House of Commons
Thursday, June 21, 1923
The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.
Private Business
Oyster Fishery (Roach River) Provisional Order Bill,
Pier and Harbour Provisional Orders (No. 2) Bill,
Read the Third time, and passed.
Ministry of Health Provisional Orders (No. 6) Bill,
Ministry of Health Provisional Orders (No. 8) Bill,
Ministry of Health Provisional Orders (No. 10) Bill,
Tramways Provisional Orders Bill,
As amended, considered; to be read the Third time To-morrow.
Oral Answers to Questions
Ex-Service Men
British Legion
asked the Minister of Pensions if the British Legion is considered an accredited organisation by the Ministry; and if all correspondence received by the Ministry, written by the British Legion on behalf of their members, is considered official and acknowledged and dealt with accordingly?
The British Legion is regarded as a responsible organisation and, subject to the precautions against the unauthorised disclosure of confidential information which I mentioned in my reply to the hon. and gallant Member last Thursday, replies are sent direct to communications received from that body. If the hon. and gallant Member will let me have particulars of any difficulty which has come to his notice I shall be pleased to look into the matter.
Poor Law Relief
asked the Minister of Health whether he will obtain from boards of guardians in England and Wales Returns showing the number of ex-service men, and wives and children of such men, chargeable to the Poor Law in institutions or on outdoor relief for the week ending 31st March, 1923?
This information could only be obtained by a special Return involving boards of guardians in considerable trouble and expense and, as at present advised, I do not think the results to be obtained would justify this expenditure.
Would the right hon. Gentleman reconsider the matter? Many boards of guardians would be only too glad to supply him with this information. It is all tabulated, and it is simply a question of putting it together. It is very important to know how many of these men are in this condition?
My information does not tally with that of my hon. Friend. But I will consider the matter.
I will undertake to get the right hon. Gentleman the figures of at least one union.
Is it not a comparatively simple matter to get information like this from the boards of guardians?
Is the right hon. Gentleman not aware that nearly every board of guardians keeps these figures in a card-index? It is perfectly simple to get the returns. All the extra expense would be in the right hon. Gentleman's office putting the figures together, and from what I know of the office staff, it ought not to be anything special.
Naval and Military Pensions and Grants
Seven Years' Limit
asked the Minister of Pensions whether he can see his way to extend the terms of reference to his Advisory Committee dealing with the seven years' limit regulation upon the issue of pensions so as to include the claims of other dependants as well as of widows, having regard to the fact that the present disqualification is one based on the time when the casualty occurred, and has no reference to the kinship of the dependant?
I regret that I do not see my way to adopt the hon. Member's suggestion.
Does the right hon. Gentleman consider that the case is affected by the kinship of the dependants?
I have already replied to that question on last Thursday. The matter is being considered, but the cases of the dependants are obviously on different footings.
Appellant's Friend (Travelling Expenses)
asked the Minister of Pensions whether in those cases where a local pensions committee consider that the appellant is not in a position to adequately put his or her own case before the appeal tribunal, and that a member of their committee or staff should accompany the claimant for that purpose, he will authorise the committee, if it sees fit, to defray the travelling expenses so incurred, as was formerly done with great advantage to the appellants in many instances?
As already stated, I am not prepared to accept this proposal. I may add that at no time has payment of travelling expenses for an appellant's friend been authorised by the Ministry as suggested in the last part of the question.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that before the local pensions committees came entirely under the control of the Government, many committees did provide these fares and were able to render valuable service to the appellants?
There is, of course, no objection to these expenses being paid from voluntary funds as in the past.
Marriage After Disability
asked the Minister of Pensions, if the widow and children of an ex-service man are not eligible for penison or allowance if the man married his wife after his disability was incurred; and, if so, will he alter the regulations so as to permit of such payments?
The principle of the Pensions Warrant is that the State compensates the man and accepts the liabilities he was under at the date of his, injury; and, accordingly, widows of deceased men are not admitted to pension if they were married after that date. I am not prepared to recommend the removal of this restriction from the Warrant.
In cases of this kind where a contract has been entered into, it is not the proper thing for the Government to recognise an obligation of that kind?
No, Sir, most certainly not. The Government have clearly entered into no contract in the matter. It was under the proposal which the hon. Member advocates that in another country young women married old pensioners thirty or forty years after a war, and later on these women drew pensions as widows of a war which was over before they were born.
I meant the contract between the ex-service man and his wife.
South Staffs Regiment (Arthur Parkes)
asked the Minister of Pensions whether he is aware that the disability of Arthur Parkes, 20,144, South Staffs, 60, Ball Fields, Tipton, has been assessed at 40 per cent.; and that despite repeated efforts he is unable to work; and will he arrange for a further medical examination?
The assessment of 40 per cent. was made by a Board held in October, 1922, which comprised a medical specialist, and was confirmed by another Board held last April. If the man considers that his condition has since become worse, he may apply for an increase of pension on that ground.
Highbury Hospital Fire (Committee of Inquiry)
asked the Minister of Pensions what steps have been taken with reference to the promised inquiry into the cause of the fire at the Pensioners Hospital, Highbury, Birmingham, on Wednesday the 13th instant?
I have appointed my right hon. Friend the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry to be Chairman of a Committee of Inquiry into this regrettable matter, the other members being:
"To ascertain the cause of the fire which recently took place at Highbury Hospital, and to consider whether any, and if so, what precautions are required to prevent similar accidents in future at hospital buildings for which the Ministry is responsible."
When will the Committee begin its inquiry?
I am glad to be able to reassure my right hon. Friend on that point. The Committee have already started work and have begun by going down to Birmingham. They are at Birmingham inquiring into the question at this moment.
Can the right hon. Gentleman give us any reassuring news as to the cases of the persons who were injured?
One of the patients is undoubtedly very ill. The news I have about him is that he is at the moment rather better. The other patients, including the orderly, are going on well—that is the latest news received by me this morning.
Pending the result of this inquiry, could not some special officer who is an expert in the matter, visit other places of a similar character, and see if the patients who are strapped down cannot be placed nearest the exits, instead of being in the centre of the building, as I understand is the case now?
That matter has already been seen to by the Ministry. I may say it is the desire of the Committee to go into the question on the spot, and see how the lessons of the fire can be applied generally.
Sickness Grants
asked the Minister of Pensions whether, under Ministry of Pensions instruction No. 338, the grants to pensioned widows and children in cases of sickness have been withdrawn; what were the number of applications made under Regulation 8, Part I of the Special Grants Committee in the 12 months ending 31st March, 1923; what is the amount it is anticipated will be saved if grants under Regulation 8 are discontinued; and whether it is proposed to make any other provision for the widows and children in special cases of sickness?
As the War Pensions Committees were informed by a circular letter of the 11th instant, the Regulation referred to has been withdrawn, but provision has been made for the continuance of grants now in payment and for their renewal in suitable cases. The number of applications made to the Special Grants Committee under this Regulation during the last financial year was 1,471, of which 642 were entertained. The amount which, it is estimated, will be saved during the current financial year by the withdrawal of the Regulation is approximately £2,500. It is not proposed to make any special provision in substitution for the Regulation now withdrawn, and I may remind the hon. Member that all widows and children who could possibly by affected by the withdrawal are receiving full pension under the warrant. The provision of sickness grants was introduced into the Regulations of the Special Grants Committee as a war-time measure, and, although the power to make such grants in special cases was retained in the Regulations of the year 1920, it is felt that at the present time, when prices have fallen and pensioned widows and children are benefiting to the extent of £3,000,000 a year by the stabilisation of rates, the further continuance of this additional provision can no longer be justified.
Is the right hon. Gentleman prepared to increase the 4s. 2d to 5s., as I can assure him many of these people have to depend on friends—not relatives—to help them to eke out an existence?
I fully appreciate the hon. Member's point, but the supplementary question he has put refers to the next question on the Paper.
Was this new Order submitted to the right hon. Gentleman's Advisory Committee before being sent out?
The matter has been fully considered with the Special Grants Committee, who are the special body for this work. These allowances are not being stopped.
asked the Minister of Pensions whether the sickness grants to pensioned widows and children, permissible under Part I of the Regulations of the Special Grants Committee, Regulation 8, ceased on 14th June, and no new applications will be received; and what other privileges or benefits under the Regulations of the Special Grants Committee have been withdrawn since 1st January, 1922?
With regard to the first part of the question I would refer the hon. Member to the reply I have just given to the hon. Member for Houghton-le-Spring (Mr. Richardson). During the period mentioned in the latter part of the question the Regulations of the Special Grants Committee, which are on a temporary basis and in some degree have become obsolete, have been under general review, but it is not possible to state, in the form of a Parliamentary answer, what modifications (either by way of extension or restriction) have been made. The revised Regulations will be printed and issued as early as possible. The restrictions, I may say, are mostly of a minor character and the net saving in expenditure will be inconsiderable in comparison with the total annual expenditure of the Committee.
Does the right hon. Gentleman submit the chief Regulations to the Advisory Committee—that Advisory Committee which he tells the House is composed in the main of Members of the House?
I cannot undertake to submit everything to the Advisory Committee, because there is a Special Committee which deals with these special grants, and I have consulted directly with this Committee.
Need Pensions
asked the Minister of Pensions whether he has made arrangements which will guarantee that the need pensions will never drop below 5s.; what is the number of pensioners in receipt of a need pension of 4s. 2d. per week; what is the number of need pensions that have been discontinued; and whether in these cases a pension of not less than 5s. a week will now be issued?
I would refer the hon. Member to the answer given to the hon. Member for Ardwick (Mr. Lowth) on the 18th instant, of which I am sending him a copy. I regret that the figures for which the hon. Member asks are not readily available.
Did not the right hon. Gentleman indicate in a speech recently delivered in this House that he did not intend these need pensions to fall below 5s. a week?
The hon. Member is under a complete misapprehension. The question before the House was in regard to the flat rate pension, and the hon. Member has confused two different points.
Irish Free State (Administration)
asked the Minister of Pensions how many war pensions committees have been set up in the Irish Free State under the War Pensions Act, 1921; how many local war pensions committees there are in the Irish Free State; whether the circulars issued to the war pensions committees apply to local war pensions committees; whether the War Pensions Act of 1921 is operative in the Irish Free State; and what steps he is taking to ensure the efficient administration of pensions in the Irish Free State?
Prior to the passing of the Irish Free State (Constitution) Act, of last year, one war pensions committee for an area constituted under the War Pensions Act, 1921, had been set up in the Free State. There are 20 local war pensions committees constituted under the War Pensions Act, 1915, still in operation. As the committees of the old and of the new type have somewhat different functions, circulars and instructions directed to the one are not necessarily applicable to the other. I have taken, and shall take, all necessary steps, through the local officers of my Department, to ensure as efficient administration of pensions as is possible in view of the disturbed condition recently obtaining in some parts of the Free State area. In this matter, I am glad to say that I have the co-operation of Departments of the Free State Government.
Does the right hon. Gentleman think it possible to secure not merely efficiency but uniformity?
I will certainly consider that point.
Education
Teachers' Salaries (War Service)
asked the President of the Board of Education whether he is aware that Miss Margaret Wicks, who since her return to teaching from War service has received increments in which her period of War service has been recognised, is now required, by order of the Board, to repay £40 per annum, the increment of two years and seven months on War service: and whether he is prepared to reconsider this decision of the Board, seeing that in Scotland such War service of teachers is recognised for increments?
The hon. Member is misinformed. The Board have not ordered Miss Wicks to repay to her employers sums received by her in excess of the salary which the Board can take into account for grant. I am informed that the local education authority have required Miss Wicks to repay by convenient instalments, before the 31st March next, the sum of £20, being salary overpaid to her since the 1st January, 1923.
Secondary Schools (Free Places)
asked the President of the Board of Education what steps his Department are taking to secure compliance with Rule 1 ( c ) and ( d ) of the Entrance Tests published in the Appendix to the Board's Secondary School Regulations which seeks to establish that the minimum standard for fee-paying and free-place entrants shall be the same, and that in the event of a shortage of accommodation a preference may be given, as regards free-placers, to children whose parents are in most need of assistance?
Where the required number of free places has not been awarded on the alleged ground that sufficient candidates did not qualify, the Board investigate the case, and where the facts justify such action, require additional free places to be offered. The Board would also investigate any case in which there was reason to believe that fee-paying candidates were being admitted who were not fit to profit by instruction in the school. The provisions of Rule 1 ( d ) referred to by the hon. Member are permissive only, consequently the question of insisting on compliance does not arise.
Elementary Education (Non-Grant-Aided Schools)
asked the President of the Board of Education what steps his Department takes if the inspection of a non-grant-aided school that has declared itself open under Section 147 of the Education Act, 1921, to inspection by the Board reveals that efficient elementary education is not being provided for the pupils of elementary school age to acquaint the local education authority of the fact, so that efficient elementary education may be secured for the children concerned; have any such cases in fact occurred; and are the Board's inspectors instructed to bear the standard of efficiency of the school in mind in any visits they may pay to such schools?
Copies of reports made as the result of inspections are sent to the local education authority. The question whether any particular child is receiving efficient elementary education is one for the magistrate to determine on a prosecution under the law relating to school attendance. The Board's inspectors report on the facts relevant to the considerations, namely, the efficiency of the elementary instruction and the satisfactory registration of attendance.
Agricultural Education
asked the Prime Minister whether, having regard to the importance of having a coherent? and coordinated system of rural and agricultural education from the elementary school to the university, he will consider the advisability of abolishing the present unsatisfactory system of dual control as between the Ministry of Agriculture and the Board of Education, and put every grade of agricultural education under the control of one Department, as was the case prior to 1908?
The present arrangement, under which the Ministry of Agriculture is the Department responsible for grants to agricultural colleges and local education authorities in respect of agricultural instruction for students over 16 in farm institutes and county classes, was settled 11 years ago, after the fullest consideration, by the Prime Minister of the day and the Departments concerned. To the best of my knowledge, no serious complaints have been made against this arrangement, and I cannot agree that it has worked unsatisfactorily, I may add, that co-ordination between the Ministry of Agriculture and the Board of Education is secured by means of a permanent Interdepartmental Committee.
Royal Air Force
Wind Screens
asked the Secretary of State for Air whether his attention has been drawn to an accident to a Royal Air Force tender at Minster, on 5th June, in which the driver was seriously cut by splintered glass; whether he is aware that in the past all Royal Air Force tenders were fitted with unsplinterable glass; and, if so, why this safety precaution is now neglected?
The accident referred to is still under investigation, but I understand, from a preliminary report, that two airmen received injuries from the breaking of a. wind screen on the occasion in question. As regards the fitting of unsplinterable glass, the use of this was discontinued because of its very high cost and the rarity of the kind of accident which involves injuries, as the result of the splintering of a screen.
Railway Line (Farnborough)
asked the Secretary of State for Air when it is proposed to take up the full-gauge railway line running over parts of the highway from the airship factory to the South Western goods station at Farnborough, Hants?
It is not proposed to take up this railway, the continued retention of which is considered essential for the service of the important Royal Aircraft establishment at Farnborough. Negotiations are, however, in progress with the local urban district council in regard to the carrying out of certain alterations which may meet the objections raised by that body.
Government Departments
Air Ministry
asked the Secretary of State for Air the number of Army and Naval officers employed by the Air Ministry; how many of these are in receipt of a salary of £500 a year and over; how many of these are drawing Army or Navy pensions; and what is the amount of such pension in each case?
As the answer involves the quoting of a series of figures, I will, with the hon. Member's permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
Following is the information required:
Twenty Army and Navy officers are employed by the Air Ministry; of these 14 are in receipt of a salary of £500 a year or over, and of these nine are drawing Army or Navy 'service pensions. The amount of the pension in each case is
£ £ s. 1,000 231 0 525 220 0 465 206 3 327 120 0 273
asked the Secretary of State for Air who is the responsible head of the Works and Buildings Department of the Royal Air Force; what is the age and salary of this officer; whether he has a bonus in addition; whether he has an Army pension; if so, what is the amount of the pension paid to him; and whether it is in addition to his salary and bonus?
The officer in question is Major-General Sir Andrew M. Stuart, K.C.M.G., C.B.; his age is 61, and his salary £1,800 a year: he receives no bonus, but has an Army pension of £1,000 a year, payable in addition to salary.
Are there no other qualified persons, without Army pensions, who could be given this position?
I am satisfied that this official is best suited to carry out these duties at present.
Stationery
asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury whether, in view of the fact that the printing of the "London Gazette" is to be transferred to private hands, he will consider the transferring of the whole of the stationery work now being carried out by the Government, in view of the certain benefits arising from economy and rapidity of execution?
I would refer the hon. Member to the reply given to the hon. Member for Devonport (Sir C. Kinloch-Cooke) on the 18th June.
War Bonus
asked the Postmaster-General whether his attention has been drawn to the decision given in the House of Lords in March last of Sutton v. Rex; whether he is ware that the Post Office telegraphists who remained at home during the War have been paid their bonus; whether the Post Office telegraphists who served with the British Expeditionary Force at the front have received a similar War bonus; and, if not, considering that the judgment was given three months ago, whether he will communicate with the Treasury with a view to obtaining and distributing the bonus?
I would refer the hon. Member to the reply given by my right hon. Friend the Secretary to the Treasury on the 19th instant to questions on this subject by the hon. Members for Huntingdon (Mr. Murchison) and the Kirkdale Division of Liverpool (Mr. Pennefather).
Cannot the hon. and gallant Gentleman supplement the answers already given so that we may know where we are?
Prisons and Borstal Institutions
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he now sees his way to setting up the inquiry promised by his predecessor into prisons and Borstal institutions?
I have the subject under my consideration, but I see no sufficient reason for instituting such an inquiry at the present time.
Is not the inquiry promised by the right hon. Gentleman's predecessor still necessary, and do not the circumstances which led the previous Home Secretary to give favourable consideration to the question still obtain?
Does it not make all the difference to the Borstal homes, having Mr. Alec Patterson in the Home Office?
Mr. Patterson is a very excellent official. I do not know what my predecessor actually said, but my own view is that it wants a good deal more consideration before we set up an inquiry, if we set one up at all.
Did not the right hon. Gentleman's predecessor on more than one occasion offer to set up an inquiry?
I am not sure about that. I must look it up.
If it be so, have the circumstances changed so much as not to warrant it now?
Is not a case for inquiry made out with regard to persons on remand, and not convicted?
Aliens (Deportation)
asked the Home Secretary whether all aliens recommended for deportation by the Courts are returned to their own countries; and, if not, will he give the numbers of such people recommended to be deported, and particulars of those still remaining in this country, for the years 1918–1922 inclusive?
Where an alien is recommended for deportation by a Court it is the practice, save in exceptional circumstances, to give effect to the recommendation by means of a deportation order. In some cases, however, it proves impracticable to establish the alien's nationality, and, as an alien cannot be deported to a country unless he is recognised by the authorities of that country as a national, it is not, in such cases, possible to secure his removal. I will circulate in the OFFICIAL REPORT the figures for the years 1919 to 1922 of aliens recommended for deportation and of aliens deported. I have not given the figures for 1918, as the exceptional conditions of the War period would prevent any useful comparison with later years.
Will the right hon. Gentleman say what happens to undesirable aliens who are recommended for deportation, but who are not deported?
I must have notice of that question. I am afraid that I could not give an answer off-hand.
Following are the figures:
In 1919 the number of aliens recommended for deportation was 555, of whom 362 were deported. In 1920, 601 aliens were recommended, of whom 420 were deported; in 1921, 479 recommended and 363 deported; in 1922, 348 recommended and 269 deported. The difference between the two figures in each year is principally accounted for by the difficulty to which I have alluded.
Transport
Motor Accidents (Penalties)
asked the Home Secretary whether he is prepared to issue a Return giving statistics of the penalties imposed on motorists responsible for fatal accidents?
About 2,000 fatal street accidents are attributed to mechanically propelled vehicles in each year, but it is not known how many cases give rise to charges against motorists—probably only a small proportion. The information necessary to compile such a Return could only be obtained by a detailed examination of the records of every police force in the country; and I do not think the work and expense involved would be justified by the value of the information likely to be obtained.
also asked the Home Secretary whether, having regard to the increase in the number of motor accidents in which young children lose their lives, he will consider the question of introducing further legislation with a view to increasing the penalties imposed on negligent motorists?
I have been asked to answer this question. No records are available which show separately the number of motor accidents in which young children have lost their lives. During the past few years the number of fatal road accidents in which motor vehicles have been involved has not shown any serious increase, taking into consideration the considerable increase in the number of motor vehicles on the road. As regards the last part of the question, I would refer the hon. Member to the answer which I gave on 13th June to the hon. Member for Stockport (Mr. W. Greenwood), of which I am sending him a copy.
In view of some figures given by the Home Secretary not long ago, is it not essential that something should be done to attempt to reduce the appalling mortality which he indicated in those figures?
I do not think I can accept that phrase "appalling mortality," but I may say that the Departmental Committee of the Ministry of Transport did make certain recommendations, and if, and when, legislation is undertaken they will be duly considered.
Omnibuses, London (Speed)
asked the Home Secretary whether he is aware that motor omnibuses within the Metropolitan area are persistently being driven at a speed above the limit imposed by the regulations; whether police constables are not encouraged to take any action to prevent such excesses; whether any instructions are issued to police constables in regard to the speed of motor omnibuses in this area; if so, what is the nature of such instructions; and whether he will take such action as will ensure that the regulations will be observed in future in the interests of public safety?
As far as the conditions will permit, steps are being taken to control the speed of motor omnibuses, and the necessary instructions have been given, but it is not desirable that these instructions should be published.
Has the right hon. Gentleman any information that police constables are being discouraged by their own Department from taking any action against these people?
No. I thought my answer involved the opinion that I did not think they were. I have no information of that kind.
Is it not a fact that quite the most careful and best drivers on the streets are the drivers of these motor omnibuses, and can the right hon. Gentleman explain how, if the motor omnibuses are kept down to the legal speed limit of 12 miles an hour, the traffic is actually going to get through the streets?
Are the police authorities allowed to prosecute motor omnibus drivers who exceed 12 miles, or only those against whom it is wished to prefer a charge of driving to the common danger?
I should like to see that question on the Paper.
Omnibus Conductors (Licences)
asked the Home Secretary whether he is aware that great inconvenience is being caused by repeated delays in granting the necessary police licence to men who have qualified to act as omnibus conductors; that applicants are instructed to attend at New Scotland Yard, kept waiting for hours, and then told to return next day; that this is frequently repeated without the licence being forthcoming; and whether he will use his influence to speed up the granting of these licences to men who have been through the necessary training and qualified, that they may be enabled to commence work?
There must be some slight delay occasioned whilst the inquiries are being made as to the fitness of the applicants, but there is no avoidable delay. Every effort is made to complete the necessary inquiries as expeditiously as possible.
Is the right hon. Gentleman not aware that the applicants for these licences are advised, day after day, sometimes, to my knowledge, to return to Scotland Yard, are kept waiting for four or five hours, and are then told to come back the next day?
I have had one or two complaints of that nature. I have started inquiring into it, and I will pursue it further. The hon. Gentleman will realise that it is necessary to make careful inquiries.
Is it not a fact that the omnibus companies concerned are responsible for the fitness of these men to be conductors, and do they not look carefully into the men's records before taking them on?
The police authorities are also responsible, and they must make their own inquiries.
Air Convention (Czechslovakia)
asked the Secretary of State for Air whether he has any further information about the proposed aerial transport convention between His Majesty's Government and Czechslovakia; whether arrangements have been made for a through service, London-Prague-Buda- pest; and what annual guarantee or subscription is being given by the Governments concerned?
As regards the first part of the question, the negotiations are still proceeding. As regards the second and third parts, the question of a through service, London-Prague-Budapest, and of any guarantee by the Governments concerned, will depend on the outcome of these negotiations.
When does the right hon. Gentleman think that these negotiations will come to a conclusion?
I am afraid I cannot tell the hon. and gallant Gentleman, but as soon as possible.
Seaplane Competition (Schneider Cup)
asked the Secretary of State for Air whether any, and, if so, what, assistance, financial or otherwise, His Majesty s Government is giving to British competitors for the international air contest for the Schneider cup; and what financial assistance is being given by foreign Governments to their respective nationals competing in this contest?
asked the Secretary of State for Air what are the respective inducements offered by the Governments of Great Britain, America, France, and Italy to entrants in the seaplane competition for the Schneider cup, which was captured from Italy last year with a Napier-engined British machine?
As regards foreign countries, I understand that the Government of the United States of America contemplate sending three Government-owned aircraft to compete for the Cup. As to the assistance, which will be given this year by Trance and Italy, I am informed that no announcement has yet been made, but I understand that last year the French Government announced its intention to buy any aeroplane built and owned by its nationals which completed the course successfully. As regards this country, a definite step in advance has been taken this year with a view to the encouragement of British aircraft constructors, and it has been decided to offer to purchase for a sum not exceeding £3,000 the aircraft (without engine) which wins the Schneider Cup, provided it is British designed, built, and owned, and is not of a type which has previously won the race.
Could not the right hon. Gentleman see his way, at least, to offer the same inducement as the French Government, so that any machine which completes the course successfully should be purchased, or some grant made?
Before the right hon. Gentleman replies, is he aware that the cost of these machines in each case is considerably more than £3,000, and, seeing that this country and Italy have won the Cup twice, will he do his best to increase the offer, so that we may have more competitors from this country?
Does the right hon. Gentleman really think that £3,000 is likely to be sufficient to cover the expenses of any manufacturer who enters his machine under the conditions of the test, and successfully completes the course?
I regret I have no more money for this purpose this year. The three hon. Members who asked this question should remember that last year no offer to purchase was made, and in spite of that fact a British machine won. This year, I have made a great advance in offering £6,000. I am quite prepared to consider the question again at the end of the year, but at present I am afraid I can hold out no further hope.
Does my right hon. Friend recognise that both the United States and Italy are putting forward extraordinary efforts to get this Cup, and can he not hold out some hope to British manufacturers?
I am able to reassure my hon. and gallant Friend that, as far as I know, there are going to be British entrants to this race, and I very much hope that they will repeat the success of last year.
Irish Free State
Financial Relations
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is now in a position to publish a White Paper setting forth the financial relations between the Imperial Parliament and the Irish Free State?
I would refer my hon. Friend to the answer given on the 29th May to my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Burton (Colonel Gretton). I can assure my hon. Friend that there will be no avoidable delay in the publication of the promised statement on this subject.
Can the hon. and gallant Gentleman give me any idea when the information asked for is likely to be available? It has been promised for a long time.
I can add no definite information, but it will be issued as soon as possible.
Refugees (Relief Grants)
asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the plight of thousands of loyalists, who have been driven from their homes in Southern Ireland, he will state what steps the Government intend to take to mitigate the grievances of these people?
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he will make a statement as to the scope and object of the Irish Grants Committee now sitting at 9, Queen Anne's Gate, and as to the nature of the relief they are prepared to afford to refugees from Southern Ireland, and to residents in Southern Ireland who have suffered in person or property owing to the disturbed nature of the country?
The machinery established by His Majesty's Government for affording assistance to loyalists who have been compelled to leave their homes in Ireland, or who are suffering on account of delay in the assessment or payment of compensation for loss or damage to person or property is the Irish Grants Committee of which my Noble Friend the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Health is Chairman. The terms of reference to the Committee are set out on page 8 of Command Paper 1,844, presented to Parliament in April last. All applications for assistance should be addressed to the Secretary, Irish Grants Committee, at 2, Queen Anne's Gate Buildings, S. W. 1.
Is my hon. Friend aware that the only thing one gets is a notice saying that these claims have been received, and nothing is done; and will the Prime Minister give the House a day for discussing this question, seeing that it is so important?
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that a great many refugees from the South and West of Ireland do not come to this country, but go across the border to the more peaceful six counties in the North: is he aware that no arrangements at all have been made to meet their case, and will he ask his colleague who is in charge of the Committee to consider their case?
Certainly, if evidence can be shown that the money voted by this House is not sufficient, the matter will be taken up, but as the funds voted by this House, and placed at the disposal of the Irish Grants Committee, are not yet nearly exhausted, and the Committee meets very regularly under my Noble Friend, until we have evidence to the contrary we are bound to assume it is carrying out its work.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that those applying for funds get nothing out of it?
I am very sorry to hear that. I understand my Noble Friend presides over this Committee regularly, and goes through all these cases, and is meeting them as far as he can.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that these refugees, to whom I have made reference, are actually excluded from the provisions of this grant, and will he consult with the Prime Minister to see whether these refugees—honourable persons—who are seeking safety, not in this country, but in the six counties, should also be included in the grant?
I will take that up with my colleagues, but it is very difficult to start two separate Committees. It is very important that my Noble Friend the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Health, who has been doing this work now for some months, and has really got to grips with the problem, should have his finger on the problem which he has to carry on.
Will the hon. Gentleman say how he defines what is a loyalist within the terms of his answer, and whether the same facilities are given, or the same financial encouragement is given, to those who are driven out of Northern Ireland into Southern Ireland? [HON. MEMBEBS: "Oh!"]
Air Power
asked the Prime Minister whether any decision has yet been come to by the Government to increase our air power?
It is hoped to make a statement on this subject next week.
Russia (British Nationals' Claims)
asked the Prime Minister, in view of His Majesty's Government's reply to the last Note from the Soviet Government published for information on the 14th instant, whether he is now in a position to state what proposals His Majesty's Government have to make with regard to an early settlement of the just claims of our nationals who have, in many cases, lost their all through confiscation by the Soviet Government?
I have nothing to add to the replies which I gave to the hon. and gallant Member on the 30th May and 6th June.
Has the hon. Gentleman in his mind, when he talks about machinery to be set up, the very serious position, almost amounting to a scandal, in the City, of several well-known, old-established firms which are likely to suffer?
Ruhr Occupation
British Note
asked the Prime Minister whether any reply has been received from the French Government to the recent British Note on reparations and the occupation of the Ruhr Valley; what is the nature of the reply; and when it will be laid before Parliament?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative. The remainder of the question, therefore, does not arise.
Will the right hon. Gentleman assure us that the replies will be presented to the House before being published in the Press?
I have no control over publications in the Press. I cannot give that undertaking, because I may have an objection to publications in the Press, and yet they may get hold of it in Paris.
I did not mean that, but will the right hon. Gentleman assure us that, if it is to be published, it will be published as a White Paper in Parliament before it appears in the newspapers?
I will consider that point.
British Trade
asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware that before the War 70 per cent, of the business of the South of Scotland woollen manufacturers was transacted with the Continent; that at present that trade is in a depressed condition consequent on the loss of that market; and that there is much anxiety amongst employers and workers, in view of the outlook for the winter, that advantage should be taken of the opportunity offered by the last German Note to impress upon France the urgent need for a settlement between the Allies and Germany, thus tending to foster business and to decrease unemployment in the woollen trade; and whether he will bring the matter to the notice of the Allied Governments?
I am fully aware of the effect of Continental conditions upon British trade, and His Majesty's Government have this constantly in mind in their efforts to promote a final settlement of the reparations problem.
Food Supplies
asked the Prime Minister whether His Majesty's Government have received reliable information that the French authorities in the Ruhr are stopping food trains from entering that district; and whether they will make representations to the French Government as to this serious state of affairs?
asked the Prime Minister whether he has received any information to the effect that the blockade of the Ruhr against supplies of food from other parts of Germany for the inhabitants is now complete and absolute and that the French authorities are commandeering supplies of food sent from other countries; and, if so, whether the serious situation thus disclosed will receive the consideration of the Government with a view to making representations to the Government of France?
asked the Prime Minister if His Majesty's Government have any confirmation of the reports of interference by the French military authorities with trains conveying food supplies into the Ruhr; and whether, seeing that such interference cannot in any way be reconciled with the provisions of the Treaty of Versailles which regulates the relations of Germany with the other signatory Powers, and in view of the grave local consequences which must ensue from such interference, and the effect upon public opinion in this country, His Majesty's Government will endeavour by friendly representations to dissuade the French Government from such a policy?
The announcement has been made in the French Press of 19th June that the internal railway system in the Ruhr has been brought under the control of the French and Belgian authorities; but His Majesty's Government have no official confirmation of the reports which have appeared to the effect that the supplies of food for that district are being interfered with.
From what source did the right hon. Gentleman get this information about the real state of the matter—from the military authorities in the Cologne area?
I am afraid I cannot answer that without notice.
Would the right hon. Gentleman consider consulting His Majesty's Consular officers in the Essen area?
I have no doubt the Foreign Office consult all the authorities requisite to get the information.
In view of the enormous importance of this question, and in view of the possibility of trouble, would it not be possible to make special inquiries as to how the matter stands?
I have no doubt special inquiries are being made, but I will see after Questions.
Vagrancy
asked the Minister of Health the number of men and women vagrants accommodated by Poor Law authorities in casual tramp wards and workhouses on the night of the 31st October, 1918, and the number on the night of 16th June, 1923, together with the number of children accompanying each person?
The total number of casuals returned as relieved in England and Wales was 1,104 on 26th October, 1918, and 9,714 on the 9th June, 1923 (figures for the 16th June, 1923, are not yet available). The returns from which these figures are compiled do not distinguish the numbers of men, women and children, or the number relieved in institutions. But taking the average of the casuals relieved on the 1st January in the four years 1920 to 1923, from more detailed returns, it is found that of every 1,000 casuals, 945 are men, 50 are women, and 5 are children, and that an average of 14 in every 1,000 were relieved otherwise than in institutions.
Infantile Mortality
asked the Minister of Health the number of children per 1,000 of the population of London, Manchester, Birmingham, and Leeds who died before reaching the age of six months, 12 months, and two years, respectively, during the years ending 31st March, 1914, 1918, and 1923, and in the case of London give the figures for each borough separately?
The figures asked for are not available for years end-
DEATHS PER 1,000 BIRTH. — 1913. 1917. 1922. Under 6 months. Under 12 months. Under 2 years. Under6 months. Under 12 months. Under 2 years. Under 12 months. Under 2 years. London … 75 106 136 73 104 143 75 109 City of London … 73 91 122 61 70 87 61 81 Battersea … 76 111 143 69 101 136 69 97 Bermondsey … 87 133 178 82 130 189 100 154 Bethnal Green … 79 118 149 75 112 153 91 153 Camberwell … 77 106 131 66 99 140 78 111 Chelsea … 69 93 120 64 80 109 65 89 Deptford … 79 113 146 69 101 136 74 114 Finsbury … 99 141 182 76 121 195 82 132 Fulham … 73 95 121 73 111 142 69 100 Greenwich … 74 104 128 74 102 139 57 83 Hackney … 72 102 128 67 94 121 73 98 Hammersmith … 70 103 133 80 111 141 71 101 Hampstead … 64 73 100 71 82 99 56 66 Holborn … 82 105 132 70 107 156 72 98 Islington … 82 107 138 66 99 138 76 111 Kensington … 74 113 153 89 127 180 84 116 Lambeth … 75 102 131 74 101 137 77 111 Lewisham … 58 76 96 70 88 105 55 70 Paddington … 73 100 134 90 130 182 70 92 Poplar … 78 113 147 68 94 141 79 122 St. Marylebone … 69 91 121 89 125 174 68 99 St. Pancras … 70 93 121 74 106 139 74 109 Shoreditch … 103 155 207 101 152 224 103 161 Southwark … 78 115 148 79 111 157 79 129 Stepney … 76 112 142 67 99 141 80 122 Stoke Newington … 62 81 103 60 84 112 67 84 Wandsworth … 65 88 110 64 91 123 62 85 Westminster … 75 96 116 82 106 130 55 70 Woolwich … 59 80 100 63 79 101 63 80 Manchester … 93 129 169 79 111 148 97 133 Birmingham … 92 129 164 71 98 130 85 112 Leeds … 96 135 174 95 135 188 101 131
Imperial Conference
asked the Prime Minister when the Imperial Conference will meet; whether it sits contemporaneously with the Economic Conference; and when will the House have an opportunity of discussing the agenda of both?
ing 31st March or in terms of rates per 1,000 of the population. I will, however, circulate in the OFFICIAL REPORT a table giving the figures for the calendar years 1913, 1917, and 1922 in the usually adopted form of rates per 1,000 births, with the exception of the 1922 death rates under six months which cannot at present be given.
Following are the figures promised:
According to present arrangements, the first meeting of the Imperial Conference will be held on 1st October. It will sit contemporaneously with the Economic Conference. As regards the last part of the question, I would refer to the reply which I gave to my Noble Friend the Member for Shrewsbury on the 14th June.
asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the fact that loans for the Dominions and Dependencies are raised in London, he will place upon the agenda of the Imperial Conference a resolution recommending the placing within the Empire of all Government contracts?
It is, I think, probable that questions relating to the placing of Government contracts within the Empire will be discussed at the Imperial Economic Conference, but I would remind my hon. and gallant Friend that the principle of preference in such contracts has already been affirmed at previous Conferences.
Peace Conference Minutes (Publication)
asked the Prime Minister whether, having regard to the partial publication in Europe and in America of the Minutes of the Peace Conference at Versailles and in view of the desirability of enabling the public to form accurate conclusions as to the nature of the Conference proceedings, he will consider the publication of a full Report of the Conference without further delay?
No, Sir. Indiscretions in other countries, which are to be deplored, would not condone similar action by His Majesty's Government, who cannot be a party to breaking the pledge made at the Conference that the Minutes should be regarded as confidential.
Housing Loans (Interest)
asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury if he will state, in view of the fact that the rate of interest on loans borrowed by local authorities from the Public Works Loans Commissioners for the purposes of the small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act, 1899, is now 4¾ per cent., what is the rate of interest which should be charged by local authorities to borrowers, having regard to Section 1 (3) of the Act which provides that such interest shall not exceed 10s. above the rate at which the local authority can borrow from the Commissioners, and the Ministry of Health Rates of Interest Order (No. 2), 1922, made by the Ministry under Section 5 of the Housing Act, 1921, which fixes such interest at 5½ per cent.?
Section 1 (3) of the Small Dwellings Act, 1899, was repealed by the Housing Act, 1921, and the rate of interest to be charged by local authorities is now fixed by Orders made from time to time by my right hon. Friend the Minister of Health, with the approval of the Treasury. The present general rate is 5½ per cent., but different rates have been fixed in special cases. My right hon. Friend is considering whether a new Order, fixing a lower rate of interest, is called for at the present time.
Beer (Gravity)
asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury whether he has information to show the average gravity of the beer sold in the financial year 1913–14, in the financial year 1922–23, and in the present financial year after the concessions authorised in the recent Budget took effect?
No information is available as to the average gravity of beer as sold, but the average gravity of the beer brewed by brewers for sale in the financial year 1913–14, in the financial year 1922–23, and in the present financial year, was as follows:
Will the hon. and gallant Gentleman take steps to see that the honourable arrangement which, I understand, has been arrived at will be carried out?
Can the hon. and gallant Gentleman tell us what percentage of the beer brewed was over 1042 and what percentage was under 1042 for the same period?
I must ask for notice of that question.
Post Office
Superannuation Claim
asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury whether he is aware that papers for superannuating a Post Office employé were submitted on 11th April last; that not until the 6th June was he informed by the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury that a pension had been awarded him; and that during that time the officer has been in difficulties through not having any income; and what steps can be taken to see that, automatically, officers due for pension receive some advance of money pending final settlement?
My right hon. Friend the Postmaster-General has been asked to reply to this question. The particulars furnished by the hon. Member are not sufficient to enable him to identify the case, but if the hon. Member will give him the name of the officer affected he will be glad to make inquiries. It is the practice of the Post Office to make advances in cases where hardship is likely to be caused through delay in a final settlement.
Why has the Postmaster-General not been in his place for the last three days?
He is at Ascot!
Have his wages been stopped? If I lay off my work, my pay is stopped.
Sweepstakes (Opening of Letters)
asked the Postmaster-General, in view of the prohibition of letters relating to sweepstakes and the action of the Home Secretary in opening registered and other letters on suspicion of being concerned with a sweepstake, whether he can state why an advertisement is displayed at the Western District post office of the Golden Ballot 5s. tickets?
The letters to which the hon. Member refers were stopped in the post because they were illegal. The Golden Ballot scheme has been pronounced by the Courts not to be illegal; and, having regard to the charitable nature of its appeals, I see no sufficient reason for withholding per- mission for the display in post offices of the advertisement referred to.
In view of the very subtle distinction between one form of sweepstake and another, would the hon. and gallant Gentleman make representations to the Postmaster-General that he should go on strike against the ordinance of the Home Secretary, and refuse altogether to have private correspondence with him?
Northern Rhodesia (Natives' Interests)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether, in view of the fact that both the preceding Governments accepted the recommendations of Earl Buxton's Commission that the only satisfactory method for reaching a decision upon the claim of the Chartered Company to the commercial ownership of land in Northern Rhodesia would be by a reference to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, and in view of the fact that His Majesty's Government has decided to set aside those recommendations and attempt to reach an agreement with the company, he is prepared to give an assurance that no arrangement will be agreed to which will impair the rights of the natives to any lands which they at present own or occupy?
As indicated in my reply to the hon. Member for Bedford Mid. on the 13th June, the interests of the natives in Northern Rhodesia are being carefully watched, and it is certainly the intention of His Majesty's Government to secure that they are adequately protected in any settlement with the British South Africa Company.
In view of the very serious inroad on the authority of the Judicial Committee of the highest Court of the Empire, is not this a very serious question, which ought to be reconsidered?
No case has yet been put before the Judicial Committee, and no claim, and, therefore, there has not been any inroad. [An HON. MEMBER: "Speak up. We cannot hear a word."] We are trying to settle this matter without months of delay and litigation on a subject which seems to us to be quite clear.
Is the hon. Member not preparing to settle this question with one party when, in fact, there is another party?
Not at all. We are not in the least endeavouring to settle it with one party. I cannot go into the subject of the negotiations, but I am personally conducting negotiations, and one of the things that one has to bear in mind all the time is the future system of land tenure in Northern Rhodesia.
Is it not a fact that the Chartered Company themselves object to going before the Privy Council, and is not that the reason why the Government consented to drop that procedure?
That is not the case, because we object quite as much to unnecessary litigation if we can settle these things without it. We want to get to work on the new constitution and get the Chartered Company out of the way at the earliest possible date.
Empire Settlement
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department if he Can state the number of families, of single men, of single women, and of married men without their families, who have migrated to Canada and to Australia during the first five months of this year; and are the Government contemplating an intensified campaign in support of emigration to the Dominions?
The answer to the hon. Member's question is necessarily somewhat long, and I will, with his permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
Is the hon. and gallant Gentleman not aware that there are many rumours in the Press, in many cases of a disquieting character, which may or may not be well-founded, as to the conditions which these emigrants are forced to meet, and will he hasten the interim report of the delegation which has gone from this country?
We have had one report from the delegation on the settlements in the Colonies, which they visited on their way to Australia. We have also had a short cablegram from the delegation on their arrival which did not contain very much information. Beyond that we have had no report from the delegation which would be of any value at the moment.
Will the Parliamentary Secretary ask the delegation to hasten their report, because there are many disquieting rumours as to the conditions under which these emigrants are received?
I have already cabled to them, asking them to-expedite their report.
Following is the answer:
The total number of persons who were granted assisted passages to Australia during the first five months of this year is as follows:
Single Men … … … 7,195 Single Women … … … 996 Families— Men … … … 929 Women … … … 1,221 Children … … … 1,527 11,868
Figures regarding the total number of persons who have sailed for Australia during the first five months of this year are not yet available, but the number for the first three months of the year (including both assisted and non-assisted migrants) was 10,192. Figures showing what was the number of single men, single women, and families included in this total are not available.
It is not possible to state in either case how many married men have proceeded in advance of their families.
With regard to Canada, I would refer the hon. Member to the answer given by the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies to his question on the 27th March last. The total number of persons who have proceeded to Canada during the first three months of this year is 10,220. The figure for the first five months is not at present available.
In answer to the last part of the question, no special arrangements are in contemplation at the moment.
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department if any parish councils in Scotland have asked his Department for financial assistance towards the cost of passages to the Dominions of boys and girls in their charge under 14 years of age; and, if so, what is the attitude of the Government towards any such scheme?
No, Sir; but the Government would be prepared to consider applications for assisting suitable boys and girls from Scotland under the Empire Settlement Act.
Is it in order, Mr. Speaker, to ask a supplementary question arising out of a reply which the hon. Member has not heard?
Before any scheme is arranged, will it be laid before the House for our consideration? It is a disquieting feature that boys and girls under 14 years of age should be sent overseas without proper safeguards. Will the scheme be laid before the House before it is put into operation?
Will the same facilities be granted to children in England?
I have already explained what arrangements are made for the after-care of the children who emigrate under the Overseas Settlement Scheme. It is not necessary to consult the House every time we enter into a new agreement because we have authority already to do that. With regard to the other supplementary question put to me, children are sent from this country in considerable numbers to certain Dominions.
Are we to understand that the Department of Overseas Trade claim that they have already sanction from this House to send abroad boys and girls under 14 years of age?
That is a question of the administrative action of the Minister, which can be criticised in Committee of Supply.
Unemployment
Alens
asked the Minister of Labour the number of aliens who are in receipt of covenanted or un-covenanted benefit; how many of these are naturalised; and how many have served in the War?
The statistics asked for are not available. I may explain, however, that aliens are liable to pay unemployment insurance contributions and are entitled to claim covenanted benefit on the same terms as British subjects. Until last May uncovenanted benefit was not paid to aliens other than ex-service men or the British-born wives and widows of aliens. Since that date aliens (other than former enemy aliens) who have been continuously resident in this country since the 1st January, 1911, have been admitted to uncovenanted benefit on the same terms as British subjects.
Will the hon. Gentleman say whether the Employment Exchanges will extract strict proof of their residential qualifications?
Certainly they will.
Benefit (Miss K. Mallion, Tipton)
asked the Minister of Labour whether he is aware that Miss Kate Mallion, 65, New Road, Great Bridge, Tipton, has received no unemployment pay this year; and if so, will he cause investigation to be made relative thereto?
I am having inquiry made, and will let the hon. Member know the result.
Ejection Decrees (Glasgow)
asked the Undersecretary to the Scottish Board of Health if he is aware of the serious situation in Glasgow at the present time owing to the number of ejectment notices that have been given against unemployed citizens, and that at any time serious disorder may take place; and what action the Govern- ment will take to prevent any genuine unemployed person from being evicted?
I am aware that in a considerable number of cases decrees of ejection for non-payment of rent have been granted in Glasgow. I understand, however, as I stated in the Debate on the Adjournment of the House on 17th May, that the general practice in the Ejection Court is to grant a decree of ejection for non-payment of rent only in the case where the sheriffs are satisfied that the tenant is able to make some payment in respect, of rent. In these circumstances no action on the part of the Government seems to be required.
Is the hon. and learned Gentleman aware that a deputation met the Secretary for Scotland on this question recently, and is it the intention of the Government to issue any reply to them and the proposals they placed before him, and when is that reply likely to be received?
I think the Minister of Health dealt with one important point raised by the deputation in Committee on the Rent Restrictions Bill on Monday.
Is the hon. and learned Gentleman aware that certain other points were put of a very important character, and is this deputation going to be treated with respect and receive a serious reply on those other points, and when will that reply be given?
The Secretary for Scotland will inquire most carefully into all the points which were raised.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the Noble Lord promised a reply on several matters? When is that reply likely to be given?
I have said my Noble Friend is dealing with the matters that were brought to his notice. I will call his attention to the hon. Member's suggestion.
Are we to take it no reply is to be given by the Secretary for Scotland, then?
Subsidence (Bathgate)
80 and 81.
(1) asked the Secretary for Mines whether he is aware that an alarming subsidence has occurred at Bathgate, causing serious damage to property; whether any steps are being taken to prevent, if possible, a recurrence?
(2) asked the Under-Secretary to the Scottish Board of Health if he can make a statement with regard to the subsidence at Bathgate; and whether precautions are being taken to prevent accident or injury to the residents of houses in the vicinity?
I have been asked to reply to these questions. Inquiries have been made into the subsidence which took place at Bathgate, and it has been ascertained that damage has been confined principally to the road, a granolithic footpath and to a few shops and dwelling houses in Hopetoun Street. The subsidence is believed to have been due to under-workings about 100 years old. The burgh authorities appear to be taking such precautions as are possible to prevent accident or injury.
I would like to ask the Solicitor-General if he would recommend the members of the Royal Commision to which he referred to visit the place in order to see the effects of this subsidence. It is quite possible that some of them have never seen those effects.
The answer given does not contain any statement as to whether they knew of these workings. I should like to know what steps they are likely to take in regard to other workings which are likely to give the same trouble and which are over 100 years old?
The Secretary for Mines has recently appointed a Royal Commission to go into the whole of this question.
British Army
Edinburgh Castle (Time Gun)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether his attention has been called to the fact that the new one-o'clock gun at Edinburgh Castle is indistinctly heard throughout the city; and whether steps will be taken to remedy this defect?
On the information before me I do not think a case for action has been made out. I am not aware that the time gun has ever been universally heard throughout Edinburgh, and I imagine that any arrangement which would cause its report to attract universal attention in all outlying regions, including those from which the wind happened to be setting, might involve inconvenience, and even distress, in the nearer parts of the city.
If I am able to bring to the notice of my hon. and gallant Friend a considerable body of evidence to show that the gun is not as well heard as formerly, will he see that its audibility is improved?
I understand that no change has been made in the charge, which costs £1 per day. The gun is only kept going as a concession to national sentiment in Scotland. There is no corresponding gun in London or Dublin.
Does the hon. and gallant Member for Leith (Captain Benn) assume that this important issue is calculated to re-unite the various sections of the Liberal party?
May I ask if the hon. Gentleman is well informed about the cost of this gun? I believe the item appears in the Estimates at less than one-tenth of the sum he has named.
I was informed only this morning by the Department responsible that the cost is £1 per day.
Should not this question have been submitted to the Minister of Health, seeing that it deals with hardness of hearing on the part of Scottish people?
Will the hon. Gentleman consider the advisability of putting up a listening-in apparatus for the benefit of those who cannot hear the gun?
War Graves
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether, in the case of soldiers who have died as the result of War service subsequently to 31st August, 1921, no head stones for their graves are being provided out of public funds; and, if this is so, whether he can see his way to extend or abolish the time limit?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. With regard to the second part, it was unfortunately but obviously necessary to draw a line at some definite date, and the date selected is that which is considered, after the fullest possible consideration and consultation with the Governments of the Empire represented on the Imperial War Graves Commission to be in all the circumstances the most suitable. The Graves Commission are satisfied that any other arrangement would give rise to greater difficulties than are caused by the present rule.
Deptford Cattle Market
asked the Financial Secretary to the War Office what progress is being made in the negotiations with the Corporation of the City of London for the reopening of Deptford cattle market; and when the market will be available for the landing of cattle and sheep?
A reply from the Corporation of the City of London is awaited, but is not, I believe, likely to be received for a week or two. It is understood that the Corporation are preparing a schedule of the various adaptations and reinstatements which would, in their opinion, be necessary if the part surrender which has been proposed to them took place. I regret that, in the circumstances, I am not in a position to answer the last part of the question.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that, owing to this delay, many ships have been diverted to Birkenhead which otherwise would have come to London, and that the trade in imported cattle in the home counties is thereby being injured?
I am aware it has been alleged that that might take place, but I have pointed out several times that, as far as the War Office is concerned, no obstacle has been or is being placed in the way of carrying out this suggestion.
Electeic Tubes and Fuses (Royal Navy)
asked the Financial Secretary to the War Office if he is aware that an order for 20,000 fuse, base, large No. 16, Mark IV, and tubes electric, has been given to private firms by contract; and, in view of the fact that after the Armistice the whole of the tubes and fuses supplied by private firms were examined by the Inspector of Naval Ordnance and the Chief Inspector of Armaments without one perfect tube or fuse being found, and that the fuse factory has for the last five years been employed in correcting tubes produced by private contractors, whether, under these circumstances, he will have these articles produced in the ordnance factory, where complete efficiency can be relied upon?
I have been asked to reply. Orders for fuses and electric tubes are distributed between the trade and the ordnance factories with due regard to all the important considerations involved. The statements in the latter part of the question do not correctly represent the position as regards the whole of the tubes and fuses supplied to the Admiralty by private firms. Orders will only be given to such firms as are capable of fully meeting Naval requirements.
Sittings of Parliament (Joint Committee)
I wish to put a question to the Prime Minister of which I have given him private notice. I wish to ask the right hon. Gentleman whether the Government has come to any decision on the proposal to appoint a Committee to consider the question of the sittings of Parliament?
Yes, Sir. The Government have decided to set up a Joint Committee of both Houses of Parliament to inquire into this question. It is not, however, proposed that the whole question of the procedure of Parliament shall be again fully examined, and the terms of reference will instruct the Committee to inquire into the one question as to the desirability or otherwise of altering the customary period of the Parliamentary Session.
May I ask the Prime Minister whether he is aware that, as a result of the late sittings to which we have been accustomed recently, there is a great deal of discontent in the House, and a very widespread desire for a reconsideration of the whole machinery of the Houses of Parliament with regard to late sittings. Will the right hon. Gentleman not widen the terms of reference in order to include this question?
That opens up a very much larger question. As a matter of fact, I must say late sittings in the House have been much rarer occasions than they used to be. This is a question on which it is very important we should come to some determination. It is one which in recent years has been before the minds of Members of the House of Commons, and it is therefore desirable to get the matter reported on at the earliest date possible. To enlarge the terms of reference in this matter would unduly delay and prolong the inquiry.
Would it not be possible for the Prime Minister to include in the terms of reference the lack of accommodation for Members in this House?
I do not think that could be very well considered by a Joint Committee of the two Houses.
House of Commons (Fall of Plaster)
( by Private Notice ) asked the First Commissioner of Works whether he is aware that a heavy fall of plaster occurred that morning in the Committee corridor; that hon. Members and others having business in the Committee Rooms had a narrow escape from serious injury; and will he take immediate precautions to prevent a repetition of this danger?
My right hon. Friend regrets the occurrence to which the hon. Member refers. The fall of plaster was due to it becoming dislodged in connection with the sweeping of the old ventilating flues. Steps have already been taken to prevent a recurrence, and no danger whatever exists of a further fall.
Will the hon. Gentleman see that some investigation is made in order to be sure there shall be no danger of this accident recurring? I may say that I myself only escaped with my life by a few inches.
Was this accident due to 100-year-old workings?
I will certainly deal with the point raised by the hon. Member who put the first question. I am assured that the Committee, in spite of this untoward occurrence, carried on their work in the sense of the old Latin tag, "Fiat justitia, ruat cœlwm."
Business of the House
May I ask the Prime Minister what will be the business for next week?
On Monday, further consideration on Report stage and Third Reading, Housing, etc. (No. 2) Bill.
Tuesday and Wednesday, Supply—Scottish Estimates.
Thursday, Supply—Ministry of Health Vote.
Friday, Agricultural Credits Bill, Report and Third Reading: and, if time permits, Honours (Prevention of Abuses) Bill [ Lords ], Second Reading.
It will be necessary during the week, after Eleven o'Clock, to advance some of the minor Measures on the Paper.
May I ask the Prime Minister, with reference to the statement he is going to make on Air Power next week, whether it will include all the points at issue between the Admiralty and the Air Force?
No, Sir.
May I ask what occasion the Prime Minister is going to take to make this announcement on the Government's air policy?
I shall have to consider that when I have an announcement to make.
Does that mean that the right hon. Gentleman is going to endeavour to give us an opportunity of debating this very important question?
I do not think that that will be possible in the forthcoming week.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say when what is known as Lady Astor's Bill will be dealt with?
I cannot give the date yet, but I hope to be able to do so before long.
Ordered,
"That the Proceedings on the Coal Mines (Minimum Wage) Amendment Bill have precedence this day of the Business of Supply."—[ The Prime Minister. ]
Standing Committees (Chairmen's Panel)
Mr. WILLIAM NICHOLSON reported from the Chairmen's Panel: That they had appointed Major Barnett to act as Chairman of Standing Committee A (in respect of the Agricultural Rates Bill).
Report to lie upon the Table.
Message from the Lords
That they have agreed to,
Salmon and Freshwater Fisheries Bill,
Mersey Docks and Harbour Board Bill, with Amendments.
That they have passed a Bill, intituled, "An Act to confer further powers upon the Shropshire, Worcestershire, and Staffordshire Electric Power Company; to make further provisions with reference to the separate undertaking of that company; and for other purposes."[Shrop- shire, Worcestershire, and Staffordshire Electric Power Bill [ Lords. ]
Shropshire, Worcestershire and Staffordshire Electric Power Bill [ Lords ].
Read the First time; and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills.
Salmon and Freshwater Fisheries Bill.
Lords Amendments to be considered upon Monday next, and to be printed. [Bill 174.]
Orders of the Day
Coal Mines (Minimum Wage) Amendment Bill
Order for Second Reading read.
I beg to move, "That the Bill be now read a Second time."
This Bill has for its object the amendment of the Coal Mines (Minimum Wage) Act, 1912, so as to provide for the workmen in the mining industry a minimum wage equal to the increased cost of living to-day as compared with the cost of living in July, 1914, and to extend the principle to the men who were excluded from the terms of its operation in]912, namely, the colliery surface workers. The point raised by the Bill is easily understood, and is not complicated by any other issue. It deals with wages only, and by that means seeks to confer upon the mining community an elementary act of justice. A satisfactory settlement of the wages question in the mining industry is, not only of the utmost importance to the mining community, but is also vital to the nation itself. Coal is one of the absolute necessities of this country. It is the force without which our commercial prosperity cannot last. We have got coal in abundance in this country, and we must work it or our industry will come to an end. Not only is it vital to our commercial prosperity, but it is one of the few commodities that we have available for export, and in that way is of the greatest value from the point of view of balancing our imports and exports.
It naturally follows, therefore, that the men who are contributing such valuable services to the nation should look to the nation for the conditions, both with regard to wages and with regard to safety, which their calling requires. As every Member of the House knows, the conditions of the mining community during the past two years have been simply appalling. To such an extent has this been the case that the late Prime Minister, at one of the interviews that he had with the executive of the Miners' Federation of Great Britain, admitted that the conditions of the mining community were horribly bad For a considerable part of the past two years, the wages of the miners have been down at the minimum, and, as the House knows, the minimum wage provided in the agreement of 1921 is only 20 per cent, over the 1914 wageߞand, God knows, the 1914 wage of the miner was none too high; whereas, during the same period, the cost of living has been varying between 70 and 80 per cent, over the cost of living in 1914.
This means that a large section of the population has been living below the level of the workhouse standard of existence, has been living below the poverty line. Let hon. Members try to imagine the conditions of the lower paid menߞthe surface hands, the day-wage men, and others who are covered by the term ''lower paid men"ߞwhose wages have been ranging from 6s. to 7s. a day, with the cost of living standing at its present level. It simply means that you are putting on the shoulders of the wife and the mother in the mining homes of the land a burden which it is impossible for her to bear. You expect her to rear a family of men and women who, in the coming days, will bear upon their shoulders the responsibilities of citizenship, on a miserable pittance such as that which I have mentioned. You expect her to' rear strong, healthy children under such appalling conditions as have obtained during the past two years. It simply cannot be done, and, unless the conditions are changed quickly, a far greater disaster will be created than has yet befallen either the industry or the nation itself. That is the problem which, in my opinion, this House ought to set itself the duty of remedying.
4.0 P.M.
In asking for a minimum such as is provided for in this Bill, we are asking for the adoption of no new principle. This principle has already been recognised by the Government in 1912, for in that year the then Liberal Government passed the Coal Mines (Minimum Wage) Act. Not only has that principle been recognised in the mining industry, but there is a number of other industries in which, within recent years, the same principle has been recognised in agreements come to between the workmen, the employers and the Government. Take, for example, the railways of the country, or take the agreement that was come to by, I think, a special committee set up by the Government in the case of the transport workers. There are other industries in which effect has been given to the same principle which we are seeking to establish by this Bill. Not only has it been recognised by the Government and by other industries through the joint efforts of the parties involved, but it is a principle which is in operation in other European countries. Our late enemy, the German Empire, has, I understand, an arrangement by which the miners' wage rises and falls according to the cost of living. The miners' wage there is governed by the very principle which we are seeking to establish in this country. Notwithstanding that they are supposed to have lost the War, they have been able to establish a principle in relation to the treatment of their miners that as yet we have failed to establish wholly in this country. It is a problem which demands solution at the hands of this House and particularly at the hands of the Government. Up till now the two parties involved, the miners on the one hand and the mine-owners on the other, have failed to adjust the principle which we are seeking to establish, and to my mind there is no one more responsible than the Government, and the Prime Minister at the head of the Government, for seeking to establish just, equitable, and humane conditions for every section of the people of this country where the parties involved fail to do so.
I know that in the course of this discussion we shall be asked the oft-repeated question: Where is the money to come from without ruining the industry, and, as I saw one of the leading newspapers put it the other day, without closing a considerable number of the pits? I have had considerably over 30 years' experience of meeting the coal-owners of this country and of dealing with these questions, and on every occasion on which the miners have sought to effect an improvement, either with regard to wages or with regard to conditions, they have been met with the same question. I can remember, when we first sought to establish the principle of the minimum wage, hearing one of the leading coal-owners in my own district say that the minimum wage was so subversive of every principle that had hitherto governed the relations between labour and capital that they could never consent to it. Again and again they met us with the question as to where the money was to be found. Not only was that question put to us by the colliery owners and in some cases by the newspapers and by employers of labour in other industries during our efforts to establish the principle of the minimum wage, but when we sought to have the Workmen's Compensation Act applied to mining and other industries we were met with the same argument. We were told that in seeking to establish any such law we were taking a step which would ruin the mining industry. We went on and we established a minimum wage, and we went on and we were able to convince the majority of the people of this country that the compensation law was a just and an equitable law, and it found a place on the Statute Book. What did we find? The industry was able to adjust itself to the altered conditions without being ruined or without any of the districts having their pits entirely closed, as had been prophesied. In every one of these instances, not only did we find the prophecies falsified, but we found that the coal-owners were able to earn even greater profits than they did before. So far as the question of finding the money is concerned, I do not think that a single Member of the House need let that fear keep him from supporting us in the Division Lobby if we require to go to a Division in order to get the Second Reading of our Bill.
Not only shall we be asked where the money is to be found, but in all probability we shall be asked if the establishment of such a minimum wage will not mean increasing the price of the coal which we produce both for household and industrial purposes. Personally, I do not think that the establishment of a minimum such as is provided for in this Bill would mean increasing the price of the commodity. If we had a proper organisation of the industryߞand when I speak of a proper organisation of the industry, do not let any hon. Member be under the impression that I have in my mind for the time being the question of nationalisation; we are not now discussing that question; we are discussing the question of an increase in wages, and, when I speak of a proper method of organisation in the industry, I mean a proper method or organisation under private enterprise and under existing conditionsߞthe miners would get the wage for which we are asking without any big increase taking place in the price. The selling price of coal in London at the moment, I understand, is something like 44s. 6d. per ton on the average, whereas the last pithead figure on which I could lay my hands this morning is something like 18s. 6d. per ton. Who gets the difference between the 18s. 6d. and the 44s. 6d.? If the Prime Minister, with the assistance of his Mines Department, would go closely into this matter, he would discover that the difference is divided between the railway companies for freight and wagon hire and the army of factors, merchants, and middlemen who get their pickings between the pithead and the home. If we had the industry organised in the manner in which it should be organised, we should have these middlemen, who come in and scoop a considerable amount of the money that is paid by the consumer, eliminated, and the industry would be put on a basis which would enable it to pay a better wage than it has been able to pay in the past.
Two things are required in order to place the industry on a solid foundation. First, there should be more cohesion among the colliery owners themselves, and, secondly, they should take into consultation, to a far greater extent, the workmen involved. It is not good enough for the colliery owners or for employers of labour of any kind at intervals to say to the workmen, "These are the figures for the last month or three months, and this is all the wage that these figures will allow," when all the time the men, whose wage is regulated by the figures, have no say in fixing the price of the product or the conditions under which it is produced. If the industry is to be organised on a footing such as it should be, there will have to be more cohesion among the colliery owners, and the men will require to be brought into closer co-operation with them in carrying out the industry in which both of them are so vitally interested. If that were done, there would be no need to increase the price in order to give the workmen the wage which we are demanding in this Bill.
We shall also be told that if we pass this Bill it will mean ending the present wages agreement. I do not think that the passing of this Bill would necessarily mean the ending of the present agreement. The present agreement could go on with very little alteration. Let me explain how I think very little alteration in the agreement would require to be made in order to adjust it to the provisions of this Bill. The mining area of Great Britain is divided into 13 districts. In each of these 13 districts the proceeds are ascertained month by month, and, after the proceeds have been ascertained, then, according to the wages agreement, you begin to divide those proceeds as follows. The first deduction that is made from the proceeds is the cost other than wages. The second deduction is taking such a sum as will provide the men with their minimum wage, and the third is the taking of a sum from the pool of proceeds equal to enabling the owners to be paid 17 per cent, of the wages paid to the men. To my mind, all the alteration that requires to be made in the agreement is at that point to raise their minimum from its present figure of 20 per cent, over the 1914 wages to 70 per cent, over the 1914 wages and under the terms of the agreement the employers' proportion is adjusted, because if you raise the amount paid to the men you at the same time raise the amount paid to the colliery owner, thus accomplishing the continuance of your agreement notwithstanding that you pass this Bill.
One of the other questions which may be asked will be one that I have seen frequently asked during the last two or three days in many of the leading newspapers. If things are as bad with the mining industry as the miners say, why should they not give up their seven hours' day and return to the former working day of eight hours? There is a considerable amount of misunderstanding with regard to the miner's working day. There seem to be very few people who understand what the miner's working day consists of. The miner never has had a seven hours' working day. The average time from 'bank to bank for every miner in the country is seven hours and thirty-nine minutes, and even after he has reached the pit bank the miner, unlike many classes of workmen, is not a free man. There are so many things he has to attend to before he leaves the pit bank that it may be said the miner's working day is eight hours. Apart from the mere question of whether he is required to go back to the old working time or not, the fact that with a shorter working day he is able to produce almost as much coal as he did before the change was made proves that there is no necessity for him to go back to his old working time of nearer nine than eight hours. The following figures will prove it. For the quarter ending March, 1913, the output was 71,682,000 tons, and for the quarter ending March, 1923, it was 71,043,000 tons, almost as big as the 1913 figure, notwithstanding that in one or two of our districts the men have never been able to work full time. Not only do the Government figures prove that, but the mine owners have from time to time testified to the fact that the men under the shorter working day were doing very well indeed. From their testimony it is possible to prove that there is no necessity for going back to the longer working day. Sir David Llewellyn, at the annual meeting of his company, said:
I hope the House will give a favourable reception to the Bill. If the country is to have any prospect of industrial recovery what is needed more than anything else is a period of industrial peace, and in no part of British industry is a period of peace more required than in the mining industry. That industry is the bed-rock of all our other industries. They are built on it. If there is to be no peace in mining it will be reflected in all your other industries, and there will be no hope of industrial recovery. I want to be perfectly frank with my fellow Members. With present wages there is no hope of industrial peace. Neither the coalowners nor this House, nor the Government, can expect that the mining community is going on under the conditions which have existed during the past two years. There are numbers of men amongst us who have had their responsibilities for the greater part of our lives, who have always stood for peace where peace was possible, and who are tired of standing there under existing conditions, and are prepared to do all they can to change existing conditions. We know the appalling conditions under which our people are living better than any other section of the community, and we are bound to feel more keenly than any other section of the community the conditions under which the miners are living, and if some of us speak more strongly than we are in the habit of speaking it is because we know these conditions and have made up our minds that we will do everything possible to have them changed. Therefore I hope my fellow Members will give the Bill sympathetic consideration, and that it will be carried before 11 o'clock to-night. That will give the mining community a message of hope and the industries of the country a chance of making a recovery such as it cannot have under any other conditions. I hope, therefore, that not only the majority of the House, but the Government itself, will give their support to the Second Reading.
I beg to move to leave out the word "now," and at the end of the Question to add the words "upon this day three months."
I have no doubt whatever that the House will give the Bill the most sympathetic consideration, but it cannot be considered as a Minimum Wage Amendment Bill, because it cuts directly across the principle of the Act of 1912. That Act, which this Bill seeks to amend, was passed to meet certain specific circumstances and to deal with them. It was intended to deal not with a man who was living and working on a minimum but, grade by grade, with those men who were placed by circumstances in a position where they could not earn a wage equal to the average rate of wage in that grade. This is an entirely different proposition, and I fail to see its relationship, as an amending Bill, to the Act of 1912. The right hon. Gentleman practically divided his comments into three sections. He dealt first of all with the ability of the industry to meet the increased wage which he proposes should be put upon it. He has adduced arguments to show, as far as he can make his case, that the increased cost can be put upon the industry without being reflected in any way in increased charges to the consumer. He takes a second point, that the industry is badly managed and that under the present agreement there is no prospect whatever of the position of the miner being improved, and he levels a direct charge against those responsible for the management of the industry of incompetence, and in the third place he depends entirely upon sentimental considerations, without regard to the rest of the community, to secure the support of the House. We might as well start with a full recognition of what the Bill implies. Notwithstanding the very excellent attempt which the right hon. Gentleman made to create an impression that the passing of the Bill will in no way vitiate the Mines Control Act, nevertheless the proposal would neither in theory nor in practice work out to the satisfaction of either party. In the first place, he totally ignores the position of the general consumer. It has been stated, both in the Press and in this House, that the charge which would be involved, at least £12,500,000, to find additional wages could be found in savings, in management, distribution and so forth. May I point out to the right hon. Gentleman that, consistently, within the past 12 months working costs have been decreasing, and may I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether he thinks for one moment that under the present agreement it is not to the interests of the mineowners as much as it is to the interests of the colliers that the cost should be decreased in order that they may get some small percentage of the profits accruing from the results of working the industry? To make an appeal without any consideration of the financial effect and without any regard to the commitments which would be imposed upon the rest of the community, is unfair from the point of view of the position which the right hon. Gentleman occupies as a leader of the Labour party, and is, I respectfully submit, more or less an insult to the intelligence of this House
The proceeds of the industry have resulted in the past 12 months, in order to maintain the minimum wage fixed under the agreement, in a distribution of the surplus in the proportion of 7 per cent. only to the owners and 93 per cent. of the profits of the industry to the men. It is proposed to set aside the agreement, and to substitute for it this Bill, at a time when there is just a prospect of the industry getting back to the normal. [Hon. MEMBERS: "Oh!"] Yes, a prospect of getting back to the normal. There has never been an opportunity since the present Act has been in force to consider it under normal conditions. The agreement now in operation, first of all, had to stand the test of all the unrest, disorganisation and everything else which followed decontrol. About the time last December when there was an opportunity of the agreement getting a fair test and its value being realised, we had the disturbance on the Continent which effectively upset the whole of the normal working of the coal fields. The House cannot pass its judgment upon that agreement or its effect upon the industry as a whole without giving it an opportunity of two or three years' working, in order to see exactly what can be done by joint agreement under the agreement. The Act provides all the necessary machinery for peace in the industry. If there is a spirit on the one side, which I believe is the spirit which dominates the other side, and if for no other motives than selfish and financial ones, surely it would appear obvious to anybody that the owners' side, with all that they have to risk, with all that they have at stake, are desirous of having peace in the industry, otherwise there will be no return for them as far as their capital is concerned. If there is no peace in the industry, they realise, even as citizens, that there can be very little prosperity for the rest of the people of this country, because we admit at once that coal, and the House knows it, is the staple industry, and upon peace in that industry depends to a great extent the prosperity of other industries.
Let us take the Bill as it affects not the coal industry so much but the whole of the industries of the country. It has been stated in the Press and in the House by the right hon. Gentleman this afternoon, that by a proper system of organisation something can be achieved which means an increase on the whole of the production of coal in this country by 3s. 4d. a ton, without in any way affecting prices. If the right hon. Gentleman can submit figures to justify that, I can assure him that we should be most pleased to consider them. The House will agree with me when I say that export coal is a competitive commodity, which has to meet the competition of every other country in the world. You can do very little with that. You cannot possibly save on the handling of export coal. The transport is very close, in nearly all cases, to the pit, the railway rates have been reduced recently, and they are to-day at their very minimum. Some 38,000,000 tons of coal are utilised for domestic purposes; 20,000,000 by the railways, 78,000,000 by staple industries, including gas works and steel works, and the rest is used for ordinary trade. One might say that there is a matter of 80,000,000 tons a year used by industries, scattered all over the country, on which a saving can be made, and it is suggested that a saving can be made on 38,000,000 tons of domestic coal. The right hon. Gentleman gave some details as to the difference between the pithead costs and the cost of distribution. I am surprised that the right hon. Gentleman has not read the Report of the Retail Coal Prices Committee.
I have read it.
If the right hon. Gentleman has read the Report, he might have stated, in making his case, just exactly where there is any discrepancy, because I cannot see it. If we take the pithead price of what is called kitchen nuts, the House must realise that with a pithead price of 21s. that coal cannot be sold for less than 44s. 6d. in London, and that price only includes a profit of 5d. per ton, with all the risk of bad trade and bad debts. "What the House may forget is that since 1913 there have been not only increases of wages in the mining industry, but increases of wages in every other industry. The carters and others who handle coal for domestic consumption in London and other cities have received increases of wages, and those increases are reflected in the cost to the domestic consumer. Does anybody think for one moment that all the charges for Poor Law relief, unemployment pay, and things of that kind, are not reflected in the costs which represent the overhead cost of management at the pits? These things cannot be paid for out of nothing, and it is surprising to me that the right hon. Gentleman chose to disregard these considerations in order to state a case on which he can gain sympathy from the outside public, which does not fully understand the subject.
The right hon. Gentleman, in his further criticism of the coal-owners, suggested that cut-throat competition was one of the factors which was responsible for the present condition of things. Before I deal with that, I will follow his argument in regard to the question of saving. He suggested that there could be a saving on domestic coal. I suggest to him, or to the Leader of the Opposition, that there is no way in which they can show that any saving can be made in that direction, except by cutting wages. If the right hon. Gentleman and the Leader of the Opposition are prepared, to recommend that, it must be their own look out, and the consumer will be very grateful to them. Are you going to effect any saving in the shipyards which consume 20,000,000 tons a year, and in the gas works, which are almost cheek by jowl with the collieries? I doubt it. Even the super-intelligence of those who are telling people who have been running collieries for years how to manage their collieries, cannot devise any means of showing them how they can effect economy there. How then can you do it? How can you get this wage without an increase of cost? You cannot get it by increasing the export cost, because that would put up the price in markets which we have got to-day and which are hard enough for us to hold.
There are only two other ways to get this increase of wage. One is by a subsidy, which this House would not accept, because if we accept the principle of a subsidy for the coal trade it is only right and proper, seeing that the coal trade is in a position to-day to employ nearly 97 per cent, of the men engaged in it, to give a subsidy to the cotton industry and other industries which are not to-day employing anything like 80 per cent, of their employés. You cannot give a subsidy to-this particular industry. Can you get the increased wage by passing it on to the consumer? I doubt if that is a fair proposal, even for the Labour party, for this reason, that this is the one industry in the country employing a large number of men where there is a minimum of unemployment, and if you are going to pass the increased cost on. to the consumer, then you will be passing it on to many people who are getting even less wages than the lowest paid man in the mining industry, because they are working in many instances only half time. That proposal is a fantastic one. It is fantastic in so far as it means that £12,500,000 is to be found, and if we accept the generous proposal which the right hon. Gentleman has made, that before we come to the final figures we must adjust the 17 per cent, to the owners which they have never had hithertofore, it means that an increased cost of £14,000,000 will be taken out of the consumers of coal in this country. I object to the Bill on that ground.
I object to the Bill because, in the first place, what is always talked about in this House, what has always been put before the public as a standard wage is not in effect a standard wage at all, as properly understood. The right hon. Gentleman referred to the fact that the present wage was only 20 per cent, above the 1914 standard. That is not quite true, for it has been admitted that the standard of 1914 is something like 5s. or 6s. per ton above the average of the 10 years preceding 1914. Under the working agreement of the coal mines of this country it is unfair, and the right hon. Gentleman knows it, to take any one specific year, a boom year, as the criterion and the basis for fixing the level of wages. Mr. Prank Hodges, the Secretary of the Miners' Federation, has admitted that 43 per cent. is the present level of wages above the 1914 standard. The right hon. Gentleman knows that the average throughout the country of 6s. 5¾d. as the average for the 10 years preceding 1914 has been increased by 83 per cent., as things stand to-day with an average of 9s. 11d. I agree with the hon. Member for Aberavon (Mr. Ramsay MacDonald) who, at the Labour Conference in 1908, speaking of minimum wages, said:
No.
If the hon. Member has not changed his views, he will have an exceedingly difficult job to reconcile them with his present attitude. If he votes with us, of course, we shall be exceedingly pleased. What does a minimum wage mean? The agreement which exists in the coal industry can honestly be described on all hands and by all people, notwithstanding the fact that there are coal-owners as well as miners who would like to see it abrogated, as probably the finest charter that any industry has ever received. [ Laughter. ] Hon. Members laugh. I stand by my statement. Is there any other industry in the country which has been so much under the microscope as the coal industry? There is not a single figure pertaining to the industry which does not come under the scrutiny of auditors appointed by the Miners' Federation. There is not a single thing that can be done in reference to figures connected with the mining industry which under the agreement is not subject to the scrutiny of the miners' representatives. Moreover, it is an agreement which gives to the men a maximum of the profits resulting from the operation of the industry, and on the other hand precludes them from sharing any loss if the profits fall below a minimum. The hon. Member for Ince (Mr. Walsh), speaking on the 13th December last in this House, told us a story of the bondage and subjection in which the miners of Lancashire were placed by the coal-owners. If I remember his words aright, he said that if they worked for years in certain mining areas in Lancashire they would never be able to get any benefit accruing from any increase in wages for the simple reason that the deficiency was so great that they could never pay it off. That is one of the mis-statements which are made by the leaders of the men outside, and sometimes inside, of this House.
I would ask the hon. Member to find the passage in the OFFICIAL REPORT in which I said that the deficiency could never be paid off in Lancashire. I did speak of a particular area in which the deficiency, the debt owing to the coal owners, was so great, that they would never be able to pay it off.
I read the hon. Member's speech only yesterday in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
You are mis-stating it.
I am not. The hon Member will be speaking later on, and he can correct me then. He made the statement that a portion of the people employed in the industry would never pay back the deficit. Now the deficit has been absolutely wiped out, except in one or two districts, and that, I take it, will follow in due course. A deficiency of nearly £9,000,000, which was required as a contribution from the coal owners to make up the minimum, has been wiped out. It is irrecoverable. That is the reason why I say that out of the profits of the industry last year the portion which came to the owners as a result of their year's efforts was only 9 per cent., and the wages took the balance.
Another point upon which there is a great deal of misunderstanding in the country—only this morning one of the leading newspapers had a reference to it—is that the men do not seem to receive any benefit from the proceeds of coal sold at high prices for a very long period. That is not the fault of the coal-owners. It was the men's leaders themselves who asked that the period of ascertainment should be put back to two months in order that there might be every possible chance of having the figures accurately reported. Another point on which a great deal is said, on which there is a wrong impression, is that in the costs, other than wages, all kinds of interest and maintenance charges are made. That is inaccurate. The only charge that is admissible is depreciation to plant, and for that the amount is calculated on the amount allowed by the Inland Revenue authorities. The interest on capital and loans, amortisation of capital expenditure, charitable subscriptions, donations, contributions to the association, Income Tax, Corporation Profit Tax, consequential loss, insurance premiums, are all left outside the charges——
On a point of Order. I want to ask the hon. Member——
The hon. Member can speak later. Out of the proceeds of the industry last year there was a total paid of £130,000,000 wages, and there were £10,000,000 only as profit, and that was gross profits, and out of that gross profit the owners had to pay debenture and bank interest, Income Tax, and altogether 50 per cent. or 60 per cent. before there was any possibility of distributing any thing by way of return on the money invested. All these figures submitted by hon. Members opposite have no relation to the facts. If any case is to be made as justifying the attitude which the men have taken up they should at least be sure that they are stating a case which is true and can be borne out by investigation. The hon. Member stated that a great many men in the industry are living on starvation wages. Does he realise that skilled men in many industries are getting a wage very little more than the lowest paid men in the mining industry? In the engineering and shipbuilding trades, with something like 20 per cent. unemployment——
Will the hon. Member permit me now to read the passage of my speech to which he referred?
The hon. Member can speak later.
I take it that this is a matter of personal explanation.
The hon. Member charges me with having made a statement which, if made, would reflect very gravely upon the fairness with which I present tings in this House, and also impeach very largely the accuracy of any statement made by me. He said that I had described the conditions of things in Lancashire as being such that it would be impossible to get out of the present deficit for years to come, and indeed it would never be possible. I told him that I had made no such statement and that it would be better if he had the OFFICIAL REPORT in readiness when he was challenged as to the accuracy of his statement. For greater accuracy I have obtained the OFFICIAL REPORT myself, and because I think that it is a serious matter that a statement of this kind should be made I will read the whole of the reference from the speech which I made on the 13th December last. I said:
"The Cumberland miners owe over £200,000 to the owners. The exact figure is £200,976. In Cumberland they have a total working population at the mines of about 12,000 so that each man, woman and child is mortgaged in advance to the extent of nearly £17. Pawnbroking has taken a good many forms since it was instituted hundreds of years ago, but I never thought a coalowner would develop such a pawn-broking business as this."
I will come right down to the exact statement.
"I submit that in Cumberland no matter how trade improves, unless it improves with such gigantic speed as to be outside any possibility of present day conception—which neither the domestic nor the foreign situation even faintly warrants—these people will be steeped in their misery for years to come. No possible improvement that is likely to be realised can lift them out of the terrible position in which they find themselves."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 13th December, 1922; cols. 2996 and 2997, Vol. 159.]
More could be read, but I have read enough to show that the statement which I made was in reference to the Cumberland mines only.
I apologise for saying Lancashire, but the remarks apply to Cumberland. The hon. Member cannot get away from the fact that he made the statement with regard to Cumberland.
And I stand by the statement.
At any rate no sum is now being wiped out voluntarily by the owners. The coal industry more than any other industry, for some reason or other, for years past has always been subjected to continual trouble and questions in Parliament. No other industry has been subjected to the close analysis by Parliament to which the coal industry has been subjected. When there is a dispute or a debate in this House, there is a general impression created through the whole of the world with which we do business that there is a further strike or trouble pending in our coal fields, with the result that there is more or less a shortage of orders to this country, as a result of that continual trouble, and markets are being taken away from us, and once that happens we find it very difficult to get them back again. I do not see for one moment that the Government can do any good if they are going to maintain the attitude which they have taken up of interfering with the control of industry. So far as I am concerned—and I think that in this I speak for a good many of my colleagues—we were returned at the last election on the distinct understanding that, while we would ask the Government to support all sections of industrial life, we would strongly resent any interference by the Government in industry. Yet we always have this spectacle, because the miners are well represented in this House—there are 44 representatives, I believe—of the coal industry being discussed in Parliament in a manner in which no other industries are discussed.
I submit that the machinery of the present agreement provides for the discussion of any differences which arise between the owners and the men. The question of the subsistence wage, which has been brought up to-day, and the possibility of its being affected by the advance when taken off under the terms of the award, are matters which can be adjusted and considered by the owners in conference with the men under the machinery of the agreement. There is no-necessity whatever for the matter to be thrashed out in Parliament, and I resent bitterly any intention on the part of Parliament to interfere with the operation of the agreement or with the industry. We had five years' interference with the coal trade by the Government, during which we saw the trade go from bad to worse. We saw coal mounting up to enormous prices, because of the disarrangement of the normal course of trade by the Government, until it was impossible to get coal except at a price fixed by the Government, and the Government had to subsidise it. The present position is caused by what has taken place since last December.
5.0 P.M.
We had the engineering and shipbuilding trades in a position where there was a prospect of vast numbers of the unemployed getting back to work. Shipbuilding and engineering orders were beginning to flow in. There was the demand of the French and German and Danish people for coal. Steel has gone up steadily £2 to £3 per ton, pig from £1 to £2 per ton. We have had a complete stoppage of orders in the industry, and what business was booked in October, November and December is the only business that we have in prospect, because of the high cost of coal. The same position is being brought about in many other industries. Yet it is proposed by some means or other to add another 5s. or 6s. per ton to the cost of every ton of coal consumed by the occupier of a house and every ton used in industry. It is asking the people of this country to make a contribution and a subsidy to the miners, and the miners are not justified in asking for it because of the privileged position they occupy.
Mr. Hodges said the other day that, so far from the Government having subsidised the industry, the industry had subsidised the Government to the tune of £150,000,000 in wages. We all wish that the wages which were paid in 1919–20 could have been maintained, but it is very difficult, with the position as it is and the output as it is, to maintain our place in the world's markets. The fact that the mining industry is in its present position is not due to the normal condition of trade in the world, but is due to the super-normal condition of Germany and France to-day. The House does not realise that our exports for the first four months of this year are only 2,000,000 tons in excess of our exports for the corresponding period of 1913. We have nearly 7,000,000 tons of additional coal being exported to France, Germany, Holland, and Belgium. If that demand fell away to-morrow there would be a deficiency in our exports of over 5,000,000 tons for a period of nearly four months, which means that for a year there would be a drop on the average of 15,000,000 tons. The House should realise that fact. We are in an abnormal condition now. Yet the hon. Member comes forward and asks us to increase the price of coal to the consumer at a time when the industries of the country are struggling for all they are worth to cut down costs. The shipbuilding, engineering, cotton and pottery trades, and all other trades which depend largely upon coal, are asked to submit to something which will increase costs and inevitably throw out a very large number of people who have some employment to-day.
Does the right hon. Gentleman think for one moment that by increasing the cost of coal for the benefit of the miners he is likely to improve the position of the industry? I suggest that he is not likely to improve it. With the falling off of demand which would occur, unemployment in the mining industry would begin to increase and would soon reach a very high level. Then what would be the position? Is the Federation prepared to make grants to the men who are out of work? As far as I can see from the balance sheets of the Federation which have been published, the miners will fall back on the State. On the one hand you will have the State subsidising the unemployed and on the other hand the people of the country subsidising high wages. It is anomalous and unfair. Take the industries in which men are working only part time and compare their position with the position of the miners. The minimum wage in South Wales for men with dependants is 43s. That is for the lowest paid man. In the engineering trades you have a wage of 56s. for a skilled fitter. Does the right hon. Gentleman suggest that the labourer at a colliery is a skilled man? I would not care to suggest to the House that the labourer at the colliery possesses the same degree of skill as the agricultural labourer, who gets a considerably smaller income.
I do not wish to interrupt, but I would like the hon. Member to inform the House upon what he bases his statement that the lowest wage in South Wales is 43s.?
With the subsistence allowance the wage is 43s. a week, and the hon. Member is quite aware of that fact. This Bill vitiates every principle of the present agreement and opens an avenue to a very difficult and awkward situation. At present the people in the industry are paid on results. Introduce a minimum wage and they will be paid, not on results, but on what is reckoned to be a fair day's work. At present there is every incentive for men to increase out-put and efficiency. Pass this Bill and you must scrap the present agreement and lead to a position in which the men will not be agreeable to doing what they are doing to-day, that is to say, produce the best they can for their own benefit and the benefit of the industry as a whole. There is one question which has frequently been debated in the Press and in this House, and that is the position of the middle-man. From time to time the charge is made that there is in the industry a group of people who occupy a position between the ultimate consumer and the colliery, and that the bulk of the profits of the industry are being put into a pool for the benefit of the coal owners who are in another company. That is not true. The hon. Member for Pontypool (Mr. T. Griffiths), who is not in the House to-day, made a suggestion in a supplementary question recently that the coal owners were appointing agents for the sale of coal and that these people were getting far higher prices than those which prevailed at the pithead.
That was the implication. It is not the position at all. I know the position very well. It is not the function or the business of the colliery to engage in speculative trade. It cannot and should not, by virtue of the responsibility it has. There are many companies engaged in trade in this country as middle-men, and some which have secured sale agencies from collieries, which deal extensively with export trade. The coal trade itself, as between colliery and buyer, is a cash trade. There are collieries which ship direct and do an extensive business with very high-grade clients, such as Governments and people with big resources, but the great proportion of the business is done by middle-men on a basis which the House does not understand. [Hon. MEMBERS: "Hear,hear!"] That is why I am about to explain it. Last October and November many hundreds of middlemen in this country contracted to buy coal—I will take South Wales—at 22s. to 24s. or 25s. per ton for the first six months of this year. They made very substantial profits, for coal rose from 24s. to 35s., and in some cases even to 40s. a ton. In April and May of this year those same men went forward with their second half of the year and bought forward at 30s. to 35s. per ton. But the coal cannot be sold to-day at 30s. per ton. Those people run the risk of the market.
Taking a period of years I have never known a coal exporter or middleman to show a very substantial profit on his business. He has to take all the risk of credit. He has to give credit in many cases for 90 days. He has to take the risk of fluctuating exchanges. He has to take the risk very often of bankruptcy and failures to pay when a ship gets abroad with its cargo, and he has no opportunity whatsoever of getting out of his legal liability to pay freight. Another charge that is made is that many people interested in the coal trade are also interested in selling agencies. That is admitted at once. Many a person with a big foreign market, with a large clientèle, requires to be assured that he will get a sufficient supply of coal to carry out his contracts, and in such cases it is not unusual for him to invest a considerable sum in a colliery in order to be assured that he gets a regular supply of coal. Does he get his supplies unfairly at the expense of the miner? No. It is clearly set out in the agreement that where there are affiliated industries and subsidiary companies, or any company working in conjunction with the colliery, the price of the coal sold to that particular company or individual shall be sold at a fair market rate, and if the men's auditors object to the rates fixed they have the right, if they cannot come to an agreement with the representatives of the owners, to apply for an arbitrator to settle the question. There is not the slightest chance of the men being diddled, as they call it, out of a single penny. That should be perfectly well understood by the House. It is the mis-statement of facts on matters of this kind which very often arouses sympathy for the miner.
It must not be forgotten that the position of the lower-paid men is not the fault of the mine-owners. It is not the fault of any section of the country. It was not the mine-owners who brought about the position that the men accumulated debts—the reason for this agitation to-day. These men came out—I will not debate whether it was a lock-out or a strike—when there was no reason for coming out. If they had negotiated, the vast accumulation of debt which is around their necks to-day could have been avoided. The owners are fully alive to-the position in which these men are placed. They realise as well as you and I that the men are in a very awkward' position, and that it is very hard for them to go along as they would like to go, because of the burden of debt behind them. But the machinery for dealing with any particularly hard case or any section of the mining industry is provided in the agreement, and there has been no single occasion for a test to be made whether the owners are prepared to consider these men and 'their specific grievance, because the matter has never been put before them by the leaders of the men. If there is—and there may be—a cause of grievance, the machinery which has been provided could be utilised for the purpose of seeing whether the position of the men could not be bettered. I am certain that the right hon. Gentleman would be the first to admit that the present subsistence allowance, fixed by an independent chairman, was not the suggestion of the men. but came voluntarily from the owners.
That is not true.
I believe it is quite true. An hon. Member asks me what is the subsistence allowance. It is a payment fixed by the Buxton Committee which decided what should be the minimum rate of wage to be paid to the men with dependants in each section of the country. In South Wales it is fixed at 43s., an amount equivalent to 15 per cent, on the standard of 1914, and the terms of the award are that the 15 per cent, shall be taken off if the wages increase reaches or exceeds 15 per cent., or the cost of living goes down to a corresponding figure. The feeling with regard to that subsistence wage is that if there should be an increase of 15 per cent, on the figures for March and April as far as South Wales is concerned any advantage which would accrue to the lower-paid men may be entirely upset by virtue of the subsistence allowance automatically coming off. That position has not arisen. If it does arise, and if the question of whether the allowance should come off or not has to be considered, the place to discuss it is not the House of Commons but in the conference room, as between the owners and the men. I submit that this agitation to-day has nothing to do in reality with the provisions of the Bill. That was made perfectly clear in a speech recently delivered by Mr. Frank Hodges, which I think will bear repeating in the House. It is really nationalisation which is at the bottom of this present agitation, and which is the be-all and end-all of the agitation. Mr. Frank Hodges said:
"The scrapping of this present agreement is no remedy, for it is beyond the wit of man to show how the mere scrapping of an agreement can convert a district from making a loss to making a revenue sufficiently large to pay reasonable profits and a wage increase of from 30 to 35 per cent. A clear mind is driven irresistibly to the conclusion that the unification of the Industry is the only solution and that in the absence of voluntary unification on the part of the capitalist interests, there must be the unification involved in the principle of the nationalisaton of the mines."
It seems to me the sole desire for scrapping this agreement arises from the fact that some of the men's leaders totally misunderstood the mentality of the people who represented the other side. They thought when an agreement was reached which would provide for a division of profits in the proportion of 17 per cent, to the owners and 33 per cent, to the men, that as they had limited the owners to a very small percentage of the profits the owners would immediately proceed to increase that amount by exploiting the rest of the people of the country. Unfortunately for that point of view the owners have to look at something far more than the mere matter of profits. They have to look at the continuity of the industry; they have to look for the ability to carry on the industry not only to-day, but to-morrow and the day after. The necessity which they are under to retain their markets would not allow of them, at any time, imposing prices higher than the other industries of the country and the people of the country were able to pay. That arrangement having failed to produce as big a percentage of increase as the men anticipated, they now proceed to substitute something which they refused to consider in 1921. They would not consider at any time in the negotiations of 1921 any settlement on the basis of the cost of living. Now, when the profits come to be divided among the whole industry, they prove to be illusory. They prove to be, as they always do when nationalisation is examined, a mere bagatelle divided among a million men. Now there is a complaint about the unsatisfactory working of the agreement and there is the desire to substitute for it something else. I do not think it is the desire of the House that a Bill like this should receive a Second Reading, particularly as it has not yet had a case made out for it by hon. and right hon. Gentlemen opposite. To my mind it is somewhat surprising to find such a Bill brought forward by Members who claim to represent the democracy and the working people of this country. Hon. Members profess that they are doing all they can to uplift the position of the workers and improve the standard of living of the lower and the working classes, but they are seeking by this Bill to play fast and loose. They are seeking to protect the miners, 60,000 more of whom are employed in the industry to-day than there were in 1914, and they are seeking to pass a Bill which is going to impose dearer coal on the rest of the community and place upon the whole people of this Country a tribute to the miners of the country, in order that they may experiment with a proposition which in the end would not be a success and which would lead to further chaos and greater chaos in the industry than that which existed during the period of control.
I beg to second the Amendment which has been moved with such a wealth of information and with such signal ability by the hon. Member for Central Cardiff (Mr. Gould). I should like to congratulate the right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Fife (Mr. W. Adamson) who introduced the Bill on the motives which prompted him to bring it forward and on the very clear way in which he presented it to the House. He, like us, is striving to find some remedy for the deplorable state of the miner to-day. The existence of the problem is common ground and the only difference between us will be as to the methods by which we seek to find alleviation and the manner in which we approach the solution. I think I may be permitted, in passing, to make one comment on the fact that to-day apparently all parties in the House are agreed that this Should be a colliers' day. Perhaps I may refresh the memories of hon. Members by recalling to them the fact—I cannot resist doing so—that a very few days ago the Government thought fit to discuss a Bill which sought to alleviate the state of the agricultural labourer. One hon. Member after another rose in his place opposite and protested against that Bill on the ground that it bought to alleviate one particular class of the community while so many others were suffering and were not attended to, but the obligations of Opposition—which exist as well as its pleasures—make certain things necessary, and we are all agreed as to the desirability of discussing this question which is not a party question and should never have been made a party question. The conditions of the miner and the production of the miner relate to one of the most vital of our national necessities and the only way of finding a practical solution of this question is to take it entirely outside of party politics.
Might I suggest that before this Bill is accepted, if ever it should be accepted, the onus is clearly on the introducers of the Bill to show us that the present system, whatever it is, has failed and is useless or, alternatively, that the new proposition is so much better that we ought to abolish the old one and get on to a new line. I differ from the right hon. Gentleman who introduced the Bill in his opinion that all we have to do in order to get the agreement enforced is to amend it a little here and a little there. I think it is perfectly obvious that if we pass a Bill which cuts clean through the agreement, that agreement will be regarded—as indeed would be the fact—as torn up and abandoned and a new system would be adopted. The right hon. Gentleman began his history by referring to the Coal Mines (Minimum Wage) Act, 1912, and he suggested that the Bill which we are considering involved no new principle. I must join issue with him on that point. The Coal Mines (Minimum Wage) Act certainly introduced a new principle. It introduced a principle of a minimum wage. The settling of that minimum wage was left to the district boards. There was no instruction to them as to how the minimum wage was to be arrived at. There was no instruction to them that they should base it either on the cost of living or on the ability of the industry to pay. The matter was never discussed and the only thing that could be claimed for that Act was that it accepted in statutory form the principle of the minimum wage. The Bill which we are considering to-day is entirely different. It adopts and continues the idea of the minimum wage but goes out of its way to state how that wage is to be arrived at and it adopts a principle that has never yet been adopted, in this country, of first accepting a minimum wage and then adding to it what is practically with variations a basic wage, quite irrespective of whether the industry or the country can afford it.
Before referring in greater detail to the Bill, may I ask hon. Members to consider with me the facts leading up to the agreement under which wages are regulated to-day, and the view which the leaders of the miners took when that agreement was put into force? The agreement of the 28th June, 1921, has been called to-day the charter of freedom in the mining industry. It was arrived at with the unanimous consent of the miners and the mine-owners. [HON. MEMBERS: "It was imposed!"] An hon. Member says it was imposed. I do not agree, but let me for the purposes of Debate accept that. It was imposed on the miners. It has since been adopted by the miners' leaders. [HON. MEMBERS: "NO!"] It has been adopted and amended. The miners' leaders, accepting that agreement, have taken every advantage that was in it and have then asked the owners to agree to an alteration. Hon. Members opposite know perfectly well to what I am referring—the alteration by which wages are estimated two months ahead instead of one month. It has been adopted and it was accepted with complete consent. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] If hon. Members opposite will wait one moment I will show them that it is as I have said. In principle, that agreement determines that the real test of wages in any industry was the ability of the industry to pay. I do not think I need appeal to hon. Members on economic grounds. The fact is that, apart from charity and poor relief, the only economic way in which wages can be arrived at is on the basis of the ability of an industry to pay. If an industry is unable to pay a particular rate of wages, somebody else has got to pay. There are only one of two things, either the industry pays and goes smash, or somebody else finds the money. [ Interruption. ] At any rate, that was the principle, and the fact was that the owners and the men thereupon became jointly interested in keeping the cost of production as low as possible. If there were more profits there were bigger wages, and it benefited both owners and men. It was the first point in the history of that or any industry, where complete understanding, complete confidence and complete agreement was come to between both parts of the industry. The industry was raised to a level that no industry had ever reached before. What did hon. Members opposite think of the agreement at the time it was arrived at? Let me remind them that the Miners' Executive Committee, in a manifesto recommending the acceptance of this agreement, made this statement:
No.
Well, the disapproval was silent.
No.
Well, it was quite ineffective, because there appears to be no record of it ever having been made. I am going to carry the history a little further, and I am going to ask hon. Members opposite if it is not a fact that that agreement has worked out extras ordinarily well. I am not referring to the lowness of wages at the moment, but is it not a, fact that, from the point of view of the intention, the employers have done everything they promised to do? Is it not a fact that they have paid, and are still paying, not out of the profits of the industry, because the profits cannot pay it, but out of their own pockets, in order to reach the minimum promised to the miners in that agreement I [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] I will not put it as a question. Let me state it as a fact, and the fact is that not only have the owners stuck to the letter of the agreement, but they in fact find themselves to-day, as. the price of their honesty, less £8,298,000 of profits which they have themselves foregone in order to see that the workman got what had been promised him under the agreement. I submit that that agreement has worked extraordinarily well. Mr. Frank Hodges, who appears, from the numerous productions of his pen, to be the accepted leader, on paper, of most of the miners, has stated that:
"Those who attribute the present low-wages and unemployment to the Miners' National Agreement are guilty of false reasoning. There is nothing wrong with the fundamental principles of the agreement. They are better than any principles that have operated in any previous agreement."
That statement was made, I see, at the Northumberland miners' annual picnic, at Morpeth, in July, 1922, so Mr. Hodges, at any rate, does not object to the agreement. [An HON. MEMBER: "You are only giving extracts."] If the hon. Member will undertake not to quote extracts, I will do the same. Immediately that agreement was arrived at, the industry entered into what was the greatest state of depression that the industry had been through for many years. There is no question at all that they were bad times, and they are bad times to-day, for the mining industry, but those bad times are nearly over, and hon. Members will bear me out in this, that on 1st July a higher scale of wages will be paid to the miners in the coal-mining industry. They will bear me out in this, that March and April of this year were very good months from the point of view of production. The effect of those good months will be borne out on 1st July of this year, and every worker who comes into the agreement to which I have referred will on 1st July get an increase in wages.
Is that a hope?
I do not quite know. It is a prophecy, founded on anticipations, which are justified by facts. If that be true, may I adopt an allegory? It looks to me as if the fruit of their labours is just ripe and going to be gathered when the right hon. Member for West Fife comes along in the form of a destroyer with this Bill, and cuts down the tree at the roots. They are just going to have an increase, and it is only after trying good times as well as bad times that we can get an estimate as to-whether this agreement is a good one or a bad one.
May I now make a very few observations on the new Bill? The new Bill introduces a form of assessing wages, which has never been tried in this country or in any other country. The right hon. Member said it was in vogue in Germany. It is, but on an entirely different basis. In Germany, I think I am right in saying, there is no minimum. In this country it is proposed to accept a minimum, and add to it, but even if it were adopted in Germany, do hon. Members opposite really suggest that they want the British workman put under the same conditions as the German workman? Are they going out into the country, asking their supporters to return them to Parliament, and telling them that, if they do, they will put them in the position of the German workmen? I should be sorry to see colliers in Wales or anywhere else working under the conditions and under the rules under which the German workmen find themselves to-day. What will be the effect of the introduction of this Bill? In the first place, you are going to tear up the agreement. I believe the miners' representatives are waiting for the next conference—I am not sure what comes after Blackpool—to decide whether or not they shall give notice to terminate the agreement.
Let us assume that they do. If they get the new Bill, there are going to lose all their district boards, they are going to forfeit the machinery under the agreement, and, what is far more important, they are going to forfeit a great deal of the sympathy of their employers. [ Laughter. ] That is received with merriment, but I think I am right in saying this, that coal miners, in spite of any gibes which they may see fit to throw against the employers, know as much about the employer's profits and as much about his trading as he does himself, and I need not remind hon. Members that every fortnight joint accountants, appointed by the men and the employer, go through his account books and production lists, and see that they get a fair deal. This new principle, if it is going to be adopted, has got to be paid for. Hon. Members have made no suggestion but one as to how it should be paid for. The right hon. Gentleman said "By a new organisation." He was delightfully sketchy as to the details, and I think he had to be, of necessity. If he possesses, in his great wisdom, some scheme that will produce millions a year by reorganisation, may I appeal to him to bring it into force first, and, having done that, to bring in this Bill and so produce means of finding this money.
But it cannot be done, and he knows that that is quite impossible, and if money could be saved by the employers they would be the first to do it. Who is going to pay? It is going to cost an enormous sum of money. If you apply the principles that we are asked to apply in this Bill to the month of February last year, you will find this result, that all the profits in the industry would have been absorbed, and a further sum of £12,117,000 would have had to be found. From where? Are you going to ask this House to give a subsidy? I should very much doubt whether you would receive it from this House, nor would you receive the sympathy of the country. Are you going to put it on the cost of coal? Are you going to ask the consumers to pay? If so, this is what they will have to pay—in the Eastern federated area, 3s. a ton more; in the Bristol and Cumberland areas, 4s. 8d.; in Lancashire and Cheshire, 4s.; and for the rest of the country, 3s. 4d. Are you going to ask them to pay that? [An HON. MEMBER: "That is a fallacy!"] Perhaps the hon. Member will tell me later what the increase is going to be, and there must be an increase, because somebody has got to find the money to pay the increased wages. The real object of the Bill has been stated by Mr. Smillie, who has found it out, whether the right hon. Gentleman who introduced the Bill appreciates it or not. He states this: This Bill, in the eyes of Mr. Smillie, at any rate, is another milestone on the road that leads to the destruction of economics and industry in this country, and I ask this House to refuse emphatically to give this Bill a Second Reading. There is no real demand for it. You have got an excellent feeling existing in the colliery industry between the men and the employers. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh."] I know of no case—and I challenge hon. Members opposite to produce one—where the recommendations of the men have been improperly turned down by the employers. They have their appeal courts, they have their district councils, and they have their national councils, and I think we are right in assuming, when there are no complaints, that there are no grounds for complaint. This Bill, even if it were desirable, cannot be paid for either by the trade or by the country.
The agreement, as I said before, in practice contains all the machinery by which owners and men, in the best spirit of co-operation, can share the rewards of their joint endeavours. If coal miners have a grievance, they have got a proper tribunal at which to air it. If that fails, if they find that the owners are not abiding by the spirit of the agreement, then is the time to come here, and to ask Parliament to give them relief. The coal is there—mother earth is still rich and generous—and it is waiting to be got. With the benefits of the agreement which this Bill seeks to tear up and supersede, with the good will that exists between masters and men, the industry holds the solution in its own hands. May I commend to the miners, such of them as are interested, an 8-hour day? The right hon. Member said that a 7-hour day was in fact 7½ hours. Has he forgotten the time off for meals? May I commend to the miners an 8-hour day and work 8½ hours if they want to? [An HON. MEMBER: "How many do you work?"] I work more than eight hours a day, I can assure the hon. Member. [ Interruption. ]
We cannot go on with these interruptions.
Let me suggest to the miners that if there were less absenteeism in the mines, there would be more production, and let me suggest to the House that greater production in this, as in every, industry in the country is the only real remedy for the evils of the individual workers and of the country as a whole.
I will, at the outset, express the hope that, however hon. Members cast their votes in the Division Lobby to-night, they will, at any rate, vote for the issue involved in this Bill, and not the false issues that may be raised by those who speak in opposition to the Bill. The hon. Member for Central Cardiff (Mr. Gould) informed the Prime Minister that he and his party were elected at the last General Election on the pledge that they would resist anything in the nature of control of industry. Well, this is not a Bill to control industry. It has nothing whatever to do with the control of industry. It introduces no principle that has not been in existence in the mining industry at least since 1890. The only point in this proposal is not a point of principle, but a matter of detail. The principle of a minimum wage has been established in mining agreements for a very long period. The same principle was embodied in the Act of 1912, and all we seek now is to apply that principle—a principle, as I say, which has been agreed to by the owners and adopted by this House—by raising the figure somewhat for reasons which, I hope, we shall be able to give as adequate reasons why we put forward our demand.
I would like, in the first place, to call attention to what was done in 1912. The hon. Member who seconded the rejection declared that the Act merely adopted a principle, but gave no guidance as to the basis on which the minimum wage was to be paid. That is wholly incorrect. He said it had no reference to the cost of living or anything else, and that that matter was never discussed. It was very fully discussed, and the guiding principle of that Act admitted that a minimum wage had to be established for each district, and each grade of workman in each district, that had some reference to the average wages already paid in that district. That was the guiding principle in the Act of 1912.
There was no minimum fixed in the Act of 1912.
That is not what the hon. Member said. He said the Bill adopted the principle, but without any guiding principle in it, that this Bill before us has a guiding principle, and that it makes reference to the cost of living, whereas the other had no reference to anything. I am saying that the 1912 Act had as its guiding principle the average wages paid at that time. I would like hon. Members to realise exactly what the position is as a result of the inquiries instituted by the district boards set up under that Act. Each coal-field had its district board, consisting of an equal number of employers and miners' representatives. Each board had its independent chairman, and before that board was brought the daily wages of all the men employed in the mining industry, at least underground. In the South Wales coalfield—to give an illustration, which is a proper illustration of what was done in all the district boards—we scheduled a certain number of grades, I think, about 40, and we ascertained what were the actual wages paid to the men in those grades in 1912. Take, for instance, the pieceworker. We had before us the earnings of something like 63,000 coal-getters, and their wages varied from 4s. to more than 30s. a day. The coal owners and the miners' representatives failed to agree what should be the minimum of the pieceworkers, and an independent chairman had to come in and decide. Expressing the decision in terms of 1914 wages, he said the minimum wages for pieceworkers in the South Wales coalfield should be 7s. 4d. a day. Men had been earning at that time wages of 10s., 12s., 15s., 20s. and 25s., but the minimum fixed was 7s. 4d. a day. We are not asking that men who, in 1914 or 1912, were getting £l or 30s. a day shall have 70 per cent added to their wages. All we are asking is that the wages paid to the lowest in the grade, to the mere minimum that was fixed for that grade, shall be added 70 per cent., or whatever the cost of living may be, so that the low standard of life established by that minimum shall not be depressed in future, or, as it has been depressed, shall be restored under this Bill. That is a fair proposition to make to this House. It is not an extravagant proposition, that the lowest standard of living possible to each grade of workmen in 1912 shall not be depressed, but that at least that figure shall be retained.
Are the ironstone miners included in this Bill?
In the Act of 1912 they are included, and this Bill in no way excludes them.
I would like to give further illustrations. Take one or two other grades, because I want the House to understand what is the minimum upon which we are proposing to have this additional percentage. One of the grades scheduled was that of repairers. There were 8,000 odd repairers in 1912. They had wages varying from 6s. up to about 9s. a day. They had a minimum fixed for them at 6s. 11d. Only 2,000 odd were on that figure or below it, and 6,000 out of 8,000 were already above it. All that we did in 1912 was to say to the colliery owners who were paying miserably low wages, "We do not ask you to pay equal to what is paid by the best employer, but we say you shall bring it up to 6s. 11d.," and that was the lowest wage they were entitled to pay to that grade. Out of 40 grades in the Welsh coalfield, 20 had a minimum fixed for them of 5s. 4d. per day. That was the total wage earned as a minimum in those 20 grades in 1914, and it is upon the minimum figure fixed for the respective grades that we ask that the increased cost of living figure shall be the percentage to be added.
What does that mean? I would like to deal with the 20 grades to which I have just referred whose minimum in 1914 was 5s. 4d., which, if you add the present 70 per cent., would come up to 9s. a day. The hon. Member for the Central Division of Cardiff said that these men have already a subsistence wage of 43s. a week. That is a totally misleading statement. The men in those grades have a daily wage of 7s. 2d. per shift. It is true if they worked six days a week, it would come to 43s., but it is quite a different thing to say that a man has a subsistence wage of 7s. 2d. a day, and to say that he has a subsistence wage of 43s. a week. As a matter of fact, the average working week in the mining industry is five days. I am not making that statement off my own bat. That is a statement the accuracy of which can be tested by any member of this House if he will go to the Vote Office, and get the return of Government statistics, as published by the Ministry of Mines, quarter by quarter. As a matter of fact, we have the figures in the Ministry of Mines publications of the actual number of men employed last year, and the number of man-shifts worked, and it is easy enough to ascertain what that works out on the average per week. The actual number of men employed last year was 1,035,561, and the man-shifts worked were rather less than 260,000,000, and it works out for the United Kingdom at 4·8 shifts per week. In South Wales, the number of men employed was 210,465, the total number of man-shifts was 55,410,000, and, on the average for the year, it worked out at five shifts per week, or actually 5·06.
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You have to base your calculations, therefore, on a five-shift week to know what any wage proposal means to these men. Suppose this Bill is passed so far as these 20 grades of workmen are concerned, what will they get? At 9s. per day for five days a week, it is a matter of 45s. a week. That average is ascertained by taking all week-end work and all overtime in the aggregate. If there be any question about these figures, they can be got from the Government representatives. These are their own figures. If you add the 06 on to the 45s., it makes 45s. 4d. a week. But it must not be forgotten that that is not the amount of money the man takes home to the family. There are many deductions to be made from that sum—9d. for unemployment insurance, 5d. for health insurance, 6d. for doctor, 4d. for hospital, 3d. for libraries, and 6d. for the Federation. That is 2s. 9d. out of their wages before they begin to maintain their family. That leaves 42s. 7d. Take a family of five. If you allow 8s. for rent and rates—they cannot afford anything more than that—that reduces the spending power to 34s. 7d. If you take a family of five, and give them four 2d. meals each a day—and you can get some nourishment for 2d. to-day—that means 3s. 4d. a day. Continue it for seven days a week and it amounts to 23s. 4d. a week, which leaves 11s. 3d. If you allow Is. 6d. for coal, 9s. 9d. is left. Now, 9s. 9d. for five people a week is less than 2s. per head, out of which they have to provide clothes and boots, all household utensils, tobacco, light and beer, provide a bit for holidays, and put a bit away for a rainy day. That would be the position of these men if we get what we are asking for in this Bill. That is not the position to-day. They are getting to-day Is. 10d. per day less than we are asking for. For a whole year these people have been 2s. 7d. per day worse off; for the whole of the year they have only had 6s. 5d. per day. Since last September, I think, they have had 7s. 2d. We are now asking that they? shall have 9s. If they get it it will provide the family with 2d. meals, and allow them each 2s. a week for all the other purposes of life. That is the proposal which is being opposed in this House!
We want the position to be made perfectly clear. We are informed that we have machinery in the present agreement for settling this matter. It is a settlement we want; The Miner's National Conference 12 months ago authorised its executive to endeavour to get a minimum Fate; to get some sort of guaranteed wage for the men. The conference said: "Go to the coalowners, and get into conference with them; try to get them to agree with you." We met the coalowners. We put before them certain proposals. They said: "Give a couple of months to consider these proposals." We waited a couple of months. Then they came back, and said they were not prepared to do anything. Then the Conference said: "Go and see the Government." We came down to see the late Prime Minister. He told us that he thought there was a good prospect of a revival of trade. "Wait a couple of months," he said, "and see what will happen." We waited and then we came down to see him again. He told us he could not do anything. Then the Federation said: "Let us draft a Bill of our own and submit it to Parliament, and let Parliament have the opportunity of voting for and against the minimum wage for the mine workers of this country." We drafted the Bill, and it is here. I say without in the remotest degree desiring to appear offensive, or uttering threats, or anything of the kind, that it is my deep conviction that it is absolutely impossible to maintain continuity of employment in the mining industry of this country so long as the conditions which I have outlined continue to exist without remedy—that remedy must be found, either through the machinery of this House, or by agreement with the owners, or trouble is bound to result, and nobody, whatever his name or influence may be, will be able to prevent it. It is because we want to avoid that that we are here asking the House to solve this problem for and with us.
After all, miners are paying a pretty heavy price for such revival of trade as has taken place up to now. In 1920 the miners of the kingdom had wages amounting to £264,000,000. Last year we had £128,000,000. We retained £128,000,000 and we lost £136,000,000. In 1920 the Welsh miners had £65,000,000 in wages. Last year they got only £26,000,000. They retained £26,000,000 and lost £39,000,000. Scotland in 1920 received £35,000,000, and last year £20,000,000. So the tale goes on. We are being told all the time of the enormous profits that the coal-owners are losing, of the heavy sacrifices they are making. I want to put what I think are indisputable figures before the House as the profits of the owners.
If you take the 25 years prior to the War, including 1913. the average profits of the mining industry were £9,250,000; if you take the 20 years, an average of £10,000.000; if you take 15 years, the average was £12,500.000; and if you take 10 years, the average was £12,750,000. If you take the last five years, which were the best five years in the history of the industry, the profits were £13,000,000. I want to say that since the slump in 1921 there has been a very lean time for a lot of the coalowners, some of whom I think are opposite, but the situation is not nearly so bad as it has been painted.
The profits last year were £10,400,000. What I want the House to appreciate is that, while the miners' wages have fallen from £264,000,000 to £128,000,000, we had the coal-owners getting nearly £10,500,000 profits and, under the agreement, they were entitled, not to £10,500,000, but to £23,000,000. Before any improvement can take place in wages, there must be such improvement in the industry as will give the coal-owners £23,000,000 under the agreement. As a matter of fact, in the first two months of this year, January and February, there were recorded profits at the rate, practically, of £25,000,000 a year. The profits in January and February are small com- pared with what they were in March and April and in May and June, and it is perfectly safe to predict that the coal-owners' profits for 1923 will not be less than £30,000,000 sterling. The best five years in the history of the industry, prior to the War, was £13,000,000. These are the people, and it is in this industry, and under these conditions, that our people are asked to go on producing and starving while they produce! I say, in all honesty and common fairness, that for the men who are running such risks, and engaged in such arduous and hazardous occupation, it is only reasonable that they should expect, if they forego their right to strike, if they seek by argument and fair means to get reason brought to bear upon the demands put forward—it is only reasonable that they should expect, after that has been done, that this House will respond to the reasons they give, and see to it that at least three meals a day shall be assured to them; and they have not got them at the present time.
All that the miners of this country ask for—and it is a demand that every citizen of this country is entitled to make—is that, as between themselves and the other sections of the community, they shall have a fair and a square deal. We have heard something about the millions of tons of coal required for the railway, gas undertakings, the Navy, and all the utility services. We do not need to press that argument, because everybody knows that without coal the industry of the country is at a standstill. The miners are rendering to the community very useful service. Over 100,000 are stricken down by serious accidents every year. Every time the hands of the clock go round three or four of them are hurled into eternity. The country is entitled to say to the miners: "We want these millions of tons in the interests of the nation," and the miners are prepared to say: "Yes, we will make the sacrifices necessary, and run all the risks, and we will undertake the arduous and the hazardous duties involved in it all, and, having done that, we are entitled, in return for such services that we give to the nation, to expect from the nation and every section of the community that they will guarantee to us at least three meals a day."
If this Bill were asking for anything of a revolutionary character, or of an extraordinary nature, I can understand hon. Members opposite seeking to get it turned down and opposing it. But in an industry, which this year promises to give the employer £30,000,000 of profit, profit unheard of in the whole history's industry, to ask us during this year to go on producing at the starvation wages we have been getting during the last two years, is to ask more than human nature can be expected to accede to. I sincerely hope, Mr. Deputy-Speaker, that when the Division is taken on this Bill, we will forget, for five minutes at any rate, that we are employers of labour, and remember each hon. Member, for once in his lifetime, that he is a human being and has humane consideration for the men who have made such enormous sacrifices in the last year. Such requires us to pass this Bill to provide for these men that wage which will accrue to them if the Bill becomes law.
I am sure that the House generally will consider this proposal, not from the point of view of any single section, not from the point of view of the coal-owner or the miner only, but will honestly consider whether we agree or differ, what we think are the best interests of the country generally, and what we think are the best interests of the coal industry. The course of the Debate has so far, I think, shown the value of my right hon. Friend giving the time for the discussion of this subject. It has been discussed with great knowledge. Members on both sides of the House have spoken with full responsibility and with great experience. If I might touch on a personal note for a moment, I think, whether we agree or differ on this Bill, there is one regret in the minds of hon. Members, and that is that one Member whom we think of with great affection and respect is not here, one whose name is on the back of this Bill. I refer to the late Mr. John Cairns, Member for Morpeth. I think I may call him our old friend. He, we regret, is not present to take part in this Debate.
The aim and object of those who are putting forward this Bill is, I am sure, honestly to get the best possible terms for the miners of this country. I am sure they will believe me when I say that so far as the Government is concerned, so far, indeed, as Members in all quarters of the House are concerned, it is their honest desire, too, to get that result. More, it is the common interest! Where we differ is as to the best way of attaining that result. The issue proposed in this Bill is not whether or not there should be minimum wages in the coal-mining industry. That, as has been rightly said on both sides, has been the law ever since 1912. The minimum rate under that Act was to be fixed in default of agreement, having regard to the average daily rate of wages which was paid to the workmen of the class in regard to which the minimum rate was to be fixed. Therefore the issue before the House is not whether for the first time there should be a minimum wage established in this industry, but it is whether we should enact in this Statute that every man in that industry shall have a minimum wage to be settled, not in relation to the average wages paid, and not in relation to or based upon the economic conditions of that industry, or the total proceeds of that industry, but based upon a certain absolute ratio to the cost of living figures for the day.
What would be the result of passing this Act? Would it in fact give the mining industry and industries generally better conditions, or would it, once it was on the Statute Book, fail to achieve its own object? If it would not give the conditions we want to see in the industry then it is not entitled to support. One thing it would certainly do, and that is it would put an end to the agreement. [HON. MEMBERS: "NO."] I know that the right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Fife (Mr. W. Adamson) does not think it will necessarily put an end to the agreement, but I will try and explain why it would have that effect. If the proceeds of the industry are sufficient to pay the minimum rate of wages then the minimum rate can be paid under the agreement without any new legislation. On the other hand, if the proceeds of the industry under the agreement are not sufficient to pay the minimum rate of wages then you are going to substitute for the agreement something quite different and wholly inconsistent with it.
I am not saying that hon. Members are not quite entitled to argue, and they have argued, that you ought to put an end to the agreement and substitute this Bill for it, but what I want to make clear is that if the proceeds are not sufficient you are substituting something else for the agreement, and therefore it cannot stand. In forming an opinion as to whether the maintenance of the agreement is in the interest of the industry, and in the general interest, it is important to see what the agreement does. It was arrived at, I think, by general consent at the end of a very long and disastrous dispute. It was certainly recommended by the Miners' Federation, and I remember myself, and I am sure the Prime Minister remembers, that in the negotiations for the agreement no one fought harder or more skilfully for the best terms than those who led the Miners' Federation. I have never seen people more skilful in negotiation, and one of the best of them was the hon. Member for Ogmore.
I did not happen to be in it.
If the hon. Member was not in the council chamber, he certainly was a stout ally in the corridor. The agreement was commended by the Miners' Federation, and by all parties in this House. My hon. Friend, who seconded the rejection of this Bill, quoted the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George), and this agreement was not only commended by him, but also by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Platting (Mr. Clynes) on behalf of the Labour party, who said it was the "best settlement obtainable in the circumstances," and, after all, it is the economic circumstances which will govern the making or effect of any agreement. But he said a great deal more. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Platting said: ment or the fault of the economic conditions which have faced this industry in common with all other industries? It is the economic conditions, the world-conditions, which must govern the position. If the agreement has in fact given the best that the industry can afford, then it would be unwise to do away with the agreement and substitute something else. On this point I was very much interested to read a speech, and a very considered speech, made by Mr. Hodges in the middle of last month, dealing with the whole position. He was dealing with the question of whether the miners would get better terms if they abandoned the agreement, and he said:
The miners themselves have had an opportunity recently of reconsidering this agreement. The hon. Member for Ogmore referred to their visit to the late Prime Minister and the two deputations which were received by the right hon. Gentleman. They considered the position and they endorsed the agreement again, and arranged with the owners that the wages, instead of being assessed on a month-to-month basis, should be assessed on a two-months' basis. When you look at what the agreement has produced, surely we should also look at what are the general economic conditions. The agreement has, I think, given as much as it possibly could, indeed, I think it has given more under the circumstances than the men expected when it was entered into. I do not mean that it has given higher wages, but it has given them a larger percentage of the proceeds.
The agreement originally made was the proposal that all the divisible proceeds should be divided on the basis of 85 and 15 per cent., and the men get the standard plus 20 per cent, in any case. If you had taken the percentage as between profits and wages which was laid down, during the currency of the agreement the men would have obtained £8,000,000 less in wages than they have in fact received. I am not quoting those figures as a debating point, or even to show that wages are as high as we would like to see them, but I am quoting them to show that the agreement has actually given to the men more than the ratio of wages and profits upon which the agreement was based. Moreover the operation of the Clause which is so complicated but so well known in the industry and which governs the carry forward of deficiencies is that any deficiency on the standard which is carried forward is written off against a surplus above the standard at a later period, while the owners have to pay the 20 per cent, on the standard. Therefore the men get the full advantage without the owners having in fact any benefit of recoupment. When the new increases are given the men will have the advantage of starting square and getting the full advantage of the increase without having to bear any deduction in respect of deficiencies carried forward. Let me point out how important this will be next month. It is true that coal prices have been higher in recent months. It is also true that the men have not yet had the benefit of this increase although latterly during the currency of the agreement there has been a rise in wages. The advance has been held up because of their own arrangement that the increase of wages is to be assessed on a two-months' basis instead of one month.
The result of that is that next month, when the increase comes into operation, it will last for a full two months. Surely it is the worst time to talk about scrapping the agreement at the very moment when the extra profits of the last two months are being brought into the assessment of wages for a new period. I want to say something else. A suggestion has been made that people can tuck away their profits. I know that used to be said in the old days, whether rightly or wrongly, I cannot say. I remember before the War often hearing in the negotiations which took place between the coalowners and the miners that the miners could not get all the facts. The right hon. Gentleman who moved this Bill spoke very much in that sense. He said that during the negotiations on the minimum wage question the miners had a suspicion that the coalowners had some profits put away, and when the time came they had been able to pay. He complained that the men used not to be sure of their position. Now for the first time that has been got rid of, as the men's representatives can go into the books of every colliery company in the country and check every account. If they suspect there is a sale taking place to a subsidiary company, and if they want to be sure that the company is being debited with the proper prices, their accountants have a right to follow the transaction up in the company's books and to make sure. That all makes for good faith. It makes, too, for a common understanding between employers and employed which is worth a great deal. The examination can be as complete as the miners like. There is no question that the agreement provides for a full investigation of accounts, and I am certain that if it be suggested there is some specific point which ought to be raised it would be taken up at once.
With regard to the case put forward on behalf of the lowest-paid men, let me say I was very glad to hear the hon. Member for Central Cardiff (Mr. Gould), who moved the rejection of the Bill, state that when the accounts come up next month, should it become apparent that the lowest-paid men will not get the benefit of the advance, their case could be taken to the District Board. I agree that that is the right course to adopt. When I see this agreement working in the way it does, loyally observed as it is by all parties, I certainly think that cases such as those referred to by the hon. Member should be dealt with on their merits. The worst way to help these low-paid men, who are the men we all have in mind, is by passing this Bill, as it would undoubtedly cause great unemployment in the coalfields. It proposes to enforce a minimum wage which would absorb more than the total divisible proceeds. That is true, I think, of every district with the exception of the most profitable one, which of course does not want any change. The Bill would absorb in the other cases more than the whole divisible proceeds.
I represent a district in which they have actually got divisible proceeds sufficient to cover the demands made by both sides. Yet in that district to-day there are large numbers of men getting only 35s. per week.
Did the President of the Board of Trade say that the cost of this Bill would absorb more than the total divisible profits? I understood the hon. Member for the City of Cardiff to say it would involve a cost of £12,500,000. The hon. Member stated the profits in January and February last were at the rate of £25,000,000, and for the whole year they are likely to be £30,000,000.
My calculations are based on the wages at the cost of living ratio laid down in the Bill.
Does the right hon. Gentleman challenge my statement that the profits in January and February were at the rate of £25,000,000?
No, I do not know, but I would certainly not accept the profits of one or two months as indicative of the profits for the whole year. I think it would be profoundly unwise to do that. I have here the figures for the quarter ending the 31st December, 1922. ( Dissent. ) Well, I will take the figures for the whole of last year. As a matter of fact they are more against the hon. Member than those for the quarter. I will take whichever he likes. [AN HON. MEMBER: "What about next year?"] How can I take the figures for next year when I do not know what is going to occur. If I take the figures for the last quarter of 1922 and put the wages on the cost of living basis, that is 79 per cent., or 82 per cent, for the whole year, that would absorb on the average of all districts 110 per cent., or 10 per cent. more than the divisible proceeds. In only one district, in the Eastern Federated area, would the total divisible proceeds have been sufficient to provide a wage on the cost of living basis. If you depart from that economic basis you are bound either to close pits or to compel them to carry on at a loss, and the first pits that will have to be closed are the ones which it is hardest to run, while the first people to be turned out of employment will be those in receipt of the lowest wages, because the pits in which they work cannot afford to pay more.
I must deal with one other point. The right hon. Member for West Fife (Mr. Adamson) said he suspected that the coal-owners had got the money tucked away somewhere. He also said that they ought to be able to make more money, and that if they organised their industry properly they would do so. I am perfectly certain they would be very glad of any assistance the right hon. Gentleman and his colleagues can give them in order to make more money. They have the best of incentives to do it, because under the agreement under which they are carrying on their business they have to find a wage which does not allow for anything like the standard profit. Naturally, shrewd persons like coal-owners are on the lookout for means of making more money, and they are not likely to lose any opportunity to utilise such means.
The third source from which the right hon. Gentleman hoped to get the money needed was by a reduction of the distribution costs. There has been a Committee—a very valuable Committee, which included Sir Andrew Duncan, Mr. Hodges, and Mr. Evan Williams—which went into the whole question of distribution costs. They went into it very keenly with a view of cutting down those costs if it were possible. They had full access to all the accounts, and, apart from the question of railway rates—there is no question about distribution costs of industrial coal, and I do not think the right hon. Gentleman or his colleagues wish to make out a case on those—the issue was confined to domestic coal. I remember at one meeting with the late Prime Minister this question was taken up, and Mr. Hodges, who was one of the members of the Committee, said he felt there was a great deal to be said about distribution costs. I myself asked Mr. Hodges a question whether the claim was confined to domestic coal and from what he replied I gathered that after all the issue was only in relation to that class of coal. As regards railway rates machinery is already provided for dealing with them, because the Railway Rates Tribunal has been set up, and any body of traders in this country can make application to that tribunal for a reduction of railway rates. Therefore, as far as the Government is concerned, the means of dealing with railway rates is already provided, and the issue is, therefore, confined to domestic coal. That only forms about one-seventh of the total amount of coal that is sold, and, supposing that it were possible to get a 25 per cent, reduction in distribution costs in the case of domestic coal, and supposing that the whole of that 25 per cent, reduction were added to the wages of the miners, it would only add 4d. a ton to their wages. The House will see, therefore, that there is not very much in it. I am not saying for a moment that, because there is not very much in it, it ought not to be pursued. I want to see it pursued. I want to see the greatest economy in these distribution costs; but it is not so simple. This Committee, on which Mr. Hodges himself sat, said that the variation between the costs in different towns depended very largely upon the variation in wages in the different towns, so that it is not simply a question whether people are making profits.
To my mind, the most interesting thing perhaps in the whole of the Report was this: I will take London, where the costs are highest, and where one most wants, therefore, to see the factors and merchants and distributors bringing their costs down; but, on looking at the very full analysis which is published in this Report, I find that in every case in London, although the costs per ton have gone up considerably, the profit per ton is far lower than it was in 1913. There is, surely, the strongest incentive to the coal distributor himself to reduce these distribution costs. The general conclusion to which this Committee, which investigated the whole of the costs of distribution, came, was that the real hope in the coal trade, and its real chance, lay, and lay only, in increased trade, increased production and increased sales. That, I am sure, is true. After all, it is only when you get increased sales that the overhead charges are reduced. If we were to pass this Bill, we should lessen the amount of coal that we sell, and the result would be that the overhead charges would be the same, and that, therefore, the proportion which the charges would bear to the total sales would be higher than at present.
There are only two other points to which I want to refer. The first is that it is very important, in making an appeal of this kind to the House, and in bringing forward a Bill of this kind, that we should look at the matter in its true perspective. Of course, the House sympathises, as anyone would, when the case, is presented to it. "Here are our people who are receiving wages which, I am sure, you will admit are far too low." That is true all the time, but, if we are to form a judgment as to whether we should pass this Bill or not, we have to compare that position with the position in other industries. If that be done—I am not going into the figures, though I could, of course, do so, but they have been gone into already—taking other industries, such as shipbuilding or engineering, the increase on pre-War wages is less than the increase on the miners' wage to-day, and yet unemployment in shipbuilding amounts to as much as 30 per cent. There are difficult times in these other industries. It is a difficult time industrially altogether. But in a highly industrialised country, a country which depends upon world trade, which has got to meet world competition, no industry can hope to exist on an uneconomic basis, and it is the facing of these facts which has got the mining industry back its markets to-day. We lost our export markets all over the world, but we are getting them back. The miners have made a great contribution to that by taking the wages that they have taken, and by getting the output that they have got. But those markets, across every sea of the world, could never have been got back unless the coal industry had been on an economic basis.
The amount which can be divided between capital and labour in any industry must depend upon the amount of the divisible proceeds. Labour can demand, and rightly demand, the greatest share of that divisible proceeds that the industry can afford to give, and the agreement gives that. The whole agreement is based upon that. The divisible proceeds of an industry are that which is left to be divided between capital and labour after all other costs have been paid. [An HON. MEMBER: "It is not fixed!"] Of course, it is not fixed. That is what I am arguing. What this Bill seeks to do is to treat it as though it were. It depends on the economic conditions, which vary from day to day. The agreement which is entered into recognises that it is not fixed, but must depend upon the general economic world conditions, when it says that whatever the industry can pay out shall go in an agreed proportion. I believe that to destroy the basis of this agreement would be to court disaster.
Everyone on this side of the House, as well as on the other side, wishes well to this industry. It has a great history. It is the basis of many of the other great industries of this country. But the greatest disservice that we could do to the industry would, in our view, be to commit it to a course which could only create unemployment, which would purport to give a wage which could never be paid, and under which the lowest paid man, whom we want to be helped first, would be the first to suffer. That being the view which the Government take, we must honestly express it. It is no good raising false hopes, it is no good trying to find some set of words which covers an idea which is not common to us both. It is much better to face the facts. If we take the view which I have expressed of this Bill, then we must take the full Parliamentary responsibility for seeing that view met in the ordinary Parliamentary way. If we believed that this Bill would help the industry, we would support it, but we cannot be parties to the destruction of the agreement, and to the substitution of a statutory mirage—for it would be nothing more if the Bill were passed—in place of the real advantages which the agreement gives, and, in the interests alike of the mining industry and of industry generally, we are bound to oppose this Bill.
While I would venture to congratulate the right hon. Gentleman on his speech, I could not help thinking that it might well have been delivered in 1912. In the discussions which preceded the introduction of the Minimum Wage Bill at that time, those who sat on those benches, although they had another party name, argued that to introduce a statutory minimum legal wage into this great industry would necessarily cause unemployment, would cause pits to be closed, would cause an increase in the price of the commodity, would cause the trade to fall off, and risk the loss of our foreign markets. All these things were poured out eloquently from the Government Benches of that day against the proposal of a statutory minimum wage, and there was a great deal of apparent justification for them. The statutory minimum wage was at that time rather a new thing in this country, and it did seem as though, as Lord Morley once said, it was introducing a ramrod into the extremely delicate mechanism of industry. But we have had legal minimum wages, not only in the coal industry, but in other industries, until at the present time there are on a statutory minimum wage now something like 3,000,000 workers or thereabouts. Therefore, the statutory minimum wage cannot be the dreadful innovation which the hon. Member for Central Cardiff (Mr. Gould) said had never been accepted in this country. It could not have been the statutory minimum wage that he referred to.
If I might make the suggestion, this is not a Bill to raise the wage of every miner, but merely to alter the minimum, which is already fixed for the industry For the moment, I do not want to consider whether the proposed alteration is a wise one or not. It is merely an alteration in the way in which the minimum is fixed for those individuals whose wages, otherwise, would fall below what has been described as the minimum. It may be that the Bill will need amendment in Committee. I can see at once that it will, because it was, of course, drafted some weeks ago, and it proposes to add 74 per cent., on the ground that that is the percentage rise in the cost of living. Fortunately, the rise in the cost of living has now gone down to 69 per cent, or 70 per cent., and, clearly, that figure would have to be altered in Committee. Leaving that aside, and considering it only, as we must, as being a Second Reading, I rather want to protest against the tone of the President of the Board of Trade, who nearly always argued as if this were a Bill to raise the wages of all the miners in the industry. Surely, that is not the case. It is only a Bill to prevent the wages of some miners being forced below what is assumed to be a proper minimum.
It is not a new principle; it is a proposed alteration of the minimum and the way in which the minimum is calculated. It may, of course, be a very much more objectionable minimum. I do not want to beg any question, but, certainly, it is not an introduction of a new principle which has never been accepted in this country, as the hon. Member for Central Cardiff said. I tried to make out what was in the hon. Member's mind, to begin with. He, apparently, said that the existing minimum had been framed without any instructions from this House. That, of course, is technically correct. The figure arrived at in each district was arrived at, nominally, by the joint board, actually by the impartial chairman; and it was arrived at, as the hon. Member for Ogmore (Mr. Hartshorn) told us, with regard to South Wales, by comparison with the average daily earnings of all the several classes of workers, and with reference, therefore, to the cost of living at that time.
It is true that there is a new principle, if it can be called a new principle, mentioned in this Bill, namely, that the statutory minimum wage, having once been arrived at, should then vary up and down according to the rise or fall in the cost of living. That, however, is not a new principle. It has already been adopted, with the sanction of the Government of the day, in another great industry, the railway industry, where the Government of the day deliberately chose to make the wage of the 600,000 railwaymen vary with the cost of living. The Government, of course, did that because it is a less aggressive way of putting a minimum wage than a fixed minimum, and, as we hope and believe that prices are falling, and certainly the Government of that day believed that they were falling, to make the minimum vary with the cost of living is not any such violent aggression as might be supposed, as compared with a fixed statutory minimum. It is, surely, a more reasonable and easy thing, as compared with a fixed minimum giving 10s., or 8s., or anything else, to make the sum vary with the cost of living.
Are any of those instances which the hon. Member is giving embodied in the form of a Statute, or are they not rather the outcome of agreement between the two sides?
7.0 P.M.
I do not understand the inquiry of the hon. Member. The minimum wage to which I have referred is, in all this great number of industries, actually a statutory minimum wage, and under the Coal Mines (Minimum Wage) Act, which this Bill purports to amend, it is a statutory minimum wage.
Not with the fluctuations according to the cost of living. That is my point.
It is perfectly true, as I said just now, that it had not been made to vary with the cost of living in this industry, but I pointed out that in another industry—the railway industry—that very form of minimum wage was imposed upon it by the authority of the Government of the day. There was not even an agreement between the two sides affected as is the case here.
And not made statutory.
The hon. Member says, "not made statutory"; but there is a higher authority even than a statute, and that is the administrative action of the Government of the day. This House of Commons may reverse a decision, but we are quite sure that when the Government of the day have promised to the railway men that their wages shall never, under any circumstances, fall below a specified sum, the Government will never go back upon that. That is an even higher security that a Statute of the Parliament of the United Kingdom, because Parliament can, and does reverse decisions, as in the case of the statutory minimum wage for agricultural labourers. If the Government of the day had made a bargain with the agricultural labourers, and had said that in no circumstances should their wages go below what would have been fixed, that would have been better security for the agricultural labourers than even a Statute of Parliament of the United Kingdom.
I say that this is a minimum wage Bill, as its intention is to secure that no person who is working in the industry shall fall below a prescribed standard of subsistence. Hon. Members should notice that this does not apply to the men who are earning more money, and on the other hand it does not apply to the man who is an absentee, because it is only a daily minimum. It does not secure him anything for a week if he be idle, and if he only goes down to the pit on two days in a week he will not get more than he is earning. The Bill does prescribe that no person in the industry who is working under the conditions specified in the Bill shall get less than the prescribed minimum, and that is dependent on the cost of living. I want to ask, taking this merely as the principle which we seek to carry out, who here is going to say that he is against that as a principle, or that there is anything wrong in saying that no person at work in an industry shall fall below the subsistence level as long as he is at work? What party is going to be against that principle? I do not think it is the party represented by hon. Members opposite, because they have carried it out themselves in the Trade Boards Act, where they have legal minimums. They have carried out that principle, and they are carrying on the arrangement with the railwaymen, in which the minimum varies with the cost of living.
As a matter of fact, though 20 years ago you would have found it difficult to get the support either of economists or of statesmen in this country for a legal minimum wage for protecting the worker against being forced below what you choose to consider the proper level of subsistence, that principle is now accepted, and no one probably in this House—certainly no responsible party—would undertake to say that they are against that principle. It is all a question of ways and means, and details of application. On the Second Reading, I am not allowed to go into the details of the application, and I have not got the time, but I must deal with some of the objections which have been made to the principle. The right hon. Gentleman who has just pat down, following the hon. Member who seconded the Amendment, all through went on the Tines that this tears up the national agreement under which the industry is working; and that though it does not say so, it really is inconsistent with the national agreement. Therefore we have had glowing descriptions of the national agreement, and of its advantages. I say that that is irrelevant. Certainly this minimum wage is not inconsistent with the existence of the national agreement. The existing agreement is actually operating with, the statutory minimum wage, and the substitution of the new minimum for the old minimum does not, at any rate in principle, fall into antagonism with the minimum. It could only be when the proposed minimum is too high, or is badly calculated, or something like that; but the mere substitution of the new minimum for the old minimum is not in any way inconsistent with the agreement.
It is quite possible, under the agreement, for the coalowners to agree to alter the existing minimum and to agree to secure a proper minimum for the men who now suffer so much from the lack of a proper minimum. The mere fact that it is possible for them to agree shows that the minimum is not in the last inconsistent with the agreement as it stands. The trouble is that the coalowners will not agree. The Seconder of the Amendment said that there were no complaints. Ever since this agreement has been in operation, there have been endless complaints from the miners about its operation. Repeated requests have been made to the coalowners in one district or another to alter the terms of the agreement, in order to avoid the hardship arid cruelty under which, in particular cases, it is operating. I do not understand why it should be repeated, over and over again, as has been the case to-day, that the miners have endorsed the agreement; that they have accepted it and have confirmed it. Of course, if the agreement is forced on them, they have to accept it; just as Germany had to accept the Treaty of Versailles. To say, however, that Germany approved the Treaty—perhaps the analogy seems to hon. Members a little far-fetched, but I venture to say that the miners were down and out as relatively to the owners as Germany was to the Allies, and the miners could no more continue the struggle. They only capitulated because they could not continue the struggle any longer. That is all I meant when I said the agreement was forced on them.
The miners have had the right, since last September, of getting rid of the agreement if they liked.
If the hon. Member will only have a little patience, he will see I am coming to that, and this is my crowning proof that this Bill, whatever its purpose or faults, is not put forward as a means of terminating the agreement. The hon. Member knows that the miners, as a whole, have been very seriously considering whether they would not give notice to terminate the agreement. This Bill has been brought forward as an alternative to that policy. It was with very great difficulty that the insurgent miners, the rebellious miners, those who feel most keenly about the harshness of the agreement, were persuaded not to vote for terminating the agreement, but to put forward this Bill as an alternative policy. That is my demonstration that the object of this Bill is not to terminate the agreement, but is an alternative policy to that termination of the agreement which many of us fear will come if the Measure is not given a Second Heading and passed into law.
What is the position? Whether we like it or not, the position is that we have the alternative here of dealing with a great industry by the method of law, or by what we call industrial action. I know that that alternative will settle the matter in the minds of many hon. Members. They will say, like the hon. Member for Central Cardiff said, that they do not want to be interfered with, and they will protest against a discussion in Parliament in regard to industry. The mining industry represents one-tenth of the population of this country. It represents one-tenth of the women of this country, and one-tenth of the children of this country growing up in miners' cottages. If that does not constitute a right and title that that industry deserves the attention and consideration of Parliament when it feels it has a grievance, then it seems to me it is time for Parliament to shut up shop. Surely, the last thing we want is that issues of this kind should be settled by industrial action, that is to say, by fighting. I think we are doing right in bringing this alternative policy to terminating the agreement before the House, in order that we may, if possible, avoid the termination of the agreement. Not that I am going to commend that agreement; there is a great deal in it which I think fundamentally unsound and detrimental, even fatal, in its action. Still, it is an agreement under which peace is preserved, and under which the industry is going on; and it would be a calamity if that agreement were terminated because all its harsh edges are allowed to go on inflicting injustice and cruelty on so many men, women and children.
I do not want to adduce evidence about the harsh edges. The hon. Member who seconded the Amendment said that the condition of the miners was deplorable. I do not think the condition of the miners is deplorable, but the condition of a large number of miners is deplorable. If you are talking about wages, there are miners who are making good money; but this Bill does not refer to them. It is the case of the miners whose conditions are deplorable which we have a right to bring before this House. I think the late Prime Minister, the right hon. Member for Central Glasgow (Mr. Bonar Law) said their condition was appalling If this House, and the Government of the day, are not able to deal with conditions that are appalling, and to remedy grievances which are deplorable, we must not be surprised if there is a little impatience abroad. It is as clear as possible, to those who have followed the discussion of the miners' delegates, that if this Bill be defeated there will, at the next meeting, probably be a vote in favour of giving notice to terminate the agreement. If it came to that, it would bring us in view of what obviously would be a new national calamity—the stoppage of the mining industry.
It is practically impossible to produce figures of any value as to what the Bill will cost. You cannot take the figures of last year's accounts, or those of the previous year, because you cannot tell in how many cases men will fall below the assumed minimum and have to be lifted up. We are accustomed to these figures. Look at the enormous figures quoted as to the cost of the workmen's compensation, when you propose that the Compensation Act should be applied generally to the coal-mining and other industries. The hon. Member for Central Cardiff said it would cost £12,500,000, but that did not impress me. We have got accustomed to large figures in the world at this time, and I do not know whether it ought to be £1,000,000 or, for that matter, £120,000,000. Figures do not carry any conviction to my mind, but what destroyed his argument altogether was, that he said that the Bill would mean an increase in the cost of coal of 3s. 4d. a ton, and, presently, he went on to say that perhaps it would be 5s. or 6s. a ton. So far as I can make out, we produce 270,000,000 tons of coal a year. If the cost is going to be £12,500,000, that is not 3s. 4d. or 5s. or 6s., but, all over, something like lid. per ton. I do not believe it is going to raise the price of coal even by 11d., but we need not be impressed by these figures of 3s. 4d., 5s., or 6s. Those figures carry very little conviction, to my mind.
The right hon. Gentleman who has just sat down said you have, apparently, to proceed on faith. That is just what we have to do. No one can perceive the future operations of the Bill except upon faith, and that is the faith we have to have. But when we say there is a great deal more to be got out of the industry than is yet got out of it we do not, as the hon. Member for Cardiff said, level a charge of incompetency against those responsible for management in their individual capacity. Individually, I am prepared to believe each mine is managed in an extremely competent way, but, speaking as one who sat through the Royal Commission on the Coal Industry, I cannot resist the evidence of the Government's own witnesses that, collectively, it is as incompetently managed and as foolishly organised as anyone could imagine. Those are not my words. The responsible technical adviser of the Government on the coal industry, who was not in favour of nationalisation and was not saying a word about nationalisation, said the existing organisation and the system of working of the coal-mining industry was wasteful and extravagant, and everyone knew it. He was not bringing a charge of incompetence against the mining managers. What he meant was that each mine, as an individual profit-making enterprise, might be reasonably well managed, but the fact that you had 3,000 mines all working one against the other, without any intercourse with each other, all striving frantically against each other—that was the incompetence of the situation. I do not put that forward on my own authority. I have not visited those 3,000 mines. I can only see them with the eye of faith. I take it on the highest authority. Since then a great many things have happened. There have been very serious breaches of faith and all sorts of things since the Sankey Commission, but there has not been any improvement in the coalmining industry in respect of that of which the Government's adviser was speaking. There is still that disorganisation, that frittering away of advantages, that bad equipment, of a large number of these 3,000 mines. Some are better than others, and some are worse than others.
We were told by him that the worst mines could not get better equipment just because they were the worst mines and could not obtain the capital. That is not an indictment against the coal owners' or managers. It is an indictment against the system on which the industry is carried on, and though individually each of the coal owners has a tremendous incentive, even under the agreement, to increase his profits it is not possible for him to merge himself in a collective organisation of the industry, and he will not do it, and that is why the miners are adopting this plan of proposing to safeguard those of them who now suffer under the worst rigours of this system. You will never be able to get the coal mining industry on any sort of economic basis which is endurable so long as you have this terrible difference between the worst mines and the best. We have heard a great deal to-day about the millions the coal owners have lost during these years in order to make up the deficit under the agreement. We do not hear, at the same time, of the millions that other coal owners, under the same agreement, during the same years, have been making. Surely those of us who know anything about coal mining could quote instances of company after company which have during these years been making large profits, not merely large profits in the aggregate but large percentages of profits—huge dividends, distribution of bonus shares—all through the years, and meanwhile other companies less well situated have been making losses. Under the present system there is no way by which you can prevent wages being graded down practically to the worst mine in use, and you cannot ever raise those wages under the existing order in such a way that you can rid of that great inequality of yield between one mine and another.
We put this forward at the request of the Miners' Federation as an alternative to the proposal to terminate the agree- ment. We believe termination of the agreement would probably have disastrous results. The proposal to have a minimum wage is not new. It is one you have already. But this is a proposal to substitute another minimum for the existing minimum. It may be that our Bill is not well drafted. It may need altering in this or that detail, but that is a matter for Committee. On the Second Reading we are entitled to say the principle of the Bill is merely to substitute a new minimum wage for the old minimum wage in accordance and concurrently with the existing agreement. The new feature is that we do not want this minimum wage to be rigid in times of high prices and low prices. We want it to vary with the price- of food. That is not a demand which on principle could be opposed even by the Government or by the House. Can we afford to let it be said that under the existing system of ownership and management of coal mines this thing cannot be done? It is obvious that it could be done under another system. I do not want to go into the other system, but is the Government prepared to let it go out to the country that this thing, good in itself and desirable in principle, cannot be done under the existing system of ownership and management? There will be an inference to be drawn. I do not think the inference necessarily follows, but that is the way the rejection of the Bill will almost necessarily be interpreted throughout the country. Leaving all points of difficulty for the Committee, to refuse the Second Reading, to decide against the principle of a minimum wage fluctuating with the cost of living, seems to me almost unthinkable. I do not believe the House, if it were allowed to act freely, would decide in principle against a minimum wage varying with the cost of living for these lowest paid workers who fall below what a great many think to be a proper subsistence level That is not a statement which I think any Government can afford to make.
May I claim the kind indulgence of the House, as this is the first occasion on which I have intervened in its Debates? I regret very much that I have to take up an attitude of opposition. I am fairly closely connected with the industry, and that is my only reason for getting up now. I have followed the Debate from the beginning with the greatest interest, and I was very much struck indeed with the very excellent speech of the hon. Member for the Ogmore Division (Mr. Hartshorn). I will certainly support his speech in so far as he described the conditions of the mining industry. All my sympathies are with the men. One would almost think, hearing the speeches on these benches, that coal-owners were an extraordinarily peculiar set of men—men who thought in terms of profits and dividends and had no further interest in their workmen. Coal-owners are very human, and, if they could pay these increased wages, they would certainly do so. They believe that an underpaid and dissatisfied workman is a drag on any industry. If the industry could stand the extra burden that this Bill would involve, they would gladly pay it. Therefore, on the general statement of the case I think we agree. But, in my opinion, far from being a solution of the problem, this Bill would simply increase our difficulties and would be disastrous to the workers themselves. If you have a lame horse you will not cure it by putting an extra burden upon its back, and that is the exact position this Bill would create.
Let us see what the Bill suggests. The Minimum Wage Act of 1912 set up a system whereby a minimum wage was established. But do not let us misunderstand the position. It was set up to get over a difficult set of conditions. Hon. Members above the Gangway will understand what an abnormal place is. The Act of 1912 was designed to get over the difficulty of abnormal places, which occur in every mine. Impartial observers, those connected with the industry and those not connected with it, say the Act has had some very disastrous effects. But there was some sort of principle underlying it. The principle was that if a man worked a full week and had the misfortune to be in one of these abnormal places, if he worked well he would have a full week's wage, whether he produced the quantity of coal desired or not.
This Bill seeks to set up a new standard depending upon entirely different considerations. Hon. Members tell us it does not matter what the economic conditions of the industry may be, wages shall be regulated in future by the cost of living. They refuse to consider the ebb and flow of trade; they refuse to recognise the laws of supply and demand, and they want to set up an artificial standard which no competitive industry in this country can stand. They will by this Bill, however much they may deny it, supersede the National Wages Agreement. That agreement is still in operation. Under it machinery was provided to regulate the wages paid to the worker and the profits left to the owner. In other words, the National Wage Agreement of 1921 is a profit-sharing agreement. It was accepted with delight by large numbers of workmen. I remember the delight with which the Bill was accepted as a solution of a difficult problem. The coal-owners also agreed thinking it was going to be the solution of the trouble. Therefore, in opposing this Bill, we are not arguing against a minimum wage. If a workman in any district is dissatisfied with the minimum, under the ordinary machinery of that agreement both sides meet in a district board, an independent chairman is called in, he listens to the arguments on both sides and gives his view upon what is or what is not a subsistence wage for that district. That has been done in South Wales, and it has been done in a number of other districts. There you have the principle of a minimum wage based upon a subsistence level. Mr. Frank Hodges, the very able Secretary of the Miners' Federation, and who looks after the interests of the men with great loyalty, says: is given by the miners' representatives themselves. It so happened that the whole question was discussed at a joint meeting of the Central Committee of the Mining Association of Great Britain and the Executive Committee of the Miners' Federation. The meeting was held in London on 26th April, I think. At that meeting the facts of the case were admitted on both sides, and the miners' representative, again Mr. Hodges, put forward a most amazing proposition. It was a proposition very mildly stated by the hon. Member for West Fife (Mr. W. Adamson) and the hon. Member for the Ogmore Division (Mr. Hartshorn) to-day Mr. Hodges' suggestion was that the owners should co-ordinate the industry so as to maintain a minimum selling price. That minimum selling price was to be sufficient to pay the wages equal to 70 per cent. above the 1914 standard, and also sufficient to allow of the full profit of 17 per cent. to the owners. Put in other words, as far as I could follow it, what they want, and it has been argued by the hon. Member for the Ogmore Division outside this House, is that we should form one great combine in the coal industry. That, I think, is an interpretation of the word "co-ordinate" as used by Mr. Hodges. The hon. Member for West Fife talked about "proper organisation." We know what they mean. They may use guarded language here, but outside they tell us quite frankly what their meaning is. They have asked us to form a great combine in this industry. What they are really telling us is that the coal-owners should be a sort of commercial highwaymen; that they should take all the other industries in the country by the throat and tell them to pay up. Surely that is a new doctrine for the Labour party. We have heard a lot about the evils of trusts and the dire consequences of combines. We have had that ad nauseum. Now they come to us and they say: "We are very sorry. We made a mistake. We were very foolish. If you will form one great combination of coal-owners in this country all our difficulties will be solved." A very pretty theory.
At the Conference in April, Mr. Hodges on the one side and Mr. Evan Williams on the other, agreed that if this Bill had been in operation in 1922 the increased cost of coal would have been 3s. 4d. a ton. The hon. Member for Seaham (Mr. Webb) may dispute the figure, but it is the figure of the Miners' Federation. Mr. Hodges says that that is the figure and he always speaks the truth. 3s. 4d. per ton would have been added to the average pithead price in 1922. That is Mr. Hodges statement. That is only the pithead price. Before the coal reached the consumer it means 5s. Let us see what the effect of that would be on the steel trade. If you raise the cost of coal 5s., and it is agreed that it takes four tons of coal to make one ton of steel, the price of steel is going to go up £1 a ton and that at a time when the steel trade is doing its best to regain its foreign markets. I should like to ask hon. Members on the Labour Benches who represent the steel trade what their constituents are going to say about that. It means closing down the ironworks again. It means that there are going to be much fewer jobs in the steel trade. I am waiting to see whether those hon. Members will speak to-night. What is the mass of the population going to say? Take the people who use gas in this country. Are they going to pay this increased price? Everything must go up. The cotton industry, which now can barely compete in foreign markets——
Cannot compete.
The cotton trade will be very much worse off with 5s. a ton added to the cost of their coal. The result of this Bill will be to increase the cost of living all round. If that happens I suppose we shall have a further minimum wage Bill to increase the amount payable to the miners, and so the vicious circle will go on. Incidentally, I cannot help observing that it is an interesting sidelight on the spirit of brotherhood between one trade union, or one class of workmen, and another, because I have never seen produced a more selfish Bill than this. I say to the promoters, "You are seeking to raise the wages of one industry, when you know it is going to penalise every other industry in the country." If that is not selfish, I do not know what is.
What effect is this Bill going to have on our export trade? Take the year 1913, which was a record year. In 1913 the total production of coal in this country was 287,000,000 tons. We needed for home consumption 189,000,000 tons. The balance I of 98,000,000 was exported and sold in foreign markets. It might be possible by some form of combination to force the home consumer to pay more, because we do not import any coal; but I can conceive of no combination, however powerful, that is going to make the foreigners pay more for their coal. Without the foreign trade the coal industry will be in an extraordinarily difficult position. The coalowner when he sells his coal to the foreigners is not a philanthropist. He gets the largest price he can now. Therefore if we are going to put 5s per ton on the cost of coal one effect is certainly going to be the loss of our foreign markets. I know from experience the keen competion between this country and other countries producing coal to sell in foreign countries. If you raise the price of coal to an artificial figure, I do not say that we shall lose all our foreign trade, because, fortunately, we produce coal in this country superior to the coal of any country in the world, and a certain amount may be sold abroad; but I suggest that the bulk of that trade will be lost. At the present time we send our coal everywhere. The first result will be the crippling of our shipping industry, and in turn our imports will cost us more. At the present time our ships take coal to every part of the world, and they bring back iron ore, cotton, grain, and so on. Therefore if they have to go out in ballast the return freight will be increased, and all the raw materials which we now import will cost us more.
Perhaps a more interesting point is the effect that this Bill will have upon employment. 98,000,000 tons represent about one-third of the coal produced in this country. That means that 350,000 men are now employed in winning coal for export. If you are going to interfere with the export trade, what is going to happen to the men engaged in producing that coal? Heaven knows unemployment is bad enough now, but if you cripple the export trade in coal you will add to the ranks of the unemployed very considerably, and not only the miners but the dockers and the transport men will have something to say. This proposal comes at a most curious time. I am rather conconcerned to know why this Debate was pressed for to-day. I think the reason is very obvious. An increase in wages would make this Bill unnecessary and meaningless. The ascertainment for April and May will affect the wages from the 1st July, and we know from experience that the increased selling price of coal will be sufficient to add considerably to the wages payable on the 1st July. Therefore, I suggest that that is why this Bill is pressed for now.
I am not satisfied that the statements which we have heard to-day are correct. Those who support this Bill insist on taking 1914 as a basis. As hon. Members know, 1914 was an abnormal year. The hon. Member for the Ogmore Division stated before Lord Buxton, the independent Chairman of the South Wales District Board, that the wages for 1914 were about 20 per cent, above the subsistence rate. An addition of 70 per cent, to the average for the previous 10 years, 1903 to 1913, would give 50s. 7½d The present average wage, 9s. 11d. per shift, working about 5½ days per week, gives a weekly wage of 54s. 6d. So that the miner to-day is 70 per cent, better off than he was for ten years prior to the War. I came across a statement made by Mr. Gill, the very able representative of the miners, when addressing a meeting of the Bristol Labour Council. He said that the wages in Bristol district are very low. I believe that they are. The minimum rates for workers in various grades are 7½d. an hour, but that is not what is being paid now. I have gone to the trouble to find out what wages are being paid now in Bristol, and I find, by the answer given by the Secretary for Mines on 15th May, that the average earnings per shift for all classes of work men in the Bristol district are, for May and June, 7s. lid. The corresponding figure in June, 1914, was 4s. 8¾d. Allowing for the increase in the cost of living, the latter represents 7s. ll¾d. to-day, so that the men are as well off even in the Bristol district as they were before the War.
What are the alternatives to that now before the House? It has been pointed out already that one chief alternative is a Government subsidy. The Government are very likely to say that that is impossible. Another solution is the one suggested by hon. Members in this Bill. I think that there are two others. One is an increase in the number of hours worked underground. I realise that the men's leaders are not likely to recommend that, and I am not suggesting it, but I would like hon. Members to take into account the effect on the industry. Taking 1922, again it would have meant in the South Wales district—I have not the figures for the others—as nearly as we can calculate that instead of the wages being 28 per cent, above the 1915 standard they would be 40.69 per cent. That would be very much higher than the rate asked for in this Bill. Therefore let it be understood plainly that one cause of low wages to-day is the coming into operation of the 7-hour day. I may give one illustration of the figures from one of my own collieries. In 1914 the output per man per shift was 1·10 tons, or 22cwts. In 1923 in the same colliery with better conditions the output was ·81 tons or 16 cwts. The difference of 6 cwts. in production is caused, we say, by the 7-hour day. I am not arguing against it. I am only dealing with the effect of it. The average pay for every man engaged in that pit for May was 11s. per man-shift. If the output were the same as 1914 the wages would have been 15s. 1d. That is an increase of 27 per cent, upon the wages paid now. I do suggest that the question does arise whether you like it or not. I know the conditions underground, and I sympathise with the men wanting to work as short hours as possible, but let us understand the effect of it on the industry. I do think that the men ought to know it.
The only other way which has been suggested is a national increase in trade, a reduction in the cost of material and an increase in the selling price. I suggest that all that is provided for in the present agreement. If hon. Members had waited until July I suggest that this Bill would have been unnecessary. We have heard to-day the real reason why the Bill is brought before the House. We have heard the quotation from Mr. Hodges in which he tells us that unless we have unification voluntarily—he has altered the word: it was coordination before—the only other method is unification, involving the nationalisation of mines. We are not discussing nationalisation to-night, but I do think that we are entitled to find out what is behind the Bill because we say frankly that the Bill is impossible. [HON. MEMBERS: "A minimum wage!"] You have a minimum wage now provided under the agreement of 1921. Coal is the basic industry. It is the life blood of most of the other industries of the country. Hon. Members can help this industry very much better by stopping senseless agitation, and bringing a little bit more co-operation to bear at a time like this when we are all trying to do our best. We do not want nationalisation, but co-operation. What we do want is a better understanding between employer and employé, then this Bill would be unnecessary.
The hon. Gentleman who has just sat down, in what I understand is a maiden speech, has shown that he is a tower of strength to the more or less moribund party with which he is associated. He says that he knows the coal mines. One would not imagine that from listening to him. I understand that he is better acquainted with the manufacture of jerrybuildings than he is with the production of coal. He is one of the patriots who made good during the War, so far as the information supplied to me is concerned. I am not much interested in him, nor in what he has got to say, nor in the party with which he is associated. He says that there are certain alternatives, and I will deal with them. We had a discussion a couple of years ago, when the miners were locked out. At that time, in this House, I ventured to support the attitude adopted by the miners, particularly with regard to the so-called safety men. Many hon. Members will remember the position which I took up on that occasion. We do not hear anything to-night about the safety men, and it is the safety men who have been starved largely in the mining industry. The ordinary coal getter, the pieceworker, speaking generally, can do fairly well, and this Bill is not intended to make his position very much better. This Bill is intended to deal with the under-paid men, most of whom are safety men, and it is those very safety men who are telling Members on these benches that we have got to get a settlement one way or another.
Two years ago we were told that if the industrial situation was wrong the right course was constitutional action, and that constitutional action was political action, asking Parliament to do for us what would be disastrous so far as the interests of the country were concerned if we attempted to do it industrially. As a consequence we have this Bill. We are putting you to the test. The hon. Gentleman wants to know what is behind the Bill. He trots out that old threadbare argument of nationalisation, but that is two years too late. What is behind the Bill is a desire to give fair play so far as the ordinary members of the mining community are concerned, and a living wage. And I say frankly to the hon. Gentleman, and the others who have spoken from the benches opposite, that the men engaged in the mining industry are as much entitled to a living wage as they are, and they are as anxious to see the interests of the country conserved as they are, and they are willing to do as much in the interests of the country as they are, and they have proved on many occasions that they are willing to risk all in defence of the country, and all they are asking now is not sympathy, but something better than that. They want some assurance from representatives of all parties in the House that, so far as it is possible, the conditions in which they are now living will be to some extent alleviated.
8 0 P.M.
That is what is behind the Bill. We have no ulterior motive. Everybody who has spoken has agreed that the miners are in a difficult position, and if sympathy would help them they will get any amount of it, and they are offered as a remedy the continuance of what is called the present agreement. There is no agreement. There never was an agreement. There are three parties to the arrangement. Two of the parties forced the present arrangement on the third party. I was a member of the executive. There is no use quoting Frank Hodges. You do not quote everything that he said. Curiously enough, any little thing that can be torn from its context and made to appear something different from what was the intention of Frank Hodges, becomes very useful property for the propagandists in this House. Frank Hodges has said a lot of things, and we will be quite prepared upon these benches to accept Frank Hodges' settlement of this particular question. Will you do so? You will not. You stick to this prejudiced manner of dealing with the most responsible official in our organisation in order to try to damage him in the eyes of the men whom he represents and leads. You may pretend that that is not your intention, but that is the result. We happen to know. Frank Hodges is the leader of our organisation, and is as capable a man as any sitting in this House.
I have not said one word that is disparaging to Mr. Hodges. I had no intention of casting any aspersion on him in any shape or form.
I agree that the chances are that you had no desire to cast aspersions on Frank Hodges, but the manner in which his name is being used by the hon. Member and others who have spoken tends to create in the minds of men outside a feeling against him which ought not to exist. Frank Hodges and the members of our executive are bound by the decisions of the men. I am bound by the decisions of the men. I am here as a believer in constitutional action in preference to any other kind of action. I am here to advise, as far as I can, Members on the other side to take the line that is likely to lead to a better feeling between employers and workmen in the mining industry than can possibly exist so long as this so-called arrangement continues. There never has been any agreement. I do not want to weary the House or I would read the various items of the agreement. It would be interesting if Members of the House, and particularly the colliery owners, would take the trouble to read the arguments that Mr. Hodges and Mr. Herbert Smith advanced on the days when we were meeting the employers and discussing this question of the agreement or arrangement. They would find that we protested against this item and the next item, but failed to get our points accepted, and we were in the position of being compelled to accept almost any terms and to advise the men to resume work.
It is a misuse of language to say that the men have accepted this arrangement gladly, and have been working peaceably under it. The House will make a very serious mistake if they imagine that there will be anything in the nature of peace so long as this arrangement continues as it is. This arrangement has been in operation for two years. It has already been stated that our executive have attempted to get the Prime Minister to agree to the passing of legislation that would enable them to get modifications of the agreement. A great deal has been made of the fact that chartered accountants inquired into the costs of everything in relation to the collieries, but no mention has been made of the fact that the chartered accountants are sworn to secrecy and that there is not a single district in the coal area of Britain satisfied with the information that it is getting. They say it is a profit-sharing arrangement. If it is, our assistance should be asked to reduce costs. There is not a man sitting on this side of the House but could point to any number of cases where there is considerable waste going on in the industry. But we dare not offer to help the owners in any way. If we did offer our offer would be treated with contempt.
Let me show how this arrangement works as far as Scotland is concerned. The last speaker dealt with the output per man. I shall deal also with output, but from a. somewhat different standpoint. I have taken a share in producing some coal and I know what output is. The average output per man in Britain, according to the Government returns, was, for the three months ended in December, 18·10 cwts. per day per man. For Scotland it was 19·69 cwts. per day per man. That is to say, it was fully one-and-a-half cwts. more per day per man in Scotland. The average wage in Britain, according to the statistics provided by the coal-owners and accepted by the Government, was 9s. 5·23d. per day per man. The average wage in Scotland was 9s. 4·98d. So that, notwithstanding that the output was very much higher in Scotland than the average for the whole country, the wage of the Scottish worker was less than the average for the whole country. Take the case of profit. In Britain the average profit for the three months ended December, 1922, was Is. 6·39d. per ton. In Scotland it was 2s. 5d. per ton, so that we have in Scotland a very much higher profit and a higher output for a very much lower wage.
Take royalty rents. The average paid to the landlord in Britain was 6·47 pence per ton. That is the share, I suppose, of people like the Duke of Northumberland. In Scotland it was 7·49 pence per ton, or fully a penny per ton more than in England. In other words, fully a penny a ton more was paid to the Duke of Hamilton than to the Duke of Northumberland. Therefore, the coalowners have benefited, the landowners have benefited, and everybody benefits but the man who is engaged in producing the coal. It would be a very serious mistake for the Government to imagine that there can be peace in our industry so long as these conditions exist. It may be that this Bill is not drafted in such a manner as will suit the keenly critical eye of a more or less precise lawyer. We are quite willing to deal with the question of phraseology. I do not mind what language is put in the Bill, provided you get us the money. That is the thing that is wanted.
This thing is interesting from another standpoint. I remember that two years ago the right hon. Member for Hillhead (Sir R. Home) led the opposition and was the spokesman for the coalowners during all the Debates that took place in this House, and he was very much annoyed because of the suggestion that he was actually the spokesman of the coalowners. He lost his job, and he got another one. He became vice-chairman of Baldwins after he left his job as Chancellor of the Exchequer. I am sorry he is not present. Who is Baldwins? I understand he is a coalowner in South Wales. Yes. But he is one in Lanarkshire. But is he a coal-owner? No, he is not. He is an iron and steel master. Is he only an iron and steel master? No, he is a shipbuilder, and an engineer; he is everything in which he can make money. One of the directors of one of the subsidiary companies of Baldwins told me nearly two years ago, when I met him on a deputation of the men of the colliery over which he was managing director, that he had not A, single penny in the coal trade and that all his money was in iron and steel. What he wanted was cheap coal. It is rather a curious thing that the man who was President of the Board of Trade when our dispute began in 1921, and was Chancellor of Exchequer before it finished, has left the Government Front Bench and is now one of the principal employers of miners in this country. It would be far better for hon. Gentlemen on the other side of the House to inquire into their own conduct and their own character than to trouble themselves about us. The first thing they ought to do is to make their middenheads clean.
I want to refer to alternatives. There are two, and only two, alternatives. One of the alternatives is not an increase of working hours. That will not pass. Even if you put it on the Statute Book, you are not going to get any lengthening of the working hours. As a matter of fact, one of the members of another place, who is a big employer of labour, probably the biggest employer of labour in this country, has put it on record that with better organisation, with anything like ordinary decent organisation of the industries of this country, it is possible to produce in one hour per week more than is being produced in 48. That is the opinion of a Tory member of the House of Lords. It was not said in an after-dinner speech, but was written down in cold blood, in red ink. What are the alternatives? There are two. One, of course, is to strike. If we fail in political action, we have no alternative but to take industrial action.
We do not want to take industrial action, because it is no good either for the men belonging to the industry or for the country. We want hon. Members on the other side to believe that we are perfectly sincere when we say that we have no desire to injure the country of which we are natives, and of which most of us are as proud as they. But have we any alternative left? We have tried negotiation with the employers and failed. We have tried to get the Government to assist us—because they were parties to the arrangement—in endeavouring to secure a modification of the arrangement, which would give satisfaction to the men and lead to something like peaceful relations. Do not make the mistake of imagining that we have any personal feeling against most of the employers. We have a strong personal regard for numbers of the employers, and there are good men among them. Numbers of them we recognise to be very largely the victims of circumstance, just as we are. If it were otherwise, we should not be asking the House to accept this Bill. We are quite willing to give the employers credit for all the good qualities they have. We only ask that in return we should be given credit for having some good qualities, and that the men who perform what everybody describes as a very necessary service to the community, should receive a decent living wage. It is no more than that we are asking—wages based even on the "fodder basis" and a mere livelihood—and I am surprised—and more than surprised, I am sorry—that the Government have come to the conclusion that they will use every endeavour to prevent the Bill getting its Second Reading.
There is another alternative. We can restrict output. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh, oh!" and "Quite right!"] We are living under a commercial system, a system in which hon. Members opposite believe, but in which we do not believe and which we have been compelled to adopt in self-defence. We are not arguing in favour of that alternative, and we take more risks in this matter than anybody else in this House because we have to meet the men week after week. The members of the Executive have to stand, not only the criticism, very largely ill-informed, of the general public and, to a large extent, of the miners themselves, but they are submitted to constant irritating attack on the part of a Press, which is owned by some Members of this House who dare not stand up here and give expression to their opinions. They are afraid to do so. The price of coal is what determines wages. We have pointed out that we are willing to meet the representatives of the employers on the question and try to arrange so that the price of coal will not operate injuriously to the interests of any section of the community and, in return for that, we are entitled to some assurance that the men engaged in the industry are to have a reasonable wage. That is all we ask and, as I say, I am sorry that the Government should take up the attitude they have taken so as to leave us no alternative but to go back to the men and tell them that political action, apparently, is of no more avail in endeavouring to settle the differences which exist between us and the employers—that it is of no more avail than the industrial action of 1921 in the three months during which we were idle. It may be we will not be able to come on strike this year. It may be that we will not be able to come on strike next year, but you can bet your boots we are coming on strike to break this agreement. This agreement is not going to stand. We have no power to prevent a stoppage of work. The men are stronger than we are, and they are determined, and rightly determined, to have from the industry to which they have given their lives, and from the country in whose service they have ventured everything, an assurance that their wage shall not be below the cost of living level.
I have listened with great interest to the hon. Member who so ably represents the Hamilton Division of Lanarkshire (Mr. D. Graham) and I have come to the conclusion that his bark is a great deal worse than his bite.
Do not make any mistake about it.
You will find that he can bite as well as bark.
I have heard the hon. Member make many speeches almost exactly similar to the speech we have just heard. Incidently I am glad to notice that the hon. Member for Silvertown (Mr. J. Jones) is back from Ascot, and I hope he enjoyed himself there. We have missed him, and there have not been so many interruptions as usual in the House while Ascot has been in progress. I am constrained to believe that the bark of the hon. Member for Hamilton is worse than his bite because he has said in the course of his speech that there are coal-owners who are human and that he actually knows some in whom he trusts and believes. He added, and this is of course spoken from a political and party point of view, that the Tories on this side of the House ought to go home and clean out their own middens—a pleasant job for us—but after all the hon. Member must bear in mind that there are a few employers of labour on this side of the House who are not speaking as coal-owners. The hon. Member for Ogmore Division (Mr. Hartshorn) made this appeal to us. "When you go into the Lobby to-night I appeal to you to forget that you are employers of labour." For my part, when I go into the Lobby I shall vote for one reason and one only, that I am convinced and satisfied that if this Bill is passed into law it will throw hundreds and thousands of men out of work. It will raise the price of steel £1 per ton at the very least. It will affect the whole engineering industry. I happen to be interested in that industry and to be, in a small way, an employer of labour in that industry and I shall vote not with my eye on my constituency but with my eye on those men in securing work for whom I have spent some part of my life. The hon. Member said that if this Bill were not passed into law he would advise the men not to take ordinary industrial action but to go "canny" and reduce the output of the pits. I was interested to notice that the hon. Member for Silver-town in whose constituency there are no coal mines, said "Hear, hear!" and "Quite right."
There are some gold mines there.
I hope the working men of Silvertown will note that the hon. Member's advice to the coal miners is to go "canny" and compulsorily raise the price of coal against their fellow workmen. In spite of the unselfishness of the hon. Member for Silvertown who would, I suppose, lay down his life to get what he believes to be better conditions for the coal miners through this Bill, I wonder whether his advice will commend itself to the working men in this country and to the housewives who will have to pay more for their coal. Will they be pleased to see prices going up, engineering wages going up as a result, and then, as a result of that, increased unemployment in every other trade. At the present time the coal miner is not so badly off; he is only 10 per cent, below the full extra cost of living. There are other trades in this country in which men are unemployed and, far from being near the cost of living, are not earning anything at all. The coal mining industry is working, comparatively speaking, full time. I will sympathise with the coal miners on the fact that their industry will not pay them the full wage which I would like to see them receiving, but this Bill suggests putting a tax on the raw material of every other industry. I cannot understand people who profess to be Free Traders, who object to taxing raw materials, supporting a Bill of this sort, which is putting a direct tax on the most important raw material of the whole of our industries in this country.
The great fallacy of the so-called Labour party, the Socialist party, is this, that they do not understand that this country lives by manufacturing goods and exporting them overseas. The only other export of any importance is raw coal itself, and yet they introduce a Bill in regard to which we are informed by the President of the Board of Trade that if it passes into law the whole of the profits at present made in the industry, and 10 per cent. more, will disappear in the extra wages which this Bill will enforce.
That is incorrect.
I prefer to take the figures supplied by the President of the Board of Trade to those of the hon. and gallant Member opposite. The right hon. Gentleman said that if this Bill became law, working it out on last year's figures—I do not say they will not vary this year, and, in my opinion, if this Bill had not been introduced miners' wages would have gone up considerably by 1st July—the whole of the profits in the coal industry, not only the small proportion that the employers take, but the profits devoted to the depreciation of mines, the profits which go to some of the miners in more profitable fields, and so on, would have been absorbed, and 10 per cent. more. Where is that extra 10 per cent, to come from? Who is going to pay for it? It is all very well being unselfish and advocating increased wages for miners, but we have to think of others besides miners. We have to think of the whole of the industrial population, and if we pass this Bill my belief is that, far from doing good to the miners, it will drive up the cost of living, reduce employment, entirely stop the export of coal, and in one way and another the effect will be absolutely disastrous to our trade and commerce. I hope hon. Members opposite who represent, as trade unionists, other industries besides coal mining will speak to-night. I have listened ever since this Debate started to every speech made, and I understand the Leader of the Opposition is going to wind up the Debate. He used not to represent a mining constituency, as he does now.
No, he does not. That is on a par with all your other statements.
A mining constituency is one where there is a majority of miners, I take it.
No, where there are coal miners.
The majority of my constituents depend on the use of coal, not on the getting of coal.
I thank the hon. Member for that correction, but when I said a mining constituency, I meant a constituency unlike mine, where there are no coal mines at all. I imagine that when the hon. Member, in the old days, represented Leicester in this House, he represented a constituency where there were no coal mines, and I wonder what his views on this Bill would have been then. Would he not then have realised, as I realise now, that if this Bill becomes law it is bound to do harm, at any rate, to every other industry? I believe it will also harm the miners themselves by driving up the cost of living. The first result of the Bill will be to increase the price of coal. That will not directly affect the miner, because he gets coal as part of his wages.
No, wrong again!
In most cases he gets his coal at the pit's mouth, but other people, who are not coal miners, have to pay the full cost of coal after it has been carried by locomotives, which use coal, and carted to their doors. Those people, who are already hard-up enough to-day, will have to pay the increased cost of coal, plus the increased cost of food, travelling, and of every other commodity which ordinary folk living in this country use. For these reasons, and because I believe that gradually the effect of this Bill will be to damage the miner himself even more than any benefit he will ever get out of it, I shall vote against the Bill. The original suggestion brought in was a Socialist suggestion, carried by a Liberal Government in 1912. In those days we who are now on this side protested against that Bill, but we were assured that it would never go any further. Their suggestion, at any rate, was more or less economically sound, but the suggestion in this Bill, that you should extract from an industry more than it is in that industry to pay, has nothing economical about1 it. The appeal of the hon. Member for Ogmore (Mr. Hartshorn) was this: Are not we, the coal miners, entitled to appeal to the nation to help us in our difficulties? I think it is time that Par- liament realised that we are not a bag of gold from which to pour money into the pockets of coal miners or any other class or section of the community. Every industry must stand on its own feet, every industry must pay its own wages and its own profits, and for these reasons I shall vote in favour of every other industry in the country and, as I believe it, in favour of the coalmining industry and against this Bill.
The hon. and gallant Member for Altrincham (Sir G. Hamilton) seems to be under the idea that other classes of workers are not disposed to see that the miners get justice, but I am bound to say that that is an idea which does not represent the views of those who sent me to this House. I have been amongst all classes of those who are engaged in industry, and while I cannot claim to represent anything like a majority of miners in my present Division, I believe there is a very sincere desire on the part of all the workers there that the principle of the minimum wage which has been in operation in the case of the miners should be made more effective in that industry, and should be extended to other industries as well. I think the hon. and gallant Member for Altrincham may, perhaps, be excused, not having had the intimate experience of a mining division which some of us have had—I had the honour to represent for seven years the largest mining division in Scotland—for not being aware of the difficulties with which those engaged in this industry are faced in carrying on their work. I had the honour to support in the Parliament of 1912 the Minimum Wage Bill, which, for the first time, adopted a standard minimum wage for the mining industry, and I am here to-day to support the Bill which has been introduced by the right hon. Member for West Fife (Mr. Adamson), because I believe it is only seeking to bring into relation with the conditions of to-day the principle of a minimum wage, which was granted in 1912. The principle of the Bill, so far as I understand it, is to secure that there shall be fixed, in the first place, an adequate minimum standard of remuneration which has relation to the lowest wage paid in the different grades of workers throughout the industry, and that there should be adopted a sliding scale which would bring that wage into actual relation with the real value of wages to-day. I confess in this Debate. I have not heard one argument advanced on the part of the opponents of the Bill to support the view that the sliding scale, which now finds its place in the fixing of wages of so many other classes of industrial workers, should not be applied to the case of the miners, nor have I heard any argument advanced why the benefit of the minimum wage should not be extended to the case of the surface workers, which, I understand, this Bill now for the first time intends to secure.
We have had, no doubt, a great many gloomy pictures drawn of the terrible results which might follow upon the fixing of the minimum wage on the basis on which it is proposed to be fixed under this Bill, but I do think many hon. Members who have spoken in opposition to the Bill have taken a very narrow standpoint in a question of this kind, in which there are so many human elements involved. Those of us who have studied closely the conditions of the workers of this country, know that you can never expect to get the best work, the best good-will from men who feel they are oppressed with a sense of injustice with regard to the rate of remuneration they are receiving for their work, and I am willing to support the principle of this Bill, because I believe it will be a good Bill, not only for the miners, but for the whole community and for the mineowners also. I believe that one of the first requisities for securing industrial peace to-day is that we should secure for those who are engaged, not only in the mining industry—although I confess it is one of the most exacting and dangerous industries, and therefore ought to receive special consideration—but in all our industries the feeling that their lot, although it may be cast in very difficult circumstances, is being considered on fair and sympathetic lines, and that they are receiving at least the minimum standard of remuneration which will be sufficient to maintain them in reasonable comfort and health.
After all, when one considers the case, of the miner, is it not very shortsighted policy that you should have those engaged in this industry living under housing conditions which are detrimental to health, not sufficiently supplied with food, as has been the case very often during these recent times of dis- tress both for the men and their families, and reduced to a condition which very often makes them more subject to those risks and accidents to which they are so frequently exposed. I do suggest that this Bill, which seeks to apply the principle of a minimum wage to the situation as it exists to-day, is one which, in the result, will be of enormous advantage to the whole country. The miners have passed through a time of very severe stress. It has been already admitted in Debate that the production has enormously increased. There is evidence of increasing output. Are you not more likely to secure a continuation of that output, are you not more likely to secure peace and prosperity for this great industry in the coming days, if you are going to meet a claim which is honestly put forward, and which is well-founded in fact, in regard to an increase of wages?
I do ask those who are opposed to this Measure to consider that it does not by any means involve the scrapping of the agreement of 1921. I attach importance to that agreement because, though perhaps I do not see eye to eye with all my Friends who have spoken above the Gangway, I think there is a great deal in the agreement of 1921 which is well worth preserving. I do think the principle of having a fixed proportion settled with regard to the allocation of the actual proceeds of the industry as between wages and profits is a very important principle indeed for those who are working in this industry, but, as far as I understand the agreement, it would be quite possible to make an alteration in it which would simply substitute the minimum wage which is proposed under this Bill for the standard minimum wage which at the present moment forms a portion of the agreement itself. I was glad to know the hon. Member for Seaham (Mr. Webb) and the right hon. Member for West Fife (Mr. W. Adamson) did not regard the Bill by any means as an attempt to scrap, or throw overboard, the agreement, but rather to secure a variation in its terms which might meet the situation which exists to-day.
I was also glad to hear the right hon. Member for West Fife, in the speech he made in introducing this Bill, say he had no great faith as an individual in strikes. I believe that is the view of the great majority of those who are working in the mining industry to-day. The effect of the stoppage in 1921 was, of course, disastrous, but upon whose shoulders does the responsibility for that disaster rest? I have considered this matter with, I hope, some desire to be impartial, and I say, without any hesitation, I think there was a very heavy burden of responsibility thrown upon the Government in the fact that they decontrolled coal four months or more before the actual period for which they pledged themselves to maintain control, and I am bound to say in the result they showed that they were wrong, because they had to provide a sum of £10,000,000, which, if offered a little sooner, might have obviated the whole trouble. They had to provide that sum, and to confess in the end that they were mistaken. It was a most unfortunate thing. I have come into contact with many of those engaged in the mining industry, and I have come across very few who favour the strike as a method of securing their object although they may be forced to it. I am bound to say, if we want to get industrial peace in this country, if we want to get back to a feeling of confidence and goodwill, to remove suspicions which exist, not only in this industry, but in other industries, we must do something, in the first instance, to secure to the workers, not only a fair, adequate minimum rate of remuneration, but also to give them a little further information as to the conditions under which their industry is working. I have a friend, a very large employer of labour, who has never had any difficulty of any kind in the way of disputes in connection with his business, and I think the secret of this is that every year he has summoned together those engaged in his works, discussed with them the ins and outs of the whole enterprise, and has put before them the figures which have enabled them to ascertain whether the business is making a profit or loss.
Although there is a provision under the agreement for an audit, which affords a certain amount of information to those engaged in the industry, I do not think that matter has been carried far enough in the coal-mining industry, and I think it would be to the great advantage, not only of the mineowners and the miners, but of the consumers as a whole, if we had a further inquiry into the whole financial position of the industry to-day, and we were able to judge of the real financial posi- tion. We have had figures quoted to-day with regard to the cost of coal at the pithead and the coal charges in London. The former was given as 21s. and the selling price, 44s. 6d. It is said that the wages of those engaged in transport and other services take up a very large proportion of the difference, but I should like to ask those who have the best information on this subject if they could maintain whether that is really sufficient to account for the difference between the price of coal at the pithead to-day and the price which consumers have got to pay. I believe it is quite possible to readjust the figures and by proper organisation to reduce the costs of distribution.
It would be possible also for those working in the mining industry to have a much larger degree of confidence in the mine-owners themselves, if they were placed in a better position, to appreciate directly the financial machinery involved in the enterprise. Then in regard to the question of the increased cost which this minimum wage involves, may I further remind those who are not in favour of the Bill that there is much to be done yet to secure more economy in the administration and working of the mines. I am not in favour of nationalisation, but I should like to quote the opinion of no less an authority than Sir Richard Redmayne who, though opposed to nationalisation, made it perfectly plain that by the savings effected by a centralised system of the purchase of stores, of pumping, and winding, it was possible to secure a much greater degree of economy. We have heard to-day from the benches here that a great deal more might be done in other directions to secure economy in the working of the mines themselves. The mineowners themselves might consider this question further. It is the old story that the savings must always come off wages, while the general experience is that when matters of economy are considered, many improvements might be made which would mean that wages could be enhanced, and this to the advantage of the whole industry.
Again, take the question of compensation in regard to the various claims in connection with accidents arising in the mining industry. Sometimes costs which are altogether too high are added, and are made charges on the industry before the profits are fixed. It is desirable that, as this directly affects the wages, some of these aspects should be very carefully looked into. Again, I would suggest to the House that there might be valuable hints taken to help to reduce the mortality in the mines from the reports of the inspectors of mines. I read the other day the report of the Scottish Inspector of Mines, and I found that he made certain suggestions. There was a great deal to be done in regard to the prevention of accidents, and particularly, to quote his own words—
A case has been made by the opponents of the Bill on the part of the consumer. I am bound to say that the consumer, taking the great majority of those who are interested in this question, resent being treated unfairly by the middleman or those who make an undue profit out of the coal; but I have yet to learn of the consumer who is not prepared to agree that the man who wins the coal is not to have a decent minimum wage. In passing the Minimum Wage Bill of 1912, the Liberal party adopted that principle, and we are not disposed in any way to retire from the position which we then took up. I for one believe that a case has been made out for reconsideration of the present minimum wage in relation to present times and the present situation, and I regret very much indeed the Government have not seen their way to approach this matter in a more sympathetic spirit. I feel they will live to learn that the best possible way of securing the fullest co-operation of the workers of this country is by securing to them a decent living wage as the first charge upon industry.
The speeches to which we have listened this afternoon are very strangely reminiscent of the speeches which we heard in 1912. I remember quite well the conditions preceding the national strike of that year. Many hon. Members will be aware for how long the miners pressed their case, and that where there were conditions over which they had no control, they should be guaranteed a living wage. Many remember how long that agitation was pressed. An hon. Member a little while ago said that the Minimum Wage Act of 1912 applied only to those cases where the workpeople were working under abnormal conditions. That statement was not at all accurate. The Minimum Wage Act of 1912 laid it down as a guiding condition of employment that every man and boy in the mines unable to earn a wage because of conditions for which they were not responsible should be guaranteed a wage. That wage was to be settled by District Boards representing the two sides, employers and workmen, and failing an agreement the matter had to be settled by an independent Chairman.
The one point to which I wish to invite the earnest attention of this House is this: that that principle stated in express terms that a minimum wage should not be guaranteed unless the people were unable to earn it through conditions over which they have no control. Those conditions are repeated to-day. There are tens of thousands, indeed hundreds of thousands, employed at the mines, both underground and on the surface, who, no matter what they may do, are utterly incapable of earning a wage which will give them anything remotely resembling a decent standard of living. It is for these that we plead. It is for these that this Bill is intended. My hon. Friends have stated quite truly that in very many cases the coal hewers really will not gain one single penny. There will be tens of thousands of coal hewers actually engaged in getting the coal at the coal face who will not be at all affected by the provisions of this Bill should it be fortunate enough to pass.
Surely this House will agree, as it did many years ago, that the right of the workmen to a living wage—I mean the efficient workmen and women workers—should be the first charge upon any industry. That principle was expressed in the Measure of 1912.If the man was inefficient he was deprived of and forfeited his right to the minimum wage. If the employer could prove that the man has not done his best, and was not doing his best, then he forfeited his right to the minimum wage. If the man absented himself unduly he forfeited his right. In the case of men who, through accident^ disablement, or sickness, were unable to work, they forfeited this right, and it was only in the case of the efficient workman doing his best that this right was given.
9.0.P.M.
That is all we are asking for. We are not asking that the minimum wage should be guaranteed to the inefficient, or those who absent themselves unduly from work. I am not sure that we have not pitched our claim too low, but we are not asking that this right shall apply to those who are disabled through accident or illness, but we are simply asking that the efficient workers shall be guaranteed a wage equal to the present standard of living. We have been charged with constantly bringing our grievances to this House in forma pauperis , and that we are constantly asking that this industry should be subsidised. We are doing nothing of the kind. The whole of the cost, or at least 83 per cent, of the cost incurred by such a Bill as this, would be borne under the present agreement by the workpeople themselves. In every case where a surface man was concerned, 83 per cent, of that cost would be borne by the-workers under the existing agreement. I shall not say a word for or against the agreement, but I ask the House to consider the facts. Let me give the case of the not unimportant Counties of Lancashire and North Stafford, which under the existing agreement are one area board. I will take the case of the surface hands. Here I would like to remove the impression from the minds of hon. Members that may have been excited by certain remarks made by the hon. Member for Cardiff (Mr. Gould), that if you increase the output or lengthen the working days you will be able to improve the wages of everybody. That is not the case. As a matter of fact the wages of the day hands would not improve at all. The underground workers wages when paid by the day would also not improve at all. People are apt when dealing with mining questions to think only of the underground workmen, but there are hundreds of thousands employed upon the surface. In my own County of Lancashire we have a subsistence allowance which is the second highest in the country.
There is only Kent that has a higher subsistence allowance, but apart from that our subsistence allowance under this agreement is the highest in the country. In Lancashire the wages of an adult surface worker, a man who in tens of thousands of case has a wife and family to maintain, the full wages per day with Is. subsistence allowance added, is 6s. 6d. a day. Hon. Members opposite often ask for facts, and they have a right to be supplied with them, and the public are constantly pressing for information, and that is the reason why I am giving these facts connected with the most important mining counties in the Kingdom. As I have already said, in this area the full day's wage with Is. subsistence allowance added is 6e. 6d. I will take 11 days' work per fortnight, and that is an overstatement, because it must be remembered that there are the Christmas holidays, New Year holidays, and the Whitsuntide and August holidays, and if the man never breaks down and puts in every day that the pits are open, that man is doing extremely well if he is able to put in on the average 11 days a fortnight. Under these conditions his wages come to 35s. 9d. per week or 7ls. 6d. for 11 days.
He has to contribute to a good many benefits, such as the National Health Insurance, the doctor, the hospital, and ever so many other charges with which I will not trouble the House. Those surface hands are receiving the second highest subsistence allowance in the country, and when they are able to take a full week's wages, you have a strong adult capable man doing his very best, and he will only receive about 33s. a week. I say that no hon. Member of this House can agree that that is a sufficient wage 'or a man to take to his household.
Why do you not help the agricultural worker?
We did help you in the case of the agricultural worker, and we stated that it was a disgraceful thing to break down the Agricultural Wages Board. I know nothing more disgraceful in the history of Parliament than the breaking up of that Board.
What is the use of the Board if the money is not there?
You are turning round now upon your own inquiry.
I wonder what the Labour party would have done for the agricultural worker?
That is not the matter under discussion.
Does the hon. Member say that 6s. 6d. is the second highest subsistence wage in the country?
I said that we had the second highest subsistence allowance in the country. Under the terms of the agreement a subsistence allowance is payable when employers and workmen agree that wages have reached a certain figure, and then there must be a subsistence allowance.
I take it that is not the same as the subsistence rate in another part of the country.
If the hon. Member had paid attention he would have known I was dealing for the moment with the surface day wage earners, and I say to hon. Members that I believe no, single one of them would assert that the figure I have quoted is sufficient to enable the head of a household to maintain himself, his wife and his family. Hon. Members may ask, "Cannot he change these conditions himself?" No, he cannot. The thing is beyond his control. He is helpless. If you increase his hours you will not increase his wages. When the reduction of hours took place the coalowners—and I have no personal animosity against them, because we have been dealing with them for a quarter of a century—did not reduce the pay of the day wage workers, and when the hours are increased we can have no case on that gound for asking for an increase of their wages. The mere increase of output or the extension of the working day does not increase these men's wages. No matter how they are disposed of they still remain confined to this particular wage. These are conditions over which they have no control and from which they can obtain no relief.
I come to my next point. Our subsistence allowance underground is again the second highest in the country. It is substantially higher than in that other case except Kent. We have a subsistence allowance of l0d. per day for the adult worker underground. That brings his wage up to 7s. 9d. per day. When he puts in a full week he gets five and a-half days per week or 11 in a fortnight, and he will earn, roughly speaking, about 42s. from which has to be deducted at least 10 per cent. He must never lose a day through illness or through any of the inevitable contingencies: he is supposed to rise superior to them all, and yet the highest amount he can take home will be 38s. per week. Again I ask, is there a single Member who will say that that is sufficient to maintain this workman, who is engaged in a mine and subject to all the charges and costs which fall upon every other citizen? I ask is it enough to maintain that man and his family? When we are told we are whining and asking every other industry to subsidise us, I say the real truth is that this horrible underpaid labour of the miner is subsidising every other industry. What was said by the hon. Member for Cardiff a little while ago reminded me of a story. Bear in mind the hon. Member admitted that mining was the foundation of all other industries and that an increase of the charges would be a calamity to other industries. These conditions are not denied. It is admitted that coal mining is fundamental to every other industry. The hon. Member for Cardiff reminded me of the story of a Jew who was seen in the water and crying out for help. He was crying, "Save me, my wife is drowning." A bystander inquired where his wife was and his reply was, "I am standing on her." That is what the rest of the industries of this nation are doing. They are standing on the mining industry. It is the duty of the State, when vast masses of the people are crying out because of conditions over which they have no control and cannot in any way alter, to see that a decent living wage shall be paid to those whose labours are vital to the progress of the nation.
At the expense of the other industries?
The right to a living wage is a fundamental position on which all other rights are founded, otherwise we shall simply go back, as many hon. Members seem willing to do, to the early and middle part of the 19th century, when it was every man for himself and the devil take the hindmost.
And it is the miners who are for themselves to-day.
I do not want to indulge in any personal recrimination. The whole point is this. Are hon. Members prepared to ignore the claims of hundreds of thousands of people. In my own county at least two-sevenths of the 130,000 employed, or practically 40,000 men, are carrying on under conditions which make a decent life impossible. Day by day and week by week they are getting hopelessly into debt. Whatever they do there is no help. It is impossible for them to bring up their children in anything like a decent manner, and yet they work in an industry which is said, and rightly so, to be vital to the welfare of our race. This is a great social and moral problem. Eleven years ago we had a fight for the minimum wage, and a Commission was set up by the right hon. Gentleman who then represented East Fife and who now represents Paisley (Mr. Asquith). They found, first of all, that there were conditions in the mines for which the men were not responsible, and which they could not control. They found that it was desirable that a living wage should be given to people working under such conditions, and they, therefore, proceeded to put on the Statute Book the very principle for which we are now contending; but we had to have a five-weeks national stoppage before we could convince this House of the necessity for that principle. It is the same principle that we are asking this House to endorse to-day. The workmen, with whom we are dealing, are efficient, decent, skilful, and capable workmen. They are not malingerers or inefficients. They are not even disabled, but only the same class of workmen that are provided for in the Minimum Wage Act of 1912—[HON. MEMBERS: "No! "]—except that we are asking to include the surface hands, and even they have to be efficient and capable workers. In such circumstances, surely, the very lowest that we can demand for a self-respecting body of men is embodied in this Bill.
It has been said that we ought to wait. We have been told by one hon. Member that this application is ill-timed. I never knew an application of the kind that was not ill-timed. We have been told that, if we would only wait a few more days, it would be found that the necessity for such a Measure had disappeared. I do not know from what information the hon. Gentleman spoke. I can only say that I am the Joint Secretary, with an esteemed colliery owners' representative, of the Lancashire and North Staffordshire District Board, and I know that there is nothing for Lancashire and North Staffordshire. I am also practically certain that there is nothing for Cumberland and for other areas that are not, perhaps, so large, but are certainly not less than Lancashire in their human rights. The right of the wives and families of the workmen in Bristol, in the Forest of Dean, in Shropshire and in Cumberland, is surely not less than in Lancashire, and there are vast numbers, running into hundreds of thousands, who, no matter what may be the course of trade, will receive no benefit at all. In those cases where they are receiving an equal or greater wage than the minimum for which we are asking, they will not be affected in the least. An industry which cannot afford to pay its people a decent living wage ought either to go out of business or, failing that, if its continuance in business is considered to be vital to the welfare of the State, it is the duty of the State to see that all the workers in it are properly provided for.
The Bill for which a Second Reading is being asked to-day is of a most important character, and we have had a very enlightening discussion upon the topics which it raises. If I might be allowed to make a single reference to the speeches to which we have listened, I should like to congratulate the hon. Member for South Bristol (Sir B. Rees), whose maiden speech I was privileged to hear. He spoke with a lucidity and cogency which older Members of the House, I am sure, might well envy, and we shall welcome his advent to future discussions. I should not like to omit mention of the speech, the end of which I have just heard. My hon. Friend the Member for Ince (Mr. Walsh) always speaks on these matters with an emotional sentiment in regard to the people to whom he is attached which does him credit. We all appreciate and admire the courage with which he expresses himself, and the devotion which he shows to the people whom he represents. An equally powerful emotional appeal might, however, have been made to the House to-night on behalf of a very large number of industries in this country, the workers in which are just as much depressed at the present time as are those in the coalfields, and are suffering, and have been suffering for a long time, equally dire distress.
And you are largely responsible for it.
That may or may not be, but I am pointing out, as it is necessary for my argument to do, that the same sort of appeal could be made for n large number of industries in this country which are suffering, not from any action of any particular individual, but because of the economic consequences of the War in which we have been engaged. This particular Bill affects what I am prone to regard as the most important industry in the country, but it's effects would not be confined at all to the coal trade. It would have reactions upon every other business and every other industry with which we are concerned. If this Bill could alleviate the distresses which it is intended to remedy, I, for one, would be willing to look at it with a totally different eye, but I am bound to confess at the very outset of my speech that I cannot support it, and for this reason, that I believe it would bring greater difficulties and greater trouble upon the coal trade of this country than those which it at present seeks to remedy.
All Bills which deal with questions of wages are, naturally, not only of great importance but of great interest. Everyone who has taken part in labour questions has tried his hand, at some time or another, at devising a wage system which would be more perfect than that under which we at present labour. This particular proposal to-day seeks to set up, as the foundation of all wage problems, the test of the cost of living. I myself have in my time endeavoured to work out a wage system upon that basis, but I have always been met by two difficulties, which I should like now to present to the House. The first is that any such principle involves one in a vicious circle, and this circle could not be better illustrated than by the case of the coal trade. As has been said by my hon. Friend who has just sat down, the coal trade is the foundation of all the industries of the country. If you put up the wages of the men engaged in the coal trade, you put up the costs of that trade, you consequently put up the price of the coal, and, by putting up the price of coal you put up the cost of the manufacture of everything that is manufactured in this country at the present time. By that very process you increase the cost of living, and, once the cost of living is increased, the coalminer comes forward for an increase in his wage, and he would get it automatically under this Bill. You are involved in a circle which would have the effect of making a constant series of increases in the cost of living in this country, but would in the end bring no real benefit to the people who at first proposed it. That is the first objection which has always seemed to me to be insuperable.
The second objection is this. It takes no account of the capacity of the industry to pay the amount which is claimed, and any system of wage-fixing, which does not begin with the capacity of the industry to pay, necessarily ends in disaster. If you are engaged in a business in which you have no competitors as, for example, the railway system of this country, to which the hon. Member for Seaham (Mr. Webb) referred to-night, it is really in a totally different category of industry. If, however, you are engaged in a business which has competitors all over the world, then you have to make your prices fit the competition you have to meet; otherwise you do not get the business. Accordingly, in the ultimate result, the capacity of the industry to pay is the necessary foundation of any wage system you can invent. I know, and I agree with my hon. Friend, that there is a limit beyond which you cannot go—[HON. MEMBERS: "Why?"]—in asking men to work. You may reach that limit, and find that your industry cannot be carried on. If the industry is not going to be carried on, then the result must be far more disastrous than you see to-day, and a state of unemployment such as none of us would dare to contemplate.
On these two grounds, alone, I think that this Bill is founded upon wrong principles, but I proceed to address myself more closely to the Bill itself. It is said to be a mere extension of a principle embodied in the Minimum Wage Act, 1912, and the hon. Member for Seaham, in particular, commended the Bill to the House upon that ground. He said that the principle was already fully recognised. I think there is a great deal of misapprehension in this House as to what was actually achieved by the Minimum Wage Act, 1912. It was dealing with classes of underground workers alone, and the Bill was commended at that time, both to the House and to the country, on the ground that many under ground workers were working in positions where, physically, they were rendered incapable of earning the average wage of workmen of their own class. What the Act did was, not to settle a minimum wage at all, in the sense that this Bill does. All it did was to provide that the case of individual workmen, who were not in the position of being able to earn as much, in the positions in which they were placed, as the average earned by workmen in the same class, should be taken up by district boards, which should fix a wage for that particular class of workers, having regard—now, I am practically quoting the words of the Statute—to the average earned by workers of the same class. It did not fix an average wage, to be perpetual, amongst workers of any class. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh, yes."]
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that over 30,000 workmen, of a day wage class in South Wales, were raised from 2s. 2d., 2s. 4s., 2s. 9d., and 2s. 11d. to no less a minimum than 3s. 4d. per day?
That may very well be, but the hon. and gallant Gentleman does not appreciate my point. He is not being so intellectually active at this time of night as I should expect him to be—[HON. MEMBERS: "Oh!" and "Do not be sarcastic!"]
I would ask hon. Members not to interrupt the right hon. Gentleman.
What the Minimum Wage Act did was to enable such workers, as those to whom my hon. and gallant Friend refers——
Day workers.
—to be brought up, as the minimum for them, to the average of what was being earned by day workers of the same class.
May I say that that conclusion is entirely misleading, entirely untrue, and is unfounded. These workers were workers employed in that class. Dowlais was the lowest, at 2s. 2d. per day. Other workers in other collieries were getting from 2s. 2d. up to 2s. 9d., 2s. 11d., and 3s. Id., and a fixed minimum wage for that class of workman was, for the first time made, as a result of the district-boards under the Minimum Wage Act, 1912.
The whole point of the Statute was to arrange that the district boards should fix, for people of the same class, a minimum, wage, having regard to the average payable in that class. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"]
I must ask the right hon. Gentleman to read the Statute. That refers to pieceworkers, and not to day wage men. That is where he is entirely at fault. Pieceworkers and day wage men are two different branches.
The hon. and gallant Gentleman has still failed to meet my point, which is undoubtedly a perfectly sound one. What the Minimum Wage Act, 1912, did was to fix minimum wages for people who were in the position in which they were incapable of earning——
No, no. Read the Statute.
I have read the Statute, but the hon. and gallant Gentleman will not let me take up my argument. The Minimum Wage Act did not fix, as the present Bill proposes to do, any minimum wage for the whole body of workers, or even for the whole body of underground workers.
Yes.
All it did was to enable certain classes of workers to be brought up to a wage which was equal to the average of the people of the same class. It did not provide, as the present Bill proposes to do, that there should be some minimum wage fixed 'below which you cannot go. If the average workers of the same class had had their wages reduced, then, undoubtedly, the minimum wage would again have been considered, and varied, and brought back to the average, and that is provided for by the Statute.
I am sorry again to interrupt the right hon. Gentleman. There was no labourer in that class in the South Wales coalfield who was receiving 3s. 4d., plus percentage, when the Act of 1912 was passed. Every labourer, without exception, was raised to 3s. 4d., so that it cannot apply to that class at all. That is where the light hon. Gentleman is entirely wrong.
No. If the hon. and gallant Gentleman will forgive me, he is still missing my point. What I desire to reiterate to the House, and anyone can see it who reads the Statute, is——[HON. MEMBERS: "Read it out!"]
I would appeal to hon. Members not to interrupt. Debate cannot be continued if they conduct a controversy with the right hon. Gentleman.
My hon. and gallant Friend really misunderstands what actually was passed by the Minimum Wage Act, 1912. That Act provided that by means of district boards certain arrangements should be made by which minima might be provided for particular individuals in a position of difficulty. It did not fix any national minimum. wage at all. You cannot find anywhere within the ambit of that Statute any arrangement that fixes a national minimum wage for miners of that class What this Bill proposes to do is, to take the earnings of the year 1914, prior to the War, and to say that wages shall never be less than that amount, together with an addition of 74 per cent., as provided in the Bill, or whatever amount is the particular figure by which the cost of living exceeds the cost of living at the time when the War broke out. That is an entirely different principle, and for the first time in the history of this country it is proposed by Statute to fix a minimum wage, practically, for a whole industry. We have never known anything like that before.
And we never shall again.
This Bill says that at no time shall the wage of miners fall below what it was in 1914, plus whatever is the percentage represented by the increased cost of living. That is to say, the real wage shall never be below what it was in 1914. If I thought you could operate with regard to wages by writing a line of that kind in an Act of Parliament, I should be delighted to do it, but you would have to precede it by another Act of Parliament, in which you say: "At no time shall the profits from business be less than they were in 1914." I do not know anyone who would have sufficient audacity to bring in that Bill except the hon. Member for Seaham (Mr. Webb). I gathered from his speech that he has a pathetic belief in what you can do by Acts of Parliament, and I should not be at all surprised if he had the courage to put his name on the back of a Bill to provide that the weather in summer in England shall never be worse than it was in 1921. It is just as sensible to make a proposition of that kind as to say you can regulate the condition of business in this world by a phrase you may put into an Act of Parliament.
This Bill would undoubtedly oust from its position the agreement under which the coal trade is being carried on at present. The hon. Member for Seaham said he did not see any reason why these two things should not go on side by side—the National Agreement and this Minimum Wage proposal. He said they were not inconsistent, I quite agree that the position of the young lady of Riga, even at the end of her ride, was not inconsistent with the position of the tiger, but it was not a position which you would naturally seek. While it is suggested that the National Wages Agreement and this Bill can subsist side by side, it is entirely forgotten or at least it is put aside for the moment, that the effect of passing this Bill would be to leave none of the profits to the coalowners which the National Wages Agreement allowed them. Of course you could not expect the agreement to continue, and the House is bound to look at this proposal from the point of view that it will necessarily come to an end. It may be said the National Wages Agreement has not been very successful. One perfectly recognises that there are many miners, and indeed there are coal-owners also, who have been very much disappointed with the results of the agree- ment, but it came into force at the very worst possible time for its success. It was a profit-sharing arrangement. It is the first great example in this country in a whole trade of such an agreement having been made, and it was, as I thought—and I took some paternal interest in it—the prelude to a series of other arrangements of this kind in regard to other industries which would eliminate these causes of conflict and controversy which so often impede the prosperity of the country. Many of us have dabbled in theories of co-partnership, but co-partnership has always broken down because you could not ask the workmen to bear their share of the losses when they occurred. This agreement by an ingenious method got round that difficulty.
I should like to remind the House what the provisions of the agreement are. Roughly speaking it provides that after all the costs, other than wages, have been paid, every £100 of the produce of the industry is divided in these proportions—85 per cent, in wages and 15 per cent, for the profits of the coalowner. [HON. MEMBERS: "Wrong again."] You may put it, if you like, in this way. Out of £117, £100 goes in wages and £17 goes to the coalowner. The proportions I have given the House are really the same. But it goes further than that. While it does not make any stop-block to the depreciation of profits it puts in a stop at a point where wages may not be further decreased, and it provides that there shall be paid as a minimum to the miner the wage rate of 1914, plus a percentage. That, I am sure it is agreed, has worked out roughly in this way, that the miner, under that arrangement of last year, was getting 40 per cent, over the pre-War rate of earnings. To-day possibly, under better circumstances, it has risen to something like 53 per cent. over the pre-War rate of earnings. No doubt the miners complain that they have not had all they expected out of the agreement. But may I remind the House of this fact, when statements are being made of the low rate of wages being paid in the coalfields, that there is to-day less unemployment than in any other big industry. According to the figures of the Labour Ministry there is only 3·1 per cent. of unemployment in the coalfields, and if you take the figures of the Miners' Union it is represented by a figure of 6 per cent. That is a figure much below anything you can find in any other great industry. The coal trade is providing employment for far more people than were ever in the industry at any time previously. There are 60,000 more people to-day than before the War.
Mostly underpaid.
That may be, but the trade is at least affording employment at a wage. It is better than going several days idle, or perhaps for weeks, or months. The second point is that if you compare the rate of wages in the coal trade to-day with many other big industries you will find the percentage above the pre-War level is greater in the coal trade than it is, for example, in the iron and steel trade, the shipbuilding trade, the engineering trade, the pottery trade, and many others. Accordingly it is impossible to say the coal trade to-day is suffering because of this agreement. It is suffering because of conditions which are universal and which apply throughout the whole trade and industry of the country. On the other side, may I remind the House of what has happened to the employer in connection with this agreement. So far from getting the 15 per cent. which the agreement was going to provide him with, taking an average over the whole country he has only been getting 7 per cent., while wages have taken up 93 per cent, after payment of the other costs of the industry. The Scottish coalowners have had to provide out of their 15 per cent, something over £1,000,000 in order to bring wages up to the minimum. If you take the districts of Lancashire and Cheshire you will find that the employers have paid out of their 15 per cent. more than £1,500,000 to bring wages up to the minimum. If you take South Wales, the coalowners have provided more than £3,500,000 out of their 15 per cent. in order to bring the wages of the district up to the minimum. Accordingly, it cannot be said, and I do not think anybody is prepared to say, that the employers have been benefiting from this agreement at the expense of the workers.
We are now on the verge, I hope, of better times. At any rate, we are going to see a higher wage rate after 1st July, because, as the House knows, we shall then have wages fixed upon the basis of the earnings of two months pre viously. It was at the request of the Miners' Federation that the period of two months was fixed, rather than one month, in arriving at the basis on which the wages were to be calculated. Accordingly we shall then have a more encouraging state of affairs for the miners of the country to look to. The hon. Member for Ogmore referred to the fact that the employers look like being in a position to earn something like £30,000,000 this year. The House will realise that under an agreement of this kind they have been drawing profits while prices have been rising, and wages have not yet risen in the same proportion, owing to the two months' lag;; but as soon as the two months' lag has passed, they will be paying out higher wages, and it is far too soon to begin to estimate the amount-that will be left in the hands of the employers by the end of the year. It is perfectly obvious that it will be very much less than the average of what they have been getting during the last four months.
This agreement ought to be given a fair chance. Up till now it has been operating in the most adverse circumstances possible. I believe that once we have a better position of things we shall find that the provisions of this agreement will commend themselves not only to the miners but to many other trades in which this provision will be equally applicable. I look for a large extension of this principle, because it is my conviction that only by interesting the workers of the country in the profits of their industry will you ever bring about the prosperity which you desire—that interest in the industry which a man ought to possess, and that peace and freedom from unrest which unfortunately has been too often absent in the past. The right hon. Member for West Fife concluded his speech to-day with an appeal for peace in the mining industry. He has been for so long an urgent advocate of peace wherever it was possible to obtain it with honour, that Whatever he says upon such a subject in this House we must regard with the most weighty concern.
I beg the miners of this country to remember that the other trades and industries are also in equal difficulties and equal trouble, and that we must have some consideration for the country as a whole, and not for any industry in particular. We must look at the matter from the national point of view rather than from the individual point of view. It is only by the whole body of the citizens of this country acting harmoniously in unison that we shall emerge from the adverse times which are confronting us to-day.
I want, in the first place, to refer to a misapprehension into which, evidently, the right hon. Gentleman has fallen, in regard to the interpretation of the 1912 Act. He stated that the principle underlying that Act was that it should apply only to what are known in mining terms as abnormal places. I want to assure him and the House that the 1912 Act applied not only to the pieceworker who is involved in the abnormal places, but to the whole of the workers underground, either on piece or day work, and that as a result of that Act there were large classes of men who had their wages substantially increased. Therefore, the right hon. Gentleman is wrong in suggesting that that Act applied only to a limited number of pieceworkers. May I further remind the House that the 1912 Act was brought into being because terrible conditions existed in the mining industry. I know that there was a strike on at the time that the Minimum Wage Act was brought in, but the terrible conditions in the industry were so vividly and strikingly brought before the country that the House was compelled to realise that it was essential to bring in a minimum wage for the mining industry. The same need exists to-day as existed in 1912. We are building upon the principle then laid down.
What are the facts I In my own County of Durham, which is by no means the worst in the country, during the last 12 months for seven of those months we have been on the minimum, and that means 20 per cent, upon the 1914 wages. That applies to a large section of men in Durham. We have a large section of men in Durham County who at the present time are in receipt of a wage of 6s. 8½d. a day. During the whole of the last 12 months this section of men have had a wage of 6s. 8½d. per shift. I have in my possession, and with the permission of the House I will read it, a note which has been received by one of these miners. I know that a general mass of figures does not interest the House, but if I quote from an actual note I think it will be acknowledged that the facts are as I state them. In the County of Durham, in one of the largest collieries that we have there, for five shifts a married man with a family to support has actually taken home from the pay office a sum of £l 13s. 2d. There are some off-takes to be taken from that, and I would draw the attention of the House to the character of the off-takes. We have to pay 8d. a week per man to a permanent relief fund which is making some provivision for old age. Then there is 6d. which is deducted every week for the so-called Trade Board. Then there are the National Health and National Unemployment Insurance payments to be made. Altogether, these levies amount to a sum of 4s. 4d. a week. [An HON. MEMBKR: "Does that include trade union money?"] No, there is no union money in that. These are deductions which are made at the colliery office, which the man has to pay, and then he takes home the lesser sum, and the amount which he carries home is £l 13s. 2d. [An HON. MEMBER: "He has a free house!"] It is true that some miners in Durham county have a free house, but not all. But I would rather describe the coliery house in Durham as a free hovel. Any man who goes to the county Durham and sees the wretched housing conditions and reads the history of mining in Durham will come to the conclusion that the free house system is largely responsible for the terrible overcrowding and the degradation of many parts of Durham county.
10.P.M.
I think that I have put the facts clearly. I am not trying to hide anything. It ought not to need any argument from this side of the House to convince the House that the miners of the country for the last 12 months have been trying to exist on a starvation wage. The hon. Member for Central Cardiff, with a most unworthy sneer, said that the miners wanted liberty to pay off the debts that were incurred during the lock-out. In Durham County since 1921 until May of this year, the miners of that county, in spite of their low wages, their poverty and their struggle, have contributed towards their fellow members, who are out of employment, the sum of £1,134,000. That is making an effort, I submit, to assist their fellow members who are out of employment. We have been warned from time to time by certain people that we ought not to make this contribution, because we are simply relieving the State of its obligation, but we have done so in spite of that argument. But I want to conclude on this note. I want not to threaten the House—that is of no value—but I should be lacking in my duty speaking as I am at the moment on behalf of the Durham miner—[HON. MEMBERS: "All the miners."]—of course, all the miners, but I know the Durham miners best—if I did not put before the House what I consider to be the true feelings of the Durham miners. There is a growing feeling of indignation amounting now almost to desperation. These men have relied upon their Federation to get them, if they could, out of the morass they are in. They are now looking to this House for redress. We are told to-night that we ought to settle these matters between? employer and employed. We have tried that method, and when these men use the only weapon left to them, the weapon of the strike, they are condemned, and we are pleading on the Floor of the British House of Commons asking you to use the legislative machinery to remedy the grievance which exists. I ask you to consider the case put before you, but I intimate to the House that the feeling if, so bitter that if you disappoint the miners, who are looking to this House under this Bill, then you must take the responsibility for the consequences that will ensue.
Before I plunge into controversy I should like to express my gratitude to the President of the Board of Trade for his very kindly reference to that homely servant of the miners, Mr. Cairns. His name on the back of this Bill is part of the memory that is still living with us of our dead colleague.
I have listened during the time in which I have sat in this House to a great many Debates upon mining affairs, and they are therefore becoming a little familiar: the same arguments, the same point of view, the same doleful prophecies from employers, and the same attitude on the part of Conservative Governments. The hon. and gallant Member for Altrincham (Sir G. Hamilton) remarked that the speech delivered by the hon. Member for Hamilton (Mr. D. Graham) had been delivered before, but the reflection which I made, as the hon. Member was speaking, telling us what doleful things were going to happen if we put any more costs upon this industry, was that exactly the same speech had been made by the hon. Member's great-great-grandfather.
Has ever a proposal been made to improve the condition of the working classes in any industry when that speech has not been made? So when I listened to the right hon. Member for Hillhead (Sir R. Horne) displaying that large generosity of heart of his, for every trade except the miners', I felt certain that if, instead of my right hon. Friend the Member for West Fife (Mr. W. Adamson) introducing this Bill, one of my hon. Friends had introduced a Bill dealing with the shipbuilding trade or the iron trade, the right hon. Gentleman would have said, "How wicked you are. How narrow your vision. Do you not understand that the other trade and other workmen are all going to be damaged by your improving the condition of this particular industry?" It is a very old and familiar and most unconvincing argument. My own past has been referred to. The hon. and gallant Member for Altrincham ventured to doubt whether, if I had not represented a mining constituency, I should have taken up the position that I am taking up now. The hon. and gallant Member is wrong. When he referred to me as once having been the Member for Leicester, he forgot that as Member for Leicester I supported the 1912 Minimum Wages Bill.
But the most extraordinary statement was that made by the, hon. Member for Central Cardiff (Mr. Gould). He dug out something that I said in 1908, and proceeded to state that, because in 1908 I warned a conference which I was attending not to make the mistake of assuming that by fixing an absolute minimum wage they were fixing anything, I was inconsistent in view of the position that I take up to-day. I almost blush to be reminded of my wisdom in 1908. What is the position of this Bill, particularly in relation to the agreement? It is that this Bill declares that a minimum wage fixed in absolute terms of pounds, shillings and pence is no minimum wage at all. If you are going to give and recognise a standard of life, your minimum wage must move with the cost of living and not be fixed by arbitrary monetary sums. That is what I say to-night, that is what I said in 1908, and that is the great wisdom of this Bill. The right hon. Member for Hillhead (Sir R. Horne) made a somewhat unsuccessful attempt to explain that this was a new kind of legislation. As a matter of fact, I think that his position was stronger than his argument. I am not at all surprised that the hon. Member for Central Cardiff should sneer at that, because he thinks that Parliament has said its last word, and he is perfectly content. The right hon. Member for Hill-head, although, unfortunately, he sits on the other side of the House, I hope still believes in progress. If, as a result of the experiment of the Act, and as a result of the experiment of this agreement, it is discovered that neither peace is secured nor justice done, let us go on; let us use that experience for the purpose of devising more comprehensive legislation.
I do not like interrupting speeches, but I was not putting forward a positive argument of my own. I wa6 only replying to what was the argument of the hon. Member for Seaham (Mr. Webb).
I take that explanation. Then the right hon. Member did not use that argument as a reason why the House should reject this Bill? So far, so good. What happens with the agreement and the 1912 Act is this: They do settle a minimum. It does not matter very much whether it is settled by Act of Parliament or whether Parliament gives a Committee authority to settle it and enforce it. That is the whole point. Can it or can it not be enforced in a court of law. If it can be enforced, very well. I remember the fight that we had in 1912 to get in a 5s. and 2s. minimum. It is of no use What we have to do here is to give somebody authority to fix a minimum and when that minimum is fixed by that body it is enforcible upon the persons who are employing labour. [ Interruption. ] Does the hon. Member for Hampstead (Mr. Balfour) imagine that this is not a district Bill?
No; it is a statutory national minimum.
I am perfectly amazed that an hon. Member of this House, who is within 50 minutes of giving a vote upon an important Bill like this, does not know what the Bill contains.
If the hon. Gentleman analyses the Bill he will find that I am perfectly correct.
This Bill is based upon an agreement. The agreement is based upon districts. The 1914 wages were district wages. The percentage on the 1914 wages, therefore, means nothing unless it is a percentage on district wages.
In 1914 the wages were not statutory. You are now making them statutory.
I congratulate the hon. Member on having shifted his ground in time. The point that the hon. Member made first was that this was a national scale and not a district scale. We have got an agreement. It is a district agreement. When we raised the Debate in this House last December, the Prime Minister of the day said that he was quite convinced that there was a real improvement coming. He did not say that he would give the inquiry which we wanted, but he did say that there would then be a very substantial case in favour of such inquiry. His words were:
"I do think that, when the miners have done so much, it is in the highest degree deplorable that we should have to admit that, taking their wages, even with the increased standard, and comparing them with the cost of living, they are something like 20 per cent. worse off than they were in the period immediately before the War."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 13th December, 1922; col. 3090, Vol. 159.]
Further he said this:
"If the conditions, contrary to my expectation, should continue bad for a much longer time than I hope, I do not promise at all to have an inquiry—very likely I will take the same view then as I do now—but what I do say is that it would be quite right to reconsider the position then."—[OFFICIAL REPORT. 13th December, 1922; col. 3099, Vol. 159.]
That is the position of the then Prime Minister, the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Central Glasgow last December. We have waited for the coal industry to improve. Slowly, slowly, slowly, wages have crept up in only a few districts, and to-day this House must recognise that in at least seven districts with 200,000 miners included in them there is absolutely no hope, whatever the condition of the trade may be, that there is going to be such a revival as will yield, under this agreement, decent wages to the people who are j risking their lives to get the coal. [An HON. MEMBER: "What about the others?"] In those districts no hope; in other districts a possible chance, and in the meantime a request from hon. Members to the miners, "Go on until you have a proper standard of life; it may be that you will get it." I put this to hon. Members who say they cannot afford it, that it is a bad principle and so on—that they are up against ledgers and we are up against human life. They say, it will not pay. We ask, "Do you expect a great body of intelligent men with keen sensibilities regarding their family and other responsibilities, a great body of well-educated men, to remain quiet on a standard which you yourselves admit is under a decent living standard and which you yourselves further admit you have no definite hope of ever being raised up to that decent standard." Then what is going to happen. If hon. Members will look at the increases in wages going on, slow as they are, they will see there is that movement, and as those increases go on, they come nearer and nearer to that point where the 1914 standard of wages plus the difference in the cost of living is reached. The moment that is reached then the effect of this Bill is nil. Do hon. Members believe that these scales are going up; they tell us they do, but if they do, what is the cause for all the trepidation about this Bill? Take the other side. It is perfectly true that 74 per cent. is put in this Bill as the percentage to be added to the 1914 basis, but why 74 per cent.? Because at the time the Bill was drafted, 74 per cent. was the cost-of-living figure; now it is 69. Therefore not only is the column of wages going up to the point fixed as the minimum point in this Bill, but the column of cost of living is coming down, and with this double-agency bringing the moment nearer when this Bill will cease to have a practical effect beyond the effect of securing the miners against further decreases. What is the cause of the great trepidation of hon. Members opposite?
The fall in the price of coal to-day.
There is the old story. The fall in the price of coal to-day is the reason why, for years and years, a whole industry and a great body of workers are going to be asked to live under the standard rate of wages. [ Interruption. ] The right hon. Baronet the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury) will surely join in the chorus of praise of the hard work that the miners have done during the last two or three years, when it has been testified to by the hon. Member for Central Cardiff, but the point I am desirous of making is, that if the cost of living is coming down, and if the wages are going up on account of the profits, on account of savings and economies in production, and for other reasons, then this Bill is not, except to the wildest and most pessimistic imagination, something horrible and terrible, which is going to drive the whole of the trade into bankruptcy. On the other hand, if the coalowners come to us here and say definitely: "You never can get back to the 1914 standard by leaving it to the industry alone; the standards which you attained in 1914 are dead and gone, and this generation of miners will never see them again," then, all I can say is, that they will never have a contented coalfield, and they will get their bankruptcy either in one way or the other. The argument is this, that a practical man looks all round and sees that bankruptcy may be reached by many avenues and not only by the way of raising wages to a living standard. In dealing with this point, the President of the Board of Trade used certain expressions, and particularly one, which I think showed a stiffness of mind and imagination which ought to have knocked him out of court, if I may say so. He talked about the economic condition of the industry. What is the economic condition of the industry? He assumed, by his choice of words, that it could not be altered. Of course, it could.
I am sure the hon. Member would not wish to misrepresent me. What I said was that what you could get out of an industry, if it was a contented industry, depended on the general economic conditions in the world, and that you could not divide between capital and labour more than the total surplus profits of the industry.
As a matter of fact, these words have a very substantial meaning behind them. The right hon. Gentleman says you cannot divide out of an industry more than the divisible surplus of the industry. What does that mean? Is that a definite statement? Of course it is not. What are the divisible profits of an industry? The President of the Board of Trade of the British Empire really must not indulge in words which are absolutely meaningless. He went on to say that therefore the worst-paying mines would get out of action, would be closed down, the worst-paid people would become unemployed. There is the rigid idea. But does the right hon. Gentleman mean to argue that when you put a living wage on to the essential costs of an industry the industry cannot adjust itself to its new conditions? [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] Of course it can. I defy you to put your finger upon any industry that has not responded from time to time to improved and costly conditions that were demanded by the public and placed upon it. Take the simple matter that we have been discussing so often here—the reduction from an 8-hour to a 7-hour shift. The hon. Member knows perfectly well that that has not been a crude charge upon the industry. Everybody knows that the reduction of the hours of labour has increased the economies at the pits. It may have increased the costs, but my remark was that it was not a crude charge upon the industry. It has given an impetus to economies, an impetus to better organisation, and if it had suited the employers to have supplied the workmen with the necessary materials for taking the coal away, and otherwise efficiently running the mines, the reduction to seven hours would have been——
rose —
The hon. Member must not interrupt the speaker.
I only desire——
The Prime Minister still has to speak, and there is not time for these interruptions.
There are two reports relating to the organisation of the coal industry of this country. Both reports have shown how economies can be effected. There is the Sankey Report, and there is the Report of the Coal Conservation Committee. Both of those reports recommend economies, and until they are put into operation, coalowners argue, as they do on a Bill like this, as if every penny of the immediate cost was going to lie dead upon the industry. Take sweating. The speech I delivered in 1908, from which the hon. Member for Central Cardiff quoted, I think, was on the subject of sweating. I remember in those days they said, "What can you do without sweating?" I remember perfectly well the arguments put up in the wholesale clothing industry. They were, that if you paid a living wage in the East End of London, in Leeds, Manchester, and elsewhere, you would ruin the trade. Their argument was that it would cost so much—sixpence per hour for so many men and women would mean £10,000,000 or £12,000,000 a year, and the profits only amounted to £1,500,000. "Where," they asked, "are you going to get your £12,000,000? Of course, an industry adjusts itself. My hon. Friend the Member for Ogmore (Mr. Hartshorn) showed perfectly well that there is far more in what I might call the pool than the employers and owners are prepared to confess; and from that pool to-day, the profit per ton to-day has approached 2s. 6d. We have had figures given by my hon. Friend the Member for Hamilton (Mr. D. Graham) showing that enormous profits are being made in certain districts to-day. Scotland is a case in point. It is all nonsense to talk as though this pool from which the owners get their profits is so shallow that you cannot float the little boat of a living wage for miners upon its surface.
May I interrupt—[HON. MEMBERS: "Sit down!"]
When the Workmen's Compensation Act, as applied to the mining industry, was up for discussion, there were dozens of speeches made like those made by the hon. Member for Central Cardiff (Mr. Gould), and that it would actually ruin the trade was suggested by many speeches like that of the hon. Member for Hillhead. "Look at the damage you are doing to others who use the coal" we were told. It was exactly the same when all sorts of securities and appliances were imposed by necessity upon the owners. They said exactly the same when the in- surance scheme came in. I myself was sitting in the corner seat below the Gangway on the other side in those days when the Bill of 1912 was under discussion. I heard exactly the same story; exactly the same speeches as we have had to-day. The fact of the matter is that all experience has shown that an industry can accommodate itself to proper charges placed upon it. I make the proviso that the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Hillhead made as to limitation to these; but nobody can say that the men in the coal trade are now being paid wages which have reached that suggested limit so that no further responsibility can be placed upon it when it means the welfare of the people engaged in it.
I wanted to have said something about our foreign trade, but the Prime Minister is going to follow me, and I want to give him time. The present position is this: who are the foreigners who compete against us? There are two at the present moment. America is out. I do not know who is coming in in the chaotic state of Europe, for which the right hon. Gentleman, as a Member of the Government then in office, is as responsible as anyone. But I remember perfectly well that America has just come out of a 20 weeks' strike. I get my American papers pretty regularly, and I read them, and I remember very well that the great argument against the miners during that strike was put up by the mine owners to the effect that Americans would have to suffer substantial reductions of wages because the British miner was being paid so very little. It was the same old story. We have another competitor, and, therefore we will cut down the wages paid.
Possibly, if any country is going to compete against us, it is Belgium. But does the House realise that the Belgian miners are now paid in exactly the same way and on the same principle as is embodied in this Bill? The Belgian miner got his wages fixed after the Armistice upon a sliding scale which moved with the cost of living, and even in the days when the German reparation coal was being poured into Belgium the Belgian miner retained that system of payment. A curious thing, too, is that in America, when the miners won and got their wages kept up and went in on what hon. and right hon. Gentlemen regard as ruinous prices for coal, from that very moment American industry began to boom, and it is booming still, in spite of all these things. I am only dealing, as I would warn anybody who follows me, with these last points very hurriedly and roughly, and all I mean to convey by what I have said is this; that the question of the costs of production, boom, good trade, and the use of raw material, is not a mere matter of what wages are borne upon the original cost of production. There I must leave it. Our claim simply is this: that wages under the agreement are too low.
The Bill leaves the minimum standard. If by the ordinary operation of the agreement, not a word of which need be altered, with a slight alteration in the minimum standard the wage comes up to the 1914 wage plus a percentage necessary for the cost of living, all we ask is that that shall remain as a standard of security below which the miners' wages shall not go. I think that that is a very modest request. Are we going to strive to bring in human lives as well as profit? Economists argue that if the 2s. is added to the wages, it will remain as an extra cost of production, but they are quite wrong. That is not the way any industry has ever responded to necessary charges upon it which themselves bring increased efficiency, more economies and greater power of organisation. Men who know this business, who know the organisation from their own experience, and know the true relation between wages and the cost of production, declare that this extra necessary burden acts as an extra stimulus to better production on the part of the men and more efficient organisation on the part of the owners. That is our faith. We ask this House to take another step ahead and give this Bill a Second Reading.
We are again asking Parliament to get us out of our difficulties by the operation of reason. This question has to be settled or unsettled in one of two ways, either by conflict or by reason. [ Laughter. ] Hon. Members opposite may laugh, but they have laughed before and their laugh has been very expensive. So far as we are concerned we have striven to avoid conflict and we are still striving to avoid it, and that is why we ask this House to give a Second Reading to this Bill. You cannot avoid facing this issue. You cannot deal effectively with it without pacifying the men, and you cannot do that if they remain at their present wages. I appeal to hon. Members opposite and to the Government not to throw this question back again into the arena of industrial conflict, but help the miners and every man of good will to end this conflict and settle these differences on the platform of reason. Having made this appeal we have done our duty and we leave the responsibility with the Government.
I hope I shall not fall below the hon. Member who has just spoken in recognition of the gravity of the problem facing us at present, and, although I may come to a different conclusion, I trust I shall treat the matter with no less sincerity. I should like, in the short time which remains at my disposal, to call the attention of the House to the decision we have to take to-night. I want to run very briefly through the history of the last three or four years, avoiding at this time statistics and figures, which very often confuse one's knowledge on the subject, and I shall confine myself more to a broad outline of the situation.
In 1919–20—that is only three or four years ago—the coal trade, in common with nearly all industry in this country, went through a period of unexampled prosperity, both with regard to the profits and to the wages in the industry, and in 1921 came that prolonged stoppage which directly and indirectly led to enormous loss to the men, to the employers, and to the country. That synchronised almost exactly with an appalling falling off in the trade of the country—a falling off in almost every industry—which led to our entering on a period of the gravest anxiety with regard to the condition of our people which I believe this country has ever had to face.
We have not yet emerged from that period, although the outlook during the last few months has been improving. It is a time which has caused the gravest anxiety among those who conduct the business of this country, and it has undoubtedly caused great suffering among the masses of our people; and, much as the Government of the country has endeavoured to alleviate those sufferings, and much as the people of the country have done for one another, it has but mitigated, and not relieved, much of the suffering that has been endured.
At the beginning of this period of bad trade, the present coal trade agreement, of which we have heard a great deal today, came into force, and I want to remind the House, and every Member of the House, in just one or two words, that in my view that coal agreement, the existence of which to-day would seem to be in some peril, is an agreement containing potentialities or possibilities of the greatest service, not only to the mining industry, but to every industry in the country; and for this reason, that it embodies, for the first time, a double principle, a most important principle, and one which, if lost owing to any precipitate action, might take some time to recover. Those two principles, even if it be that they are not working in perfection to-day, are, firstly, the sharing of a large proportion of the profits of the industry—or, let me say, a considerable proportion which hitherto had not been shared—by the wage-earners, and, secondly, a most important beginning in the control of industry, in that the wage-earners, for the first time, are in a position to get a complete knowledge, through their auditors—[HON. MEMBERS: "No, no!" and "Hear, hear!"]—of the costs and expenditure of the business in which they are engaged. If they have not got that knowledge, it is the fault of their auditors.
I said a minute or two ago that it might well be comparatively ineffective, but you have there the beginning of a very great principle, which may, if properly worked by both sides, be instrumental in carrying this country a. further step, or several further steps, in that natural process of evolution which the industrial system of this country is bound to undergo in the course of the next generation. In addition to that, it has been decided, since the introduction of this agreement, that, where profits be insufficient to pay the minimum wage as at present existing, the employers have to surrender their standard profits, and forfeit their right to carry forward such deficiency against future proceeds. The result of the existence of that agreement—and it has been in practice so short a time that we can only see the beginning of its results—has been to cause an almost immediate stimulus in two directions in the coal trade. We have seen a consider- ably increasing output of production, and we have seen an increase in efficiency of management. Both these results come ultimately from the same cause, that the two parties, the employers and the employed, know that there are certain proportions which they can secure, and that the more there be put into those proportions the more there is1 to get; and each party has been doing its best to benefit through these most difficult times.
Here, however, we come to the source of the trouble which we are exploring to-night. I spoke about the terrible depression in the country, in all industries, through which we have been passing. That has, naturally, reacted, in spite of the export trade, on the coal trade of this country, and just as the workers in nearly all the industries have been suffering from short time, from low wages, and from the troubles incidental to such times as we are passing through, so, in the coal trade—more perhaps in some parts of the country than in others—there have been, and there are, severe sufferings among certain classes of labour which, so far, have secured hardly any benefit. Is this Bill before the House to-night a remedy which we could apply, here and now, to cure that trouble, or is not the wiser way at this moment—recognising, as both sides must, the agreement—not to pull up this plant of two years' growth to see how it is doing, "but to give it a chance, and to keep it alive, to see if it is not possible—as I believe it could be within the corners of the Act—to do something within the capacity of the trade to-day to remedy the position of those men who most need help?
You cannot tell what is within the capacity of this agreement until you try, and the leaders—whether they be leaders of the men or leaders of the masters—are to-day in the industrial world the statesmen of that world. They have to try to apply the same wisdom to the problems which ultimately they must face together as the statesmen of the various countries of the world—not always with success—try to apply to the problems which they have to face. But, just as the first requisites of a statesman in public life are courage and patience, so those are two requisites of the leaders of masters or men in conferring on a subject of this kind. They want the courage which can face, if necessary, un- popularity, and they want that eternal patience which high Heaven shows to us mortals in watching over the infinite pathos of human life, our infinite folly, and our infinite heroism. It is only by attacking these problems in that way that any solution can be obtained, because, in spite of that very able and interesting speech of the hon. Member for Seaham (Mr. Webb), I could not help feeling that he had had a great deal more experience in writing books about this subject than in wrestling with them in real life. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh!"] It is so easy to say that businesses must organise themselves, that you must cut down your expenses and, by joining forces, make production cheaper. One knows so well, in practice, how hard most men try to economise, and to make both ends meet. We know also in practice that it is by no means the largest businesses which find it most easy to work economically and with profit. The Government believe that the effect of this Bill to-day, if it became law, would be to break up the agreement, to throw many men out of work, and to increase the price of coal.
It was put to me by the hon. Member for Seaham, why do not the Government accept the principle, and the Bill can be altered in Committee? This is much too important a matter for us in the House of Commons to play with it in any way. To say that we accept it in principle, or to give it a Second Reading, when, in our belief, the Bill, to make it work, would have to be altered out of all knowledge, to my mind would not be either honest or straightforward. And I am convinced—here I know no hon. Member opposite will agree with me in my contention—that this is not a good thing at the moment for the coal trade. But, allowing that in our opinion we are right, I am convinced the only straightforward and manly course for the Government to take is to advise the House that we think so, and to abide by the result. I am convinced that the only solution at the moment which can be found, or shall we say the only solution towards which we can work, must be found in the industry itself by those who work in it, and by those who control it—those who are most familiar with its problems—and that an attempt by the House of Commons at this moment to legislate could only be fraught with harm to the industry itself.
We who represent industrial constituencies have been asked to-night whether we are in favour of this Bill. On behalf of my constituents I want to say the workers I represent stand by the miners and the workers in the coal trade generally. Consequently
I want to repudiate the suggestion of the hon. Member for Altrincham (Sir G. Hamilton) when he asks us if we are selfish. We are not selfish. We want a minimum wage for all workers and we will fight for it to the best of our ability
Question put, "That the word 'now' stand part of the Question."
The House divided: Ayes, 154; Noes, 230.
Division No. 244.] AYES. [11.0 p.m. Adams, D. Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil) Parker, H. (Hanley) Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Hardie, George D. Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock) Harney, E. A. Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro') Hartshorn, Vernon Phillipps, Vivian Ammon, Charles George Hastings, Patrick Ponsonby, Arthur Attlee, C. R. Hay, Captain J. P. (Cathcart) Potts, John S. Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Hayday, Arthur Richards, R. Batey, Joseph Hayes, John Henry (Edge Hill) Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Bonn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Hemmerde, E. G. Roberts, Frederick O. (W. Bromwich) Bentinck, Lord Henry Cavendish- Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (N'castle, E.) Robinson, W. C. (York, Elland) Bonwick, A. Henderson, T. (Glasgow) Rose, Frank H. Bowdier, W. A. Herriotts, J. Saklatvala, S. Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Hill, A. Salter, Dr. A. Broad, F. A. Hirst, G. H. Scrymgeour, E. Bromfield, William Hodge, Lieut.-Col. J. P. (Preston) Sexton, James Brotherton, J. Irving, Dan Shaw, Thomas (Preston) Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath) Shinwell, Emanuel Buchanan, G. John, William (Rhondda, West) Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) Buckle, J. Johnston, Thomas (Stirling) Simon, Rt. Hon. Sir John Burgess, S. Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown) Smith, T. (Pontefract) Butler, J. R. M. (Cambridge Univ.) Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly) Snell, Harry Buxton, Charles (Accrington) Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd) Snowden, Philip Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, North) Jowett, F. W. (Bradford, East) Spencer, George A. (Broxtowe) Cape, Thomas Kenyon, Barnet Stephen, Campbell Chapple, W. A. Kirkwood, D. Stewart, J. (St. Rollox) Charleton, H. C. Lansbury, George Sullivan, J. Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R. Lawson, John James Thomas, Sir Robert John (Anglesey) Collison, Levi Leach, W. Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.) Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities) Lee, F. Tillett, Benjamin Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale) Lees-Smith, H. B. (Keighley) Tout, W. J. Davies, J. C. (Denbigh, Denbigh) Linfield, F. C. Trevelyan, C. P. Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton) Lowth, T. Twist, H. Davison, J. E. (Smethwick) MacDonald, J. R. (Aberavon) Wallhead, Richard C. Dudgeon, Major C. R. M'Entee, V. L. Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince) Duffy, T. Gavan McLaren, Andrew Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline) Duncan, C. Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan) Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda) Ede, James Chuter Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Webb, Sidney Edmonds, G. March, S. Wedgwood, Colonel Josiah C. Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Marshall, Sir Arthur H. Weir, L. M. Emlyn-Jones, J. E. (Dorset, N.) Maxton, James Welsh, J. C. Fildes, Henry Middleton, G. Westwood, J. Foot, Isaac Millar, J. D. Wheatley, J. Gosling, Harry Morel, E. D. White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton) Morris, Harold Whiteley, W. Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central) Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.) Williams, Dr. J. H. (Llanelly) Greenall, T. Mosley, Oswald Williams, T (York, Don Valley) Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Coine) Muir, John W. Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe) Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan) Murnin, H. Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Murray, R. (Renfrew, Western) Wright, W. Groves, T. O'Grady. Captain James Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Grundy, T. W. Oliver, George Harold Hall, F. (York, W.R., Normanton) Paling, W. TELLERS FOR THE AYES. —Mr. J. Robertson and Mr. Lunn.—Mr. J. Robertson and Mr. Lunn.
NOES. Ainsworth, Captain Charles Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G Birchall, Major J. Dearman Alexander, E. E. (Leyton, East) Barlow, Rt. Hon. Sir Montague Blundell, F. N. Allen, Lieut.-Col. Sir William James Barnett, Major Richard W. Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W. Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S. Barnston, Major Harry Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Apsley, Lord Barrie, Sir Charles Coupar (Banff) Brass, Captain W. Ashley, Lt.-Col. Wilfrid W. Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive Astor, J. J. (Kent, Dover) Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Brown, Brig.-Gen. Clifton (Newbury) Baird, Rt. Hon. Sir John Lawrence Bennett, A. J. (Mansfield) Bruton, Sir James Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Bennett, Sir T. J. (Sevenoaks) Buckingham, Sir H. Balfour, George (Hampstead) Betterton, Henry B. Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Burn, Colonel Sir Charles Rosdew Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Peto, Basil E. Burney, Com. (Middx., Uxbridge) Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Pielou, D. p. Butler, H. M. (Leeds, North) Herbert, S. (Scarborough) Pollock, Rt. Hon. Sir Ernest Murray Butt, Sir Alfred Hewett, Sir J. P. Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Cadogan, Major Edward Hiley, Sir Ernest Raine, W. Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R. Hoare, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir S. J. G. Rawson, Lieut.-Com. A. C. Cautley, Henry Strother Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (St. Marylebone) Reid, Capt. A. S. C. (Warrington) Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City) Hohier, Gerald Fitzroy Reid, D. D. (County Down) Cecil, Rt. Hon. Sir Evelyn (Aston) Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Remer, J. R. Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord H. (Ox. Univ.) Hood, Sir Joseph Rentoul, G. S. Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord R. (Hitchin) Hopkins, John W. W. Rhodes, Lieut.-Col. J. P. Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford) Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm., W.) Houfton, John Plowright Roberts, Rt. Hon. Sir S. (Ecclesall) Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood) Howard, Capt. D. (Cumberland, N.) Robertson-Despencer, Major(Islgtn,W) Churchman, Sir Arthur Hudson, Capt. A. Rogerson, Capt. J. E. Clarry, Reginald George Hume, G. H. Rothschild, Lionel de Clayton, G. C. Hurd, Percy A. Roundell, Colonel R. F. Cobb, Sir Cyril Hurst, Lt.-Col. Gerald Berkeley Ruggles-Brise, Major E. Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Hutchison, G. A. C. (Midlothian, N.) Russell, Alexander West (Tynemeuth) Collox, Major Wm. Phillips Hutchison, W. (Kelvingrove) Russell, William (Bolton) Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H. Russell-Wells, Sir Sydney Conway, Sir W. Martin Jarrett, G. W. S. Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Cope, Major William Jephcott, A. R. Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney) Cotts, Sir William Dingwall Mitchell Jodrell, Sir Neville Paul Sanders, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert A. Courthope, Lieut.-Col. George L. Joynson-Hicks, Sir William Sanderson, Sir Frank B. Craig, Captain C. C. (Antrim, South) King, Captain Henry Douglas Sandon, Lord Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Croft, Lieut.-Colonel Henry Page Lane-Fox, Lieut.-Colonel G. R. Scott, Sir Leslie (Liverp'l, Exchange) Crooke, J. Smedley (Deritend) Lloyd-Greame, Rt. Hon. Sir Philip Sheffield, Sir Berkeley Curzon, Captain Viscount Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (Handsw'th) Sinclair, Sir A. Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead) Lorden, John William Singleton, J. E. Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. Lorimer, H. D. Skelton, A. N. Dixon, C. H. (Rutland) Lort-Williams, J. Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South) Edmondson, Major A. J. Lougher, L. Somerville, A. A. (Windsor) Elliot, Captain Walter E. (Lanark) Lumley, L. R. Spears, Brig.-Gen. E. L. Ellis, R. G. Lynn, R. J. Stewart, Gershom (Wirral) Erskine, Lord (Weston-super-Mare) Macnaghten, Hon. Sir Malcolm Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Sugden, Sir Wilfrid H. Falcon, Captain Michael Maitland, Sir Arthur D. Steel- Sykes, Major-Gen. Sir Frederick H. Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Margesson, H. D. R. Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley) Fermor-Hesketh, Major T. Mason, Lieut.-Col. C. K. Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L. Mercer, Colonel H. Thorpe, Captain John Henry Flanagan, W. H. Milne, J. S. Wardlaw Titchfield, Marquess of Ford, Patrick Johnston Mitchell, W. F. (Saffron Walden) Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement Forestier-Walker, L. Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham) Turton, Edmund Russborough Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Moles, Thomas Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull) Fraser, Major Sir Keith Molloy, Major L. G. S. Watts, Dr. T. (Man., Withington) Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Wells, S. R. Furness, G. J. Moreing, Captain Algernon H. Weston, Colonel John Wakefield Ganzoni, Sir John Murchison, C. K. Wheler, Col. Granville C. H. Gates, Percy Nail, Major Joseph White, Lt.-Col. G. D. (Southport) Gaunt, Rear-Admiral Sir Guy R. Nesbitt, Robert C. Whitla, Sir William Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John Newman, Colonel J. R. P. (Finchley) Wilson, Col. M. J. (Richmond) Gould, James C. Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exete.) Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George Greaves-Lord, Walter Newson, Sir Percy Wilson Winfrey, Sir Richard Greene, Lt.-Col. Sir W. (Hack'y, N.) Nicholson, Brig.-Gen. J.(Westminster) Winterton, Earl Grenfell, Edward C. (City of London) Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Wise, Frederick Gretton, Colonel John Norman, Major Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Wolmer, Viscount Guest, Hon. C. H. (Bristol, N.) Oman, Sir Charles William C. Wood, Rt. Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E. O'Neill, Rt Hon. Hugh Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Gwynne, Rupert S. Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Woodcock, Colonel H. C. Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Paget, T. G. Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W.(Liv'p'l,W.D'by) Parker, Owen (Kettering) Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward Halstead, Major D. Pease, William Edwin Yerburgh, R. D. T. Hamilton, Sir George C. (Altrincham) Penny, Frederick George Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) TELLERS FOR THE NOES. —Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs.—Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs. Harrison, F. C. Perkins, Colonel E. K. Henn, Sir Sydney H. Perring, William George
Words added.
Main Question, as amended, put, and agreed to.
Second Reading put off for three months.
Alderney (Transfer of Property) Bill [Lords]
Considered in Committee.
[Sir FREDERICK BANBURY in the Chair.]
CLAUSE 1.—(Transfer of Property, etc.)
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Clause stand part of the Bill."
Can the Home Secretary give us an explanation of the object of this Bill?
It was agreed that this Bill should be taken after 11 o'clock. It is merely an agreement between this country and the Channel Islands to transfer certain revenues to the people of Alderney. There is no dispute about it; every one who is concerned is agreed.
Question put, and agreed to.
Clause 2 ( Short title ) ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Bill Reported, without Amendment; read the Third time, and passed, without Amendment.
The remaining Orders were read and postponed.
Adjournment
Resolved, "That the House do now adjourn."—( Colonel Leslie Wilson. ]
Adjourned accordingly at Fourteen Minutes after Eleven o'Clock.