taken up by the Noble Lord that municipalities are not to be cramped. If the Noble Lord is right, I cannot understand why they do not accept the Amendment. The House will be glad to hear a further statement from the Minister. Are we to understand that the speech he made on the Amendment was made for the consumption of hon. Members behind him, so that they might go in comfort to their dinners, knowing that private enterprise was safe and that no revolutionary doctrines would interfere with their digestive process? I believe during the speech of the Noble Lord the fort was held on their behalf exclusively by the hon. Member for Stockport (Mr. W. Greenwood). Since then he has been reinforced, and it is important that, as the ranks of the Government supporters are being swelled in this way, they should understand that the position has been surrendered in their absence, while they were comfortably dining believing that the Constitution and private enterprise were alike safe, by the Noble Lord, a scion of a noble house, whom nobody would suspect of being connected with these subversive theories and ideas, in his attempt to propitiate the Collectivists on this side of the House
It is always a mistake.
My right hon. Friend the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury) may be better able to expound the views of the Government than the Members of the Government themselves, and that may be their reason for removing him to another place. I have no doubt, however, he will give us his assistance in endeavouring to reach a solution of our difficulty, and in reconciling the differences which divide the two representatives of the Department in this House. I had no intention of dealing with the personnel reference made in the course of a speech by the hon. Member for Shettleston (Mr. Wheatley). I understand some remarks of mine have caused perturbation in a bye-election now going on in another part of the country. That subject is altogether irrelevant to the matter we are now discussing. This Amendment is directed to give both private enterprise and municipalities a fair chance. My hon. Friend would create a monopoly for the municipalised or nationalised system, but we are against any monopoly. [An HON. MEMBER: "On which side are you?"] I am on the right side. I only wish to say it is apparent that a humble and obscure speech which I made in this House has had a very great effect on a pending election.
It has been said several times that private enterprise is to blame for our present shortage of houses. I should like to give hon. Members an illustration of what private enterprise has done, and I think I can show that, even if these benches are fairly empty, they are sometimes occupied by Members who can get a move on when houses are required. One may not find it possible to talk so glibly on this subject as hon. Members opposite. It is not talk that is required. What is wanted is housing for the people. Close to where I live, and connected with the firm for which I work, there have been built 44 houses, averaging 11 to the acre. They were built so quickly that they were completed too early to claim the subsidy under the last Housing Act They were built before any houses were built by the municipality. In that case it cannot be said that private enterprise was behind municipal enterprise. The 44 houses have provided accommodation for 170 people, and I venture to think that if the same kind of thing had been done by other employers throughout the country there would have been no such thing as a housing problem. When hon. Members talk so glibly of private enterprise being responsible for slums, I may remind them that as a rule slum property is not built on a plan that provides only 11 houses to the acre. I am sorry to say that unless there is a clearance of one or two of the tenants from these houses, very shortly this group of houses, built since the War, will become a slum area.
I am not going to make an election speech. I may perhaps talk Socialism. As at present advised I am inclined to support the Amendment. I want some assurance from the other side of the House that this subsidy is not going into the pockets of those who took the last subsidy. I come from a city where houses were built under a contractor and cost over £1,000 each. They were very badly built as compared with those erected under municipal auspices. They are not worth the money paid, and what I want to know from hon. Members opposite who are interested in the building trade, and who upstairs in the Rents Committee told us that, under rent control, private enterprise would not build small working-class houses—I want to know whether, under this Bill, they can provide this class of houses. Can they give us an assurance that private enterprise will provide the houses we all want? When I say we all want, I am referring to houses for the poorer working men who cannot afford to pay the rents of the houses put up in Worcester—rents which work out at 10s. per week plus 5s. for rates. These houses are occupied by well-to-do persons who ought not to have the benefit of the subsidy. I thought the hon. Member for Stockport was going to talk about private enterprise and not about the enterprise of beneficent employers who build satisfactory houses for their employés. I want, as a new Member, to be convinced in debate. That is what debates are for. I do not think they should be confined to electioneering speeches or to gibes at the Government. We should come here with a desire to benefit those whom we represent.
I understand that the Government are anxious to provide houses, but the Minister has delivered a speech this afternoon which, I venture to say, will prevent the building of houses. He is going to limit municipalities, and I would ask whether he is going to give a bias to private enterprise, and whether private enterprise is going to accept the offer of a £6 subsidy and build houses which will let at less than 15s. a week? I ask that question because, as I have said, we have heard constantly in the Committees upstairs, from gentlemen representing the building trade, that private enterprise will have nothing to do with these small houses while control is on. An hon. Member opposite says, "Hear, hear!" and I am interested to hear that. This subsidy, then, is going into the same pocket as the last subsidy, and the only way to prevent that is for the Minister to refrain from limiting municipal efforts. If, as has been stated by an hon. Member, in the eloquent terms of the account which he read of the visit of a deputation, there are municipalities which are building good houses for £303, the Minister ought to stand up in this House and tell other municipalities to imitate that example, and say to them that he will do all he can to encourage them as against private enterprise, because I am sure that private enterprise will not build houses at that figure to let at a rent which can be paid by the people whom I represent, and whom, I think, most hon. Members who have given pledges on housing represent, namely, the poorer people. I am not speaking of very poor people, but of people who want to pay a rent of 8s., 9s., or 10s. a week. These people are not going to be catered for if municipal enterprise is going to be limited in the manner suggested, because we have the assurance of those who represent private enterprise that they will have nothing to do with this kind of houses while control lasts.
The Noble Lord, in the concluding portion of his speech, asked for specific instances in which municipalities have recently been prevented from building houses at a lower rate than that at which private enterprise was building them in the neighbourhood. I want to give an illustration from the City of Swansea. The municipality of Swansea, for two years or more, have been building municipal houses by direct labour. The Chairman of the City Housing Committee is a Conservative, but he has publicly stated, and the accountant of the Swansea Corporation has admitted, that they have saved over £150 per house on the contractor's estimates and prices. I have seen the houses built under both systems, because there are municipal houses and private enterprise houses built almost side by side, and the municipal houses are infinitely superior to the private enterprise houses. Quite recently—I am sorry I cannot give the exact date, but it was within the last month or six weeks—when the Swansea Corporation, I think by sending a deputation, sought power to build more houses, they were only given permission by the Ministry of Health to build those additional houses, some 300 I think, in number, on the understanding that the scheme was to be handed out to the private contractors who were building at £150 per house dearer than the municipality. That is a statement that is open to refutation if it can be refuted.
The statement was made by the Chairman of the Housing Committee.
I did not know that. I know that it has appeared in the Swansea Press, and has not been refuted. It is the statement of the Chairman of the Housing Committee of the Swansea Corporation, and he is a Conservative. If it be the case—and this is only one case; I could give others—that in Swansea, by direct labour, by excluding the contractor's profits, a saving of £150 per house to the community can be effected, I say it is criminal on the part of the Government if a bias is given by the Ministry of Health to the private enterprise system, which, as my hon. Friend the Member for Shettleston (Mr. Wheatley) said, is responsible for all the slums which curse and cover the country. Who is responsible? It is not public enterprise. Public enterprise did not build the slums. Public enterprise did not convert the old weavers' sheds into houses. The Under-Secretary to the Scottish Board of Health is, I suppose, the only Member of this House who represents a Division in which there is a village where every house is condemned. In his constituency there is a village in which every house has been condemned by the sanitary authority, but every house is inhabited.
Shame on Scotland!
Shame on private enterprise! Shame on the capitalist system which extracts profits from old, rotten, diseased, unhealthy, filthy habitations, and which has the brazenfaced impertinence to come forward in this House and seek additional powers of exploitation for that system of private enterprise which has so miserably failed in the past. I wanted to say a word about the chameleon politician who sits behind me, but he has gone.
That is not a proper way in which to refer to an hon. Member.
I withdraw that, and will not refer any more to the hon. Member, who, I see, is not in his place, beyond this, that it is not playing fair with a very serious subject, a subject that vitally affects the life and happiness of millions of our poorer fellow-citizens, to star in certain political circumstances against private enterprise and for capitalism, and in other political circumstances to star in an opposite sense. Whatever we ought to be, I think I would far rather agree with the right hon. Baronet the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury). At any rate, we know where he is, and that he stands for robbery, naked and unashamed. I would far rather have that than have these, shall I say, "Cod" politics, which are a purely political "stunt." You do not know
where they are; you do not know what they stand for. They endeavour to make the people who live in slums believe that they are their friends; and they endeavour to make the capitalists believe that they are their friends. I trust that sooner or later we shall have a clear-cut division in this House between those who stand for public utility and for housing run not for profit, but for the use of the people, and those who see in housing, not a social benefit, but a means of extracting additional profits for extortionists.
Question put, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Bill."
The House divided: Ayes, 237; Noes. 159
Division No. 241.] AYES, [9.28 p. m. Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South) Hopkins, John W. W. Ainsworth, Captain Charles Courthope, Lieut.-Col. George L. Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Alexander, E. E. (Leyton, East) Craig, Captain C. C. (Antrim, South) Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Alexander, Col. M. (Southwark) Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Houfton, John Plowright Allen, Lieut.-Col. Sir William James Crook, C. W. (East Ham, North) Hudson, Capt. A. Apsley, Lord Crooke, J. Smedley (Deritend) Hughes, Collingwood Ashley, Lt.-Col. Wilfrid W. Dalziel, Sir D. (Lambeth, Brixton) Hume, G. H. Astbury, Lieut.-Com. Frederick W. Davies, Thomas (Clrencester) Hume-Williams, Sir W. Ellis Austin, Sir Herbert Doyle, N. Grattan Hunter-Weston, Lt.-Gen. Sir Aylmer Baird, Rt. Hon. Sir John Lawrence Du Pre, Colonel William Baring Hurd, Percy A. Balfour, George (Hampstead) Edmondson, Major A. J. Hurst, Lt.-Col. Gerald Berkeley Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G. Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Hutchison, G. A. C. (Midlothian, N.) Barlow, Rt. Hon. sir Montague Ellis, R. G. Hutchison, W. (Kelvingrove) Barnett, Major Richard W. Erskine, James Malcolm Monteith Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S. Barnston, Major Harry Erskine-Bolst, Captain C. Jarrett, G. W. S. Becker, Harry Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Jephcott, A. R. Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Jodrell, Sir Neville Paul Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Fermor-Hesketh, Major T. Johnson, Sir L. (Walthamstow, E.) Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Flanagan, W. H. Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington) Bennett, Sir T. J. (Sevenoaks) Ford, Patrick Johnston Kelley, Major Fred (Rotherham) Bentinck, Lord Henry Cavendish- Forestier-Walker, L. Kennedy, Captain M. S. Nigel Berry, Sir George Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot King, Captain Henry Douglas Betterton, Henry B. Fraser. Major Sir Keith Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement Birchall, Major J. Dearman Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Lamb, J. Q. Blades, Sir George Rowland Furness, G. J. Lane-Fox, Lieut.-Colonel G. R. Bowyer, Captain G. E. W. Galbraith, J. F. W. Leigh, Sir John (Clapham) Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Gates, Percy Lloyd. Cyril E. (Dudley) Brass, Captain W. Gaunt, Rear-Admiral Sir Guy R. Lloyd-Greame, Rt. Hon. Sir P. Brassey, Sir Leonard Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John Lorden, John William Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive Goff, Sir R. Park Lorimer, H. D. Briggs, Harold Greaves-Lord, Walter Lougher, L. Brittain, Sir Harry Greenwood, William (Stockport) Lowe, Sir Francis William Brown, Major D. C. (Hexham) Grenfell, Edward C. (City of London) Loyd, Arthur Thomas (Abingdon) Brown, Brig.-Gen. Clifton (Newbury) Gretton, Colonel John Lumley, L. R. Brown, J. W. (Middlesbrough, E.) Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E. Lynn, R. J. Bruton, Sir James Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Macnaghten, Hon. Sir Malcolm Buckingham, Sir H. Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W. (Liv'p'l, W. D'by) McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Halstead, Major D. Maitland, Sir Arthur D. Steel- Burn, Colonel Sir Charles Rosdew Hamilton, Sir George C. (Altrincham) Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Butler, H. M. (Leeds, North) Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Margesson, H. D. R. Butt, Sir Alfred Harrison, F. C. Milne, J. S. Wardlaw Button, H. S. Henderson, Sir T. (Roxburgh) Mitchell, W. F. (Saffron Walden) Cadogan, Major Edward Henn, Sir Sydney H. Mitchell. Sir W. Lane (Streatham) Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R. Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Moles, Thomas Cassels, J. D. Herbert, Col. Hon. A. (Yeovil) Molloy, Major L. G. S. Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City) Herbert Dennis (Hertford. Watford) Molson, Major John Elsdale Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood) Herbert, S. (Scarborough) Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Churchman, Sir Arthur Hewett, Sir J. P. Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Clarry, Reginald George Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank Morrison, Hugh (Wilts, Salisbury) Cobb, Sir Cyril Hoare, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir S. J. G. Murchison, C. K. Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (St. Marylebone) Nall, Major Joseph Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy Newman, Colonel J. R. P. (Finchley) Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Newson, Sir Percy Wilson Cope, Major William Hood, Sir Joseph Nicholson, Brig.-Gen. J. (Westminster) Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Richardson, Lt.-Col. Sir P. (Chertsey) Thompson, Luke (Sunderland) Norton-Griffiths, Lieut.-Col. Sir John Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Oman, Sir Charles William C. Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford) Thorpe, Captain John Henry O'Neill, Rt. Hon. Hugh Roberts, Rt. Hon. Sir S. (Ecclesall) Titchfield, Marquess of Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Robertson-Despencer, Major (Islgtn, W) Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement Paget, T. G. Rogerson, Capt. J. E. Tubbs, S. W. Parker, Owen (Kettering) Roundell, Colonel R. F. Turton, Edmund Russborough Pease, William Edwin Ruggles-Brise, Major E. Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull) Penny, Frederick George Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth) Watts, Dr. T. (Man., Withington) Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Wells, S. R. Perkins, Colonel E. K. Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney) Weston, Colonel John Wakefield Perring, William George Sanders, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert A. White, Lt.-Col. G. D. (Southport) Pielou, D. P. Sanderson, Sir Frank B. Whitla, Sir William Pilditch, Sir Philip Sandon, Lord Wilson, Col. M. J. (Richmond) Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Shakespeare, G. H. Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George Price, E. G. Sheffield, Sir Berkeley Winfrey, Sir Richard Privett, F. J. Simpson-Hinchcliffe, W. A. Winterton, Earl Rae, Sir Henry N. Singleton, J. E. Wise, Frederick Raeburn, Sir William H. Skelton, A. N. Wolmer, Viscount Raine, W. Smith, Sir Harold (Wavertree) Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Rees, Sir Beddoe Somerville, A. A. (Windsor) Wood, Major Sir S. Hill- (High Peak) Reid, D. D. (County Down) Somerville, Daniel (Barrow-in-Furness) Woodcock, Colonel H. C. Remnant, Sir James Steel, Major S. Strang Yerburgh, R. D. T. Reynolds, W. G. W. Stewart, Gershom (Wirral) Rhodes, Lieut.-Col. J. P. Stockton, Sir Edwin Forsyth TELLERS FOR THE AYES. —Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs.—Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs. Richardson, Sir Alex. (Gravesend) Sykes, Major-Gen. Sir Frederick H.
NOES. Adams, D. Hastings, Patrick Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock) Hay, Captain J. P. (Cathcart) Rlley, Ben Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Hayday, Arthur Roberts, C. H. (Derby) Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro') Hayes, John Henry (Edge Hill) Roberts, Frederick O. (W. Bromwich) Attlee, C. R. Hemmerde, E. G. Robinson, W. C. (York, Elland) Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Henderson, T. (Glasgow) Rose, Frank H. Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Herriotts, J. Saklatvala, S. Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Hill, A. Scrymgeour, E. Broad, F. A. Hillary, A. E. Sexton, James Bromfield, William Hirst, G. H. Shaw, Hon. Alex. (Kilmarnock) Brotherton, J. Hogge, James Myles Shaw, Thomas (Preston) Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Irving, Dan Shinwell, Emanuel Buchanan, G. Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath) Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) Burgess, S. John, William (Rhondda, West) Simon, Rt. Hon. Sir John Buxton, Charles (Accrington) Johnston, Thomas (Stirling) Simpson, J. Hope Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, North) Johnstone, Harcourt (Willesden, East) Smith, T. (Pontefract) Cape, Thomas Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Snell, Harry Chapple, W. A. Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly) Snowden, Philip Clarke, Sir E. C. Jones, R. T. (Carnarvon) Spencer, George A. (Broxtowe) Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R. Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd) Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K. Cotts, Sir William Dingwall Mitchell Jowett, F. W. (Bradford, East) Stephen, Campbell Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities) Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Stewart, J. (St. Rollox) Darbishire, C. W. Kenyon, Barnet Strauss, Edward Anthony Davies, J. C. (Denbigh, Denbigh) Kirkwood, D. Sturrock, J. Leng Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton) Lawson, John James Sullivan, J. Davison, J. E. (Smethwick) Leach, W. Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby) Dudgeon, Major C. R. Lee, F. Thomas, Sir Robert John (Anglesey) Duffy, T. Gavan Lowth, T. Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Duncan, C. Lunn, William Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow) Ede, James Chuter Mac Donald, J. R. (Aberavon) Tillett, Benjamin Edmonds, G. Macdonald, Sir Murdoch (Inverness) Tout, W. J. Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) M'Entee, V. L. Trevelyan, C. P. Entwistle, Major C. F. Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan) Turner, Ben Evans, Ernest (Cardigan) Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince) Fairbairn, R. R. March, S. Ward, Col. J. (Stoke-upon-Trent) Falconer, J. Maxton, James Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline) Gilbert, James Daniel Middleton, G. Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda) Gosling, Harry Millar, J. D. Webb, Sidney Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton) Morel, E. D. Weir, L. M. Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central) Morrison, Hugh (Wilts, Salisbury) Welsh, J. C. Gray, Frank (Oxford) Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.) Westwood, J. Greenall, T. Mosley, Oswald Wheatley, J. Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne) Muir, John W. White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan) Murnin, H. White, H. G. (Birkenhead, E.) Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Murray, R. (Renfrew, Western) Whiteley, W. Groves, T. O'Grady, Captain James Williams, Dr. J. H. (Llanelly) Grundy, T. W. Oliver, George Harold Williams, T. (York, Don Valley) Guthrie, Thomas Maule Paling, W. Wintringham, Margaret Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton) Parker, H. (Hanley) Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen. C.) Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil) Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Wright, W. Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland) Ponsonby, Arthur Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Harbord, Arthur Potts, John S. Hardle, George D. Pringle, W. M. R. TELLERS FOR THE NOES. —Mr. Phillipps and Sir A. Marshall.—Mr. Phillipps and Sir A. Marshall. Harney, E. A. Richards, R.
I beg to move, in Sub-section (1, b ), to leave out the word "best" ["can best be met"] and to insert instead thereof the words "more appropriately."
I wish to ask the Minister whether, in view of the conversation that took place upstairs on this question, these words, which he then suggested as a possible means of meeting the criticisms of some local authorities, could be substituted for the words in the Sub-section. The Subsection uses the word "best," as to the demands of the locality, and it was suggested that the words "more appropriately" might be better understood by municipalities.
I beg to second the Amendment.
I shall be very pleased to accept.
Amendment agreed to.
Further Amendments made: In Subsection (1, b ), leave out the words "such an" ["by such an authority themselves"], and insert instead thereof the word "the."
Leave out the words "so, however, that such a contribution," and insert instead thereof the words "a contribution under this section."
After the word "contribution" ["the value of the contribution"], insert the words "in respect of that house."—[ Mr. N. Chamberlain. ]
Mr. Rhys Davies.
On a point of Order. May I ask if you, Sir, have observed an Amendment of mine to Sub-section (2) ( b ), after the word "flat" to insert the words "or house in a flat." It is a drafting Amendment to make it clear that this would apply to a type of house in Scotland.
I am afraid I must obey the markings of Mr. Speaker.
I am assured by our officials that these words are not necessary and might lead to confusion. The case is covered by the words of the Bill.
I beg to move, in Sub-section (2), to leave out the words
Let us see exactly what this will mean. I know the Minister will reply that these smaller houses will only be built with his consent, but we know the various changes which have been made at the Ministry of Health—and I suppose we have not seen the last of those changes—and we are not willing to give any authority to any Minister of Health to permit the building of any house in any part of the country at the figures stated in this proviso. When the Bill was before the House previously a great deal was said of the parlour house, and considerable humour was introduced into the Debate, but if this proviso is passed it will not be a parlour at all. It will simply mean a house of two up and two down. I think it would be a splendid thing to attach the title of "the Minister of the two up and two down" to the right hon. Gentleman. He has taken up this attitude with regard to housing for one or two very paltry reasons which were submitted to him. As stated, the suggestion came from Scotland to reduce the size of the houses further than was indicated on the first occasion. May I read part of a speech of the hon. Member for Dumbartonshire (Sir W. Raeburn) in Committee? Hon. Members will immediately see from what he said the trend of events among the people who have built houses and who control the destiny of Scotland so far as the Capitalist side is concerned. This is what he said: the local authorities or private builders it will be an indication of what the Minister ought to do in the future.
I fail to understand the argument used by the Minister, and by Members opposite who support him, when they say: "Wages are low, people are in poverty, they cannot pay rent for a house three up and three down, and, consequently, we must build for them houses of such a small size as will fit in with their low economic conditions consequent upon the War." I have always taken this view of housing, that, what we have to do, in the first place, is to lay down a standard of housing for the people, a standard that will mean the comfort and decency that ought to obtain for every family in the land, and, having done that, we should induce the head of the family to join a trade union if you like, or to fight for himself, so that he can win as much remuneration from his occupation and from his employer as will make it possible for him to pay rent for a decent house to live in. That is the difference between the attitude of mind on this side and that on the other side of the House. Hon. Members on the opposite side, and hon. Members in Committee upstairs, who live in big mansions, some of them 5,000 superficial feet, come down to this House and talk about the working-classes living in houses two up and two down. The law of the land and the system under which we live provide means for those hon. Gentlemen to live in big mansions, and that is because they have taken more than they ought to do from the people who live in the small houses that they are able to do so.
This reduced figure of 570 superficial feet will also apply to the houses that have to be converted, and I prophesy that this will actually happen, that the speculators—some of those hard-faced men, and there are a few of them—will get hold of old buildings, probably old factories, perhaps old weaving sheds or old hat-making factories in Stockport, old stables, old motor garages, and old barns, and convert them into houses. I can speak feelingly on this subject, because I was bred and born in an old tithe barn.
Is the hon. Member insinuating that in Stockport there is an intention to turn old weaving sheds into houses?
This Bill will provide for that being done.
This is not a Third Reading Debate.
The right hon. Baronet can correct me later on. What we are trying to emphasise is that these are State-aided houses. The money of the State is going to be spent in building them, and we are determined, as far as it lies in our power, that any houses built by the aid of the State shall be, at any rate, something in the nature of model houses, because they will be quoted in future by the private builders as the houses that the State put up. They will say, "If these houses are good enough for Government houses, why should we attempt to build anything better?"
A strong excuse is put forward. The Minister and his officials will probably turn round and say, "What about those aged miners' cottages? You cannot expect us to build big houses for those people." I want to say, very respectfully, that that excuse is not strong enough and not sufficient to warrant this figure entering into the Bill, because there ought to be some special provision for dealing with cases of that kind. This desire to reduce the size of the houses is not understandable to some of us. All the houses that were built under the Addison scheme were bigger than the minimum now proposed. The Minister will say: "This is only a minimum." I have had some experience of trade unionism, and I have always found that when you secure a minimum wage for the worker, that generally becomes the maximum. I suggest to the right hon. Gentleman that if he fixes a minimum of 570 superficial feet, that, in fact, will become the maximum for the future.
My last point is this. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] It is not often that I intervene in Debate. I am glad to see the hon. Member for Dumbartonshire (Sir W. Raeburn) in his place, because he, apparently, is a great expert on housing in Scotland. My last word—perhaps it will give joy to hon. Members opposite because it is my last word—is that the working people of this country are demanding houses that will fit in with human civilisation, and they are not going to tolerate houses built for them based on the lower standard of life created by the last War. They are gradually getting inured to bad housing conditions, but we are not willing that they should become so inured. We want to raise the conditions, and I am sure that the Minister of Health if he had his way with the Treasury and with the Government—we are not attacking the Minister of Health personally; we are attacking the policy of the Government—would build better houses for the people. It is because we are opposed to the policy of the Government in this particular matter that I have pleasure in moving the deletion of this proviso.
I beg to second the Amendment.
We oppose the proviso on the ground that these houses are too small. The proposal that we should still build houses smaller than was originally intended, is a step backward rather than forward. The number of houses of that type wanted must be very small. I understood that a demand for the smaller type of house was made recently from Dundee. I happen to have been there recently, and I also have in my hand a pamphlet in reference to the housing condition and the health of the people in that place. If I remember aright, about half the working class population of that city is living in two-roomed houses, and about 8,000 are living in one room. People brought up in conditions like these may look forward to houses even of the dimensions indicated with some satisfaction, but that is no reason why a Bill to provide houses for the whole of Great Britain should provide houses of such a bad character as are indicated in this particular paragraph. My own experience goes to prove that, so far from there being any demand for houses of this smaller type, if people can only get an opportunity of having bigger and decent houses they will jump at the opportunity, and we ought to provide the best possible type of house for the people of this country. The Government, instead of being satisfied with the lower standard of house, should be the first body to set as high a standard as is possible. I am sure that it is possible at this time to set a much higher standard than is indicated in this Clause, and I hope that the House will vote in favour of its exclusion.
10.0 P.M.
I hope that the House will permit the proviso to remain It is worth noting that not one single Scottish Member has put his name down in favour of this Amendment. It was moved and seconded by Members, both of whom admitted that they were not acquainted with the conditions with which this proviso was intended to deal, though they said that, in general, they considered that this latitude should not be allowed either to the local authority or to the Minister. There was a further suggestion that this was merely a demand from one city in Scotland. It is a mistake to say that. This demand has not been made merely from one or two or ten towns. It has been put forward by, among others, the Convention of Royal Burghs. It has been put forward repeatedly by bodies representing all portions of Scotland, for which I am more particularly able to speak, but again, it is a mistake to consider that this is merely a Scottish demand or a demand from one section of the country. I do not say that it is an ideal, but the practical case was made out, not by one town or section of the country, but by many towns in my country, Scotland, and many of the large cities of England. So it is a mistake to think that this is merely a demand of some small reactionery body, which it would be appropriate for this House to over-ride, considering that there are some bodies which must be overridden for the general good of the community. This is a demand supported by all political parties in this House. It has been pressed on me by Members who take the Labour Whip. [HON. MEMBERS: "Members of the Labour party?"] I leave it to hon. Members to decide whether they are going to expel certain Members from the Labour party.
Is it a Member who has taken the whip of the Labour party, or Members of the Labour party?
The demand has been put forward to me by more than one Member of the Labour party. [HON. MEMBERS: "Name!"] It would be a most invidious thing if I were to canvass by nominal roll Members of the opposite side who had put forward in discussion a request to me, or who had introduced a deputation from their constituencies.
Was such a demand made in Committee?
This demand was not put forward by any Member of the Labour party in the Committee. The Members to whom I refer were not, I think, Members of the Committee, though one of them, at any rate, made strong efforts to obtain a place on the Committee so that he could place the views of his constituents before the Committee. But hon. Members below the Gangway will admit that it is not only Conservative members of town councils who have put forward this case, but that it has been put forward and supported by members of the Liberal party also, and further by members of other political parties outside this House. Even this week I had a deputation which contained more than a score of the Labour party who came to thank the Government for inserting this proviso in the Bill and to express the hope that the Minister would stand firmly to his guns on this occasion and not allow this proviso to be deleted. [HON. MEMBERS: "Who are they?"] Councillor Reid, of Dundee, is not a supporter or a slavish worshipper of the capitalist system, so far as I have been able to come in contact with him.
He is opposed to the Labour party, remember.
It is no exaggeration to claim that this is not an attempt by one particular party or another to reduce the standard of living of the working classes. This is our businesslike attempt to meet a demand, which has been put forward in no party spirit, from all sections of the country, that there should be the power to authorise a house of lesser dimension than that originally in the Bill. There is another demand put forward to authorise a house of a larger dimension than that contained in the Bill. Those demands do not arise from any one section in this House, or in the country. There is a general demand for a widening of the limits at both ends. The original demand was for a widening at each end of 100 feet. The Minister resisted that, and authorised an upward extension of 100 feet, and a downward extension of 50 feet, and that was not because of any desire to lower the standard in this country, but because a practical case had been made out which had to be met. The necessities of the case are overwhelming, and alarming, and immediate. It is all very well to talk about what we wish to be done. Upon these things we are all at one, but steps have to be taken to deal with an immediate emergency.
It is not a case of solving the housing problem in Great Britain, but there are problems, desperate and immediate, which have to be dealt with. There are cities—I do not need to go to the city of of Dundee, but take the city of Glasgow, where we have got 13,000 houses condemned by the sanitary authority as unfit for human beings to live in. It is my duty, when a man living in one of those houses comes to me and says. "We want a house to live in," to take account of the demand he makes and of the kind of house he wishes. If at the moment there is difficulty in providing the larger house, for one reason or another, then it is not my duty to say to this man, "You must stew in this pig-sty until I have enough houses built, so that you shall all get five-roomed houses." The man says, "As an instalment, I want to get out of the house in which I am living, and if I can have a two-room and kitchen house, with modern conveniences, it is infinitely better than the house I am now in." I would be acting in absolute contravention of my duty if I were to say that, because of the ideal I have laid down as suitable for the future for this country, I am not going to authorise any smaller house than a five or four-room house being built, and that until then the man is not to get any better house.
I understand that it is suggested it may only be a two-apartment house.
A two-apartment house with a modern scullery, and conveniences. There are now thousands of people living in one-apartment houses. Let us say a two-room and scullery house. I am not attempting to defend this as an ideal place in any way, or to suggest for one moment that it is not a lowering of our flag. Of course, it is a lowering of our flag. [An HON. MEMBER: "Building slums!"] When I hear such interjections from hon. Members opposite, one is bound to feel indignation.
Tell them to "Get thee behind me, Satan!"
That interjection makes one realise how we must bear with one another, and that we are supported by the brethren in times of tribulation. I am not in any way yielding from the position as to what we all want in regard to houses, but I am saying that we are dealing with an immediate sanitary problem, with an immediate problem of morality, with an immediate problem which is weighing upon the people of this country. [HON. MEMBERS: "Agreed!"] I am taking this matter seriously. It is a serious matter. I am trying to show that this is not a lowering of the standard of this country. This is an upward step, and if it is not as great as we would wish—it would be hypocrisy to pretend we are getting that which we all desire—we have to proceed step by step in this matter. We have to recognise that the two-room and scullery house is infinitely above the house in which these people are now living, and we have to recognise that these people have put forward their demands, which do not come from reactionary authorities. They have asked for this change, and we have granted it. They have passed enthusiastic resolutions in support of it, and have asked us to stick to our guns, and we are sticking to our guns. I ask this House not, in a mood of idealism, to strike this out of the Bill, and compel these people to dwell in the houses in which they now live, and we hope that at some future time they will have houses of five rooms, which we hope to see eventually enforced all through the country.
I want to say that this was put forward by the united council of the city, in which representation there is a very considerable body of Labour party members, all of whom were agreed that this recommendation should be made. The recommendation was presented by Ex-Bailie Reid, convener of the Council Housing Committee and an active representative of the Labour party in the city of Dundee.
God help us!
I am glad that the Members of the Labour party are beginning to realise the necessity of God helping them.
Does the hon. Member know that God helps those who help themselves.
That is what I have been doing. I am not here by the help of the Labour party, but in spite of them. [An HON. MEMBER: "You were glad enough to get among us."] I was not glad to get among you. I have not asked, and, until there is a very considerable change in the Labour party, I have no intention of asking——
I think we might pass from these domestic matters.
That is what I would like to do; I was only answering the interjections. With regard to the issue itself, I thoroughly agree with what the Under-Secretary to the Scottish Board of Health has said, that we could all concur in the idealistic position of saying that no family circle should be confined to such dwellings as we have in Dundee. But the practical factor which has to be faced in Dundee, and not only in Dundee but in Edinburgh and Greenock, is that we have a large body of our industrials who have to get their case presented through the chief sanitary inspector. Every provision which has yet been made in the way of new dwellings for our community has been presented to those workers who are well able to pay for it, and not a single poor family has shared in the benefit, although they have to pay their share of the subsidy for the houses of people who have benefited. I have had no difficulty from the beginning, as a member of the city council, in saying that we ought to have started by giving the benefit to the poorer people. Instead of that, the whole influence has been brought to bear to get houses for those who have been eager to secure these better dwellings at a subsidised rate, and to shut out the poorest, and I submit that to a large degree the Labour party are responsible. I am perfectly familiar with the conditions in the city. As to what those conditions are, let me quote a statement of the chief director of housing for the city. He says: of making the kind of demand which we hear made from these benches. There is no demand from these poor people in Dundee for the provision of better dwellings; there is no demand for what is called a higher standard of housing in the sense of larger houses, and why is that? [HON. MEMBERS: "Wages!"] There is where the difficulty lies. Everybody is anxious to secure a larger and more comfortable house, but how are we going to attain that desirable object when we are barred in the matter of wages.
There we come up against the great social question and the economic issue, and these, while in some degree connected with the subject, are not matters which bear on the immediate purpose. My colleague in the representation of Dundee, who is a member of the Labour party and receives the Whip of the Labour party, represents in this matter exactly the same position as I do. I went before the Minister. This proviso was not at first in the Bill, which showed us that the Government were anxious to facilitate the idea of a larger class of house. With the information which we had from the municipal representatives, and our own personal knowledge of the situation, the difficulty of wages and all matters pertaining to the real and practical aspect of the question, we waited on the Minister. We suggested the serious consideration of these circumstances and of these facts, which could not be in any way challenged. The Minister of Health and the Under-Secretary gave the matter careful attention there and then. They took it in hand from the point of view that they had been presented with a case from different parts of Scotland. There was no connivance, but simply the voluntary expression of public opinion concerning these poorer people in the City of Dundee. I submit that we are only doing our duty by those who have invited us in this fashion, by those who are our constituents, by those in whom we have for years taken a specialised, deep-seated interest, for whom we have struggled in every matter, not simply this, but on far more effective and more crucial issues than this, because I consider this is a side question. This is not a root question, but a branch question. You cannot settle the housing question until you have settled the real question of whether these people should get what I think they ought to have, and that is, a real reward for their labour.
While I support our friends in the Labour movement, and have every intention of doing so, I am bound to say here that they are faced, in the city of Dundee, from the municipal standpoint, with a solid body of representatives of their own party, and they are also faced with the fact of their own representatives of the party in this House being committed to identically the same position, having made representations, indirectly, at any rate, and there we stand, appealing for the city of Dundee, for those poorer people, who, I submit, have had to suffer gross injustice for a considerable number of years. In many respects there is serious reason for condemnation of the Government, but if we take everything on its merits, I want to express, personally, on behalf of the city, our gratitude to the Ministry in this matter, and I hope they will stand by this proviso in the interests of the workers.
I understand there are one or two subsequent Amendments which we shall not be able to take, and therefore I must make my point on this Amendment. I put a Clause upstairs, in Committee, on behalf of the. London County Council, and I wished to plead for a greater elasticity in the dimensions of these houses. I pleaded for an extension of 100 feet above and 100 feet below, and the Minister granted the 100 feet above and gave 50 feet below. Our point is on the whole question of these houses, that the scales should be related to the number of people who wish for these houses. I can understand hon. Members on the other side saying they object to the whole scale and would like the whole scale raised, but I do not think they should take exception to any one point in the scale, either the lower, or the middle, or the higher point in the scale. Take the figure recommended by the London County Council—450 feet. That was intended for two people. There are many families which consist of two people, and I will not weary the House by going through the different possible permutations and combinations of two people—husband and wife, two brothers, two sisters, mother and daughter, and so on. If you take a house bigger than two people require, one of two things happens. They have either to have larger rooms than they need and to pay more than they desire, or they have to take in a lodger, and that is in either case a bad thing for them.
It is open to people to say that they dislike the whole scale of 450 feet, running up to 950 feet, for the various sizes of families, but that objection is not nearly so strong in the case of the existing houses. Where you take an existing house, and wish to alter it, clearly the space at your command might enable you to make two flats for families with two, three, or four children, and enough space left over to make a third flat for two people. If you are not allowed to make that small flat for two people, it means that you could only make two flats, and the people in them would have to pay a higher rent or take in lodgers. I merely make the point of expressing my deep regret that the London County Council were not allowed to have the lower limit of 450 feet when they were given the higher limit of 950 feet.
I have no desire, though tempted, to enter into a controversy with the hon. Gentleman the Member for Dundee (Mr. Scrymgeour). Indeed I only express the opinion that he himself, in pursuing the matter under review, has knocked the bottom out of his own case, for he has been good enough to tell us that his constituents in Dundee, that is the working classes, do not desire this high standard of housing which is being referred to by hon. Members on these benches, and for this reason: that their wages are low, that their industrial conditions are such as to prevent them from demanding and obtaining the kind of house which in the opinion of hon. Members are a desirable ideal. It was indeed unnecessary to tell this House that these conditions obtain in Dundee, for every hon. Member is familiar with the industrial and economic conditions of that great industrial centre.
The standard of life in Dundee is appalling. The housing conditions are similar; and simply and solely because the wages of the working classes in that city are so low; and so long as the wages are low, so long as the purchasing power in respect to housing accommodation is so inadequate, so long will the desire—the expressed desire—of these people be of the kind indicated by the hon. Member for Dundee. I say at once, we on these benches, representing the labour movement of this country and of Scotland, repudiate the demand that has been made by the hon. Member in his speech this evening.
You will learn better one day!
I would suggest to the hon. Member for Dundee that he should apply to this question of housing the illustration he so frequently applies to another matter in which he takes a very great interest, for there he refuses to accept a partial reform but goes the whole hog. On this question of housing he said that for immediate purposes, and because of the appalling conditions under which these people were, let us accept all that we can obtain for the time being, and in other times, perhaps as the result of the existence of a Government less reactionary than the present one, we can have a better class of house. I would suggest to the hon. Member that he should pursue, in this question of housing precisely the same policy that he has pursued for a great many years in Scotland and elsewhere on the question of prohibition.
Housing is desirable.
Contrast it with prohibition! Is that desirable or undesirable? On this question of housing there is no question at all of an immediate demand, for you are not going to erect houses for immediate purposes, you are erecting houses which are to stand for 60 years at all events. Surely during that time it is not expected that any Government will come along and say to the local authority—even to that of Dundee—"build a better class of houses," so long as hon. Members like the hon. Member for Dundee and other hon. Members opposite can say that the type of houses "for the time being" are satisfactory, as they were built 30 or 40 years ago, and consequently it was unnecessary to build houses of a higher standard! I dismiss the hon. Member for the time being. But I would point out that he scarcely represents a solid body of opinion, and that hon. Members on these benches are just as familiar, as he alleges he is, with the conditions of Dundee and of the working classes, and as the hon. and gallant Gentleman the Parliamentary Under-Secretary who represents the Government for the time being. What does he say? No attempt has been made by him to present a practical case against this Amendment. He has argued, and this seems to be the only argument he can present, that because the Convention of Royal Burghs in Scotland and the local authorities in Scotland have made representations along the lines of this Resolution that consequently there must be some latitude granted to such authorities in order to build the type of house suggested. That Convention does not represent Scottish opinion, and there is perhaps no more reactionary body to-day in Scotland. It may be argued that these local bodies do represent public opinion, but for the most part in the large industrial centres they are bodies of men, and sometimes women, drawn not so much from the working classes as from the landlord and manufacturing classes. The arguments we have heard to-night we have heard time and again from the lips of capitalists and landlords on the Glasgow Town Council.
I want to turn to some other argument presented by the Parliamentary Under-Secretary, who suggests that there is a class in the community, such as spinsters, who live in one-roomed and in two-roomed houses, and he says that for these people we cannot demand ideal conditions. I am glad he admitted that the conditions were appalling, because that is an admission welcomed by hon. Members on this side of the House. Surely he does not suggest that because there are men and women doomed to live in one- and two-roomed houses that consequently their ideals of housing are not so desirable or as lofty as the ideals held by those who live in four- and five-roomed houses. Their ideals are just as good, but the difficulty with these persons is that they cannot afford to pay the rents demanded by the local authorities and by the State.
That is an economic problem which the present Government refuse to tackle, and consequently we are bound to present our demand for an ideal condition of housing, although there are hon. Members on these benches who do not believe that they are ideal. We are bound to present that demand despite the fact that the economic position of these people prevents them paying the rents demanded. It has been argued that there is a large class who live in one-room tenements, but why is that argument not pushed to its logical conclusion. There are hon. Members in this House who are bachelors and there are those who have accepted matrimonial responsibilities, but have not incurred anything in the nature of further responsibilities as a consequence of marital relations, who find it necessary to have houses with 40 or 50 rooms, and it does seem to me that if hon. Members can keep up residences of that kind we ought not to hear such arguments as have been used in this connection, because they cannot logically be presented to this House. I quite admit that the reason why hon. Members on the other side and their friends can live in such mansions is that they can afford it, but the fact that our people cannot afford it is no reason why they should be condemned to live in a one or two-roomed house. May I submit one fact with regard to the constituency I represent here? It includes a burgh of more than 3,000 inhabitants, and 75 per cent. of these live in houses of less than two rooms. It is not suggested that because they are condemned to live in these indescribable conditions—for such they are—they do not desire a better class of house. Of course they do, and that they demand it is proved by the fact that when the local authority built houses, despite the handicaps imposed by the Scottish Board of Health, there was an immediate demand and all the accommodation was taken up long before the houses were completed. That has occurred in all parts of the country, and in Glasgow the demand for houses is very much in excess of the supply, apart from the fact that people are prepared to pay in rent more than their incomes warrant. Therefore, that argument of the hon. and gallant Member has no relevance to the issue now under discussion.
So far as the practical side of this Clause is concerned, we on these benches demand a standard of housing which not only is ideal but which, in our judgment, is essential to the needs of ordinary civilised existence. We do not demand houses of 10 rooms with a bed- room for each child, as do right hon. and hon. Members opposite—[HON. MEMBERS: "No, no!"] At all events, my statement is consistent with the kind of house in which they live, and therefore I am justified in putting that point forward. But we do say that, since you are now considering the erection of houses which are being constructed, not for temporary purposes, but for a long period of years, you have no right to build houses which, in the course of 10 or 20 years, must be doomed to become slums. You are perpetuating slumdom, and on this account we are bound to take up the attitude we do. Some reference has been made to housing conditions in Glasgow. I can well remember when I was a member of the Glasgow city council that a proposal was submitted by those whom we now describe as reactionary, to the effect that two rooms with a kitchen house might be built for precisely the same reason as has been adduced by the hon. and gallant Member opposite. The argument put forward by these reactionaries was that the people to be provided with houses could not afford to pay the rent, and that they did not require the accommodation: therefore a two-roomed and kitchen house was quite ample for them. I submit that ordinary decency demands a better type of house, although I believe it has been argued the many of these persons whom we represent will not have sufficient furniture to put in a house of four or five rooms. I am not concerned about that argument. I would much rather have a five or six-roomed house where three rooms were denuded of furniture than a two-roomed house stored up with furniture, as many working-class houses are, to the detriment of those who live in them.
All through, therefore, I submit to the House that a practical case can be made out for our demand, even from the point of view of health. I would appeal to the Minister on the ground of health. Surely, it can be urged with great force and conviction that it would be very much better that local authorities, who presently expend a very large proportion of their revenue on fever hospitals, on hospitals for tuberculosis, and so on, should build a type of houses which, because of the adequacy of the accommodation provided, would enable people who live a healthy existence. It is much better to spend revenue on housing—good, adequate, healthy and comfortable housing—than on the erection of fever hospitals and hospitals for the treatment of tuberculosis. On the ground of health, therefore, on the ground of refusing to perpetuate a condition of slumdom, and because we believe that our people have ideals, which, perhaps, are unconscious, and not fully recognised by the great body of people in the country—because of those ideals, and on other grounds, we demand that the Ministry of Health should not give way to this alleged clamour on the part of a few busybodies and grandmothers in Scotland who are associated with the Convention of Royal Burghs; and we ask, further, that they shall not give way to the alleged arguments of the hon. Member for Dundee (Mr. Scrymgeour), who does not represent either trade union or Labour opinion in this country, and who, in our judgment, will not very much longer represent his present constituency.
I rise at this moment because I think the speech of the hon. Member for Linlithgow (Mr. Shinwell) has led the House altogether away from the subject of the Amendment which we are supposed to be discussing. The hon. Member's speech might or might not be appropriate to a Second Reading, or to a Motion which had reference to the main provision respecting the size of the houses which may be built under this Clause, but I am convinced that the hon. Member, because of his own eloquence, had quite forgotten what was the proviso which this Amendment seeks to delete. There can be no question of lowering the general standard of housing, there can be no question as to whether the health of the people would be endangered, by a proviso of this kind. It has nothing to do with the general standard set up under Sub-section (2) of this Clause. It is a proviso which merely has to deal with exceptional cases, and which is hedged about with such conditions and restrictions that anyone who reads it with a cool head and an impartial mind will see that all the heroics to which we have been treated for the last half-hour or so are really entirely out of place.
We are told by the hon. Member for Linlithgow that these houses are not built merely for present conditions, but that they are built to last for a period of 60 years. I quite agree, and it is just because, when we were discussing this matter in Committee, I recognised that, if houses of these smaller dimensions were allowed to be built, there would be a danger that the standard of housing would be, if not lowered, at any rate, not raised, that we put into this proviso the conditions to which I now want to draw the attention of the House. It will be seen, in the first place, that before a local authority can even propose to build houses of these smaller dimensions, it must satisfy the Minister that, having regard to special circumstances existing in its area, there is a need for these smaller houses. That is the first consideration.
Secondly, it will be seen that even if they succeed in satisfying the Minister in that respect, when the Minister gives his sanction, that sanction will only be in respect to a certain limited number of houses for the area. Finally, it is provided that the Minister may lay down such conditions as he thinks fit in connection with this limited number of houses. It really is unreasonable for hon. Members on the Labour benches to make the same speech over and over again, on every subject, big or small. This is really quite a small matter. Again, I say it is unreasonable to suggest that, because it is proposed to allow a local authority to build a certain limited number of houses—which even Labour Members will not deny are suitable to the case referred to by my hon. Friend, the case of the families of two—thereby, perhaps, releasing a house with larger accommodation, which may be occupied by a family, they may be doing anything to lower the standard or endanger the general health of the community. This is not an Amendment upon which it is necessary to spend a great deal of time. It is a strictly limited provision. It is one which is subject to many safeguards, and I hope the House will now be content to come to a decision on the subject.
I do not desire to keep the House very long, and I puestion whether I should have risen at all if it had not been for the remarks of the Minister of Health. The right hon. Gentleman has drawn our attention to the provisions contained therein, and he has told us—in which I quite agree with him—that if these provisions are given effect to the probabilities of any great number of these houses being built are very? remote. Even here, however, it is left entirely to the wisdom of the Minister of Health for the time being. So long as the present Minister occupies his position, I have not the least doubt that extraordinary reasons would have to be given him before he would allow such houses to be built. Suppose, however, that another Minister, of a different type—take the right hon. Member for West Swansea (Sir A. Mond)—he might act in a very different way.
I should like to point out that there was a difference in the statements made by the Minister of Health and the Parliamentary Under-Secretary for Health, Scotland. One statement was entirely opposed to the other. In the course of his remarks, the Parliamentary Under-Secretary pointed out that there was a great—an almost universal—demand in Scotland for the lowering of this standard, and that if we were going to give way to the demand from Scotland, voiced by the authorities, whom he has represented as giving voice to those demands, we should have to build a very considerable number of those houses. The hon. and gallant Gentleman further made the statement that it was his duty to deal with the 13,000 families who are living in Glasgow under conditions that he and many of us know obtain there at the moment. If the Parliamentary Under-Secretary for Health is correct in his view of the position—that the necessities of the case demand that this low standard shall be given effect to, because it is the only standard that those people are able to provide for—then, of course, the position taken up by the Minister of Health must be entirely departed from, at least, so far as Scotland is concerned.
There is one matter that comes out very boldly in this discussion and that is the relationship between housing and health. If you go to the people who live under the conditions which have been the means of bringing, in some degree, this housing evil into existence and ask them if they are willing to remove into these bigger houses, undoubtedly many of them will say, "I prefer to live where I am because I cannot pay the rent." No responsible Minister would say, because a person desired to live under bad conditions inimical to his health and that of every one of us, he should be permitted to do so, and to argue that because of low wages the houses are to get smaller is a position I cannot understand any housing reformer taking up. You have not permitted the freedom of the individual so far as health is concerned. If a person is suffering from tuberculosis, you remove him, not only to improve his health, but to prevent him injuring the health of others. You remove fever cases because you consider it in the interest of the well-being of the community. This House is here, not merely to deal with the shortage, but to raise the standard of housing, and since the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) pointed out the relationship of bad housing to health, and the consequences of having a C 3 population, and the necessity of changing it into an A 1 nation, that gave a start to the desire for raising the standard of housing, and thereby improving the condition of the people. There is no reason whatever why this 500 feet minimum should be allowed to remain. If the Minister is going to apply all the safeguards and take the action he has referred to there is no need to meet the demands of so-called Labour housing reformers from Dundee or elsewhere. Not a single hon. Member
on this side has supported such a proposal as that. If we had the power your maximum would become our minimum, with ultimate profit to the community. This week I have spent two or three nights in a bedroom much larger than the house accommodation you are going to give to these people.
11.0 P.M.
There is a section of this House, represented on the other side, to whom that kind of sleeping accommodation is the usual thing. It is not what I am accustomed to. I never slept in a bedroom so spacious and so magnificent until last week-end. Hon. Members on the opposite side consider that quite a necessary thing. We are not pleading that those we represent should be given anything like that standard, but we ask that they should be given such a standard as will lead to decency, promote higher desires, and promote better health. It will be to the profit of hon. Members opposite. I ask the Minister, seeing that he has condemned this standard, to throw it aside and stick to his original proposal.
Question put, "That the words proposed to be left out, stand part of the Bill."
The House divided: Ayes, 256; Noes, 133.
Division No. 242.] AYES. [11.3 p.m. Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Brown, Brig.-Gen. Clifton (Newbury) Doyle, N. Grattan Ainsworth, Captain Charles Brown, J. W. (Middlesbrough, E.) Du Pre, Colonel William Baring Alexander, E. E. (Leyton, East) Bruton, Sir James Edge, Captain Sir William Alexander, Col. M. (Southwark) Buckingham, Sir H. Edmondson, Major A. J. Allen, Lieut.-Col. Sir William James Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S. Burn, Colonel Sir Charles Rosdew Ellis, R. G. Apsley, Lord Burney, Com. (Middx., Uxbridge) England, Lieut.-Colonel A. Ashley, Lt.-Col. Wilfrid W. Butcher, Sir John George Erskine-Bolst, Captain C. Astbury, Lieut.-Com. Frederick W. Butler, H. M. (Leeds, North) Evans, Capt. H. Arthur (Leicester, E.) Austin, Sir Herbert Butt, Sir Alfred Evans, Ernest (Cardigan) Baird, Rt. Hon. Sir John Lawrence Button, H. S. Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Balfour, George (Hampstead) Cadogan, Major Edward Fairbairn, R. R. Barlow, Rt. Hon. Sir Montague Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R. Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Barnett, Major Richard W. Cassels, J. D. Fermor-Hesketh, Major T. Barnston, Major Harry Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City) Flanagan, W. H. Barrie, Sir Charles Coupar (Banff) Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord R. (Hitchin) Ford, Patrick Johnston Becker, Harry Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood) Forestier-Walker, L. Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Churchman, Sir Arthur Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Clarry, Reginald George Fraser, Major Sir Keith Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Cobb, Sir Cyril Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Bennett, Sir T. J. (Sevenoaks) Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Furness, G. J. Betterton, Henry B. Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Galbraith, J. F. W. Birchall. Major J. Dearman Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Gates, Percy Blades, Sir George Rowland Cope, Major William Gaunt, Rear-Admiral Sir Guy R. Blundell, F. N Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South) Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John Bowyer, Captain G. E. W. Cotts, Sir William Dingwall Mitchell Goff, Sir R. Park Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Craig, Capt. C. C. (Antrim, South) Greaves-Lord, Walter Brass, Captain W. Crook, C. W. (East Ham, North) Greenwood, William (Stockport) Brassey, Sir Leonard Crooke, J. Smedley (Deritend) Grenfell, Edward C. (City of London) Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive Curzon, Captain Viscount Gretton, Colonel John Briggs, Harold Davidson, J. C. C.(Hemel Hempstead) Guest, Hon. C. H. (Bristol, N.) Brittain, Sir Harry Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E. Brown, Major D. C. (Hexham) Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) Guthrie, Thomas Maule Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Maitland, Sir Arthur D. Steel- Russell-Wells, Sir Sydney Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W.(Liv'p'l, W. D' by) Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Halstead, Major D. Margesson, H. D. R. Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney)' Hamilton, Sir George C. (Altrincham) Mason, Lieut.-Col. C. K. Sanders, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert A. Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Milne, J. S. Wardlaw Sanderson, Sir Frank B. Harbord, Arthur Mitchell, W. F. (Saffron Walden) Sandon, Lord Harrison, F. C. Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham) Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Henderson, Sir T. (Roxburgh) Molloy, Major L. G. S. Scrymgeour, E. Henn, Sir Sydney H. Molson, Major John Elsdale Shakespeare, G. H. Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Shaw, Hon. Alex. (Kilmarnock) Herbert, Col. Hon. A. (Yeovil) Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Sheffield, Sir Berkeley Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Morris, Harold Simpson-Hinchcliffe, W. A. Herbert, S. (Scarborough) Morrison, Hugh (Wilts, Salisbury) Singleton, J. E. Hewett, Sir J. P. Murchison, C. K. Skelton, A. N. Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank Murray, John (Leeds, West) Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South) Hoare, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir S. J. G Nall, Major Joseph Smith, Sir Harold (Wavertree) Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (St. Marylebone) Newman, Colonel J. R. P. (Finchley) Somerville, A. A. (Windsor) Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Somerville, Daniel (Barrow-in-Furness) Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Newson, Sir Percy Wilson Steel, Major S. Strang Hopkins, John W. W. Nicholson, Brig.-Gen. J. (Westminster) Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K. Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Stockton, Sir Edwin Forsyth Houfton, John Plowright Norton-Griffiths, Lieut.-Col. Sir John Strauss, Edward Anthony Hudson, Capt. A. Oman, Sir Charles William C. Sturrock, J. Leng Hume. G. H. O'Neill, Rt. Hon. Hugh Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Hume-Williams, Sir W. Ellis Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Sykes, Major-Gen. Sir Frederick H. Hunter-Weston, Lt.-Gen. Sir Aylmer Paget, T. G. Thompson, Luke (Sunderland) Hurd, Percy A. Parker, Owen (Kettering) Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Hutchison, G. A. C. (Midlothian, N.) Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Titchfield, Marquess of Hutchison, W. (Kelvingrove) Pease, William Edwin Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S. Penny, Frederick George Tubbs. S. W. Jarrett, G. W. S. Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Turton, Edmund Russborough Jephcott, A. R. Perkins, Colonel E. K. Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull) Jodrell, Sir Neville Paul Perring, William George Watts, Dr. T. (Man., Withington) Johnson, Sir L. (Walthamstow, E.) Pielou, D. P. Wells, S. R. Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington) Pollock, Rt. Hon. Sir Ernest Murray Weston, Colonel John Wakefield Kelley, Major Fred (Rotherham) Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Wheler, Col. Granville C. H. Kennedy, Captain M. S. Nigel Privett, F. J. White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) King, Captain Henry Douglas Raine, W. White, Lt.-Col. G. D. (Southport) Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement Rawson, Lieut.-Com. A. C. Whitla, Sir William Lamb, J. Q. Rees, Sir Beddoe Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George Lane-Fox, Lieut.-Colonel G. R. Remer, J. R. Winfrey, Sir Richard Lloyd, Cyril E. (Dudley) Remnant, Sir James Winterton, Earl Lloyd-Greame, Rt. Hon. Sir P. Reynolds, W. G. W. Wise, Frederick Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (Handsw'th) Rhodes, Lieut.-Col. J. P. Wolmer, Viscount Lorden, John William Richardson, Sir Alex. (Gravesend) Wood, Rt. Hn. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Lorimer, H. D. Richardson, Lt.-Col. Sir P. (Chertsey) Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Lort-Williams, J. Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Woodcock, Colonel H. C. Lougher, L. Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford) Yerburgh, R. D. T. Lowe, Sir Francis William Robertson- Despencer, Major (Isigtn, W) Young, Rt. Hon. E. H. (Norwich) Loyd, Arthur Thomas (Abingdon) Robinson, Sir T. (Lancs., Stretford) Lumley, L. R. Rothschild, Lionel de TELLERS FOR THE AYES. —Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs.—Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs. Lynn. R. J. Roundell, Colonel R. F. McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Ruggles-Brise, Major E. Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth)
NOES. Adams, D. Dudgeon, Major C. R. Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath) Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Duffy, T. Gavan John, William (Rhondda, West) Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock) Duncan, C. Johnston, Thomas (Stirling) Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro') Ede, James Chuter Johnstone, Harcourt (Willesden, East) Attlee, C. R. Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Entwistle. Major C. F. Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly) Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Gosling, Harry Jones, R. T. (Carnarvon) Briant, Frank Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton) Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd) Broad, F. A. Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central) Jowitt, W. A. (The Hartlepools) Bromfield, William Gray, Frank (Oxford) Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M Brotherton, J. Greenall, T. Kenyon, Barnet Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan) Kirkwood, D. Buchanan, G. Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Lawson, John James Buckle, J. Groves, T. Leach, W. Burgess, S. Grundy, T. W. Lee, F. Buxton, Charles (Accrington) Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton) Lees-Smith, H. B. (Keighley) Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, North) Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil) MacDonald, J. R. (Aberavon) Cape, Thomas Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland) M'Entee, V. L. Chapple, W. A. Hardie, George D. McLaren, Andrew Charleton, H. C. Hastings, Patrick Maclean, Nell (Glasgow, Govan) Clarke, Sir E. C. Hay, Captain J. P. (Cathcart) March, S. Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R. Hayday, Arthur Marshall, Sir Arthur H. Darbishire, C. W. Hayes, John Henry (Edge Hill) Maxton, James Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale) Henderson, T. (Glasgow) Middleton, G. Davies, J. C. (Denbigh. Denbigh) Herriotts, J. Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.) Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton) Hill, A. Mosley, Oswald Davison, J. E. (Smethwick) Hirst, G. H. Muir, John W. Murnin, H. Sexton, James Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince) Murray, R. (Renfrew, Western) Shaw, Thomas (Preston) Ward, Col. J. (Stoke upon Trent) O'Grady, Captain James Shinwell, Emanuel Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline) Oliver, George Harold Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda) Paling, W. Smith, T. (Pontefract) Weir, L. M. Parker, H. (Hanley) Snell, Harry Welsh, J. C. Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Snowden, Philip Westwood, J. Ponsonby, Arthur Spencer, George A. (Broxtowe) Wheatley, J. Potts, John S. Stephen, Campbell White, H. G. (Birkenhead, E.) Richards, R. Stewart, J. (St. Rollox) Whiteley, W. Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Sullivan, J. Williams, Dr. J. H. (Llanelly) Riley, Ben Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby) Williams, T. (York, Don Valley) Roberts, C. H. (Derby) Thomas, Sir Robert John (Anglesey) Wintringham, Margaret Roberts, Frederick O. (W. Bromwich) Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Robinson, W. C. (York, Elland) Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow) Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Rose, Frank H. Tout, W. J. Saklatvala, S. Trevelyan, C. P. TELLERS FOR THE NOES. —Mr. Lunn and Mr. Ammon.—Mr. Lunn and Mr. Ammon. Salter, Dr. A. Turner, Ben
I beg to move, in Sub-section (2), to leave out the words "such house" ["every such house shall be"], and to insert instead thereof the words "house or flat to which this section applies."
This is merely a drafting Amendment, which is rendered necessary by an Amendment inserted in Committee.
Amendment agreed to.
I beg to move, in Sub-section (2), to leave out the words "fixed bath," and to insert instead thereof the words "separate bath-room."
One cannot help noticing the difference between the atmosphere in discussing the housing question in this House, and the atmosphere in which one discusses it on a municipal authority, where one is closely in contact with the people for whom the houses are being provided. There one does get some real indication of what the people who wish to inhabit these houses really want, and I cannot help feeling that if we were able to get as closely in touch with members of this House as we are with members of the local authorities, we should not have the difficulties we have in persuading the Government to accept the Amendments that are moved from this side of the House. Perhaps one of the best things that was taught to the troops during the War was the exceedingly necessary part that regular baths should play in promoting a healthy community. I know the troops did not always welcome the military baths, especially when the weather was cold, but, nevertheless, the Army did a great deal towards imbuing the mind with the beneficial effect that baths have upon any community, and I recollect coming back during the War on leave once and seeing the walls of the constituency I now repre- sent placarded with posters shewing a red-tiled cottage, with a green slope in front, and in front a woman waving "good-bye" to a soldier with his rifle sloped over the wrong shoulder, and underneath these words, "Isn't it worth fighting for?" And I recollect when men were fetched out of the line to come back into billets, they were told by lecturers, who were sent out from this country, of the wonderful houses that were to be built for them after the War. I attended many of those lectures, and I never heard one of those lectures without hearing the advantages of a separate bath-room emphasised.
What has that to do with baths?
If hon Members had done me the honour of listening to my speech, they would have noticed that this question and the question of baths are closely connected. I never interrupt hon. Members opposite, though I believe I could do so. I do not believe in the policy of retaliation.
I do.
Not being a Scotsman I do not. I am one of the few Englishmen who has managed to get into the House on this side. About the time that promises were made to the troops that this type of house would be supplied after the wrar—the promise was definitely made to the men, who, after hearing it, went back to the trenches and risked their lives—we borrowed money from America to lend it to France. We are paying that debt to America, and I urge that we are just as much compelled, by every principle of honour, to redeem the pledge that we made to the soldiers. One cannot address any meet- ing of working women who are interested in the housing problem without knowing that this question of the bath is always a very live issue with them. They are continually ridiculing any proposal to provide baths except in a separate room. They know the disadvantage and trouble of bathing children in a room that is not a proper bathroom. If hon. Members opposite had the opportunity of hearing from wives of working-class houses their views on this question they would be converted, for, although those views might be expressed in language that might sometimes be described as unladylike, hon. Members would have no doubt as to the sincerity of the motives that actuated them. I strongly appeal to the Minister to accept the Amendment.
I beg to second the Amendment as, perhaps, the only Irishman who has spoken to-night.
I would remind the Minister that the Government taught us in our schooldays that cleanliness was next to Godliness. Some of us learned to believe it, and the question now is how many hon. Members of this House believe it? If the Minister persists in allowing only a fixed bath with cold water supply, most people would agree that cold water is cold comfort, particularly in a summer like this. Perhaps the summer weather that we are having may affect the Minister sufficiently to induce him to give the concession asked for. Under the last Government we had a standard of houses that permitted a bath with hot and cold water in a separate bathroom. It seems a pity if this Government is out to prove itself more reactionary than the last Government by lowering the standard which obtained during the last Government's period of office. When we were discussing this matter in Committee the argument which appeared to have most weight with those who voted against the separate bath was put forward by hon. Members who described themselves as practical builders. Their objection was twofold—first, that it was too costly and, secondly, that it would be impossible to keep a hot and cold water supply, especially the former, in reasonably good order. That objection is met by the fact that many of the houses erected under the scheme of the last Government con- tained bathrooms with hot and cold water supply, and these are still in good order and in very rare cases only has it been found necessary to do anything in the nature of repairs and where there have been any repairs, these have been of a very small character indeed. I can honestly claim to be more practical than any of those who describe themselves as practical builders on the other side of the House, because I was always taught that a practical man was a man who could do things and not merely a man who could talk about things. I have had the privilege—the misfortune perhaps—of being associated as a worker with the building trade since I was a boy.
Does the hon. Member suggest that he was the only worker in the building trade
I am not suggesting anything other than that what I am saying. Although I am not an Englishman, I think my English is sufficiently good to be understood by most hon. Members. I am stating that I have been engaged in the building industry for the greater part of my life and as a practical building worker, I assert, without the slightest fear of contradiction, that there is no practical difficulty whatever in fitting these houses with hot and cold water supply and a separate bathroom. The fact that it has been done during the last housing scheme proves it can be done effectively and with reasonable cheapness. If it could be done when prices were considerably higher than they are now, it is a very poor argument for the Government to say that the cost is prohibitive. There is another good reason why the Minister should accept this proposal. Would not anybody admit that the people who require a bath most are the workers—those who are doing the work of the country. I do not suggest that the manual workers are the only workers but, in the main, the people who will live in these houses are the people who, by the nature of their work, require hot and cold baths more than any other section of the community. If the right hon. Gentleman desires to prove that he is a Minister of Health, he will accept the Amendment which gives an opportunity to those who need a bath most, to have that bath in the interests of the public health and of their own health.
I do not think any reasonable argument can be put forward why a separate bathroom with hot and cold water should not be provided. Why should you confine the workers to a cold water bath? There is no reason why we should say, as we should be by opposing this Amendment, that the workman has no right to the same reasonable amenities of life as are accepted as the standard for the other sections of the community. I was thinking, while the hon. Member for Mitcham (Mr. Ede) was speaking, that we were told in the days of the War that this country was worth dying for, but I would hardly like to say that the conditions under which many of the men who came back from the War are living at the present time are worth living for. We are simply asking that ordinary, normal conditions of life should be instituted, and that the houses in which the people have to live should be fitted with the ordinary amenities of life that are recognised as the standard that is necessary for public health. I hope that even now the Minister will grant us this concession. We have had no concession on the Report stage at all, and we had very few concessions on the Committee stage, and I would ask the Minister to consider this as a matter of vital importance to the public health.
I cannot help thinking that we should get on a deal faster if hon. Members would have a care, before they got up to move and second Amendments, to read those Amendments. The speeches to which we have listened on this Amendment have been entirely irrelevant to it. They have been directed to urging us to see that every house should have a bath, but what the hon. Members by their Amendment are seeking to make us do is to take out a fixed bath and substitute for that a separate bathroom. My own impression was that it was a bath which was wanted, and that was the concession that I made in the Committee.
Does not the right hon. Gentleman recognise that the term "bathroom" surely means a complete bathroom?
The hon. Member said just now that his English was good enough to be understood by Mem- bers of the House of Commons, but Members of the House of Commons could hardly be expected to know that when the hon. Member said a separate bathroom, he wanted hot and cold water. You must have certain fixtures attached to a fixed bath, but if you merely provide that there shall be a separate bathroom, I must point out that that does not even specify that there shall be a bath. You may have a bathroom without a bath. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] A bath may be either fixed or portable. You may have in a bathroom a portable bath, and there is nothing to prevent it being taken out afterwards, whereas, if you have a fixed bath, it cannot be taken away, and that is the reason why I suggested in Committee that the words "fixed bath" should be inserted. There is another reason, and quite a good reason, why I think it would be inadvisable to accept this Amendment. This is not merely a question of cost, but, as I pointed out in Committee, there are a number of houses in certain parts of the country where the bath is not in a separate bathroom, but in the scullery. That arrangement suits the particular people in the neighbourhood. [HON. MEMBERS: "NO, no!"]
That shows your mentality.
The bath can be arranged in front of the fire. [HON. MEMBEBS: "That is your idea of the working classes"; and "How would you like that in your house?"]
I would ask hon. Members not to interrupt the Minister.
It is not desirable that we should attempt to force upon everybody all over the country our own particular idea of what is wanted. What we have done here, and what I think ought to be done, as to whether there should be a fixed bath or a separate bathroom, is to leave it to the discretion of the local authorities.
I welcome the concession to allow a fixed bath to be put into each house, but, like Oliver Twist, I "want more" I hope the right hon. Gentlemen will concede this Amendment, and allow the Regulations to include a bathroom. A fixed bath is a poor alternative for a complete bathroom. Think of the husband—the miner or the railway men, of the shipyard worker—coming home and wanting a bath, and perhaps having to go back to work, and having only the suggested arrangement, where there is hardly the necessary privacy, if there is not a separate bathroom in the house. One does feel, in common decency, that it should be possible for everyone to have a separate bathroom. The tendency, perhaps, with the local authorities is to have a fixed bath, and not a fixed bathroom. But I do hope the Minister of Health will consider the desirability of putting a good bathroom in these houses and of setting a high standard for the coming generations.
I have an Amendment on the Paper dealing with this matter, and with facilities for a hot-and-cold water supply. If that Amendment is not to be moved, I would wish to speak to this Amendment.
The two Amendments are really one proposition, and we cannot have a separate Debate on both.
In that case I shall speak to this Amendment. We claim that in every house that is to be built under the provisions of this Housing Bill there should be a separate bathroom installed, with all facilities for a hot and cold water supply. The Minister upstairs in Committee, it is true, agreed to put in fixed baths which is now under discussion, but the Minister, I must say quite frankly, has very little personal knowledge of the life of the working classes of this country, and his last statement proves that up to the hilt. It is no argument that because the working classes have for a century past tolerated houses without a bathroom, that they should tolerate them any longer. I can assure him that the words "fixed bath" can be very much abused by unscrupulous people. It may be a kind of recess in the floor of the kitchen and there are many baths of that kind in this country and they mean of great amount of drudgery work for the wife. It is simply startling what a lack of accommodation there is in this respect. Not long ago the county medical officer of health for Linlithgow reported that 11 per cent. of the people in that county had only one room, 65 per cent. two rooms, and 75 per cent. three rooms, and there was not a bath in any of them. It is only a very small per- centage that have any bathing facilities at all. [HON. MEMBERS: "Why?"] Because private enterprise wanted to build on the cheap for the working classes.
Let me give one or two illustrations why we should have words inserted the meaning of which cannot be misunderstood. As the words stand they will be open to great abuse. Unless you say that there shall be a separate bathroom with a hot and cold water supply, the people will not get it. We shall be twitted with the old story that the working people abuse the bath when it is supplied and you will be told that they will only use it as a lumber room. I have investigated this matter and I can find no instances where proper facilities have been provided where they have not been properly used. I found a number of cases where baths were supplied with only a cold water tap and no outlet for the water. No wonder that the housewife will not use such a bath. We have in my constituency a so-called garden city built by one of the richest colliery companies in South Wales, and the houses were planned by a Member of this House. The hon. Member for South Bristol (Sir B. Rees) was responsible for the planning of those houses, and they are now fast becoming slums. In every one of these houses there is a bath in the scullery and a separate iron boiler, and when the housewife has to prepare the bath for the miner she has to make a separate fire in that little scullery, and it takes hours to heat the water to boiling point. The point I want to make is that in mining districts the miners have one real advantage over the people in other industrial districts. As part of their real wages they get cheap coal, and therefore, in every miner's cottage throughout the land, all the year round, there is always a fire in the kitchen grate, day and night. Here is a so-called garden city, built in the year 1913, which has this absurd provision of a separate boiler, with a separate fire, in a miner's home where coal is cheap. In every miner's cottage we should insist upon a separate bathroom, with hot and cold water supply, and the boiler attached to it ought to be behind the fire in the kitchen grate, so that pipes can be led to the taps upstairs and downstairs. Why should not that be done in a miner's house as well as anyone else's?
What applies to the miners, who represent one-tenth of the workers of this country, applies also to the railwaymen, and to the other workers in all the arduous and dirty employments of our land. It is true that there are pit-head bathrooms, which, I hope, will become general, where miners can bath at the pit-head, and leave the dirt where it ought to be left, without taking it home for their wives to clean up; but even then the miner's family are as much entitled to the facilities of a bathroom, with hot and cold water, as the miner at the pithead or anyone else. I appeal to the Minister to treat this Amendment seriously. If he is not satisfied with its wording, surely we can agree as to the sense of the Amendment and let it be redrafted, if necessary, making it quite clear that in every house there shall be a separate bathroom with a bath and hot and cold water supply. Unless that is going to be provided, we shall be very dissatisfied with the provisions in the Bill.
May I appeal to the House to bring the discussion on this Amendment to an end as soon as possible? I do not suppose that the House generally wishes to stay here all night to-night, and I understand that an arrangement has been come to between the three parties that after this Amendment, we should close the discussion for to-night, on the understanding that, without a suspension of the Eleven o'Clock Rule, we should get the conclusion of the Report stage and Third Reading by eleven o'clock on Monday. I am sure my hon. Friends opposite will confirm that as the understanding between all throe parties, and, if that be accepted, I shall move the Adjournment of the Debate as soon as we have concluded the discussion on this Amendment
I want to say a word on the Amendment which stands in my name, asking that there shall be a separate bathroom. I consider that the people whom we represent are as good as the legislators who form the Government at the moment, and they believe in having a separate bathroom. I say that we have a better right to a separate bathroom than the right hon. Gentlemen on the Treasury Bench. It is the working people who make the baths and who build the bathrooms, and is it any wonder that I interrupt right hon. and gallant Gentlemen, and Noble Lords, if you like—but I will never call them Noble Lords when I am addressing them—when I think of the bathrooms that they have and the conditions under which my people have to live, and how we have to stand here and listen to the insults and gibes that are thrown at us, when they complain that they have to listen to speeches being delivered over again? But we can deliver speeches, and that is what those Gentlemen are not able to do.
I trust that the hon. Member will give us an example of a speech that is straight to the point.
I will not detain the House much longer. I had some difficulty in getting in, and this is the first time I have spoken to-day, though there are some here who have been speaking two and three times to-day, and who were called prior to me. The reason that I am so anxious to appeal on behalf of the working people of this country for separate bathrooms is that it is essential to the health of the people. If the ruling class to-day were intelligent, they would do all they could to see that the working people of this country were kept in a healthy state, and one of the principal things from the point of view of health is cleanliness, because cleanliness is next to godliness, and that is something you know nothing about. These separate bathrooms for which we are appealing are not for mansions. Do not let us forget that they are bathrooms for small houses, where the future generations of this country have to be reared. [ Laughter. ] I hope, Mr. Speaker, that you have the good sense to look at them laughing at their own folly. It is essential that in these small houses there should be baths. Their provision would be one of the best counteractions against infectious diseases. In our Scottish towns, as distinct from what prevails in England, we find, because of the housing conditions; that infectious diseases come in, and the children are taken away from their mothers, which is one of the most terrible things that could possibly happen—[HON. MEMBERS: "Shame!"]—I know Englishmen will interfere when I am speaking; I do not expect anything else. The fact remains, that in England they have larger houses; they have apartments; and they are able to isolate the children, which we cannot do in Scotland. For that reason, our children in Scotland are taken from their mothers in a greater ratio than in England. If the Minister of Health has any heart, if he has any feeling, I appeal to him, on behalf of the mothers of Scotland, to give us that separate bathroom. [ Laughter. ] I can hear the laughter on my right. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] I heard it; do not cry off, now. If you rouse me, you will get it; I do not care; the Press will get it.
I appeal to the Minister of Health, on behalf of the mothers of Scotland, to give us this separate bathroom. Never mind the cost. [An HON. MEMBER: "What about the parlours?"] Give your brains a rest for once in your life. Think of the women and children of our country, as against cash, as against rent, profit, and interest. If the right hon. Gentleman gives us that bathroom, he will go down to posterity as the Minister of Health who did something that was a credit to the name he bore.
I just want to implement what the Minister of Health said. I think we have now discussed the comparative merits and demerits of a fixed bath on the one hand, and of a bathroom on the other. An arrangement—I think a most advantageous one for the whole House, has been come to—that we shall pursue this subject on another day, and that the Bill, including the Third Reading, shall be given without the suspension of the Eleven o'Clock Rule on that day. I would appeal to hon. Members on this side of the House to let us have a Division now. We can then immediately adjourn.
I desire, on behalf of those for whom I am entitled to speak for the moment, to associate myself with what has fallen from my hon. Friend the Leader of the Opposition, and to
confirm the arrangement that has been indicated by the Minister of Health.
May I say, on behalf of those with whom I act, that this appears to me a reasonable arrangement.
May I ask whether the Minister of Health definitely contemplates leaving out all provision for the insertion of separate bathrooms? He gave no explanation on the point. I should be glad to know whether he is prepared to make any concession.
In view of the great importance of the question and the fact that the subject is by no means exhausted, will the Minister not assent to the Debate standing adjourned and being resumed on Monday?
May we have an answer to my hon. Friend's question?
I may point out that the Minister has already spoken.
I do not think the Noble Lord the Member for Hastings (Lord E. Percy) or the Secretary for Health has spoken. We are entitled to know what is the Minister's attitude. It has not beer explained. He has made great sport with the Amendment, which I think is perfectly reasonable, and he has made artificial difficulties, but we want to know whether he is accepting it or not.
With the permission of the House, I will answer the question. It seemed to me to be rather long, but the answer, fortunately, can be quite short. It is not my intention to accept the Amendment.
Question put, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Bill."
The House divided: Ayes, 199; Noes, 125.
Division No. 243.] AYES. [12 m. Agg-Gardner. Sir James Tynte Balfour, George (Hampstead) Birchall, Major J. Dearman Ainsworth, Captain Charles Barlow, Rt. Hon. Sir Montague Blades, Sir George Rowland Alexander, Col. M. (Southwark) Barnett, Major Richard W. Blundell. F. N. Allen, Lieut.-Col. Sir William James Barnston, Major Harry Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W. Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S. Becker, Harry Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Apsley, Lord Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Brass, Captain W. Ashley, Lt.-Col. Wilfrid W. Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive Austin, Sir Herbert Bennett, Sir T. J. (Sevenoaks) Briggs, Harold Baird, Rt. Hon. Sir John Lawrence Betterton, Henry B. Brittain, Sir Harry Brown, Major D. C. (Hexham) Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Pielou, D. P. Brown, Brig.-Gen. Clifton (Newbury) Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Pollock, Rt. Hon. Sir Ernest Murray Bruton, Sir James Herbert, S. (Scarborough) Privett, F. J. Buckingham, Sir H. Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank Raine, W. Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Hoare, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir S. J. G. Rawson, Lieut.-Com. A. C. Burn, Colonel Sir Charles Rosdew Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (St. Marylebone) Remer, J. R. Butcher, Sir John George Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy Remnant, Sir James Butt, Sir Alfred Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Reynolds, W. G. W. Button, H. S. Hopkins, John W. W. Rhodes, Lieut.-Col. J. P. Cadogan, Major Edward Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Richardson, Lt.-Col. Sir P. (Chertsey) Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R. Houfton, John Plowright Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford) Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City) Hudson, Capt. A Robertson-Despencer, Major(Islgtn,W) Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord R. (Hitchin) Hume, G. H. Robinson, Sir T. (Lancs., Stretford) Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton Hunter-Weston, Lt.-Gen. Sir Aylmer Roundell, Colonel R. F. Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood) Hurd, Percy A. Ruggles-Brise, Major E. Churchman, Sir Arthur Hutchison, G. A. C. (Midlothian, N.) Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth) Clarry, Reginald George Jenkins, W. A. (Brecon and Radnor) Russell-Wells, Sir Sydney Cobb, Sir Cyril Jephcott, A. R. Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Johnson, Sir L. (Walthamstow, E.) Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney) Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington) Sanders, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert A. Cope, Major William Kelley, Major Fred (Rotherham) Sanderson, Sir Frank B. Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South) King, Captain Henry Douglas Sandon, Lord Courthope, Lieut.-Col. George L. Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement Simpson-Hinchcliffe, W. A. Crook, C W. (East Ham, North) Lane-Fox, Lieut.-Colonel G. R. Singleton, J. E. Crooke, J. Smedley (Deritend) Lloyd, Cyril E. (Dudley) Skelton, A. N. Curzon, Captain Viscount Lloyd-Greame, Rt. Hon. Sir Philip Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South) Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead) Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (Handsw'th) Smith, Sir Harold (Wavertree) Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Lorden, John William Somerville, A. A. (Windsor) Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) Lort-Willlams, J. Somerville, Daniel (Barrow-in-Furness) Dixon, C. H. (Rutland) Lougher, L. Spears, Brig.-Gen. E. L. Doyle, N. Grattan Loyd, Arthur Thomas (Abingdon) Steel, Major S. Strang Du Pre, Colonel William Baring Lumley, L. R. Stockton, Sir Edwin Forsyth Edmondson, Major A. J. Lynn, R. J. Sturrock, J. Leng Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Ellis, R. G. Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Sykes, Major-Gen. Sir Frederick H. England, Lieut.-Colonel A. Margesson, H. D. R. Thompson, Luke (Sunderland) Erskine-Bolst, Captain C. Mason, Lieut.-Col. C. K. Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Eyres-Monsell. Com. Bolton M. Milne, J. S. Wardlaw Titchfield, Marquess of Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Mitchell, W. F. (Saffron Walden) Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement Fermor-Hesketh, Major T. Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham) Tubbs, S. W. Flanagan, W. H. Molloy, Major L. G. S. Turton, Edmund Russborough Ford, Patrick Johnston Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull) Forestier-Walker, L. Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Wells, S. R. Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Murchison, C. K. Weston, Colonel John Wakefield Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E Nall, Major Joseph Wheler, Col. Granville C. H. Furness, G. J. Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) White, Lt.-Col. G. D. (Southport) Galbraith, J. F. W. Nicholson, Brig.-Gen. J.(Westminster) Whitla, Sir William Gaunt, Rear-Admiral Sir Guy R. Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Windsor-clive, Lieut.-Colonel George Goff, Sir R. Park Norton-Griffiths, Lieut.-Col. Sir John Winterton, Earl Greaves-Lord, Walter Oman, Sir Charles William C. Wise, Frederick Greenwood, William (Stockport) O'Neill, Rt. Hon. Hugh Wolmer, Viscount Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E. Ormsby Gore, Hon. William Wood, Rt. Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Paget, T. G. Woodcock, Colonel H. C. Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W. (Llv'p'l,W.D'by) Parker, Owen (Kettering) Yerburgh, R. D. T. Halstead, Major D. Pease, William Edwin Hamilton, Sir George C. (Altrincham) Penny, Frederick George TELLERS FOR THE AYES. —Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs.—Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs. Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Harrison, F. C. Perkins, Colonel E. K. Henn, Sir Sydney H. Perring, William George
NOES. Adams, D. Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Hill, A. Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Entwistle, Major C. F. Hirst, G. H. Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock) Evans, Capt. H. Arthur (Leicester, E.) Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath) Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro') Evans, Ernest (Cardigan) John, William (Rhondda, West) Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Fairbairn, R. R. Johnston, Thomas (Stirling) Barrie, Sir Charles Coupar (Banff) Gosling, Harry Johnstone, Harcourt (Willesden, East) Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton) Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Broad, F. A. Gray, Frank (Oxford) Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly) Bromfield, William Greenall, T. Jones, R. T. (Carnarvon) Brotherton, J. Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan) Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd) Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Buchanan, G. Groves, T. Kirkwood, D. Buckle, J. Grundy, T. W. Lawson, John James Buxton, Charles (Accrington) Hall, F. (York, W.R., Normanton) Leach, W. Cape, Thomas Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil) Lee, F. Chapple, W. A. Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland) Lunn, William Charleton, H. C. Hardie, George D. MacDonald, J. R. (Aberavon) Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale) Harris, Percy A. Macdonald, Sir Murdoch (Inverness) Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton) Hay, Captain J. P. (Cathcart) M'Entee, V. L. Davison, J. E. (Smethwick) Hayday, Arthur McLaren, Andrew Duncan, C. Hayes, John Henry (Edge Hill) March, S. Ede, James Chuter Henderson, T. (Glasgow) Marshall, Sir Arthur H. Edge, Captain Sir William Herriotts, J. Morel, E. D. Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.) Robinson, W. C. (York, Elland) Trevelyan, C. P. Mosley, Oswald Saklatvala, S. Turner, Ben Murnin, H. Salter, Dr. A. Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince) Murray, John (Leeds, West) Scrymgeour, E. Watson, W. M. (Dunfermilne) Murray, R. (Renfrew, Western) Sexton, James Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda) O'Grady, Captain James Shaw, Thomas (Preston) Welsh, J. C. Oliver, George Harold Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) Westwood, J. Paling, W. Simpson, J. Hope Wheatley, J. Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Smith, T. (Pontefract) White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Snell, Harry Whiteley, W. Phillipps, Vivian Spencer, George A. (Broxtowe) Williams, Dr. J. H. (Llanelly) Ponsonby, Arthur Stephen, Campbell Williams, T. (York, Don Valley) Potts, John S. Strauss, Edward Anthony Wintringham, Margaret Pringle, W. M. R. Sullivan, J. Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Rees, Sir Beddoe Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby) Wright, W. Richards, R. Thomas, Sir Robert John (Anglesey) Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Riley, Ben Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow) TELLERS FOR THE NOES. —Mr. Neil Maclean and Mr. Ammon.—Mr. Neil Maclean and Mr. Ammon. Roberts, C. H. (Derby) Tout, W. J. Roberts, Frederick O. (W. Bromwich)
Ordered, That further Consideration of the Bill, as amended, be now adjourned.—[ Mr. N. Chamberlain. ]
Bill, as amended ( in the Standing Committee ), to be further considered upon Monday next.
The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.
It being after Half-past Eleven of the Clock upon Wednesday evening, Mr. SPEAKER adjourned the House, without Question put, pursuant to the Standing Order.
Adjourned at Ten Minutes after Twelve o'Clock.