House of Commons
Monday, June 25, 1923
The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.
Private Business
Chatham Corporation Bill [ Lords ],
Read a Second time, and committed.
Macclesfield Corporation Bill [ Lords ],
Read a Second time, and committed.
Oral Answers to Questions
India
Legislative Assembly (Elected Members)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India what is the number of elected members in the Legislative Assembly of India; what is the average number of constituents who recorded their vote for each of those members at the election of 1920; and what was the total number of persons entitled to vote?
The hon. and gallant Member will find these figures on pp. 2–3 of the Return presented to Parliament in 1921, showing the results of the elections [Cmd. 1,261].
European Government Servants
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India what decision has been arrived at on the representation addressed to the Secretary of State by the All-India. Association of European Government Servants on the 18th April, 1923, praying for the grant of ad interim relief pending the issue of orders on the Report of the Royal Commission?
The representation referred to will be brought specially to the notice of the Royal Commission. Till the Commission has had an opportunity of examining the materials laid before it, my Noble Friend is not in a position to arrive at a decision in regard to the grant of interim relief.
Political Murders
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether he can give the number of political murders committed by the Akalis in the Punjab since 1st January of this year; and, seeing that the increase in murder and crimes of violence is due to hasty reductions in the numbers of the police force in the Punjab, and that it is now realised that that policy was a mistake, can he state whether that policy has been reversed, and whether increased numbers of police are now being recruited to bring up the force to its original strength?
I understand that 10 such murders have been committed this year. Special police have been enlisted and military forces are cooperating in the pursuit of the gangs. One hundred and eighty-six persons have been arrested.
Does the Noble Lord admit that these murders are due to the hasty reduction of the numbers of the police force?
This matter of keeping order is primarily one for the local Government, and I should be averse to making any comment, favourable or otherwise, as to the action taken. I am satisfied that adequate steps are being taken to deal with the situation that has arisen.
Why is the Noble Lord unable to offer any comment?
If the hon. and gallant Gentleman puts a question down, I can answer it. I did not say that I was unable to offer any comment, but I was averse to doing so, as the matter is one primarily for the local Government. I hesitated to comment upon it at this stage when the situation is actually going on. I believe adequate steps are being taken by the local Government to I deal with the matter.
British Regimental Officers
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India if his attention has been called to the fact that many regiments of the Indian Army have only five or six British officers with them instead of the 12, which is the authorised peace establishment; that, as a consequence of this shortage, British officers are now unable to obtain the privilege leave due to them in the hot weather, and double work is entailed upon all; and what measures have been taken to remedy this shortage?
I have called for a report from India in regard to my hon. and gallant Friend's inquiry.
Will the Noble Lord ask the Indian Government in the Return to show exactly how many officers are doing regimental duty at the present time?
That is exactly what I hope they will give in the Report for which I have asked; but I will have that point specially brought to their notice.
Military Accounts Department
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether he is aware that the Government of India, when revising the pay of the military officers of the Military Accounts Department, have stated that they reserve to themselves the right to appoint to any post in the Department an outside officer; and whether the Secretary of State will give the military officers of that Department an assurance that no military officer whose record during and since the War has been satisfactory will be passed over in favour of an officer from outside the Department in the case of vacancies for promotion?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative; as to the second part my Noble Friend is unable to give the assurance asked for. The duties of the Military Accounts Department are important and Government must reserve to itself the right to make appointments to this as to other Departments from the outside in special circumstances.
Is not the Noble Lord aware of the anxiety felt by the senior officers of this Department?
I have not had any particular instance brought to my notice in this connection.
Russia and Afghanistan
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether he has any information with regard to increased concentrations of Russian troops at Bokhara, Merv, Kuskh, and along the Afghan frontier; whether he has any information indicating that such concentrations are with the object of bringing pressure to bear on the Afghan Government; and whether he has had any communications with the Amir with regard to these Russian forces?
Reports to the effect that the Soviet Government has been moving large bodies of troops in the regions mentioned have reached His Majesty's Government, but they have not been confirmed from official sources, and there is nothing to show, assuming them to be correct, with what object such military measures have been taken. The answer to the last part of the question is in the negative.
Irish Free State
Working Agreement
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he will lay upon the Table of the House the agreement entered into between the British Government and the Irish Provisional Government which is referred to in paragraphs 2, 3, and 5 of the British Government's letter to the Irish Provisional Government, dated the 26th July, 1922, Command Paper 1736, and is known as the heads of a working agreement for implementing the Treaty so far as the same relates to undertakings given by the Provisional Government for the safeguarding of the lives and property of the loyalists in Southern Ireland, and of their rights in respect of damage for malicious injuries to person and property?
Yes, Sir; I will lay this Paper on the Table of the House at an early date.
Can the hon. Gentleman say now whether the effect of the document in question is to guarantee, on behalf of the Free State, the position of the loyalists in Southern Ireland conditional on the removal of the British troops and the disbandment of the police force?
I think the hon. Gentleman had better see the actual terms.
Crown Solicitor (Compensation)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether Crown solicitors in Ireland whose claims for compensation have been assessed by Judge Wylie at a-half up to a maximum of the equivalent of two years' salary have the right to appeal against the assessment; and, if not, whether some ex-gratia payment will be given them to make up for the deprivation of their livelihood under the Irish Free State?
In answer to the first part of the question, the Committee presided over by Mr. Justice Wylie does not award compensation, but recommends what compensation should be paid by the Free State Government. There is no provision for appeal against such a recommendation, but I know of nothing to prevent any person who is dissatisfied with the amount awarded to him making representations to the Minister of Finance in Dublin. I cannot hold out any hope of this class of public servants being singled out for ex-gratia grants from the British Exchequer. My hon. and gallant Friend will appreciate that such a concession would only open the door to similar claims by other classes of public servants affected by the constitutional change in Southern Ireland.
Would the hon. Gentleman be prepared to include the claims of the Crown solicitors for compensation with the claims of others for compensation?
I will consider that.
Can the hon. Gentleman say whether an undertaking of any kind was obtained by the Coalition Government, safeguarding, or providing some compensation for these public servants?
Yes, there is a provision for compensation in the Treaty and that it is not to be less than granted under the Act of 1920. When all these assessments are in, and it is ascertained how much the Free State are prepared to pay, then we shall have to consider here whether the amounts are anything like what would be paid under the Act of 1920.
Financial Position
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether, owing to the present financial position of the Irish Free State, as indicated by the deficit of £2,500,000 on the 1922–23 Free State Budget and the deficit of £20,000,000 on the estimates for the present year, apart from other liabilities amounting to 45 millions, the British Government has been approached with a view to giving financial assistance; and, if so, will he state what attitude His Majesty's Government has adopted, or intends to adopt, towards such requests?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative, and the second part does not, therefore, arise.
Will the hon. Gentleman assure us that, in any arrangement which may be made with regard to the financial position of the two countries, His Majesty's Government will make it perfectly plain that they will enter into no arrangement unless and until full and adequate compensation has been given to all who have had their compensation assessed under the Malicious Injuries Act, and until adequate compensation has been given to the members of the Civil Service?
Federated Malay States (Chief Secretary)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether the Colonial Office intend restoring the title of resident-general in the Federated Malay States in substitution of that of chief secretary?
The answer is in the negative.
Palestine
Rutenberg Concessions
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies if he is aware of the slow progress being made with the Rutenberg concessions in Palestine; and, in the event of further prolonged delay, will he recommend withdrawing these concessions?
The reply to the first part of the question is in the negative. With regard to the second part, I would refer the hon. Member to my reply to the similar question put by him on 18th June.
Has not the hon. Gentleman any idea of the progress the concession is making? If he has no idea, it seems to prove it is making no progress—and that is the point I wish to show, that no progress is being made.
The hon. Gentleman is making a speech.
Arab Congress
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies if he can state of whom the Arab Congress at Jaffa consists; by whom it is was summoned; and who is presiding over its meetings?
I have not received any official information on this subject. The hon. Member is, of course, aware that the Arab Congress is not in any sense an official body. I understand that the Congress is being presided over by Moussa Kazim Pasha.
Gold Coast (Harbour Works, Accra)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he is aware that Sir Hugh Clifford, the Governor of Nigeria, has described the harbour works at Accra as a costly and deplorable failure; how much money was spent on these works; and by whom they were carried out?
My attention has not been called to the alleged observation by Sir Hugh Clifford. I assume my hon. Friend refers to the works carried out by the Gold Coast Government at Accra on the advice of Messrs. Coode and Matthews (now Coode, Matthews, Fitzmaurice and King) between the year 1910 and 1920. These works certainly did not effect the improvement hoped for, but I should hesitate to describe them as a "complete failure." The exact cost of these works, prolonged during so many years, and involving charges for maintenance as well as for construction, is not easily determined without a good deal of research, but, should my hon. Friend wish, I will ask the Colonial Government to furnish a Report.
Were the works offered for public tender?
I do not know, but I do not think so. I think these engineers were consultative engineers employed by the Colonial Government.
Kenya (Railway Construction)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he is aware that the Acting-Governor of Kenya recently informed the Kenya Legislative Council that all future railway construction in Kenya would be carried out by the administration; and whether this announcement was made on instructions from his Department?
The Acting-Governor's announcement has not been reported, but it no doubt followed the receipt of a telegram sent on the 17th May stating that the Secretary of State had "decided in favour of departmental construction of future railways in the Colony." The telegram was sent in reply to a despatch from the Governor as to the arrangements for the construction of particular railways and extensions which are the only future railways now in prospect in the Colony, and I have no doubt that it was understood by the Acting-Governor as relating only to those railways. No general decision has been taken, nor would such a decision be possible, either in the Colonies generally or in Kenya only, as a policy for all time.
Has that policy been adopted for recent work?
Yes, I believe that is so. This particular decision to construct these railways departmentally is due to the fact that there is a staff in existence in the Colony in question, and the necessary survey work has been done. They therefore decided to do it departmentally.
Then will the Administration have to run them?
Not necessarily: but it depends entirely upon the circumstances of each case. As I replied to my right hon Friend the Member for Ashton-under-Lyne (Sir Walter de Frece) last week, each case is considered on its merits, and we either construct the railways departmentally or by contract, as the circumstances warrant.
Government Departments
Colonial Office (Irish Branch)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether there are any persons who are not permanent members of the Civil Service who are still employed in the Irish Branch of the Colonial Office; and if he will give the names of such persons and the amount of their remuneration, and state the date when their appointments will terminate?
There are still employed in a temporary capacity in the Colonial Office and Home Office Branches of the Irish Department, 75 persons who are not permanent members of the Civil Service. They are for the most part employed in winding up business connected with the disbandment of the Royal Irish Constabulary and with compensation; and my hon. Friend will find the details in the published Estimates for civil services for the year ending 31st of March, 1924, under the heading "Irish Department, Class II, No. 39." This temporary staff is being reduced as rapidly as possible, but it is not possible for me to state at the present time when the appointment in any individual case will terminate. In addition, Mr. Lionel Curtis is employed at the Colonial Office as adviser to the Secretary of State. Mr. Curtis was invited by the late Secretary of State to assist him and the Department in implementing the Irish Treaty: and this invitation was renewed by my Noble Friend the present Secretary of State when he assumed office. At the present time Mr. Curtis is employed in the main upon Colonial Office business connected with the Irish Free State, but it is my Noble Friend's intention also to make use of Mr. Curtis's exceptional experience in connection with the forthcoming Imperial Conference.
Does not the Noble Lord think that the time has now arrived when Irish affairs should be administered by the Dominion branch of the Colonial Office, especially having regard to the fact that so many Irishmen look with such grave suspicion upon the old Irish Office?
I should only be too pleased to get rid of the separate Irish Office. There are only four officers in the' Dominions Department at the Colonial Office. Their work is enormous, as my hon. and learned Friend the Member for York (Sir J. Butcher) knows. There are a great number of letters concerning the Royal Irish Constabulary, and it would overwhelm the Dominions Department if they had to deal with them. We are most anxious to get rid of the work and to wind up the separate Irish Department at as early a date as is practicable.
May I——
There are many questions on the Paper.
Electricity Commissioners
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he will give the cost of the Electricity Commissioners for the year 1922 and the estimated cost for 1923; and what are the salaries of the Commissioners and the staff?
I have been asked to answer this question. The expenses of the Electricity Commissioners are, as my hon. and gallant Friend is aware, defrayed by the industry and not from moneys voted by Parliament. The expenses, apart from the repayment of past advances, in respect of the year 1922–23 were £35,567, and the estimate for the year 1923–24 is £46,250. This includes £15,227 in respect of salaries of Commissioners and £20,273 for staff.
Imperial Conference
17 and 18.
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies (1) whether the British Protectorates and Mandated Territories are to be represented at the forthcoming Imperial Conference; if so, who will represent them;
(2) whether at the forthcoming Imperial Economic Council the smaller islands will be represented by the Dominions or Crown Colonies nearest to them, so that their economic interests may not be overlooked?
I have been invited to represent at the Imperial Economic Conference the Colonies and Protectorates, which would, of course, include the smaller islands. It is not proposed that the Mandated Territories shall be separately represented at the Conference, but should any question affecting any of them arise, I shall do my best to safeguard their interests.
Will my hon. Friend consider the advisability of making some statement on this question?
I have put that down among the list of subjects with which I hope to deal, but there are a great many subjects to be discussed, and I should take up the time of the House a very great deal if I attempted to cover the whole of them.
asked the Prime Minister whether, at the forthcoming Imperial Conference, His Majesty's Government intend to submit any proposals with regard to the consultation of the Governments of the Dominions in matters which concern our international relations and their participation in the control of foreign policy?
His Majesty's Government will welcome the opportunity of personal discussion with the Dominion Prime Ministers at the forthcoming Imperial Conference on all questions connected with our international relations and the conduct of foreign policy; but I would remind the hon. Member that His Majesty's Government are already in close touch with the Dominion Governments on these matters.
Tanganyika (Indian Merchants, Fines)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he has received information that 45 Indian merchants at Lindi, in Tanganyika Territory, were arrested by the senior commissioner on the ground that they had failed to take out a new form of trading licence; that the merchants were fined 40 shillings each; that an application on their part to postpone the case in order that they might have the opportunity to engage counsel was refused; that the merchants thereupon declined to pay the fine and were sent to gaol; and that the sentence was then altered by the court to one of a fine of 40 shillings in each case and 10 days' imprisonment in addition; whether it is competent for a magistrate in Tanganyika Territory in this manner to alter a sentence once promulgated; and what action has been taken by the Tanganyika Government in the matter?
All the information which has reached the Colonial Office on this subject is as follows: In April, 43 British Indians and one Goanese were, fined 40 shillings (not rupees) each at Lindi for non-compliance with the Trades Licensing Ordinance, but preferred to undergo 10 days' simple imprisonment in default. The fines were levied by distraint, and the prisoners released as soon as this was effected, in accordance with the Indian Penal Code which is in force in the Tanganyika Territory.
Is it not a fact that these people were refused the opportunity of getting legal assistance, and is that the usual custom in this Colony?
It is not a Colony; it is a Mandated Territory. I have read out the only information we have received by telegram.
Will the hon. Gentleman be very careful, especially as this is a Mandated Territory, to see that no injustice of this sort is perpetrated?
Certainly. I do not know that any have been perpetrated.
Passports
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether, for the purpose of facilitating intercourse between the constituent parts of the British Empire, the suggestion as to the elimination of the necessity of a passport for British nationals travelling from one part of the Empire to another may be considered by the Imperial Conference and so follow the example set, in this matter, between Great Britain and the Dominion of Canada?
I am advised that the abolition of passports would not be to the convenience of British subjects when called upon to prove their nationality and identity on arrival in various parts of the Empire. I may, however, observe that arrangements have been in force for some time past, under which British passports, unless otherwise endorsed, are valid for travelling anywhere within the British Empire, though they do not of course exempt the holder from compliance with the Immigration Regulations in force in the various countries of the Empire. In the circumstances, I hardly think that the suggestion can suitably be brought before the Conference.
Does that apply to America?
I only replied in regard to the Empire. Some of the Dominions require that anyone who enters their dominion must have a passport.
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether there are any special restrictions on British passports used in Mexico; whether the Mexican Government demand any special visas on British passports; whether he has official information showing that American citizens are allowed to enter Mexico without any passports; and, if so, if he will consider if the same privilege can be obtained for British subjects?
I am not aware of any special restrictions as regards British passports for Mexico. An ordinary Mexican visa is required which is valid for 12 months. I have no official information on the subject referred to in the latter part of the hon. Member's question, but I believe that a local arrangement exists between the United States and Mexico by which the possession of passports for crossing the frontier is waived. His Majesty's Government are not prepared to ask for a similar concession as regards British subjects entering Mexico. Such a request would lead to a demand for reciprocity which could not be accorded.
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs why his Department demand, on a renewal of a passport, a further guarantee form from the applicant signed by a responsible person; whether the fact that the original passport was issued after such guarantees had been supplied and inquired into is sufficient guarantee of the applicant; and if he will consider if Form D, now necessary to be filled up on a passport renewal, can be altered or withdrawn and passports renewed on a simple application?
In dealing with an application for the renewal of a passport it is clearly necessary to establish the identity of the applicant with the rightful holder of the passport and the requirement of the form referred to by the hon. Member is mainly for that purpose. The only alternative would be to require all such applicants to attend in person, which would be inconvenient to the applicants and require a largely increased staff to interview them. In cases of urgency, and when the applicant attends personally, it is the practice to waive the requirement of a guarantor in most cases.
Canadian Railways (British Capital)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he is aware that the Canadian Government has confiscated £37,000,000, mainly of British capital, expended on the construction of railways in Canada.; and whether he proposes to make representation to the Canadian Government on this subject at once or at the forthcoming Imperial Conference?
The answer to both parts of the question is in the negative.
Is it not a fact that the Canadian Government refused facilities to the Grand Trunk Railway to enable it to raise its rates in order to enable it to maintain its working expenses, and is our Government not going to take any action in the matter?
I should certainly deprecate this House taking action in any matter which is before the Canadian Parliament.
Is it in Order, Mr. Speaker, for an hon. Member to put down a question alleging confiscation and unworthy motives against another Government in one of our Colonies?
The hon. Member's point of Order is well-founded. This question had escaped my notice, and it ought not to have appeared on the Order Paper.
Wireless (British Official News)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether the Foreign Office issues British official news for daily distribution by wireless; and, if so, whether a copy of such official news may be supplied to the Library of the House for the information of Members?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. The hon. Member's suggestion would involve an increase of departmental work which would serve no useful purpose, but I shall be happy to show the hon. Member a sample of the daily distribution if he will call at the Foreign Office.
Will the hon. Gentleman consider the advisability of having a listening-in outfit in the House of Commons?
Does the hon. Gentleman not appreciate that, in a matter of grave concern like the propaganda which is being issued throughout the world by the Foreign Office, the Members of this House should be the first to know the nature of it?
I think if the hon. Member will accept my invitation to the Foreign Office he will see how little ground there is for that statement.
If we had the listening-in apparatus in the House, the hon. Member could listen to the propaganda as it was being sent out.
Turkey
Lausanne Conference (Debt Question)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether the French Government have refused at Lausanne to accept payment of the Turkish debt in French francs on behalf of the French bondholders; and if he can tell the House the amount of money which is standing in the way of the settlement at Lausanne?
It is not a dispute about a sum of money which is standing in the way of a settlement of the Debt question at Lausanne. The Turkish Government demand to have it recognised in the Treaty that they may discharge their public debt by tendering depreciated paper francs in the place of the gold francs for which the debt was contracted. This would mean a default on two-thirds of the interest payable to the bondholders of all nations. The Allied Governments have no legal right to sign away the rights of the bondholders by endorsing a Turkish repudiation of their contractual obligations. It has so far been impossible to get the Turkish Government to understand that in view of this legal position their demand is impossible of acceptance by the Allies.
Is it not a fact that it has been expressly stated that an arrangement has been made under which French bondholders should 'be paid in francs and the English bondholders in shillings?
That does not conflict with what I have said, that there is a difference between the gold franc and the paper franc.
British Nationals' Claims
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs the total amount of claims by British nationals against the Turkish Government for war damage and seizure of their property in Turkey; whether it is proposed to indemnify them out of the funds at present held by the Government on account of the two Turkish battleships detained on the outbreak of war; and, if not, to what purpose these funds are to be devoted?
The total amount of these claims, so far as can be ascertained, is about £40,000,000. As regards Part II, no funds are in the hands of His Majesty's Government in respect of the battleships mentioned, which were in 1914 requisitioned and subsequently appropriated by His Majesty's Government as the property of an enemy State. The third part of the question, therefore, does not arise.
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department whether the, assessor who was sent to Constantinople to assess claims for compensation of British subjects and of British business firms has submitted his Report; and whether and when it is intended to make any advances for recognised claims pending their recovery from the Turkish Government?
Claims in respect of personal injury in Turkish territory are covered by the first Report of the Royal Commission, and awards in these cases have already been paid, or will be paid shortly. Claims in respect of damage to property are being dealt with as indicated in my answer to the hon. Member on 18th June. It will not be possible to make any payments in advance unless a claimant proves that he is in necessitous circumstances.
United States of America
Ellis Island (British Subjects' Detention)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether British subjects visiting the United States and possessing all passport requirements detained on Ellis Island have been granted immediate facilities to communicate with friends or officials on the mainland?
According to the information in the possession of the Secretary of State, persons detained on Ellis Island have every facility for communicating with whomever they wish. If the hon. Member has any information to the contrary, I should be grateful if he would give me an opportunity to investigate it.
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether his attention has been drawn to the experience of a captain of the English mercantile marine at Ellis Island on the 28th of April last; whether he is aware that this officer was proceeding on business, and had his return ticket in his pocket; that the United States official asked him in a whisper if he was in a hurry to land, and suggested that he might be able to do something; that all the papers and passports of this officer were in perfect order; that the American Consul had informed him that he would have no trouble; and that this officer was landed into a wire cage with 30 foreigners and one Englishman, and subsequently made to strip naked for examination for disease; and whether the Secretary of State will see this officer in order to obtain a further statement with regard to his examination on Ellis Island?
The only information which the Secretary of State possesses on this case comes from my Noble and gallant Friend himself; and is to the effect mentioned in the question. I doubt whether the officer concerned can tell us anything as to the conditions prevailing on Ellis Island which we do not already know, but I shall be glad to secure an interview for him at the Foreign Office if he so desires. From what my Noble and gallant Friend has told me, there seems to be a case for representations to the United States Government, provided the officer concerned is prepared to allow the use of his name. In the absence of any guarantee that innocent travellers will not be subjected to these indignities, I would recall what I said in reply to the hon. Member for Barrow-in-Furness on the 18th inst., that the only real remedy is for British subjects to abstain from proceeding to the United States.
Is it not the fact that the Financial Secretary of the United States will shortly be in this country on a visit, and cannot His Majesty's Government get into touch with him to see if it is not possible to make some arrangement on this question?
I have very little doubt that that will be done.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that only six months since I drew attention to a similar indignity perpetrated on one of my constituents? Is it not time that the British Government made some serious representations to America regarding these continued affronts?
That is the question over again.
Liquor Regulations
asked the Prime Minister whether the British Government seals placed upon the supply of liquor in the s.s. "Berengaria" and "Olympic" were put on with the consent and approval of the Government; and whether the breaking of these seals by American officials within territorial waters and seizure of the liquor is recognised by His Majesty's Government?
It is the practice for the British Customs to affix their seal, as a matter of routine, to dutiable ships' stores taken out from this country under bond, to prevent consumption of the stores in territorial waters. The seal must not, of course, be broken within British territorial waters, but otherwise it is in no way inviolable. Foreign Customs' seals are habitually broken, when necessity arises, within British territorial waters. His Majesty's Government, therefore, see no ground for protest should British Customs' seals bs broken within United States territorial waters by officials of the United States Government.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware of the approaching visit of the Financial Secretary of the American Government to these shores, and will the right hon. Gentleman confer with him to see whether some arrangement could not be arrived at which would obviate the necessity for these incidents?
Is the Government prepared to take steps to prevent the illicit whisky-running from British ports, which is so potent a cause of these new American regulations?
rose ——
I do not think that that arises out of the answer which has been given.
The question I was about to ask arises out of the answer.
The hon. Member has had a very full share of the time to-day.
League of Nations
Slave Trading
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether his attention has been drawn to the statement of Ras Tafari that the Abyssinian Government is willing to come into touch with the League of Nations, and to place at its disposal information upon slave-trading and slave-owning; and whether His Majesty's Government will take any steps to obtain official confirmation of this statement in order that Great Britain's representative may be able to bring it to the notice of the Council of the League?
The attention of the Secretary of State has been drawn to a Press statement in this sense and His Majesty's Minister at Addis Ababa has been instructed to report upon it. Any further steps to be taken by His Majesty's Government must necessarily depend upon the reply received.
Has the attention of the Under-Secretary been called to the statement of Ras Tafari that there has been a recrudescence of slave-trading?
I have seen the Press statement which is referred to in my answer.
further asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether any request has been received from the Council or Secretariat of the League of Nations for information upon the existence of slavery; and whether, as a member of the League, His Majesty's Government have supplied this information to the League in order that it may effectively carry out its work in regard to slave-owning and slave-trading?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. The reply of His Majesty's Government to the request for information was to the effect that nothing had occurred in territories under the control of His Majesty's Government of a nature to justify apprehension of a recrudescence of slavery.
Saar Valley
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs under what International Agreement, to which this country is signatory, a large French military force continues to be stationed in the Saar Valley, seeing that the Treaty of Versailles only provides for the maintenance therein of a local gendarmerie, and the present total number and composition of the force; if it includes coloured troops, and in what numbers; if it is directly under the orders of the Governing Commission or of the French Government, and who pays for its upkeep; whether His Majesty's Government are consenting parties to the presence of this French military force in the territory in question; and, if so, whether he will state on what grounds the consent is based?
There is no definite Treaty provision for the presence of French troops in the Saar. The Governing Commission is, under the Treaty, responsible for the protection of persons and property in the territory. For this reason, the Commission was allowed to retain French troops, pending the establishment of the local gendarmerie provided for by the Treaty. His Majesty's Government have no reliable information as to the present total number and composition of the French force. They understand that it is under the control of the French Government, who pay for its upkeep. So far as I know, it does not comprise coloured troops. In view of the delay which has undoubtedly occurred in the constitution of the gendarmerie, the Council of the League decided at their last meeting that the Governing Commission should be requested, before adopting its budget for the financial year 1924–25, to submit for the consideration of the Council its programme for the increase of the local gendarmerie during that period.
Is there any provision in the Treaty covering the period before the local gendarmerie is established?
Is it in order for large bundles of flowers to be brought into this House?
I do not see anything calling for my intervention.
Is it not the colour to which the hon. and gallant Member objects?
Has your attention, Sir, been called to "the flower-girl" at the door?
Ruhr Occupation
British Vice-Consul
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether any British Consular Officers are now resident in the Ruhr district; and, if so, in which towns?
There is a British vice-consul at Essen.
Deaths by Violence
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he can obtain a Report as to how many deaths by violence have occurred amongst the French troops and the German civilians since the occupation of the Ruhr; and what is the number of Germans and French who have been condemned to death as a consequence?
I do not possess the information asked for, and have no means of obtaining it.
Expulsions
asked the Prime Minister how many persons have been expelled by the French military authorities from the Ruhr and from the French area of occupation in the Rhine-land, and how many women and children are included in the total; whether any of these expelled persons have taken refuge in the British area of occupation in the Rhineland and, if so, what is their number and what proportion the number of working-class families bears to the total; and, seeing that these expulsions cannot be reconciled with the provisions of the Treaty of Versailles which regulates the relations of Germany with other signatory Powers, whether His Majesty's Government are making representations to the French Government on the matter?
His Majesty's Government are not in possession of the figures and details asked for by the hon. Member.
British Empire Exhibition
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department if he can state the duties attaching to the position at present occupied by Mr. Wintour in relation to the Empire Exhibition and the emoluments thereof?
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department if his attention has been called to the proposed payment of £14,000 to Mr. Wintour, lately general manager of the British Empire Exhibition; and, having regard to the Government guarantee of £100,000 towards the expenses of the exhibition, has any communication been made to the management committee of the exhibition in regard to the proposed payment?
I understand that Mr. Wintour, the general manager, was given under his original agreement certain exclusive powers of management in connection with the exhibition, not only for the period of preparation and while the exhibition remains open, but until it was wound up. I am also informed that, in the opinion of the Board, which was recently appointed in pursuance of the recommendations made in the Report of my right hon. Friend the Financial Secretary to the Treasury, such powers were inconsistent with the system of organisation considered by the Board to be essential for the discharge of the responsibilities imposed upon them. Mr. Wintour's agreement has therefore been cancelled under an arrangement by which he received the sum of £14,730. Mr. Wintour has also been appointed consultant to the Board. His duties are to afford the Board any information which they may require, and to place at their disposal in an advisory capacity his experience in the organisation of exhibitions. For these duties he is to receive payment at the rate of £1,000 a year. My right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for the Colonies, as Chairman of the Executive Council of the Exhibition, was consulted in regard to these arrangements, and has approved of the course adopted.
Who was responsible for this appointment in the first instance, and what do the Government expect to get out of this further payment of £14,000?
The appointment was in the first instance made by the Executive Council of the exhibition. It is not a question of what the Government expect to get; it is what the management of the exhibition expect to get, and that is their own affair.
Is it within the power of the Executive to utilise subscriptions for such a purpose as compensating a man who has proved inefficient in his work?
Is the Government not aware of the fact that this gentleman had" previously received a very large sum of money on the cancellation of an agreement?
Has not this Gentleman given very distinguished service to the exhibition, and did not the committee in discharging him retain his services in an advisory capacity?
Hon. Members are now giving their opinions.
Empire Settlement
asked the Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department the names of voluntary bodies under whose auspices emigration schemes are promoted, and who receive financial assistance from Government funds?
The following voluntary bodies interested in migration and settlement overseas are receiving Government assistance in respect of schemes under the Empire Settlement Act, namely, the Salvation Army, the British Dominions Emigration Society, the Society for the Overseas Settlement of British Women, and the Craigielinn Farm, Paisley.
To what extent are they subsidising per head?
I think that point arises on the next question.
asked the Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department if any voluntary body sending children (boys and girls under 14 years of age) to any of the Dominions receive any assistance from Government funds; and to what extent?
Under recent agreements with the Government of the Dominion of Canada, a joint grant of 80 Canadian dollars (approximately £16) is paid to approved voluntary societies in respect of each boy between 8 and 17 years of age and each girl between 8 and 15 years of age who proceeds to Canada with the approval of the Superintendent of Emigration for Canada during the current financial year.
Can the hon. and gallant Gentleman say what the £16 covers?
I must ask for notice of that question.
Does this expenditure of £16 include fares, or is it just for provisions? That is a very important point for us.
The hon. and gallant Gentleman cannot be expected to answer that question now.
asked the Prime Minister whether his attention had been called to the deplorable plight of those emigrants to Canada from the Hebrides of Scotland who were induced to go there by promises of land settlement, and who are now stranded at Red Deer, in Western Canada; under whose auspices were these men sent there; whether the Government gave its approval or not; what steps the Government intends to take to relieve their distress; and is the Government prepared to inquire into all proposed emigration schemes so that the interests of emigrants may be safeguarded?
I am glad to be able to inform the hon. Member that the Canadian Minister for Immigration has stated in Parliament at Ottawa that he has ascertained from a Deputy-Minister, sent specially to Red Deer, that the settlement was satisfactory in the case of all but five people, and that it was expected that those five people would also be satisfactorily settled. The settlers from the Hebrides went out under the joint auspices of His Majesty's Government and the Government of Canada—the latter undertaking all arrangements for settlement.
Is it not the case that for some period 200 of these emigrants were living in a hall, for which they paid no rent, but in which they had to maintain themselves at their own expense, while waiting for settlement, after their arrival there?
I have no information about that.
Export Credits and Guarantees
asked the Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department how much money has been advanced or guaranteed under the Overseas Trade (Credit and Facilities) Act since 1st January, 1923?
No advances have been made under the Export Credits Scheme since the 1st January, 1923, the advances part of the scheme having been discontinued. As regards guarantees, sanctions have been granted since 1st January last to the amount of £4,794,427, and, during the same period, guarantees have been given to the amount of £1,260,554. I should explain that business for which guarantees are arranged frequently requires many months before it is completed.
Can the hon. and gallant Gentleman say how much money is left for this year for these guarantees?
I am afraid I cannot off-hand.
Agriculture
Canadian Cattle
asked the Minister of Agriculture whether his attention has been drawn to the advertisement of the sale of 200 fat Canadian cattle at Worlingham, Beccles, on 21st June; and, in view of the undertaking given that only Canadian stores are to be imported, if he will explain why these fat cattle were not slaughtered at the port of arrival?
I would refer my hon. and gallant Friend to the answer given on the 19th instant, in reply to a similar question addressed to me by the hon. Member for Taunton (Mr. Simpson).
asked the Minister of Agriculture whether any and, if so, what instructions have been issued by his Department to the veterinary inspectors of the Ministry to guide them in determining whether Canadian cattle landed at British ports are to be classed as fat or stores?
Definite instructions on the point referred to have been issued to the Ministry's veterinary inspectors. With the hon. Member's permission, I will circulate the text of these instructions in the OFFICIAL REPORT, but I would point out that the exact amount of obesity that justifies "immediate slaughter" must always be to some extent a matter of opinion.
Following are the instructions mentioned :
Extract from Instructions to Veterinary Inspectors at Landing Places for Imported Animals.
10. Your attention is directed to Section 1 (8) of the Importation of Animals Act, 1922, in which the expression "Canadian" in relation to "animal" means "born and reared in the Dominion of Canada," and the expression "store cattle" means "castrated male or spayed female bovine animals which are intended for feeding purposes and not for immediate slaughter."
In order that effect may be given to this provision of the Act, veterinary inspectors are charged with seeing:
(1) That no licence is to be granted by the inspector for the movement out of the landing place of any cattle from Canada sent as stores, which, in the opinion of the inspector, are ready for immediate slaughter. On no account, however, is the inspector to order such animals to be slaughtered, or even to advise their
(2) that licences are not issued from the wharf for cattle consigned to a butcher unless in the opinion of the inspector they are bona fide store animals; and
(3) that no animals are to be licensed from the wharf to an abattoir.
Potatoes (Import)
asked the Prime Minister whether any final decision has yet been reached by the Cabinet with regard to putting into effect the recommendation of the Economic Tribunal as regards the importation of potatoes?
I have been asked to reply. I would refer my hon. and gallant Friend to my reply to the hon. and gallant Member for South Norfolk (Major T. Hay) on the 20th April last, in which I announced that the Government are not at present prepared to adopt adopt the proposal of the tribunal that imports of foreign potatoes be permitted only under general licence of the President of the Board of Trade, and to which I have nothing to add.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware of the appalling state of the potato industry at the present time in East Anglia, and particularly in my own constituency; and is he also aware that a large percentage of last year's crop is still unsold and practically rotting in the ground?
I am aware of that; it would not be the fault of the hon. and gallant Member if I were not, but I would remind him that the proportion of potatoes imported into this country, including those from Ireland, is only 6 per cent, of the total consumption.
In view of that statement, may I ask one further question?
The hon. Member is giving his own views.
Crown Lands
asked the Minister of Agriculture if he will inform the House of the acreage of land owned by the Crown, showing the acreage in each county of this country?
As the reply includes a statistical statement, I propose, with the hon. Member's permission, to circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
The following is the statement:
I presume the hon. Member refers solely to the Crown lands in the charge of the Commissioners of Woods. Excluding purely urban property, foreshore, and lands (other than those in the New and Dean Forests) subject to common rights, the approximate total area of Crown lands in Great Britain is 245,093 acres, made up as follows:
England .. County. Acreage. Bedford … 333 Berks … 14,741 Bucks … 493 Cambs … 969 Chester … 4,549 Devon … 29 Dorset … 239 Durham … 839 Essex … 3,476 Gloucester … 26,340 Hants … 72,872 Hunts … 288 Kent … 7,280 Lancaster … 1,511 Lincs … 21,734 London … 2,023 Norfolk … 21 Northants … 2,309 Notts … 32 Oxford … 2,445 Surrey … 4,586 Sussex … 3,856 Wilts … 9,038 Worcester … 1 Yorks … 19,653 Total for England … 199,657
Wales and Monmouth .. County. Acreage. Anglesey … 1 Carmarthen … 109 Carnarvon … 486 Denbigh … 161 Flint … 12 Merioneth … 856 Monmouth … 5,055 Total for Wales … 6,680
Scotland .. County. Acreage. Argyll … 12,683 Caithness … 25,578 Linlithgow … 150 Stirling … 345 Total for Scotland … 38,756
Sheep Scab Order
asked the Minister of Agriculture whether the new Order, regarding sheep scab, will contain a provision that no prosecution shall be made before the expiration of two years against farmers who do not take thorough steps to eradicate the disease among their own sheep; and, if so, what is the reason for delaying prosecution for such a long period?
The answer to the first part is in the negative. The proposed new Order will come into operation on the date of issue, but will provide that in the case of proceedings instituted on or after 1st July, 1924, the burden of proving the Order has not been complied with will rest on the person charged and not on the prosecutor. It is considered that a period of 12 months is necessary to enable farmers to ascertain and put into operation the measures required to free their sheep from scab.
Railway Rates
asked the Minister of Agriculture whether his attention has been drawn to the serious injury inflicted on fruit and vegetable growers through excessive railway rates and decreased facilities; and what action the Ministry proposes to take to bring railway rates and facilities for the conveyance of agricultural produce into harmony with the prices that the producer receives?
My attention has been drawn to the difficulties to which my right hon. Friend refers, and I have already discussed the matter with the vice-chairman of the informal committee of representatives of the railway companies and agriculturists, mentioned in my answer to the hon. and gallant Member for Ely on the 19th March last. I am informed that the committee are giving this question their immediate considera- tion, and will use every endeavour to suggest means of securing improvements in the direction desired.
Does the Ministry itself take these questions up where small owners are unable to do so, lacking the skilled assistance necessary to meet the skilled experts of the railway companies?
I am sending a. representative of the Ministry to the conference, and shall certainly give any assistance I can.
In view of the fruit season now upon us, especially in the southern counties, will the committee get to work as soon as possible?
Yes, certainly. I hope it will report very soon.
Fishing Industry (War Losses)
asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the difficulties experienced by fishermen in providing nets and other gear for the prosecution of their calling, owing to the depression in the fishing industry, and to the losses which they have sustained during the War, he is prepared to take steps to institute a credit scheme under which advances could be obtained for this purpose?
I have been asked to reply. So far as England and Wales are concerned I have not received any recent representations from fishermen as to the necessity for providing credit to enable them to purchase nets and gear, and with regard to Scotland, I would refer the hon. and learned Member to the reply given by the Under-Secretary to the Scottish Board of Health on 18th April last, when this question was raised on the Motion for the Adjournment. The Government do not see their way to alter the decision then announced by my hon. and gallant Friend.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that further representations have been made since then, and that the need has become more urgent: and will he see that the same provision which is being made in connection with agriculture is made in the case of deserving fishermen?
Air Policy
asked the Prime Minister when he proposes to make his promised statement on the Government's air policy; and whether there will be an opportunity to discuss the same?
I propose to make a full statement on this subject to-morrow.
Might I ask for a reply to the second part of my question—"whether there will be an opportunity to discuss the same"?
The best opportunity would be on the Air Vote.
British West Indies
asked the Prime Minister if he is aware that there is a considerable body of opinion in the United States of America favourable to the British West Indies being ceded to America in settlement, or part settlement, of the British debt to the United States; whether he has examined the proposal; and, if so, whether he will consider its adoption?
In reply to a similar question on the 8th March, 1920, the right hon. Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) stated that there was not the slightest intention on the part of His Majesty's Government to barter or sell any portion of the British West Indies, whose inhabitants are loyally attached to the Crown and intensely proud of their membership of the British Empire. I am entirely in accord with that answer.
Assistant Postmaster-General
asked the Prime Minister whether it is proposed to appoint an assistant Postmaster-General?
I would refer my hon. Friend to the reply which was given on the 30th November last to a question by the hon. Member for Carlisle (Mr. Middleton). I do not propose to make any appointment at present.
Royal Air Force
Naval Wing
asked the Prime Minister whether a decision has been reached as to the future control of the naval wing of the Royal Air Force; what that decision is; and whether any fundamental change will take place before the matter has been before Parliament?
No, Sir; I must refer the hon. and gallant Member to the answer which I gave to the hon. and gallant Member for Leith (Captain W. Benn) on the 28th May.
Might I have an answer to the second part of the question, "whether any fundamental change will take place before the matter has been before Parliament"?
I think that point will arise when we hear what is the Report of the Committee.
May we understand from that that we shall not be faced with a fait accompli unless there has been a chance of discussing this very important matter?
I should think it is extremely unlikely that the House will be faced with a fait accompli . It is a matter that can only be discussed on the Air Estimates.
Fair Wages Clause
asked the Secretary of State for Air whether Messrs. S. E. Saunders, Limited, Cowes, have a contract with his Department; whether the Fair Wages Clause has been placed in the contract; whether the firm are insisting that their workpeople should sign an undertaking not to belong to any trade union; if he is aware that the firm is not paying the recognised rates of the port with regard to apprentices on completion of their time; and if he will take action in the matter?
The case referred to by the hon. Member is already under investigation, but the full information necessary to enable me to reply is not yet available and I should be obliged if he would repeat his question on this day week.
London Traffic
asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been called to the present chaotic condition of the London street traffic, which is causing serious loss to every phase of commercial enterprise as well as great delay to all London, and is becoming worse week by week owing to the lack of coordination between the local authorities and their failure to act in concert in the matter; and whether he will take the necessary steps to introduce immediate legislation to remove this growing evil?
I have been asked to answer this question. I have the matter under close review, and shall hope to be able to make some announcement on the subject at no distant date.
While thanking the hon. and gallant Gentleman for his answer, may I ask him whether this matter, which is of the most urgent importance to the City of London, cannot be taken in hand at once? Might I respectfully urge the Prime Minister to reply to this question, and say if it is not possible to set up an expert Committee immediately to consider the matter at once?
Horses (Export Trade)
asked the Minister of Agriculture whether he is aware that four horses shipped from Leith to Amsterdam in January and February of this year on the s.s. "Ronan" were so fatally injured that they had to be killed; and whether any action was taken against the persons responsible for this cruelty?
The answer to both parts of the question is in the negative. The facts are that the s.s. "Ronan," which left Leith in fine weather on the 20th January, suddenly encountered such abnormal conditions about two hours later that the vessel itself was in grave peril and had to return to port. Out of 20 horses carried, one horse was thrown and killed immediately, another got down, was unable to rise, and died when the ship returned to dock. If the vessel had not been so substantially fitted as required by the Order of 1921 every horse would probably have been killed. The casualties on the 10th February were also due to very rough weather, a heavy gale being encountered about eight hours after the vessel left Leith. Two horses got off their legs, one died immediately and the other several hours later. Everything was done by the attendants to minimise the suffering of the horses carried on this occasion and there are no grounds for instituting legal proceedings.
In the case of the transport of these animals on these vessels is every precaution taken to provide against accident in ordinary times?
Yes, that is so.
On these occasions, are inspectors of the Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals allowed to be present?
Is it possible to have the animals slaughtered before they are exported?
It is, certainly, possible.
Is it desirable?
asked the Minister of Agriculture whether there is an agreement in force between the British Government and the French Government whereby horses, exported from this country for immediate slaughter in France, are examined and slaughtered at the port of shipment; whether any similar agreements with the Dutch and Belgian Governments are contemplated; and whether such agreements ensure that no horse unfitted for labour is, in fact, shipped from this country alive?
There is no agreement in force with the French Government prohibiting the export of horses for slaughter abroad, though very few, and only such are are fit for work, are now exported to France. At the request of the French Government, however, the Ministry has nominated certain veterinary surgeons to examine, both ante and post mortem , horseflesh sent to Franco for human consumption. The answer to the second and third parts of the question is, therefore, in the negative, but I would point out that the present stringent Regulations imposed by the Ministry, with the system of inspection at the ports by veterinary officers of my Department, ensures that no horse unfit for work is shipped alive from this country.
Is it not possible by Regulations of our own to provide that horses should be slaughtered before they are sent?
Is obesity one of the diseases for which animals can be slaughtered?
I do not think it is possible to ensure that horses intended for work shall not be slaughtered. It might be possible, if one knew exactly which was the horse to be slaughtered and which was the one to work, to ensure slaughter on this side, but it is not possible to prevent the foreign importer slaughtering a horse intended for work.
If obesity, in the case of animals, is a justification for slaughter, why cannot Cabinet Ministers and their supporters be slaughtered?
asked the Minister of Agriculture whether his attention has been called to the sufferings endured by horses shipped from this country to various ports abroad; whether there are Government inspectors at all ports of shipment in this country to control this export traffic; whether any fine or punishment is inflicted upon persons contravening the Regulations governing the export of these animals; and, if so, can he furnish particulars of any cases in which such penalties have been exacted?
My attention is being drawn continually to the alleged sufferings of horses shipped from this country to the Continent, but I am satisfied that all avoidable suffering, short of stopping the carriage of horses by sea, is prevented by the stringent Regulations now in force. At all ports from which horses are shipped to Europe whole-time veterinary officers of my Department are appointed to examine all animals immediately before shipment, while a senior veterinary inspector supervises the trade generally. The penalties imposed by the Diseases of Animals Acts upon persons convicted of an offence against the Regulations are as follow:
A fine not exceeding £20, or, if the offence is committed with respect to more than four animals, a fine not exceeding £5 for each animal. On a further conviction within 12 months a person is liable to be imprisoned for one-month with, or without, hard labour in lieu of a fine.
With regard to the last part, five convictions for contravention of the Regulations have been secured since 1st January, 1921. I am sending particulars of these cases to my hon. Friend.
Unemployment
Relief Work, Devizes
asked the Minister of Agriculture whether he is aware that about 52 men employed by his Department in the Devizes rural district were discharged on Saturday last, although the work upon which they were engaged is not completed; and whether, in view of the work remaining to be done and of the fact that most of these men being agricultural labourers will not be entitled to unemployment benefit, he will consider the advisability of reinstating them?
The facts appear to be as stated in the first part of the question. With regard to the second part of the question, the fund at my disposal was intended for the relief of unemployment, primarily in rural areas, between 1st October, 1922, and 31st May, 1923. As a special concession, an extension to 16th June, 1923, was obtained in a limited number of cases, but His Majesty's Government are not prepared to grant any further concessions.
Shipbuilding Trade
asked the Minister of Labour whether his attention has been called to the fact that many hundreds of workmen in the Tyne shipyards and ship-repairing establishments other than boilermakers are unemployed but have been disqualified for unemployment benefit under Section 8 of the Unemployment Insurance Act, 1920; whether he is aware that very large numbers of these men became unemployed not because of the trade dispute but because the work on which they had been engaged was completed; and whether he will take measures to remove the grave hardship to men who are unemployed for this reason?
I am aware that claims to benefit by shipyard workmen other than boilermakers have been disallowed under the Section mentioned. The reply given by the last employer as to the circumstances in which employment terminated is always communicated to the claimants or their association, and any observations made by them are considered with the employer's statement by the insurance officer before he gives his decision. If the decision is against the claimant, he or his association has the right of appeal to a Court of Referees and the association, or, if leave is given by the Court, the claimant himself, has the right of further appeal to the umpire. My right hon. Friend has no authority to interfere with this procedure.
Is it the case that since I put this question down orders have been sent that the men paid off since the 30th April are to have their benefits suspended at once?
I am not aware of that.
asked the Minister of Labour how many shipbuilding and engineering workers in the Clyde area are unemployed; what is the amount they receive in unemployment allowance; how many of the same class of workers are idle in Belfast; and will he bring before the competent authority the advisability of reconsidering the contract for the Royal Mail Company's ships with a view of providing work for the Clyde area?
At 21st May, 1923, the total number of shipbuilding and engineering workers unemployed in the Clyde area, including the Counties of Lanark, Renfrew, and Dumbarton, was 59,414, and the amount of unemployment benefit drawn by them in the week ended 26th May was about £35,000. I am informed that in Belfast there were at 21st May 8,410 workers unemployed in the shipbuilding and engineering trades. As regards the last part of the question, the placing of the orders for the ships was a matter of private contract, and I have no authority to intervene.
Is it not the case that the Government is giving money in order to subsidise work for the purpose of alleviating unemployment, and is it not the desire of the Government that the work should be spread as far as possible over the country and not be put down in one centre where unemployment is not so aggravated as in other parts?
Is it not a fact that every slip in Harland and Wolff's yard on the Clyde is already occupied, and that there are six slips in Harland and Wolff's yard at Belfast unoccupied; and is not the Government of Northern Ireland giving its guarantee in precisely the same way as the Imperial Government is giving it to the Clyde?
Is it not the case that at Harland and Wolff's yard, in Govan, every slip is empty?
That is not so.
The last Supplementary Question relates to a matter of which I have no knowledge, and the hon. Member must put down a Question. The first Supplementary Question must be put to the Treasury, as it deals with a matter which is not within the province or the power of the Ministry of Labour to deal with.
House of Commons (Ventilation)
asked the First Commissioner of Works if he proposes to take steps to improve the ventilation of the House of Commons?
When I have received a report on the result of the experiments which are now being conducted, I shall be in a position to judge whether any improvements which may reasonably be anticipated would justify my asking Parliament to sanction what-even expenditure may be involved.
In the meantime will the hon. Baronet forbid the wearing of floral decorations in the House?
Will the First Commissioner, in making his experiments, which were promised in answer to my question some time ago, include the problem of having the air inlets at a high level instead of the present poisonous low level?
The experiments which are being conducted are very comprehensive.
The question of the admission of the air is serious, as I have personally explained to the right hon. Baronet. I speak as one experienced in air inlets.
Ex-Service Men (Instructional Factory, Camden Town)
asked the Minister of Labour whether it has been decided to close the Government Instructional Factory at Camden Town; and, if so, whether he will reconsider the matter, in view of the high standard of efficiency which has been maintained by this factory, its central position, and the large number of its trainees who have secured engagements?
asked the Minister of Labour whether he can give an assurance that there is no present intention to close the Government Instructional Factory at Carlow Street, Camden Town; and is he aware that this establishment is one of the best of the Government factories for the training of ex-service men?
There are two Government instructional factories in vehicle building in London. Both cannot be retained, but it is not necessary yet to decide which shall be closed. Many factors have to be considered, including those mentioned by the hon. Members.
Is the House to understand that these factories are to be shut down? The hon. Gentleman's answer was quite inaudible.
I have said that both factories cannot be retained, but the time has not come to decide which shall be closed.
There are still a great many disabled ex-soldiers waiting training and a great many high disability men who cannot get any work at all.
All those considerations have been and will be considered by my right hon. Friend.
Is there a long list of men waiting to be trained?
I have not the figures, but there is a waiting list.
Does my hon. Friend appreciate that the closing of the Camden Town factory will mean that London trainees will have to go long distances, some as far as Durham?
All the relative considerations will be taken into consideration before a decision is arrived at.
Is it not a fact that trainees are sent from London to a factory in Durham, and would it not be better to keep them here?
I can only repeat that all relevant considerations will be taken into account before a final decision is reached.
Electricity Schemes
asked the President of the Board of Trade how many of the schemes issued by the Electricity Commissioners have been finally accepted and started?
I have been asked to answer this question.
The Commissioners have made two Orders embodying approved schemes for the reorganisation of supply in electricity districts. These Orders are:
Can the hon. And gallant Gentleman say how many schemes have been approved?
Two Orders have been made, three Draft Orders have been published, and six schemes are in an advanced stage.
Rhineland
( by Private Notice ) asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been drawn to a report on secret relations between the French High Commissioner of the Rhine-land and German subjects regarding attempts to create a separate Rhineland State; and whether he proposes to make any representations to France and the other Allies on the subject?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative, but His Majesty's Government have no knowledge as to the authenticity or the reverse of the report in question. The answer to the second part of the question is in the negative.
That answers the Private Notice question of the hon. Member for the Moseley Division of. Birmingham (Mr. Hannon).
Yes, that answers my question.
right hon. Gentleman say whether he has any information in reference to the trial, arising out of a similar statement, which is taking place in Munich at the present time?
I have no information.
New Members Sworn
ROBERT SMILLIE, Esquire, for the Borough of Morpeth.
The right hon. FRANCIS DYKE ACLAND, for the County of Devon (Tiverton) Division).
East India Loans [Railways and Irrigation]
Committee to consider of authorising the Secretary of State in Council of India to raise money in Great Britain for the service of the Government in India and for other purposes relating thereto—( King's Recommendation signified. )—To-morrow.—[ Col. Leslie Wilson. ]
Selection (Standing Committees)
Standing Committee B
Sir SAMUEL ROBERTS reported from the Committee of Selection; That they had discharged the following Member from Standing Committee B: Mr. Herbert Spencer; and had appointed in substitution: Mr. Hope Simpson.
Sir SAMUEL ROBERTS further reported from the Committee; That they had discharged the following Member from Standing Committee B (added in respect of the Agricultural Rates Bill): Mr. Lamb; and had appointed in substitution: Mr. Blundell
NOTE.—The figures for 1922–23, are based on the Local Education Authorities' latest Estimates of their Expenditure, and on the Board's actual Expenditure, for that year.
Deaf and Dumb Children (Training)
asked the President of the Board of Education if his attention has been drawn to the difficulty at present experienced by the deaf and dumb in obtaining employment or apprenticeship on leaving school; and if, in view of the hardship arising, he will consider the possibility of providing further training facilities beyond the age of 16?
Standing Committee A
Sir SAMUEL ROBERTS further reported from the Committee; That they had discharged the following Member from Standing Committee A: Mr. Harrison.
Reports to lie upon the Table.
Orders of the Day
Housing, Etc. (No. 2) Bill
As amended ( in the Standing Committee ), further considered.
CLAUSE (1).—(Government contributions to expenses of local authorities in assisting construction of houses.)
(2) The houses in respect of which contributions may be given under this Section shall be either—
( a ) a two-storied house with a minimum of six hundred and twenty and a maximum of nine hundred and fifty superficial feet; or
( b )a structurally separate and self-contained flat or a one-storied house with a minimum of five hundred and fifty and a maximum of eight hundred and eighty superficial feet;
such measurements being calculated in accordance with Rules made by the Minister.
Provided that if the local authority in any particular case satisfy the Minister that, having regard to special circumstances existing in their area, there is a need for houses of smaller dimensions, the minimum measurement may be reduced, as respects such limited number of houses for that area and subject to such conditions as the Minister may determine, in the case of a two-storied house to five hundred and seventy, and in the case of a flat or a one-storied house to five hundred, superficial feet.
Except where otherwise approved by the Minister on the recommendation of the local authority, every such house shall be provided with a fixed bath.
(3) The Minister may, with the approval of the Treasury, make or undertake to make contributions out of moneys provided by Parliament towards the expenses incurred by a local authority in carrying out a rehousing scheme in connection with a scheme made under Part I or Part II of the principle Act (including the acquisition, clearance, and development of land included in the last-mentioned scheme, and whether the re-housing will be effected on the area included in that scheme or elsewhere, if such amounts, for such periods, and subject to such conditions as, with the approval of the Treasury and after consultation with the local authority, the Minister may determine, so, however, that the annual contributions in respect of any such re-housing scheme shall not exceed one-half of the estimated average annual loss likely to be incurred by the local authority in carrying out the scheme.
(4) Where within fifteen months before the passing of this Act a local authority have submitted to the Minister proposals for assisting persons or bodies of persons undertaking to construct houses, or for the provision of houses by the local authority themselves, or where after the twenty-fifth day of April, nineteen hundred and twenty-three, a society or company to which Section three applies has submitted proposals for the provision of houses, and such proposals have been approved by the Minister otherwise than for the purposes of Section seven of the Housing, Town Planning, &c., Act, 1919, contributions may be made of the like amount as if the assistance had been given or the houses provided after the passing of this Act, and notwithstanding that the houses do not comply in every respect with the conditions imposed by or under this Section.
(5) References in this Section to local authorities shall in any case—
( a ) where the powers of a local authority have been transferred to a county council; or
( b ) where a county council, or any such board or body as is mentioned in Subsection (3) of Section eight of the Housing, Town Planning, &c, Act, 1919, exercises the powers conferred by that Section of providing houses for persons in their employment or paid by them or by a statutory committee,
include such county council, board, or body.
(6) The expression "local authority" shall, for the purposes of paragraph ( b ) of Sub-section (1) of this Section, include a Metropolitan borough council, and the London County Council may, in the case of any house provided by a Metropolitan borough council, supplement the contribution made by the Minister in respect of such house under this Section to an extent not exceeding the sum of three pounds payable annually for a period not exceeding twenty years.
I beg to move, at the end of Sub-section (2), to insert the words this was a decision of the Committee, but the Minister of Health knows that that decision was come to before it was known to the Committee that this Bill would be taken to-day in the House. I hope that another time private Members shall receive more consideration. The Government are able to divide their forces and their silent cohorts will go into the Lobby whether upstairs or in the House, but it is hardly fair that Measures of a kindred nature should be taken at the same time both upstairs and in the House.
Coming to this particular Amendment, Sub-section (2) of Clause 1 lays down the conditions that shall apply to the grant of public money to help to build houses. As the Bill was originally introduced, it provided merely for conditions as to the limits of size. In Committee the Minister met the wishes of the Committee to the extent of inserting a proviso dealing with the provision of a bath. This Amendment lays down a further condition, not merely as to the size of the house and the provision of the bath, but, what is more important still, that the number of houses to the acre shall be taken into consideration. Every argument adduced in favour of the provision of a bath applies with greater force to settling the density of the houses to the acre. A mistake made with regard to the absence of proper bathing facilities could be mended afterwards. A mistake in reference to this matter cannot be amended afterwards. Its results are there so long as the houses exist. Therefore, it is most important that, at the beginning, we should proceed on right lines.
When we are spending many millions of public money on housing, we have a right to demand a high standard as a result of that expenditure. The sum involved may be, possibly, £15,000,000. Whatever it is, it is necessary that we should not go back on the standard set up under the 1919 Act, and I appeal to the Minister to meet us on that particular point. I have no doubt that his own provision with regard to a bath is not absolute, and this provision again is not absolute. It leaves it to the discretion not only of the Minister but of the local authority, but it acts as an indication of the lines along which Parliament desires that house building should proceed. It is also a sign-post on the path of progress. So far as it is an indication of what we desire to be the standard of houses for the future, it will be a valuable provision if it can be embodied in the Act. I submit that, notwithstanding the criticisms which have been made in reference to the houses built under the 1919 Act—and those criticisms have been many and various—these houses did mark a monument of advance on what has been done previously. They have been referred to by such a journal as the "Architects' Journal," which is not a party magazine nor a magazine of fanatics, but a magazine of sound business men whose profession is that of building houses—as being a decided advance of what was done in pre-War times. In January of last year, the "Architects' Journal" said:
4.0 P.M.
I understand, from a Return made by the Ministry of Health, that the average price paid for land for housing purposes under the 1919 Act was £203 per acre. With 12 houses to the acre that would represent a cost of £17 per house for land, and 5 per cent, on that would only mean 4d. a week on the rent. With 20 houses to the acre the cost would be £10, or somewhat more than 2d. per week. Therefore, for less than the small sum of 2d. per week you can get greater amenities provided of having only 12 houses to the acre. That is presuming that we have the same facilities for purchasing land for new houses as we had under the last Act. I quite agree that, after what happened in the House the other night, with the scrapping of the Land Valuation Department, it is a question whether we shall get land in future for houses to be erected under this Act at prices as reasonable as those which were paid before. The right hon. Gentleman's predecessor, when Minister of Health, stated that, owing to the services of the Land Valuation Department, £1,400,000 had been directly saved to the public in the price paid for the land acquired for houses. If it had not been for the services of that Department, an average of £71 per acre more would have been charged by the landowners for the land on which the houses stand. I am assuming that we may be able to get land on suitable terms, and, if so, there is all the greater reason why we should limit the number of houses to the acre. The price varies with the number of houses that you are allowed to put on the land, and, if you go back to the bad old days and have 30, 40, or 50 houses to the acre, then the price that the landowner can get for his land will be greater than if you limit the number of houses to 12 to the acre. I hope, for that reason, and to safeguard the amenities of those who have to live in these houses, and to protect the expenditure of public money, that the Minister will agree to have this limitation. When we were discussing this matter in Committee, some of us were chaffed by hon. Members opposite as to whether we really realised what an acre was. The hon. and gallant Member for Finchley (Colonel Newman) was good enough to refer to the question, and I should like to quote his words. He said: many houses go to the acre in Eaton Square?
And Eaton Place.
My curiosity was aroused by what the hon. and gallant Member said, and I got a friend of mine, a member of the Institute of British Architects, to measure up that district of London, and we shall be very pleased if we can have as good terms for those who are going to have houses under this Bill as the hon. and gallant Member enjoys, because I find that in this "congested" area of London there are only 5·6 houses to the acre. For my part, I accept his challenge. We agree to the same conditions as he has, and, if he will vote for it, we will put into this Bill that there shall be not more than six houses to the acre. But we are much more moderate than the hon. and gallant Member. We do not ask for the extravagance of only six houses to the acre. We are prepared to be content if it is limited to 12 to the acre, and I submit, as the hon. and gallant Member said in Committee, that what is good enough for him is quite good enough for the people to be housed under this Bill. I know that the right hon. Gentleman is as fully seized as any Member of the House of the need for this limitation of the number of houses to the acre. It is only two years ago that he acted as Chairman of a Committee to inquire into unhealthy areas. If those unhealthy areas had been built under such a Bill as this, and you had had 12 houses to the acre, you would not have 12,000 houses in Leeds, back to back, crowded together, 70 to the acre. Again, according to the Royal Commission on Housing in Scotland, you have in Glasgow, because of an absence of any such limit of 12 houses to the acre, congestion whereby 62 per cent, of the population is living in overcrowded areas.
I submit that this is the root of the housing question. It is not merely a question of the crowding of the people in the houses but also of the crowding of the houses on the land. This congestion is responsible in great part for the ill-health and disease from which we are suffering. Take the last report of the Chief Medical Officer of Health. According to that report, over 2,000,000 of our children were unable to take advantage of the education given them because of physical defects largely due to overcrowding and congestion. Then we are told that 60,000 infants under one year perished last year largely due to congestion of housing and overcrowding. Surely we want to learn from the lessons of the past. We cannot undo the mistakes our forefathers have made, but we can see to it that in the future we plan along more sane and healthy lines. It will save any little extra cost that there may be if we only provide houses with plenty of breathing space and air. It is not suggested that every house wants a garden of one-twelfth of an acre, but it is suggested that there should not be more than 12 houses to the acre, so as to leave breathing space, playgrounds, and lungs in order that the people who live there may have the amenities which come from decent surroundings.
I appeal to the right hon. Gentleman to put into this Bill that which he has already put in the Circular which he has issued to the local authorities. In that Circular he suggests to the local authorities that a density of 12 houses to the acre represents a desirable standard and that, as a general rule, the local authorities should not approve of more than 12 houses to the acre. If he will not accept the Amendment, will he allow his own words in this Circular to be put into the Bill? So long as he is there we are safe, but Governments come and go and even Ministers of Health do so, and it is possible that the hon. and gallant Member for Finchley may become Minister of Health, though Heaven forbid. What would happen then to the overcrowding of houses and the provision of baths? I am afraid it is necessary that the House itself should protect the interests of the people and the interests of those who are going to live in these houses. Their existence should not depend upon the whim or fancy of any particular Minister. I therefore appeal to the right hon. Gentleman, knowing that he realises the importance of this question, to put into the Bill, as a guide for the future, that which he has put into his Circular, because, though this Bill be limited in duration, we must remember that the houses will last for generations, and it is most important, when building, that we should build upon wise lines. We should "build houses that will be monuments of wisdom and not of folly. I do therefore appeal to the Minister to put into the Bill that which he has put into his Circular.
I beg to second the Amendment.
I have great hope that the Minister will be prepared to make a concession in this matter. If I may be allowed to say so, I found him, at any rate in Committee, a model of sweet reasonableness. His skill in guiding this Bill through has been shown in his willingness to listen to arguments. There is no doubt what are the views of the Minister upon this particular subject, because he has embodied them in his directions to the local authorities. Under the head "plan of construction," he says that it is his opinion that a density of approximately 12 houses to the acre represents a desirable standard. Therefore, he accepts the principle of this Amendment, and it is merely a question whether it is wise to embody it in an Act of Parliament. There is no particular magic in the number 12. I do not know whether my hon. Friend would be, but I should be quite prepared to accept the number 13 if the right hon. Gentleman would prefer that number. But the polciy of limiting the number of houses is one that has been accepted by all housing reformers and has been the basis of all recommendations of all Committees of Inquiries since the War. It was recommended, for instance, by the Ministry of Reconstruction after a very long inquiry into the whole housing problem. It was affirmed by a Committee appointed by the late Local Government Board to consider the question of building construction, and it was also affirmed—I would like to call the Minister's special attention to this—by a Departmental Committee on the high cost of building working-class dwellings. That was a very interesting and voluminous Report, which dealt with the whole question of the high cost of building. Many of its recommendations, I would suggest, might very well be embodied in some instructions to the local authorities as a guide, not only to the laying out of estates, but to the building of houses. Although their reference was not as to the lay-out of estates, they went out of their way to point out that the high cost of building construction was not due to the lay-out of the estates. This Committee was presided over by a late Member of the House, Mr. Stanley Holmes, and is dated February, 1921. It was a very representative Committee representing engineers, architects, builders, and several Members of this House. It reported: ing almost insoluble. Our towns are becoming so big that it is becoming difficult to move the population to the centre. I would suggest to the right hon. Gentleman that it would be far better for him to come forward with his theories in favour of satellite towns, where you would have true development, fewer houses to the acre and ample provision for small holdings, parks, gardens and allotments, rather than to encourage our local authorities to crowd together in the centre of our cities houses with insufficient gardens, insufficient open spaces, and insufficient parks. It does not mean that all this open space must necessarily be devoted to gardens. It can be used for parks, cricket grounds, and for squares very much like Eaton Square. In other words, if we are to put public money into new houses it surely is a sound principle to spread the houses out and go in for the most modern development, and see that there is sufficient breathing space, so that instead of our having to look for the recruiting of our population always to the rural areas, we can build up a healthy population in our urban areas. Instead of being drab, gloomy towns they should be garden cities, under healthy development.
I do not propose to spend many minutes in discussing this Amendment, for it was discussed at considerable length in Committee, and it is unnecessary for me to do so because the Mover and Seconder are aware that I am really with them in the object which they have in view. I do not suggest that 12 houses to the acre is an undesirable standard at which to aim. On the contrary, from my own experience in this matter, I am convinced that the lay-out of new houses is one of the most important things that you can think of, and that it has the greatest possible effect on the amenities of the houses which are erected hereafter. Therefore, there is nothing between us upon that point. The only question at issue is whether or not there should be inserted in the Bill a rigid standard which would be binding upon local authorities in the absence of special circumstances to the contrary. I cannot agree that this matter stands on the same basis as the provision of a fixed bath, which we were discussing last week. We have here a vast variety of circum- stances in different localities. I suppose that in every large town there are great numbers of sites which are particularly suitable for the purpose of building under this Bill, because they are admirably situated and houses built upon them would give accommodation to people who have to work in the neighbourhood.
As has been said, I have long been convinced that garden cities are highly desirable in themselves, and I look to them in the future as being likely to do something to solve the problem of our congested towns. We are not considering garden cities now, but garden suburbs, which are quite a different thing. While I hope and anticipate that under this Bill a large number of houses will be erected in garden suburbs, yet I cannot leave out of account those sites nearer to the centre of the big towns, which are partly developed already and are in close proximity to areas where the number of houses is much greater than 12 to the acre, and which would be specially convenient to the people who live in them because they would be near their work. Anyone who has paid attention to this matter knows that the lay-out of an estate on which you are to put 12 houses to the acre is entirely different from the lay-out of an estate on which you are to put 20 or more to the acre. Where estates have already been partially developed with the idea that they were to have a larger number than 12 houses to the acre, you cannot now go back and redevelop and redesign the lay-out. Therefore, you are faced with two alternatives. Either you must have some relaxation in your standard or else you will not have any houses built on the sites at all.
That is the situation which I had to contemplate. It is because I think that only the local authorities can appreciate all the different circumstances which arise in different localities that I have decided that it would be much better not to put anything in the Bill, but to confine myself to the indication in the circular to which reference has been made—the indication of what, in the view of the Ministry, is the proper standard at which to aim. Nothing has been said on this Amendment this afternoon more than was said in Committee. We have had precisely the same arguments brought forward, and I must meet them in exactly the same way. I repeat that it is my desire to see the houses that are built under this Bill, so far as possible, laid out on proper lines. I do not desire to see them crowded together unnecessarily. I have no fear whatever that we shall see again anything like what we have had in the past—30, 40 or more houses to the acre. But there are places where it may be desirable for 16 or even 20 to the acre to be built in order to complete development which has already been begun.
I have listened to what I regard as a very disappointing speech. Indeed, it has been a speech which, in the first instance, made out a clear case for the Amendment, and then went on to explain that the Amendment could not be accepted. The truth is, that all law is a series of limitations. We are seeking now to legislate in the matter of houses for very many years to come. The time for dealing with the housing conditions of the next 20 or 30 years is now. It ill becomes the right hon. Gentleman, as the responsible Minister for the moment, to hint that some such thing as this might be done at a later date. The truth is that it will be more difficult at a later date to approach such a question as this with any hope of being able to fix a limitation under conditions easier than the conditions are now. The right hon. Gentleman is neglecting an opportunity which is now well within his reach. What is the good of leaving to the local authorities the elasticity? The Amendment leaves a fair margin. It fixes a maximum. Parliament should be the best judge of that maximum. Below that maximum, according to the conditions and local suitability, the local authority can fix any number it chooses. But surely this is the right time for a maximum to be fixed, and I regret that my right hon. Friend has not seen his way to accept the Amendment.
My right hon. Friend the Minister of Health has been accused of a lack of sympathy in this matter. In Committee, on this particular question, my right hon. Friend put the matter in two or three words, as he has done to-day. He said that we could not have a rigid standard. In Committee I supported him, because I want the local authorities to have freedom in the matter; I do not want to see them tied down. Again I support my right hon. Friend, for I want no rigid standard. When hon. Members speak about 12 houses to the acre, do they mean a net acre or an acre with roads and so forth? [HON. MEMBERS: "With roads."] I see. I am afraid, then, that we are congested in Eaton Equare and Eaton Place, where there are certainly over 300 houses, and all that we have are four small gardens surrounded on each side by very broad roads. Does the hon. Member think that that is proper? As a matter of fact, those particular houses were built about the year 1820, and they are the best houses built by the best builder in England, if not in the world, Mr. Cubitt. The hon. Member says that the Addison houses and the houses built under this Bill are to last a generation. I very much doubt it. I have noticed that already some Addison houses are being sold for £300 because their state of disrepair might necessitate their being pulled down in a very few years' time. We do not want a rigid standard. It is ridiculous to say that in every case only 12 small houses should be put on the acre. What is to happen to the rest of the land? Are the 12 houses to have a bit of land each with a fence around it? That would cost a great deal of money. Or are you to have houses with a common tennis ground or bowling green, and things like that? What would it all cost? The hon. Member has not told us that.
It is refreshing, as on so many other occasions, to find an Amendment proposed from this side resisted on absolutely opposite grounds from the Front Bench opposite and from benches behind. It leads one to suppose that the real reason for resisting the Amendment is given by hon. Members behind Ministers, and not by the Ministers themselves. The Minister has professed himself sympathetic, as he has done on nearly every occasion when he has resisted an Amendment for improving the Bill. He has said that he is in favour of the objects of the Amendment, but that it is inadvisable to insert the Amendment in the Bill. If that is so, it is strange that the hon. Member behind him should be opposed to the Amendment altogether. We have had a protest to-day on behalf of the overcrowded denizens of Eaton Square.
Not a protest. I am very happy there, but I candidly admit that, according to those standards, it is a congested area.
Apparently the hon. and gallant Gentleman is afraid that the working classes may live under better conditions than he enjoys in Eaton Square. Of course, the whole question of the size of the houses comes in, as does the total air space. When the hon. and gallant Gentleman talks about the congested area of Eaton Square, he forgets that a house there is one thing and that a house in Bethnal Green is an entirely different thing. The objection is raised that if this Amendment is accepted a rigid standard will be laid down. Hon. Members, however, have only to look at the Bill to see that no rigid standard will be laid down, and that there will be a discretion. As there is a discretion, I am all the more bewildered at the opposition of the Minister. The last half of this Subsection reads as follows:
"Except where otherwise approved by the Minister on the recommendation of the local authority, every such house shall be provided with a fixed bath,"
and if this Amendment were accepted we would insert there,
"and there shall not be more than twelve houses per acre."
Obviously, the right hon. Gentleman or his successor will have a complete discretion to deal with the matter, and where there are special conditions, such as those to which he referred, he will be able to act on the recommendation of the local authorities. In those circumstances there is absolute security that where it is desirable in the public interest that the standard should be revised, it can be relaxed by the Minister. Is there any reason, either in the speech of the right hon. Gentleman or in the speech of the hon. and gallant Gentleman the Member for Finchley (Colonel Newman), why this Amendment should be rejected? The desirability of having this standard is admitted on all hands and has been admitted right through the discussions on housing since the end of the War. In the Report of the Ministry of Reconstruction which was produced in 1918, a standard of twelve houses to the acre was laid down, and in all the schemes under the Addison Act that standard was ad- hered to. Then there was the Departmental Committee appointed to inquire into the high cost of working-class dwellings under the Addison scheme. This Committee, which was appointed on 8th February, 1921, dealt with the matter of the number of houses to the acre in regard to cost, and they held that the number of houses to the acre did not materially affect the cost. My hon. Friend the Member for South West Bethnal Green (Mr. Harris) quoted one passage, and I may quote another:
"Under present conditions, where the cost of land is relatively low and the cost of streets and sewers relatively high, the reduction in the building density, while it has undoubtedly raised the standard of housing to a marked extent, does not appear to be the cause of any material increase in the cost of the site per house."
If that were so under the conditions of 1921, why should this Amendment now be refused? Is it in the mind of the Minister that there is going to be a rise in the cost of land? Is that the risk against which measures are being taken? I think it is important that we should know that. Undoubtedly there was a certain security for the public while the Coalition Government lasted. We know that the right hon. Gentleman the then Prime Minister was interested in maintaining land valuation and knowing exactly what land values were in relation to these matters. [ Laughter. ] Oh, yes, the right hon. Gentleman was interested in that and he is coming down here to defend the valuation on the Report stage of the Finance Bill. Now we have this valuation scrapped and there will not be the same security for the public, and in view of the scrapping of the valuation and the lessening of the security to the public, we have a refusal on the part of the Government to stipulate for a lower density of houses to the acre. In these circumstances, the House would be well advised to insist upon this provision, all the more as a discretion is allowed for exceptional circumstances in the Clause. If the discretion is, as I maintain it is, in the Clause, then it takes away the whole foundation of the right hon. Gentleman's argument. He is refusing this provision not because it is a hard-and-fast rule, and not because it is something rigid which cannot be done away with, for the Clause provides that it is not to be rigid and that there is to be a discretion. If the right hon. Gentle- man refuses the Amendment on the alleged ground that it is a hard-and-fast rule, he is obviously giving forth a false argument and an argument which the House cannot accept. If he is putting forth a false argument there must surely be some other motive behind the resistance to the Amendment. I suggest that motive is revealed in the speech of the hon. and gallant Member for Finchley and that it is, in all likelihood, connected with the expectation that the price of land is going to rise and that, as a result of the rise in the price of land, local authorities will be compelled, with a view to securing economy, to increase the number of houses to the acre. The House should take measures to prevent such a situation arising, and the only way of doing so is by accepting the Amendment.
I should not have risen had it not been for the statement of the hon. Member who has just sat down that there is a motive behind the Minister's refusal to accept this Amendment. No doubt there is a motive and that motive is the relaxation of the rigid rule which previously, under the Addison scheme, prevented many small areas adjoining towns from being utilised for house building purposes. It is a very wise motive and will, I think, result in thousands of houses being erected on those spaces where streets are already prepared, where the sewers are in and where the houses can be put up at a minimum cost, but where it was not possible to put them up hitherto because of the rigidity of this rule. The Minister must give some latitude to local authorities to deal with these small areas. None of us desire to see houses close together, but I could enumerate many places where houses could be put up and where there would be a greater density than twelve to the acre on the actual spot, but all around these houses and quite close to them are open spaces. These open spaces cannot be taken strictly into account as being on the particular estate whereon the houses are being erected, but they can, in practice, be taken into account in relation to the houses, and if they are taken into account, it does not give a density of anything like twelve to the acre. I think the Minister's motive is very right and proper, and I hope he will stick to his views because there are scores of places such as I have indicated, where a few houses could be erected to advantage if this rule were relaxed.
The House should not be under a misapprehension as to this Amendment, and the speech of the hon. Member for North St. Pancras (Mr. Lorden) shows that he is under a misapprehension. As the hon. Member for Penistone (Mr. Pringle) has pointed out, there is no rigid standard either in the Amendment or in the Bill. The Amendment is qualified by the words already in the Bill:
"Except where otherwise approved by the Minister."
The only question is whether a standard should be put in the Bill and the local authorities allowed to contract out of it, or whether we should leave out the standard altogether in the hope that the local authorities will pay attention to a Circular referring to a standard which is not in the Bill. Is it not right, however, that this House should lay down the general principle that is to prevail? That is what the Minister has done in reference to the size of the houses. He has put the minimum size at 620 feet, but has allowed the local authority, where there are special circumstances justifying such an action, to lessen the superficial area of the house. We are asking him, in a similar way, to put a standard of density in the Bill, and where the local authority is convinced of the desirability of departing from that standard, then, with the approval of the Minister, they can do so. The insertion of a standard in the Bill will have a considerable effect. In any event, there is a considerable degree of laxity; it is not a rigid standard, and if there are the special cases referred to, of streets already made and sewers already prepared, the local authority has the option of availing of the latitude allowed, provided that the Minister approves of it. The amount of money to be spent under this Bill is limited, and it would be better to concentrate the greater amount of the expenditure on those areas where houses will not be so densely built. To put this Amendment into the Bill would not tie the hands of the local authorities, but would encourage them to adopt that higher standard which we all, including the Minister, desire.
I understand the Minister has already received many applications from local authorities for permission to proceed with schemes of this kind. Would the right hon. Gentleman be good enough to tell the House how many houses to the acre it is proposed to build in connection with the schemes already dealt with in response to Circular 388? A reply to that question would help the House in coming to a decision.
I hope the right hon. Gentleman the Minister will forgive me if I express my surprise that no reply has been made to the very cogent arguments of the hon. Member for Penistone (Mr. Pringle). In view of what he said, and of the very striking quotation from the 1921 Departmental Committee's Report, which he read to the House, the Minister should give some explanation as to why we are called upon to go back upon the very definite standard which had the complete approval of the last Parliament. There exists in the Bill absolutely no definition of any standard of density of houses to the acre to which local authorities can be asked to adhere. Apparently it all depends upon the discretionary power of the Minister. I hope the Mover of the Amendment will go to a Division on it, and I shall have pleasure in supporting him. It is hard to understand why the Government are lowering the flag of public health and public convenience in this matter. My hon. Friend the Member for North St. Pancras (Mr. Lorden), who is, I acknowledge, a great expert upon the subject, has raised the most practical point against the Amendment, but in reply to him, may I say that if he reads the words in the Bill in conjunction with the words of the Amendment, he will find his point is completely covered. With the Amendment inserted the proviso would be as follows:
"Except where otherwise approved by the Minister on the recommendation of the local authority, every such house shall be provided with a fixed bath, and there shall not be more than twelve houses to the acre."
That meets exceptional cases of the kind to which the hon. Member drew attention, where streets have been already laid out. All that is necessary is for the Minister, who is a reasonable man, to take his usually reasonable point of view. I resent very much, and the people of this country and of Scotland also will resent, this lowering of the flag which was set up, it is true, under the Addison scheme, but although that scheme may have many faults, this is the lowering of a flag which I believe to be essential in the public interest and for the health of the community.
The conduct of the Government in regard to this Bill reminds me strongly of what took place at the close of the War. An announcement was made in the newspapers that the Kaiser was to be tried in London, and there was a great hurrah. Six weeks of silence followed, and it was then announced that the Kaiser would be tried in Paris, in case he might not get fair play in London. There was another hurrah, not quite so loud this time. Another six weeks of dubious silence passed, and then we were told that the Kaiser was to be tried by an International Commission, just to make certain that he will get absolute fair play. Then more silence, and it came down to this—that the Kaiser was not to be tried at all. We all listened with hope and expectation to the opening speeches of the Minister of Health. We felt that at last a man had come upon the scene who was going to do something. We felt that his promises and his outlook were of such a nature that houses must be built under his scheme. Now we come down to this—that if houses are going to be built they are going to be in the old jerry style of building with no guarantee of any description. I ask the Minister to give us the simple guarantee which is asked for in this Amendment. We want something definite, because if nothing definite is laid down, then once more the size of the houses and all that appertains to housing is going to be a matter of contest, debate, and shilly-shally between the local authorities and the Government. Surely it would be a simple thing to lay down a standard of not more than 12 to the acre; then we should know where we are and we could get on with the business. It was with great disappointment I listened to the reply of the Minister, but I hope he will look into the matter again and see if he cannot give us this very simple, straightforward, and just provision regarding the number of houses per acre.
The Minister of Health said he was very sympathetic towards the Amendment, and all the rest of it, but he talked of these areas in the middle of towns and in the centres of great cities where people would be near their work.
I said "near," but not "in" the cities.
He said where people would be near their work, and that is what I said, practically speaking. It is just those places where the workers are near their work where there is the temptation to crowd houses together, and the right hon. Gentleman panders to that temptation. I would say to him, with great diffidence, in view of his great abilities and experience, that it is near the centres of great towns where you want a little space. In the suburbs it is not nearly so important, until the suburbs themselves become built round, because there the children and the people can get out into the country, but in the middle of great towns we want certain spaces, and we do not want the houses too much crowded together. I want also to say that I am sorry the hon. and gallant Member the Under-Secretary of Health for Scotland has not seen fit to say a few words in reply to those hon. Members who represent Scotland and who have spoken on this Amendment. The hon. and gallant Gentleman is always ready to make a speech at any time, and always very fluent. I was in the last House, and I envied him his powers. I think, therefore, we ought to have some words as to the Scottish point of view from the Government Benches, and I think the case made out is unanswerable. We on this side are quite prepared to meet the case of the schemes that are already prepared, and we say that that matter is well covered by the words already in the Bill dealing with those schemes. I think the Minister of Health has made one more step backwards this afternoon towards the precipice of black reaction. The last time we discussed this Bill he made several steps backwards, over baths and so on, but he always says how sorry he is, how he would like to meet us, and how he sympathises, and all the rest of it. It is most unsatisfactory.
On these matters, of course, experts differ. I am not an expert. I only happen to be the occupant of premises affected by the Bill. What are the workers going to get? In so far as this Bill is concerned, we find ourselves warehoused, and not housed. An attempt is being made to get baths. "We do not get any baths in my district. We have to queue up, and when hot weather comes along we get a bath, sweating. What are you asking for? The protection of landlords. That is the basis of the Bill.
We have not yet got to the Third Reading of the Bill. We are dealing now with an Amendment.
Yes, 12 houses to the acre, and I wish to God we could get 20 houses to the acre in the district that I represent. My constituency consists mainly of casual labourers. How are they to have 12 houses to the acre? They have to turn out three times a day to look for work, and these theoretical politicians who talk about 12 houses to the acre do not know what they are doing. I want us to realise the facts. These men are compelled to work close to their work because of the conditions under which they work. If you want to get them out, it means the nationalisation of transport, and hon. Members opposite do not like that. Transport has a lot to do with housing accommodation, and all these economic and industrial problems are bound up together. Whether it be housing, or transport, or health, it means that capitalism destroys the life of the people. In my constituency the people have to be kept in segregated assemblies, because we know as well as you know, or as well as you ought to know, if you are politicians and statesmen, and you pre tend to be statesmen, of course, and the only people fit to govern——
On a point of Order. Has this anything to do with the Amendment?
This is really not relevant to the Amendment.
I beg your pardon. I thought the question of the congregation of the people in huge masses in certain areas governed by conditions over which the people themselves have no control had something to do with 12 houses to the acre.
I think the House is justified in asking for a more definite announcement from the Minister of Health on this question. In a recent discussion, he indicated that this Bill and he himself were biassed in favour of private enterprise, and at the same time he indicated that he intended to limit the municipalities' powers and facilities for building. In this connection, I would call attention to the attitude and the policy of those who represent private enterprise in building. We have only to examine the conditions of the housing of the working classes of our country in all our provincial towns and cities, and notably in London, to observe that our people are crowded together in congested areas. They live in the midst of vitiated atmosphere, and indeed one might say that, in so far as our industrial centres are concerned, the housing conditions are foul and fœtid. Much of this is due to the overcrowding that results from the building of too many houses to the acre, and we had hoped that the Government would put a limit upon the number of houses to be built to the acre. In this connection, municipalities have displayed a progressive policy and have limited the houses upon their estates to anything from 8 up to 12 per acre, but the policy of the Government is to limit the powers of the municipalities, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, to increase the powers and facilities of those who represent private enterprise to build houses with no limitations whatever.
This is much too general for this Amendment.
I bow to your ruling, Mr. Speaker, but surely it is competent for me to explain that if the Minister proposes to limit the powers of those authorities which up to now have limited the number of houses to the acre, that in itself is a reason why we should demand some definite figure being included in that Bill such as is proposed by this Amendment. However, I shall not, as you know, abuse the privilege that you have extended to me and I shall content myself with asking that the Minister should make some definite statement and give us an assurance that some figure will be included in the Bill which will limit the number of houses to be built to the acre, and particularly by those to whom it would appear he has extended his favour and good will, namely, those who stand for private enterprise.
The hesitation on the part of the Minister of Health to accept this Amendment demonstrates to my mind that he has not much belief in the housing schemes which may go on under this Bill. His refusal to accept an Amendment limiting the number of houses to the acre, and his refusal likewise to give a guarantee that such a limit will be fixed, proves to my mind that he is either under the impression that the houses will be so small that they will be blown away if they are not built close together, or that they must be built close together in order to keep them from falling down because of their being jerry-built. I have had experience of living in a congested area, and perhaps that is the reason why I am so small, never having had an opportunity to grow, because I never had the chance, and I am sincerely hopeful that in the interests of health, and with the Minister of Health guiding this Bill through, we are at last going to have an opportunity given
to our people of having a less number of houses built to the acre than has been the case up to the present under private enterprise.
Surely we are entitled to have a guarantee of the number of houses that are to be built to the acre. Surely we are to understand whether it is to be 60 or 80. No one could justify 60 or 80. There might be an argument for limiting the number to 16, but I think we are entitled to know what is going to be the limit to the number of houses. I speak in the interests of public health, and for the sake of the classes to whom I belong, and who are the individuals who will ultimately be compelled to live in these congested areas, and I hope that from the representative of the Scottish Department of Health we shall have some guarantee that in Scotland we are going to have a guarantee of at least a decent number of houses being built to the acre, instead of the unlimited number that may be built if this Amendment be rejected.
Question put, "That those words be there inserted in the Bill."
The House divided: Ayes, 164; Noes, 225.
Division No. 245.] AYES. [5.0 p.m. Acland, Rt. Hon. Francis Dyke Edmonds, G. Johnstone, Harcourt (Willesden, East) Adams, D. Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown) Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock) Fairbairn, R. R. Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly) Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro') Falconer, J. Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd) Asquith, Rt. Hon. Herbert Henry Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L. Jowett, F. W. (Bradford, East) Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Foot, Isaac Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Barrie, Sir Charles Coupar (Banff) Gardiner, James Kenyon, Barnet Batey, Joseph Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton) Lambert, Rt. Hon. George Bonwick, A. Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central) Lansbury, George Briant, Frank Gray, Frank (Oxford) Lawson, John James Broad, F. A Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne) Leach, W. Bromfield, William Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan) Lee, F. Brotherton, J. Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Lees-Smith, H. B. (Keighley) Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Groves, T. Linfield, F. C. Buchanan, G. Grundy, T. W. Lowth, T. Buckle, J. Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton) Lunn, William Burgess, S. Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland) MacDonald, J. R. (Aberavon) Burnle, Major J. (Bootle) Hardie, George D. M'Entee, V. L. Butler, J. R. M. (Cambridge Univ.) Harney, E. A. Maclean, Nell (Glasgow, Govan) Buxton, Charles (Accrington) Harris, Percy A. Macnamara, Rt. Hon. Dr. T. J. Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, North) Hartshorn, Vernon March, S. Cape, Thomas Hastings, Patrick Maxton, James Chapple, W. A. Hay, Captain J. P. (Cathcart) Middleton, G. Charleton, H. C. Hayday, Arthur Millar, J. D. Clarke, Sir E. C. Hayes, John Henry (Edge Hill) Morel, E. D. Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R. Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (N'castle, E.) Morris, Harold Collins, Pat (Walsall) Henderson, Sir T. (Roxburgh) Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.) Collison, Levi Henderson, T. (Glasgow) Muir, John W. Cotts, Sir William Dingwall Mitchell Hill, A. Murray, John (Leeds, West) Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities) Hinds, John Murray, R. (Renfrew, Western) Darbishire, C. W. Hirst, G. H. O'Grady, Captain James Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale) Hodge, Rt. Hon. John Oliver, George Harold Davies, J. C. (Denbigh, Denbigh) Hogge, James Myles Paling, W. Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton) Hutchison, Sir R. (Kirkcaldy) Parker, H. (Hanley) Davison, J. E. (Smethwick) Irving, Dan Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Dudgeon, Major C. R. Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath) Ponsonby, Arthur Duffy, T. Gavan Jenkins, W. A. (Brecon and Radnor) Potts, John S. Duncan, C. John, William (Rhondda, West) Pringle, W. M. R. Ede, James Chuter Johnston, Thomas (Stirling) Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Riley, Ben Smillie, Robert Wedgwood, Colonel Josiah C. Ritson, J. Smith, T. (Pontefract) Weir, L. M. Roberts, C. H. (Derby) Snell, Harry Westwood, J. Robertson, J. (Lanark, Bothwell) Snowden, Philip Wheatley, J. Robinson, W. C. (York, Elland) Spears, Brig.-Gen. E. L. Whiteley, W. Rose, Frank H. Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K. Williams, David (Swansea, E.) Royce, William Stapleton Stephen, Campbell Williams, Dr. J. H. (Llanelly) Saklatvala, S. Strauss, Edward Anthony Williams, T. (York, Don Valley) Salter, Dr. A. Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby) Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe) Scrymgeour, E. Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Winfrey, Sir Richard Shaw, Hon. Alex. (Kilmarnock) Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow) Wintringham, Margaret Shaw, Thomas (Preston) Tout, W. J. Wright, W. Shinwell, Emanuel Trevelyan, C. P. Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) Twist, H. Simon, Rt. Hon. Sir John Wallhead, Richard C. TELLERS FOR THE AYES. —Mr. Phillipps and Major McKenzie Wood.—Mr. Phillipps and Major McKenzie Wood. Simpson, J. Hope Warne, G. H. Sinclair, Sir A. Webb, Sidney
NOES. Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Ellis, R. G. Lorimer, H. D. Ainsworth, Captain Charles Erskine, Lord (Weston-super-Mare) Lort-Williams, J. Alexander, E. E. (Leyton, East) Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Lowe, Sir Francis William Alexander, Col. M. (Southwark) Falcon, Captain Michael Loyd, Arthur Thomas (Abingdon) Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S. Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Lumley, L. R. Apsley. Lord Fawkes, Major F. H. Lynn, R. J. Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin Ford, Patrick Johnston M'Connell, Thomas E. Ashley, Lt.-Col. Wilfrid W. Foreman, Sir Henry McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Balrd, Rt. Hon. Sir John Lawrence Forestier-Walker, L. Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Margesson, H. D. R. Balfour, George (Hampstead) Fraser, Major Sir Keith Martin, A. E. (Essex, Romford) Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G. Frece, Sir Walter de Mason, Lieut.-Col. C. K. Banks, Mitchell Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Mercer, Colonel H. Barlow, Rt. Hon. Sir Montague Furness, G. J. Milne, J. S. Wardlaw Barnett, Major Richard W. Galbraith, J. F. W. Mitchell, W. F. (Saffron Walden) Barnston, Major Harry Ganzoni, Sir John Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham) Becker, Harry Gates, Percy Moles, Thomas Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Gaunt, Rear-Admiral Sir Guy R. Molloy, Major L. G. S. Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Bentinck, Lord Henry Cavendish. Goff, Sir R. Park Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Berry, Sir George Greaves-Lord, Walter Newman, Colonel J. R. P. (Finchley) Betterton, Henry B. Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Blundell, F. N. Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W. (Liv'p'l,W.D'by) Newson, Sir Percy Wilson Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W. Halstead, Major D. Nicholson, Brig.-Gen. J. (Westminster) Brass, Captain W. Hamilton, Sir George C. (Altrincham) Nicholson, William G (Petersfield) Brassey, Sir Leonard Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Nield, Sir Herbert Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive Harmsworth, Hon. E. C. (Kent) Norton-Griffiths, Lieut.-Col. Sir John Brittain, Sir Harry Harrison, F. C. O'Neill, Rt. Hon. Hugh Brown, Brig.-Gen. Clifton (Newbury) Harvey, Major S. E. Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Bruford, R. Hawke, John Anthony Paget, T. G. Bruton, Sir James Hay, Major T. W. (Norfolk, South) Parker, Owen (Kettering) Buckingham, Sir H. Henn, Sir Sydney H. Pease, William Edwin Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Pennefather, De Fonblanque Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Herbert, Col. Hon. A. (Yeovll) Penny, Frederick George Burn, Colonel Sir Charles Rosdew Herbert, S. (Scarborough) Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Butcher, Sir John George Hewett, Sir J. P. Perkins, Colonel E. K. Butler, H. M. (Leeds, North) Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank Philipson, Mabel Cadogan, Major Edward Hiley, Sir Ernest Pielou, D. p. Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R. Hoare, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir S. J. G. Pilditch, Sir Philip Cautley, Henry Strother Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (St. Marylebone) Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City) Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy Privett, F. J. Cecil, Rt. Hon. Sir Evelyn (Aston) Hopkins, John W. W. Raeburn, Sir William H. Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord R. (Hitchin) Home, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Rankin, Captain James Stuart Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood) Houston, Sir Robert Patterson Rawson, Lieut.-Com. A. C. Churchman, Sir Arthur Howard, Capt. D. (Cumberland, N.) Reid, Capt. A. S. C. (Warrington) Clarry, Reginald George Howard-Bury, Lieut.-Col. C. K. Remer, J. R. Clayton, G. C. Hudson, Capt. A. Remnant, Sir James Coates, Lt.-Col. Norman Hunter-Weston, Lt.-Gen. Sir Aylmer Rhodes, Lieut.-Col. J. P. Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Hurd, Percy A. Richardson, Sir Alex. (Gravesend) Cohen, Major J. Brunel Hurst, Lt.-Col. Gerald Berkeley Richardson, Lt.-Col. Sir P. (Chertsey) Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Hutchison, G. A. C. (Midlothian, N.) Roberts, Samuel (Hereford Hereford) Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H. Roberts, Rt. Hon. Sir S. (Ecclesall) Cope, Major William Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S. Robertson-Despencer, Major(lslgtn,W) Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South) James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert Rogerson, Capt. J. E. Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Jarrett, G. W. S. Roundell, Colonel R. F, Croft, Lieut.-Colonel Henry Page Jodrell, Sir Neville Paul Ruggles-Brise, Major E. Crooke, J. Smedley (Deritend) Joynson-Hicks, Sir William Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth) Davidson, J. C. C.(Hemel Hempstead) Kennedy, Captain M. S. Nigel Russell, William (Bolton) Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) King, Captain Henry Douglas Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Dixon, C. H. (Rutland) Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement Sanders, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert A. Doyle, N. Grattan Lamb, J. Q. Sandon, Lord Du Pre, Colonel William Baring Lane-Fox, Lieut.-Colonel G. R. Sheffield, Sir Berkeley Edmondson, Major A. J. Lever, Sir Arthur L. Shepperson, E. W. Ednam, Viscount Lioyd, Cyril E. (Dudley) Shipwright. Captain D. Eiliot, Captain Walter E. (Lanark) Lorden, John William Simpson-Hinchcliffe, W. A. Skelton, A. N. Titchfield, Marquess of Winterton, Earl Somerville, A. A. (Windsor) Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement Wise, Frederick Somerville, Daniel (Barrow-in-Furness) Turton, Edmund Russborough Wolmer, Viscount Spender-Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H. Wallace, Captain E. Wood, Rt. Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Stanley, Lord Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull) Wood, Major Sir S. Hill-(High Peak) Steel, Major S. Strang Watts, Dr. T. (Man., Withington) Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Stewart, Gershom (Wirral) Wells, S. R. Yerburgh, R. D. T. Stuart, Lord C. Crichton- Wheler, Col. Granville C. H. Sugden, Sir Wilfrid H. White, Lt.-Col. G. D. (Southport) TELLERS FOR THE NOES. —Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs.—Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs. Sykes, Major-Gen. Sir Frederick H. Whitla, Sir William Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley) Wilson, Col. M. J. (Richmond) Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George
I beg to move, in Sub-section (4), after the word "twenty-three" ["nineteen hundred and twenty-three"], to insert the words "and before the passing of this Act."
This is purely a drafting Amendment, and I do not think I need explain it.
Amendment agreed to.
I beg to move, after the word "society" ["a society or company"], to insert the words "body of trustees."
There are certain bodies of trustees which have been formed for the provision of houses for the working classes. They would not be covered by the word "society," where it arises in Clause 3. I shall have a somewhat similar Amendment to move later on.
Amendment agreed to.
I beg to move, after the word "three" ["to which Section three applies"], to insert the words "of this Act."
Here, again, this is purely a drafting Amendment.
Amendment agreed to.
CLAUSE 2.—(Power of local authorities to promote the building of houses by means of grants, etc.)
(3) Assistance under this Section may be given in any of the following ways; that is to say, the local authority may—
( a ) make or undertake to make grants by way of lump sum after the completion of the houses;
( b ) undertake to pay to the person by whom the rates on any house are payable such annual sum as may be specified in the proposals for a period not exceeding twenty years;
( c ) undertake to provide, during such period as may be specified in the proposals, any part of the periodical sums payable to a building society incorporated under the Building Societies Acts, 1874 to 1894, or other
(4) Assistance given by a local authority under this Section in respect of a house, may be made subject to such conditions as the local authority may with the approval of the Minister impose, including a condition that during such period as may be specified by the local authority the house shall not be used otherwise than as a separate dwelling-house, and that no addition thereto or enlargement thereof shall be made without the consent of the local authority.
(5) A local authority may, before undertaking to give assistance under this Section in respect of any house, require security to be given that the house will be completed before the said first day of October, and that the other conditions subject to which the assistance is given will be observed.
(6) The raising of money for making grants by way of lump sum under this Section shall be a purpose for which a local authority may borrow under Part III of the principal Act, and shall be a purpose for which the Public Works Loan Commissioners may lend money to a local authority.
(7) In the application of this Section to the County of London the London County Council shall, to the exclusion of any other local authority, be the local authority for the purposes of Part III of the principal Act, and for the purpose of securing the proper exercise of their powers under this Section they shall have the power to require a district surveyor under the London Building Act, 1894, to perform within his district such duties as they think necessary for that purpose, and they may pay to him such remuneration as they may determine in respect of any duties performed by him in pursuance of this Section.
(8) This Section shall be deemed to have had effect as from the twenty-sixth day of April, nineteen hundred and twenty-three."
I beg to move, in Sub-section (3), to leave out paragraph ( a ).
This Amendment has the object of taking out of the Bill the proposal authorising corporations to grant lump sums with a view to assisting what is termed private enterprise. When this Bill was last before the House, late at night, a very distinguished Conservative Member crossed the floor to invite me to pair with him. When I told him it was impossible for me to do so, as I was proposing to move this Amendment, he said, "That is the only Clause in the Bill which is of the slightest value to secure houses in this country, and you will be doing less mischief if you go home to bed." I say that so that the Minister of Health may appreciate that in this Bill, at all events so far as the main provisions are concerned, he has not the whole-hearted support of or belief in it of hon. Members who sit behind him. Whether this is the most important provision or not depends upon the standpoint from which one approaches the matter. It is not a question of whether there should be a provision by municipal authorities or by private enterprise, but whether, under a very wide Clause, private enterprise should be assisted in the way in which it is proposed to assist it by granting a lump sum. The whole of the Clause, of which this is a paragraph, is a very wide one. It not only gives power to a municipality to assist private enterprise within the jurisdiction of the municipality, but outside as well. So far as I know it would be competent for a municipal authority to grant lump sums to private enterprise at a considerable distance—even at the sea-side—away from the municipality. Again, in granting these lump sums, there is the minimum amount of control. I do not propose to enlarge upon the abuses to which a similar provision led in previous Acts of Parliament; that aspect has been dealt with in Committee, and will probably be dealt with here.
I want to assume for one moment that there are going to be no abuses under the present Bill. That, I think, is extremely doubtful, but I will assume it, and I want to examine and analyse the psychology of the mind of Mr. Private Enterprise, so that, by so doing, I shall be able to show to hon. Members that this paragraph, although no doubt it is very beneficial from the standpoint of assisting private enterprise, is not likely to bring relief to the people to whom we desire to bring relief by this Bill. Mr. Private Enterprise, who sits chiefly below the Gangway—I am sorry he is not here——
On both sides of the House.
—is a most excellent type; one of the best of private enterprise. To private enterprise we owe so much in this country in the past—as to whether we are going to in the future I will refer later on—because it has been on private enterprise, whether it has succeeded or failed, that we have in the past solely depended for the provision of houses. Hon. Members of the Labour party know whether that has entirely succeeded or not. Mr. Private Enterprise, I think, goes to the Corporation of St. Pancras to get this particular kind of dole. We will say that in the first place his proposal is to erect a dozen houses, and he is offered a subsidy in respect of those houses. In addition to being an extremely nice man, he is also a very clever man. What does he do when he has finished those houses? Does he desire to let them to tenants? No clever man would desire to do so at the present time. The tenant can get a house on better terms by purchasing a house already in existence in another part of the town, if that is what he wants. The builder does not want to let. He wants to sell the houses that he may make—I am not quarrelling with him for it—his legitimate profit. I am glad to see that the hon. Member for North St. Pancras (Mr. Lorden) has now returned to the House, for he inspires me, and I admire him for it. The builder, I say, runs back to the corporation and gets further doles or subsidies in respect of further work which he is going to do in providing houses for the people of this country. To whom does he sell them? He sells to people who are in a position to buy. If any man in this country with his family is suffering as the result of living in one or two rooms, or under unhealthy conditions, you may depend upon it, if he has £200 or £300, that man will build and relieve himself and his family of suffering in a way that no resort to mere private enterprise or, indeed, to the corporation, will do. Whether there is a £50 or a £75 subsidy is immaterial to the man who is suffering. You are simply, on that footing, providing houses for those fortunate individuals, comparatively few in number, who are in a position to build houses themselves, and who would build houses themselves, or would buy, in any case, those erected by other people. The builder does not desire the rent. Take an extreme case. You get an exceptional Mr. Private Enterprise, and notwithstanding the present extraordinary position——
I presume that the hon. Gentleman is veering his argument round to the lump sum?
I was trying to argue, Mr. Deputy-Speaker, whether the grant of the lump sum would achieve the object desired, and, therefore, why this particular provision should be omitted. I know a case of an ex-service man who has lost a foot. He has a, wife and five children. The seven of them are living in one room. Here is an excellent tenant for some Mr. Private Enterprise, but Mr. Private Enterprise says, "I do not want him: when there is a demand for houses I am going to let, as I can let my house to a nice respectable old couple who have no children. I do not want my house knocked about." Before the War there was a difficulty of housing those people who could not afford to buy houses, and who only could afford to pay small rents, and it was not worth the while of private enterprise to provide the houses. It is now supposed that by granting a lump sum you are going to get over a good deal of the difficulty of private enterprise. Private enterprise failed badly before the War.
I say, in the first place, that those who will take this lump sum only desire to sell to those who can afford to build or buy, and who are not the hard cases under consideration at all, or, if they are prepared to let, they will not let to those cases which call for the greatest demand upon our sympathy. The municipal authorities, and only the municipal authorities, can remedy the great evil. Hon. Gentlemen on the other side of the House, whenever they get a spare moment, rush wildly around the country asking to be saved from Socialism. This proposal for a lump sum is a sort of superior high-class Socialism benefiting those who are not the most deserving. Hon. Members opposite have not got sufficient interest in them to save them from Socialism. Take the instance I have given. What do you think the man is who will not be provided under this scheme of housing—do you suppose he is a Conservative? He is a Socialist, and you can scarcely blame him for it. Probably if I were in the same circumstances I should be a revolutionary——
The hon. Gentleman is approaching the question of the lump sum by a very extended parabola.
I am sorry, Mr. Deputy-Speaker, that I have overstepped the proper rules of Debate. What I do say in conclusion is this: that you have got to face the problem that existed before the War where, in the matter of private dwellings for the least fortunate of the community, private enterprise failed then, and it most certainly will fail now when the circumstances are much worse. I say that this Clause, which provides a lump sum, may lead to abuse, as in the past, and also abuse in benefiting those people who do not call loudly upon our sympathies for assistance, and which will not in fact in any way provide for the people that I believe the whole country desires to see provided for.
I beg to second the Amendment. After the excellent speech of the hon. Member for Oxford City I do not think the situation calls for more than the mere formal seconding of the Amendment.
I have had some difficulty in following the arguments of the hon. Gentleman who moved the Amendment. He has been discussing this question in the form, of a legend or an allegory, after the fashion of the Pilgrim's Progress, and he has composed the idea which he has given us in the privacy of his own apartment. But it bears little relation to> the actual facts of the situation. The Amendment before the House is one to leave out that particular subsidy, which consists in paying a lump sum. The hon. Member has not produced any new argument which applies particularly to this form of subsidy, though I am familiar with those that we may hear, and that we have heard in Committee up- stairs. It may be that the hon. Member for Penistone (Mr. Pringle) will find some fresh argument. It is said that this subsidy will encourage the building of houses which are not really intended to be built under this Bill, but which will be used for purposes of week-end enjoyment or for supplying rich people with houses for their servants that they are quite able to provide for themselves without any subsidy. If I really thought that there was any serious danger of either of these things happening, I would certainly have to admit that it was a very serious objection, although not necessarily a fatal one. I say "not fatal," because it is desirable to be particular as to what that means.
After all, what we all want to do, and what is to the interest of everybody concerned to do, is to get the houses. If in doing so the builder makes a profit—and it would appear that this is considered by some to be a crime of heinous character—that, therefore, we should even forfeit the house rather than allow it. I do not take that view. I certainly am against that procedure as I understand it. Most people have to earn their own living. I can see nothing criminal in a builder earning his own living by legitimate methods. We have to consider the circumstances in which we live at the present time, and the cost of house-building, although very much less, is still a great deal higher than before the War, and an economic rent is difficult to get. I am speaking of the class of small houses in particular, but give the lump sum and then we enable the builder to write off, so to speak, so much for the cost of the house, for he knows how much it has cost him, and that will make it so much less than it would have cost him had it not been for the subsidy, and he will fix the selling price on that basis. It is a fallacy to argue that because there was a, certain amount of abuser—so far as I can make out very much exaggerated—of the subsidy under the Coalition Government's scheme, therefore it is also to take place under this scheme. I would remind the House that in the case of the last subsidy it was a subsidy from the Government only. Once given there was no condition attached, and no means of tracing what sort of houses were built. The present case and set of circumstances is altogether different. The subsidy can only be given by the local authorities on the spot, and what they give is added to the Government subsidy, otherwise the subsidy will not be sufficient for the purpose. Therefore they have a clear interest in seeing that the subsidy is not abused, and being on the spot, and knowing the local conditions, they can, and I am convinced will, exercise the greatest control and check quite impossible for the Government from Whitehall. Therefore in view of these facts, and that this is the most attractive form in which we could offer the subsidy to the private builder, in view of the fact that the local authority are the body to watch the proceedings, and so prevent any possible abuse of the subsidy—in view of these things—I think there is no reason to fear abuse, and in this case I think the House will do well to refuse to accept the Amendment.
This point was mentioned on the Second Beading, and attention was drawn to the objections to this part of the scheme. It is true that some of us are not acquainted with all that took place on the Standing Committee, and although I have done my best to follow what took place there, for my own part I feel that what the right hon. Gentleman has just said does not really dispose of the objections which many of us feel to this Subjection. The Minister of Health said one thing which rather emphasises and points our objection. I think he said that the builder who got this lump sum subsidy and built a house of course built the house to sell. That is perfectly true, but the question is whether or not an operation by which you are first going to provide public money to subsidise the builder in order that he may build a house that he is going to sell is really going to assist in the housing of the class of people with whom we are principally concerned in this Bill.
The shortage of houses largely arises from the fact that there are so few people who need houses who can afford to buy them. While it is perfectly true that a subsidy of this sort helps a speculative builder—I do not call him "speculative" with any idea of abusing him—but I mean the builder who is building, not for himself, or not necessarily for a client; I mean the builder who uses this machinery is building a house which he is pretty confident he can dispose of in the market to a purchaser. I am not averse to a fair operation of the principle of private enterprise, and I agree that we should increase the number of houses in every way we can. The real question is, Do you promote the housing of the people who need houses so badly by using public money under this Bill to enable 'builders to build houses which they can sell, but only provide them for persons who can afford to pay for them? I know the builder in this way is carrying on a perfectly legitimate trade in a proper way, and it is not a question of abusing the person who wants to buy the house, but if your object is to produce a maximum number of houses for the working classes, who certainly cannot buy houses, are you justified in diverting public funds into a channel which really will not assist in a solution of the problem? I believe it is a matter of doubt whether or not there is in fact sufficient skilled labour available in the country at the present time to rapidly build these extra houses for the working classes, but I do not think it is doubted that there is sufficient labour to do a very great deal of building.
If you are going to give a builder a lump sum to encourage him to build houses to sell to middle-class persons, and if you are going to employ the available skilled labour in the country in building those houses, of course you are reducing the amount of labour which remains for building the kind of house for the kind of people for whom you wish specially to provide houses. I do not want my argument to be regarded as having anything to do with this endless controversy about private enterprise. I am perfectly ready to defend that principle on all occasions, but those who criticise it ought to be satisfied to see houses produced, and it does not matter so much whether they are produced by private enterprise or municipal action. My criticism goes much deeper. If you are producing houses for the working classes, whether by private enterprise or municipal action, my point is, is it a good way to earmark some of the public money we are providing in this way?
I suggest it really is not, and what this Clause does is that it secures no doubt a very attractive form of temptation and encouragement to the builder, but the builder is going to use it for the purpose of building a house which he will sell. There is nothing in the Government scheme or in this Bill which secures the really essential thing, that is some kind of control as to the sort of person who is going to use the house. The argument for the Amendment does not depend in the least on exaggerating or repeating continually those instances, which I daresay were not so very common, of people using the last Bill to provide houses for their own gamekeepers or coachmen. Those were scandalous cases, but the argument now is that this part of the Bill does not accompany the grant of public money with any security that the right kind of person will occupy the houses which are going to be built.
The grant is limited to houses, the size of which is specified in the Act.
There are plenty of people who are not above living in a fairly small house. The way in which such things could conceivably be done would be by securing that the local authority really controls who is to live in the house. Under the old housing schemes that method was largely followed. The housing committee in a great many areas took an immense amount of trouble to secure that it should not be a case of "first come first served," or the man who could pay the biggest price getting the house. They endeavoured that the accommodation should be made available for the persons whom they found on inquiry to be those who most needed that accommodation. I think the right hon. Gentleman will find that in practice under the working of the provisions of the housing schemes they did secure that ex-service men and people with large families should have the preference. I do not think it is possible to provide for all those things in the Bill, but this Bill does not make the slightest effort to do so. In a nutshell, the point is that here you are taking public money, giving it to the local authority, and you are saying to the local authority, "What you can do is you can promise a lump sum to a builder and leave it at that." Before public money is so used we ought at least to secure that there is some machinery, whether in the hands of the local authority or in the hands of the Minister, which will make certain that the houses so produced will not be sold to people who have so many hundreds of pounds which they are able to spend on the house, but that they shall be really available for those who really need the houses most, such as people with large families or ex-service men who are the least able to produce so many hundred pounds per house.
I have listened carefully to the speech of the right hon. Gentleman, and it does not seem to me that that point has been met. He says that this is a very attractive way of getting houses built, because when the builders have produced them they will be able to sell them. He also said that the object is to get as many houses as possible built, but, in my opinion, what is more important than that is to get the people who need houses the most provided for. This Clause does not seem to me to work in that direction. What we want is not so much a controversy between private enterprise and municipal action, but what everyone wants is, to secure that this Bill will produce the maximum number of houses for the working classes, and I do not see how the payment of a lump sum to a builder is calculated to achieve that object.
I am not quite sure that the right hon. Gentleman's argument about a lump sum does not go to the root of the whole question of whether it was possible to house people of the working class by private enterprise at all. His objection to the lump sum is, that you would be subsidising builders who would sell, and that was his primary objection. I think that goes right to the root of the whole question as to whether you are going to have private enterprise at all. If you do not have a scheme under which the builder can produce houses to sell, you will never have private enterprise at all in this question.
There are two kinds of persons who may require a small house of this kind. One would be the person buying a small house to live in himself, and that is a very limited class; and then there is another larger class who have been an important factor in the provision of houses up to the present time, and that is the small investor who buys one, two or three houses. My understanding is that it is intended to assist private enterprise in that way just as much as it is intended to assist the private enterprise of a person who desires to build a house for his own occupation. As a matter of fact, if the Amendment which the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Spen Valley (Sir J. Simon) has been supporting were carried, and no lump sum was put in the Clause, you would have all the big authorities and municipalities backing out of the scheme, because that is the basis of how they propose to proceed. They know perfectly well, or at any rate a good many of them do, that they are going to do it through private enterprise, and they want to do it by granting a lump sum. It would be absurd to attempt to subsidise private enterprise directly by a small sum per annum for 20 years.
The builder who builds a small house is perfectly entitled to sell his house, and it is in the public interest that he should sell. He is working on his capital, and he must turn it over. It is no good building one house for one particular purpose. Unless the scheme is going to be used by builders who are going to produce quite a number of houses, it will not be worth anything. If a builder started with 10 houses and then left off, what would he have on his hands? He would have a small income coming in from so many houses for so many years. On the other hand, supposing he could sell the houses and have the subsidy from the State and the local authority in a lump sum, so that he can close that transaction and go on with the next.
That is the reason why this Bill is sound on the point of granting a lump sum. When I first looked at this Measure I was not clear upon that point, but I have now had the advantage of knowing what big authorities are going to do, and how they mean to handle it and attract builders. It is perfectly clear that this proposal does not limit the operation of the Bill. I know I must not go outside the limit of the Amendment, but may I point out that even this method of building through the private builder must be done through the municipalities. The municipality holds the key of the position. It makes the arrangement with the private builder. It decides whether the private builder shall be the person to carry out the work of providing houses or whether it shall be done by the municipality itself. I hope that almost all of them will give a share of the work to private industry, and will do so by means of granting a lump sum. The right hon. and learned Member for Spen Valley re- ferred to the fact that there was not very much labour available for building operations generally, and that there would be still less labour available for building houses for private occupiers.
What I said was that a discussion had arisen as to whether there was sufficient labour, and, whether there was or not, it was true that the amount available for this class of house would be reduced unless the grant was made conditional on houses of a certain class being built.
My answer to that simply is that the very size of the house thoroughly well indicates that it must be occupied by the class of persons we are all thinking of. The houses are to be kept within certain limits, and those limits have been very much criticised, but that is our security that the class of house we desire will be built. The municipalities can only subsidise the smaller class of houses, and it is hardly conceivable that anyone other than people of the class who most need the houses will be found occupying them. To some extent that may occur, perhaps, but even in those cases the occupants will have relieved the situation in regard to other small houses which will have become available for working men. If the Minister means to give an opportunity to private enterprise, and if private enterprise is, as I hope, to take a big share in supplying the great need of to-day in this matter, this Bill will enable that to be done, and the particular Clause to which the Amendment is directed will prove the most practical and efficient way of carrying it out.
I am one of those who would be prepared to support private enterprise, or any other means, to secure houses being built for those people who need them most, but it is because I hold that this proposal would mean that the houses would be built for people who can afford to buy them outright without any subsidy from the State or local authority that I support the Amendment. There are many Members sitting on this side of the House who desire houses to be built for the poor people because they, themselves, are affected by the present shortage. There are many Members who would far sooner proceed, on the termination of the business of the House, to their own homes to enjoy the company of their wives and children rather than make a trail to the cheerless lodgings or hotel, and it is because of that that we on these benches appreciate what this Clause will really mean. Under it, houses will be built, but they will not be built for those people who desire to live in them and pay a weekly rent; they will be built for people who' are fortunate enough to possess sufficient money to buy a house outright. We believe that very few ex-service men, very few men with large families, very few men who have suffered long terms of unemployment since the Armistice, are in a position to buy a house outright.
We believe that the object of this Bill is really to provide houses for the poorer classes. I do not believe for one moment that had there been only a dearth of houses for people of the middle class, we should be sitting here to-night discussing this Bill. It was the great need of the poorer people for houses in which to live that caused this Bill to be introduced. It is because I believe that State money and public money will be given to the private builder to build houses for people other than the poorer people that I support this Amendment. There are some on this side of the House who were very much concerned as to the way in which public money will once again be used in order to subsidise the building of weekend bungalows and cottages for gamekeepers, or similar places, that should be built by people who can afford to pay for building them. We remember what the predecessor of the present Minister said with regard to the last subsidy that was given for building houses. He stated that, in his opinion, probably only one-third of the houses that were built under that scheme were occupied by the working classes. I believe there is very grave danger of the same thing taking place if this Clause is allowed to remain unaltered in the Bill. The people who will reap the benefit are the builders who will receive public money and will be able to sell the houses that they have built, not to the poorer people, but to people who can afford to buy a house not subsidised by public money. These are the people who will receive the benefit. What chance has the poor man, the man with the large family, of being able to rent one of these houses?
We know that to-day, from one end of the country to the other, it is impossible to find a house with a notice up to the effect that it is "to let." All the houses are for sale. Hon. Members pride themselves that that home life is one of the greatest assets of this country, and yet we cannot participate in that home life because of the dearth of houses to let. If this Clause is amended as we propose, the effect will be to prevent people who can afford to buy houses outright securing possession of the subsidised houses. While builders can engage in building houses for sale, they will not trouble about building houses to let. Skilled labour is to a certain extent limited, and while it is engaged on building houses for the middle classes who can afford to buy the houses that are for sale, that labour will not be utilised in order to build houses for the poorer people who stand no earthly chance of ever being in a position to buy a house.
There is one further point I desire to bring under the notice of the House. I do not believe it is desirable to give municipal authorities the power to subsidise the private builder. With all due respect to "Mr. Enterprise," we find that from one end of the country to the other private enterprise has been careful to see that it is well represented on all local authorities. Cases of jobbery are not unknown in this country. We used to pride ourselves that corruption was confined to the United States of America. I innocently believed that, and I was one of those who argued, while I was abroad, that public life in this country was pure. I will not pursue that, as I see Mr. Deputy-Speaker is about to call me to order.
If the hon. Member can bring forward arguments to show that lump-sum payments are likely to cause corruption more so than in any other form, he would be in order.
6.0 P.M.
What I wanted to argue was that by giving power to local authorities to hand over lump sums to private enterprise you would be opening up a very wide field for those people who enter public life not with the desire of serving the interests of the public. I am justified in stating this, because cases have happened in this country in which people who have had their friends on local authorities have seen to it that they have gone out of their way to benefit their friends. My mind goes back to the case in Sheffield, not many years ago, in which one of the city councillors suffered imprisonment as the penalty for not acting in the interests of the public in a transaction connected with building houses. I believe it would be quite possible for such a thing to take place now, and it will be aggravated by the fact that the local authorities have power to subsidise private enterprise. I would urge the House, if they are going to hand over a lump sum to the private builders, seriously to consider the protection of the people who are going to occupy the houses that will be built. In other words, if private enterprise is to be subsidised for house building, I would urge that it should only be by instalments rather than by a lump sum.
I regret that the hon. Gentleman who has just spoken has so little faith in the electorate of this country as he has just shown, and so poor an opinion of their discrimination in electing their representatives on local authorities. I cannot deal with that question now, because it would be out of order to go into it at any length, but I cannot help making my protest, and I can only say that the hon. Gentleman appears to be very unfortunate in his experience. What we need at the present time, far more than political arguments, are houses, and, above all, small houses. A point which, I think, speakers up to the present have been rather inclined to forget, is that the size of these houses is limited. I put this to the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Spen Valley (Sir J. Simon), whose speech was a very fair one. If, whether in my constituency or in his, we are really going to get private enterprise going as it was before it was destroyed by the People's Budget, and if there are going to be some hundreds of these small houses built to sell, is it not a fact that in doing that we take out of these congested working-class areas which at present exist, persons who are living in those areas, and put them into these new houses? Is it not really an advantage to get every small house built in the country that we possibly can, by every means, by private enterprise and otherwise? Some of the arguments we have just heard seem to me to be answered by a point which the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Spen Valley himself made, namely, that the average poor man in this country, obviously, cannot afford to purchase these houses. I think the real fear of the hon. Gentleman was that the money which this Bill provides for a special type of person might go to another type of person; but, as the right hon. Gentleman the Member for ripen Valley pointed out, there are very few people of the working class in this country who are able to afford to purchase houses, and the other parts of this Measure would have to be used in order to satisfy their housing wants. I hope that this Amendment will not be pressed. We want to see small houses built in large numbers, and my advice would be: Get on with it, by whatever methods you possibly can. It is the only way in which you are really going to overtake this great shortage.
The only reason why I rise to say a few words upon this matter is that, in my view, this is really the most important matter in the whole Bill. There have been two speeches upon it, to which the House has listened with great interest, and which, I think, expressed entirely opposite views—the one by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Spen Valley (Sir J. Simon) and the other by the hon. Member for Spelthorne (Sir P. Pilditch). The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Spen Valley stated quite clearly, and I am sure that everyone in the House agrees with it as a general proposition, that the main object of this Bill is to provide small houses for poor people. It must necessarily follow that the rent of those houses must be such as is only just sufficient to pay, at the outside, a fair return on the money expended upon them. My right hon. Friend said that this had nothing to do with private enterprise, but I frankly confess that I personally disagree with him entirely in that, and I infinitely prefer the bold, outspoken statement of the hon. Member for Spelthorne, who said that this Bill, as he understood it, was to provide a subsidy for the private builder.
This Amendment really raises, in a concrete and simple form, the real and important problem with which, as I am satisfied, this House is going to be faced in the future, and which has been emphasised in the two speeches to which I have referred, namely, whether or not public enterprise is to be permitted to come to the assistance of private enterprise if private enterprise fails. I gather, from the speech of the hon. Member for Spelthorne, that he is firmly of the opinion that the only way in which private enterprise can provide these small houses is by means of a subsidy from the State which permits them, and is intended to permit them, to re-sell at a profit, so that increased rents must of necessity be charged in order that this second profit may be made. I am satisfied that the view of all hon. Members who will go into the Lobby in support of this Amendment of the hon. Member for Oxford (Mr. F. Gray)—who, I am sure, will not think it presumptuous of me if I say that he seemed to put his case, not only extremely fairly and clearly, but in a way which was sympathetic to hon. Members nearer to myself than he is—will be that it is absolutely impossible to get the houses which this House desires if you rely entirely upon private enterprise.
It really is not fair to suggest that public enterprise and private enterprise cannot run together. One hears so much about the rank Socialism which prevents public enterprise from coming to the assistance of private enterprise, but, surely, there is ample work for private enterprise in building to-day. We have heard from the Minister himself that there was not enough skilled labour to build these houses, but one has only to go down one of the biggest streets in London at this moment to find thousands of men employed in pulling down an entire street and building it up again. It cannot be suggested, and I am sure the House does not suggest, that the proper method is for private enterprise to build houses which, in the very nature of the case, can only be supplied at a minimum rent to people who cannot afford to pay more, and, if the hon. Member for Spelthorne is right, that the object of this Bill is to subsidise the private builder who can only do his work if he is permitted to sell at a profit, and if this paragraph ( a )be put in in order that he may be allowed to sell at a profit, then I would suggest to the House, with respect, that the very object for which this Bill has been introduced is inevitably defeated, if the Minister tells us, as he has told us, that the object of the Bill is to provide houses for people of the poorest classes. How is that consistent with the statement of the hon. Member for Spelthorne, that the only way to work the Bill is by a lump subsidy to private builders, who will not do the work unless they are allowed to sell at a profit?
It seems to be thought that when the builder builds his house in order to make his profit, that profit will be represented by the rent paid by the working-class tenant, but it is nothing of the sort. The person who buys the house not only has to make his profit, but the rent which he has to charge the working man must reimburse him for the two profits, namely, the original profit and the profit which he himself has to make on his undertaking. Therefore, in the very nature of the Bill, if the hon. Member for Spelthorne is right, the object of the Minister is to ensure that private enterprise shall make two profits out of this rent, which, it is obvious, must be paid by people of the poorest class, who can hardly afford to pay for one profit.
For that reason, I venture to suggest that the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Spen Valley, who has now left the House, was entirely wrong in saying that private enterprise does not enter into the matter. The very root of the objection of myself and those who agree with me, and the very root, as I think, of the beliefs which really underlie my party, is that, if you find that private enterprise fails in any individual case, then State enterprise should and must come to its help. The people who merely say that State enterprise is intended to abolish private enterprise altogether are entirely mistaken as to our principles in regard to this matter. I do not think there is the slightest objection to private houses being built by private enterprise, or to buildings like cinemas being built by private enterprise, but this Bill is intended for something entirely different. It is intended, as I am satisfied everyone in the House agrees, to benefit those people who have only just sufficient means to enable them to pay a, minimum rent for the smallest conceivable house, and, with great respect to the Minister in charge of the Bill, I sug- gest that it shows the absolute failure of even the hope of achieving this object if the hon. Member for Spelthorne is right, that the object of this Bill is to subsidise the private builder, and the private builder will not build these small houses unless he is allowed to resell at a profit. For these reasons, I shall certainly support the Amendment, which seems to me to go to the root of the whole Bill.
I think it would be a good thing to get back for a little while to the purpose of this Amendment, namely, the simple proposition of a lump sum. Some of us on this side think that private enterprise should be allowed to build houses if it is prepared to build houses for the working classes, but that, if the State comes in, it should have some guarantee that the purpose of the subsidy will be achieved, and that the houses will be occupied by the people for whom they are built. I venture to suggest to the House that that can only be attained by means of an annual grant. Once the State has parted with the money to the building speculator, there is no security that the houses built will even be retained for housing purposes at all. I know that in working-class districts there has been a tendency of late for small houses to be turned into small factories, cabinet-making shops, and so on, and once these houses are built with State money, they can be used for any purpose, and can be sold and resold half-a-dozen times, so that in that case the money allocated for a special purpose would not achieve that purpose.
A great constitutional principle is it stake. Subsidies are always unsatisfactory. It is far better for any industry that it should stand on its own feet. We are now granting, at a time of great national stringency, large sums of money to encourage housing of a special character, and I think the Whole House, and especially the right hon. Baronet the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury), who is the guardian of the financial traditions of the House, will agree that we ought to be assured that the money is going to be used for that purpose. Before the War it was quite a common thing for working men to buy their houses. They invested their money in house property instead of stocks and shares, and in the Midlands many of the houses are owned by the people who live in them. But everything has changed in the last three or four years. There has been a long cycle of unemployment, men have been on short time, wages have been reduced out of proportion to the reduction in the cost of living, and it may be accepted as a fact that the ordinary working man will not be able to invest money in house property.
In London the central authority has inquired of private builders whether, with the aid of this subsidy, they would be able to do a large amount of building. The central authority in London is very keen on private enterprise. On the whole it is against municipal enterprise and would much prefer these houses to be provided by the private builder. The result of the inquiry has been that the builders have had to admit that at present there is no market for this kind of investment, so the local authority, in order to induce builders to speculate and build houses, have had to offer—at any rate the Chairman of the Housing Committee has taken a step in that direction—various small builders in London to guarantee to buy back, after the subsidy has been paid, 75 per cent, of the houses because the builders say if such a guarantee is not given the houses are likely to be left on their hands. Surely if public money is to be invested in building houses it is better that they should be built under the supervision of a public authority, with proper plans, with a clerk of the works and an architect to see that the work is properly done. It is not very satisfactory to hand over a large sum of the taxpayers' money for builders to build houses which will ultimately have to be bought back by the State. There is no scarcity of houses to buy. In the suburbs houses are constantly being offered for sale. The scarcity is for houses to hire at a weekly rent, and this makeshift that the Minister is so keen on as a sop to private enterprise will not achieve its end, but will have exactly the reverse effect. If the Minister is really devoted to encouraging private enterprise let him drop this lump sum and give a yearly grant on the same lines as the grant to be given to local authorities. I am sure many local authorities would be prepared to give an annual grant if they were sure the houses were retained for occupation for working men. Surely that is a far better scheme than a lump sum, and it is a sound way of encouraging private enterprise, if private enterprise is to be encouraged.
I should like to put to the Minister some other objections that I see to the Clause. One who represents a poor district, where rates are high, must, necessarily, give some consideration to the effect any Clause will have on his own district and on others more or less similarly situated. If the object of the Clause is to allow local authorities to give just as much money in subsidies in any form, particularly in this form of a lump sum, as will induce the local builders, or other builders to come into the district and build houses, how are districts such as the one I live in going to be affected? I can quite understand many suburban districts where the assessable value is high, and the rates, as a consequence, usually are very low, being quite willing to put a few pence on their rates to make grants to builders in the hope of getting houses which will suit the people who live there; because generally, in the districts where the rates are comparatively low, the class of houses is comparatively good, and the people in the district will be suited, no doubt, by a Clause such as this. But how can other districts, with rates of 20s. or 25s., or more, view with any satisfaction at all the prospect of giving a lump sum grant to builders to get houses built? We simply cannot afford to give them any grant at all. Perhaps the Minister would enlighten me on this point. If it were decided in any district to give a grant of £6 a year for a period of 20 years, is the district permitted to choose its own method of getting the money with which to make the grant? Can it levy it on the rates year by year, or must it borrow the money and pay interest on it; and, if it borrows, would it pay the whole of the £120 in a lump sum, or would it retain sufficient of it to pay the interest for the period of the loan? In that case it would, of course, only pay the builder £75. In the other case it would pay him £120 and levy the interest on its own ratepayers year by year. There does not appear to me to be anything which would help or compel a district to adopt either or any of those suggestions, and I should like to know what is in the minds of the Ministry and whether they propose issuing any Regulations in regard to the methods of getting the money out of which this subsidy is to be paid.
The Bill says that local authorities "may" make those grants, but I should like to know whether any compulsion is going to be brought to bear on those local authorities who, for one reason or another, do not make a grant to builders. It may be that although it says "may" in the Bill the Ministry may be determined in their own mind that the district councils shall give grants to builders. In that case my district would be in a very serious position, as would many others. We may be compelled by the power the Ministry possesses in other directions, if we wanted to get other concessions under the Act, to build houses in other ways. We might be compelled to accept, at least in some degree, the operation of this Clause and give a subsidy to builders, although our council might not desire to operate the Clause at all. I should like to know what pressure, if any, is going to be brought on local authorities to compel them to put this Clause into operation. I am speaking with practical knowledge of the building trade, and my view is that if the Minister really desires, as I believe he does, to get houses built, even for sale, this is not the best type of house to build for sale. Any builder will agree with me in that. If the desire is get houses largely to sell to those who are able to buy them, within the limited size of those houses, there arc many restrictions in regard to the type of house one can build under this Clause which would make it a house which is not a good saleable house, and I do not think, in spite of what the Minister says to the contrary, that this is a good Clause from the point of view of the speculative builder. It is not at all likely that he will build houses limited in one respect—in the case of the bath. Any builder who is building a house for the purpose of selling it would like to be able to put a bath in, but apparently under the restrictions here he is not going to be permitted to put in a bath with hot and cold water.
The hon. Member must be under some misunderstanding.
A fixed bath is the term used. I thought that did not apply to these houses at all.
I understood the hon. Member to say that under the Bill local authorities would not be allowed to insist that a hot and cold water supply should be furnished. There is nothing in the Bill to limit the local authority in any way.
Do I understand that local authorities themselves will be permitted to put in bathrooms with hot and cold water?
Yes.
We are agreed that the main thing we want is houses. Probably the main consideration which both the Ministry and local authorities have to take into account, in the question whether we are going to get houses or not in large numbers, is the cost. That is surely the most important factor. If you have a local authority which has expressed its willingness to build houses and which will not desire to put the Clause into operation at all, it appears obvious to me that if a local authority can in ordinary circumstances—and I know several who have actually done it—build houses at a lower price than they can be built by contractors or builders in their district, why compel them, or try to induce them, to give money subsidies? In many districts the local authorities can build very much cheaper and better themselves, and the Ministry in the last Government issued a statement to the public in which that point was conceded. We ought to encourage local authorities not to give grants to people who have proved their incapacity to build houses for the demand there is at a price that that demand is able to meet. We ought to encourage the public authorities, instead of giving a lump sum, or any other grant, particularly a lump sum to private builders, to build houses themselves. We ought to encourage the local authorities if the Minister is satisfied and only in those circumstances that they have the machinery for building the houses and that they can be reasonably relied upon to build them cheaper than a private builder. What is the advantage, except from the view of private enterprise, in handing over sums of money from public funds to any set of private individuals, whether builders or anybody else? I am not particularly opposed to the builders, because I may have to go back to them some day and ask them to give me employment. At the present time, I do not see any need for handing over to the builders a lump sum for building houses. It can be demonstrated without a shadow of doubt that the public authority in the district is infinitely better qualified to build these houses cheaper and better than they can be built by a private builder.
It is a very dangerous practice, and one that may lead to grave scandals in the future, if we are going to allow public bodies to hand over money to any set of private builders. It is well known that in the past there has been a great desire shown in the constitution of local authorities for certain people to get on to those public bodies. It was thought to be an advantage for certain people connected with house property to become members of local authorities, and, as a consequence of that, those interested in property, owners and agents, have found their way on to local authorities. What will be the result of this sub-section? The builders, the speculators, and those interested, not only in the building of houses, but in the providing of the material from which the houses will be built, will see that, by forming little groups and rings, they can get very large sums of money from the local authorities, if they can by any means influence that local authority in their direction. The result will be that these people will seek to get control of the local authority, and, having got control, they will use the local authority for the purpose of getting these subsidies for the benefit of their little group, so that they may profit out of the needs of the district. Whatever may be said for the other Sub-section of this Clause, this particular Sub-section, of giving lump sums of money for houses to be built by private builders, is one of the worst possible forms of giving away public money, and is not likely to lead to getting large numbers of houses, but more likely to lead to gross scandals, and, in reality, a reduction in the number of houses to be built under the Act.
If I did not know that the hon. Member who has just sat down was a Member of the Standing Committee, I should have concluded that he had not read the Bill, because he seems to have failed to grasp what this Clause, or this Sub-section which it is proposed to leave out, means. The Clause in no way compels the local authority to pay a lump sum to private enterprise.
I am well aware of that fact, but what I asked the Minister was whether further powers that he possesses under the Bill will be exercised against the local authority which refuses to put this Sub-section into operation.
There is no doubt that the impression which the hon. Member gave to the House was that the local authority would be compelled to pay this lump sum to the private builders. Under this Clause, the local authority have power to exercise what regulations they think right, and I am surprised to hear representatives of a democratic cause opposing democratic government and accusing us of every form of corruption. I have been on a great many local bodies, and possibly because those local bodies have included a certain section of the squirearchy, I have never come across the appalling corruption which my democratic friends opposite enjoy on the boards on which they sit. It may surprise hon. Members opposite to know that I have received a resolution, unanimously passed by the urban council of Coalville, which is entirely a mining district, advocating that this lump sum should be given, because that would be the best way of enabling houses to be built. I do not mind if somebody gets a little extra out of it so long as we get the houses built. If the right man does not get into the house, at any rate he has to leave somewhere else, and that enables somebody else to go into the house that he leaves. Every single house that we get built, whether by private enterprise or municipal enterprise, will be a gain. Therefore, if this lump sum provision is going to encourage the building of these houses, I hope that the Minister will resist all the eloquence from the other side and keep in this Sub-section.
I should not pursue the matter further if I thought the Minister of Health had submitted valid arguments for the rejection of the Amendment. He must not imagine that the mere peremptory gesture such as he has indulged in this afternoon on this Amendment is sufficient to dispose of its substance. This Sub-section which he is anxious to insert in the Bill will not provide the houses, and, if they are provided, they will fall into the wrong hands. The proposal, as far as houses are concerned, is that a house is to be built of a specific and special type, with limited accommodation, within a limited area, and, so far as conveniences are concerned, they are very limited. These houses are to be utilised by what has been agreed are the poor working classes and those who are not in a financial position to purchase the houses if they are built. If that be so, is there any speculative builder who is going to build a, house about which there is this doubt as to its disposal? What possibility is there of these houses being built unless they are to fall into the hands of the very people who do not require houses, or the people who, if they do require them, only require them from the point of view of profiteering.
The Minister of Health, in resisting the Amendment, said that if there be any danger of certain week-end people obtaining houses of this kind, the local authority can always put their foot down on operations of that type; but I would remind him that the Bill expressly provides for the erection of houses both within and without the area of the local authority. It is not a case of building houses within the area of the local authority, and the local authority exercising supervision, where they can send the sanitary inspector or the borough surveyor, or some other official, to ascertain whether the houses are being properly built and properly utilised. The houses may be built outside the area of the local authority—20, 30, or 40 miles away. The argument that has been brought forward from this side, as to the possibility of the erection of bungalows at the seaside which may be used for week-end people, is perfectly valid and logical, and has not been met or answered by the right hon. Gentleman. It is provided that certain conditions may be imposed by the local authority as a condition of assistance being provided. If the right hon. Gentleman is anxious to so restrict the operations of certain vested interests as far as the disposal of houses is concerned, why does he not make this Sub-section obligatory and not permissive? A local authority, owing to its composition, may not be inclined to impose definite restrictions, and there may be corruption. My final point is that by this Sub-section you are opening the door to methods of corruption. You are providing a grant for certain speculative builders so that they shall build houses. It is no part of the legislative procedure to offer bribes to anybody in this country to provide houses in this way. We ought not to seek to provide houses for people who must have houses in order to live properly, by means of a questionable method of this sort. If the Minister wants to get houses, let him provide the finances for the local authority, and they can build the houses without the aid of the private speculators. Let them build the houses by first hand instead of second hand. It is because of difficulties in regard to finance that the local authorities find themselves up against a wall, and cannot provide the houses which they are anxious to provide.
No real attempt has been made to meet the arguments presented against this Sub-section. The Minister, fortified by the battalions behind him, thinks that all that he has to do is to wave his hand and say, "I am not going to agree to this Amendment." That is not sufficient Even if he wants to satisfy the speculative builders he will have to make the Clause stronger than it is. Private enterprise, in the opinion of many Members on this side, and I believe of many Members on the opposite side, has failed, and you are trying to bolster it up, I believe, without success. Possibly you are justified in having your trial, but it is not the business of a legislature to indulge in risky, costly experiments of this kind which are not likely to prove successful. On every ground we are entitled to ask that this assistance, in the form of a lump sum, shall not be provided for the speculative building interests when other methods which have been tried by the local authorities, and have proved successful, can be adopted.
The hon. Member for the Spelthorne Division (Sir P. Pilditch) made one extraordinary statement which should not go without challenge. He said that if this Amendment were carried a large number of large local authorities would have no further use for the Bill. That is exactly the reverse of what is likely to happen. If this Sub-section is carried it will seriously cripple the activities of local authorities in providing those houses which they have provided so successfully during the last three or four years. It is the fashion in this House to criticise what the local authorities could do or have done. When we remember that 200,000 houses have been put up within the last two or three years, which would be a credit to any building concern——
What did they cost?
They have been put up by various local authorities, so that it is obvious that they are fully competent to carry out the work if they have an opportunity. They have cost what everything else has cost during the last three or four years, that is far more than they were worth. They have been built by private enterprise for the local authority.
What was the example from the other side of houses which were built more cheaply by direct labour?
Yes, those built by direct labour have in many cases been built even more economically. That is not the question before us. The hon. Member for Wallasey (Sir B. Chadwick) was very critical of the right hon. Member for Spen Valley (Sir J. Simon), who said that this was not a question for or against private enterprise, and it is not. In the case of the great majority of houses provided by local authorities the houses have been built by private enterprise. The reason we object to this Sub-section is that if the houses are built by a private builder with a subsidy you have no check on the use to which the money will be put, whereas if they are built for a municipality by a private builder then you have the check through the municipality as to the purpose for which the money is used. Where public money is being used for what should be a public purpose, the great bulk of that money should go direct to the benefit of those whom it is intended to relieve.
I know that the hon. and gallant Member for Bosworth (Major Paget) said that he had no objection to private enterprise making some extra profit out of it, but we desire that this subsidy should be voted in such conditions as will secure that it shall benefit those who are most entitled to the benefit, that is the poorer people and the ex-service men, who have been preferred in the past by the municipalities. Wherever there were ex-service men they were always given the preference, together with men with large families and not men with large purses. They have had the first claim on the houses and it is that which we are anxious to continue. The hon. Member for Spelthorne has changed his views since the Second Reading. On the Second Reading he referred to the power to give a lump sum subsidy to private enterprise, and he said:
I dealt with that in my remarks.
I am aware that my hon. Friend did, and I have referred to the question to fortify those who may still be inclined to object to the use of public money for private purposes. I hope that the House will vote against this subsidy which will undoubtedly go to particular private individuals for their own personal gain, as it did before. On the last occasion there followed the voting of this subsidy a rise in the market, and the tendency is that there will be a similar rise following this subsidy to-day, and the consequence will be that private individuals will get a great deal of this public money, which will not provide those houses which should be provided for these people. For that reason I hope that the Bill will not stand as it is.
It is customary, when the majority of speeches indicate that Members of this House favour some Amendment, for the Minister in charge to rise and state his willingness to make some change. I hope that, having regard to the feeling indicated in this Debate, the right hon. Gentleman will be willing to make some such modification as is asked by the Amendment. The proposal in the Bill is a novel one, as it extends the powers of local authorities by enabling them to spend the whole of this money, which comes from the ratepayers' and tax- payers' pockets, for the erection of houses outside their own jurisdiction and in localities in which they have no power of regulation, and no power of supervision either during the building or when the building is completed, and indeed over the buyer or the tenant. But the great objection is that this money is not confined merely to the subsidy from the Government, but that the local authorities can add money from their own coffers.
In this connection there appears to be no limit to the amount which the local authorities can grant for this purpose. That is a very serious matter and one which should engage the attention of the right hon. Gentleman. Ought we to be invited to give powers to local authorities to make unlimited lump sum grants to private speculators and builders as the Bill indicates? Those two considerations impel me to object strongly to this provision. Finally, I object to the proposal in the Bill, because in my judgment it is likely to limit the number of houses which will be erected, and those that will be erected under this provision will be sold at an enhanced figure which will in-
volve increased rent. Therefore from that point of view also this provision will not serve the main object of the Bill. If we are going to build houses for the working classes we have got to face the real issue which is the erection of houses within the financial limits of working class people. They are not in a position to buy houses. There has been such a protracted period of unemployment that any financial resources which they had have been used up. Therefore it would be much better to allow the local authorities to build the houses required by the working people, and if need be to allow private enterprise to compete, free of the fund, without dipping into the pockets of the taxpayers or of the local authorities, who should be incapable of making grants of this character to subsidise people who are well able to build houses themselves.
Question put, "That the words 'make or undertake to make grants by way of lump sum' stand part of the Bill."
The House divided: Ayes, 269; Noes, 158.
Division No. 246.] AYES. [6.58 p.m. Agg-Gardner, St. James Tynte Butler, J. R. M. (Cambridge Univ.) Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Ainsworth, Captain Charles Cadogan, Major Edward Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Alexander, Col. M. (Southwark) Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R. Fawkes, Major F. H. Apsley, Lord Cautley, Henry Strother Foreman, Sir Henry Archer-Shee, Lieut. Colonel Martin Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City) Forestier-Walker, L. Ashley, Lt.-Col. Wilfrid W Cecil, Rt. Hon. Sir Evelyn (Aston) Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Astor, J. J. (Kent, Dover) Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord R. (Hitchin) Fraser, Major Sir Keith Astor, Viscountess Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Baird, Rt. Hon. Sir John Lawrence Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood) Furness, G. J. Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Churchman, Sir Arthur Galbraith, J. F. W. Balfour, George (Hampstead) Clarry, Reginald George Ganzoni, Sir John Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G. Clayton, G. C. Gardiner, James Banks, Mitchell Coates, Lt.-Col. Norman Garland, C. S. Barlow, Rt. Hon. Sir Montague Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Gates, Percy Barnett, Major Richard W. Cohen, Major J. Brunel Gaunt, Rear-Admiral Sir Guy R. Barnston, Major Harry Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips George, Major G. L. (Pembroke) Becker, Harry Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Gilbert, James Daniel Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Cope, Major William Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South) Goff, Sir R. Park Bennett, Sir T. J. (Sevenoaks) Courthope, Lieut.-Col. George L. Greaves-Lord, Walter Bentinck, Lord Henry Cavendish- Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Grenfell, Edward C. (City of London) Berry, Sir George Croft, Lieut.-Colonel Henry Page Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E. Betterton, Henry B. Crook, C. W. (East Ham, North) Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Blundell, F. N. Crooke, J. Smedley (Deritend) Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W. (Liv'p'l,W.D'by) Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W. Curzon, Captain Viscount Halstead, Major D. Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Dalziel, Sir D. (Lambeth, Brixton) Hamilton, Sir George C. (Altrincham) Brass, Captain W. Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead) Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Brassey, Sir Leonard Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. Harmsworth, Hon. E. C. (Kent) Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) Harrison, F. C. Brittain, Sir Harry Dixon, C. H. (Rutland) Harvey, Major S. E. Brown, Brig.-Gen. Clifton (Newbury) Doyle, N. Grattan Hawke, John Anthony Bruford, R. Du Pre, Colonel William Baring Hay, Major T. W. (Norfolk, South) Bruton, Sir James Edmondson, Major A. J. Henderson, Sir T. (Roxburgh) Buckingham, Sir H. Ednam, Viscount Henn, Sir Sydney H. Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Elliot, Captain Walter E. (Lanark) Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Ellis, R. G. Herbert, Col. Hon. A. (Yeovil) Burn, Colonel Sir Charles Rosdew Erskine, Lord (Weston-super-Mare) Herbert, S. (Scarborough) Burney, Com. (Middx., Uxbridge) Erskine-Bolst, Captain C. Hewett, Sir J. P. Butcher, Sir John George Evans, Capt. H. Arthur (Leicester, E.) Hiley, Sir Ernest Butler, H. M. (Leeds, North) Evans, Ernest (Cardigan) Hoare, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir S. J. G. Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (St. Marylebone) Murray, John (Leeds, West) Shepperson, E. W. Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy Newman, Colonel J. R. P. (Finchley) Shipwright, Captain D. Hood, Sir Joseph Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Simpson-Hinchcliffe, W. A. Hopkins, John W. W. Newson, Sir Percy Wilson Sinclair, Sir A. Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Skelton, A. N. Houfton, John Plowright Nield, Sir Herbert Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South) Howard, Capt. D. (Cumberland, N.) Norton-Griffiths, Lieut.-Col. Sir John Smith, Sir Harold (Wavertree) Howard-Bury, Lieut.-Col. C. K. O'Neill, Rt. Hon. Hugh Somerville, A. A. (Windsor) Hudson, Capt. A. Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Somerville, Daniel (Barrow-in-Furness) Hughes, Collingwood Paget, T. G. Spears, Brig.-Gen. E. L. Hume, G. H. Parker, Owen (Kettering) Spender-Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H. Hunter-Weston, Lt.-Gen. Sir Aylmer Pennefather, De Fonblanque Stanley, Lord Hurd, Percy A. Penny, Frederick George Steel, Major S. Strang Hurst, Lt.-Col. Gerald Berkeley Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Stewart, Gershom (Wirral) Hutchison, G. A. C. (Midlothian, N.) Perkins, Colonel E. K. Strauss, Edward Anthony Hutchison, Sir R. (Kirkcaldy) Perring, William George Stuart, Lord C. Crichton- Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H. Philipson, Mabel Sugden, Sir Wilfrid H. James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert Plelou, D. P. Sykes, Major-Gen. Sir Frederick H. Jarrett, G. W. S. Pilditch, Sir Philip Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley) Jenkins, W. A. (Brecon and Radnor) Pollock, Rt. Hon. Sir Ernest Murray Thompson, Luke (Sunderland) Jodrell, Sir Neville Paul Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Johnson, Sir L. (Walthamstow, E.) Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Thorpe, Captain John Henry Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington) Privett, F. J. Titchfield, Marquess of Joynson-Hicks, Sir William Raeburn, Sir William H. Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement Kennedy, Captain M. S. Nigel Rankin, Captain James Stuart Turton, Edmund Russborough King, Captain Henry Douglas Rawlinson, Rt. Hon. John Fredk. Peel Wallace, Captain E. Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement Rawson, Lieut.-Com. A. C. Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull) Lamb, J. Q. Reid, Capt. A. S. C. (Warrington) Waring, Major Walter Lane-Fox, Lieut.-Colonel G. R. Remer, J. R. Watson, Capt. J. (Stockton-on-Tees) Lloyd, Cyril E. (Dudley) Remnant, Sir James Watts, Dr. T. (Man., Withington) Lloyd-Greame, Rt. Hon. Sir Philip Rentoul, G. S. Wells, S. R. Lor Jen, John William Rhodes, Lieut.-Col. J. P. Weston, Colonel John Wakefield Lorimer, H. D. Richardson, Sir Alex. (Gravesend) Wheler, Col. Granville C. H. Lort-Williams, J. Richardson, Lt.-Col. Sir P. (Chertsey) White, Lt.-Col. G. D. (Southport) Lougher, L. Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford) Whitla, Sir William Loyd, Arthur Thomas (Abingdon) Roberts, Rt. Hon. Sir S. (Ecclesall) Wilson, Col. M. J. (Richmond) Lumley, L. R. Robertson-Despencer, Major (Islgtn, W) Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George Lynn, R. J. Rogerson, Capt. J. E. Winfrey, Sir Richard M'Connell, Thomas E. Rothschild, Lionel de Winterton, Earl McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Roundell, Colonel R. F. Wise, Frederick Manville, Edward Ruggles-Brise, Major E. Wolmer, Viscount Margesson, H. D. R. Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth) Wood, Rt. Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Martin, A. E. (Essex, Romford) Russell, William (Bolton) Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Mason, Lieut.-Col. C. K. Russell-Wells, Sir Sydney Wood, Maj. Sir S. Hill-(High Peak) Mercer, Colonel H. Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Milne, J. S. Wardlaw Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney) Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham) Sanders, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert A. Yerburgh, R. D. T. Moles, Thomas Sandon, Lord Morden, Col. W. Grant Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D TELLERS FOR THE AYES. —Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs.—Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs. Morrison, Hugh (Wilts, Salisbury) Shakespeare, G. H. Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. (Honiton) Sheffield, Sir Berkeley
NOES. Acland, Rt. Hon. Francis Dyke Davies, J. C. (Denbigh, Denbigh) Hay, Captain J. P. (Cathcart) Adams, D. Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton) Hayday, Arthur Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock) Davison, J. E. (Smethwick) Hayes, John Henry (Edge Hill) Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro') Dudgeon, Major C. R. Hemmerde, E. G. Ammon, Charles George Duffy, T. Gavan Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (N'castle, E.) Barker, G.(Monmouth, Abertillery) Duncan, C. Henderson, T. (Glasgow) Batey, Joseph Ede, James Chuter Herriotts, J. Bonwick, A. Edmonds, G. Hill, A. Briant, Frank Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Hinds, John Broad, F. A. Fairbairn, R. R. Hirst, G. H. Bromfield, William Falconer, J. Hodge, Rt. Hon. John Brotherton, J. Foot, Isaac Hogge, James Myles Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Gosling, Harry Irving, Dan Buchanan, G. Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton) Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath) Buckle, J. Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central) John, William (Rhondda, West) Burgess, S. Gray, Frank (Oxford) Johnston, Thomas (Stirling) Burnie, Major J. (Bootle) Greenall, T. Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Buxton, Charles (Accrington) Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne) Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown) Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, North) Grenfeil, D. R. (Glamorgan) Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly) Cape, Thomas Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd) Chapple, W. A. Groves, T. Jowett, F. W. (Bradford, East) Charleton, H. C. Grundy, T. W. Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Clarke, Sir E. C. Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton) Kenyon, Barnet Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R. Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland) Lambert, Rt. Hon. George Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock) Harbord, Arthur Lansbury, George Collins, Pat (Walsall) Hardie, George D. Lawson, John James Collison, Levi Harney, E. A. Leach, W. Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities) Harris. Percy A. Lee, F. Darbishire, C. W. Hartshorn, Vernon Lees-Smith, H. B. (Keighley) Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale) Hastings, Patrick Linfield, F. C. Lowth, T. Ritson, J. Tillett, Benjamin Lunn, William Roberts, C. H. (Derby) Tout, W. J. MacDonald, J. R. (Aberavon) Roberts, Frederick O. (W. Bromwich) Trevelyan, C. P. M'Entee, V. L. Robertson, J. (Lanark, Bothwell) Turner, Ben McLaren, Andrew Robinson, W. C. (York, Elland) Twist, H. Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan) Salter, Dr. A. Wallhead, Richard C. March, S. Scrymgeour, E. Warne, G. H. Middleton, G. Sexton, James Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline) Millar, J. D. Shaw, Hon. Alex. (Kilmarnock) Webb, Sidney Morel, E. D. Shaw, Thomas (Preston) Westwood, J. Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.) Shinwell, Emanuel Wheatley, J. Muir, John W. Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Murnin, H. Simon, Rt. Hon. Sir John Whiteley, W. Murray, R. (Renfrew, Western) Sitch, Charles H. Williams, David (Swansea, E.) O'Grady, Captain James Smith, T. (Pontefract) Williams, Dr. J. H. (Llanelly) Oliver, George Harold Snell, Harry Williams, T (York, Don Valley) Paling, W. Snowden, Philip Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe) Parker, H. (Hanley) Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K. Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Stephen, Campbell Wright, W. Ponsonby, Arthur Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby) Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Potts, John S. Thomas, Sir Robert John (Anglesey) Pringle, W. M. R. Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) TELLERS FOR THE NOES. —Mr. Phillipps and Sir A. Marshall.—Mr. Phillipps and Sir A. Marshall. Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow) Riley, Ben Thornton, M.
I beg to move, in Sub-section (3, a ), after the word "sum," to insert the word "payments."
This is a purely drafting Amendment.
Amendment agreed to.
I beg to move, in Sub-section (6), to leave out the words "by way of lump sum."
This also is a drafting Amendment.
Amendment agreed to.
CLAUSE 3.—(Government contributions to expenses of public utility societies, etc., in building houses.)
(1) Where a society or company to which this Section applies prove to the Minister that they are willing to undertake the construction of houses of such type and size and within such period as aforesaid without assistance from a local authority, if they receive from the Minister towards any expenses incurred by them in the construction of such houses the like contributions as the Minister is authorised by this Act to make towards expenses incurred by a local authority in providing such houses, the Minister may, subject to such conditions as aforesaid, make or undertake to make contributions out of moneys provided by Parliament towards such expenses of the like amount as he is authorised to make towards expenses incurred by a local authority in providing such houses.
(2) This Section applies to any society or company established for the purpose of, or amongst whose objects or powers are included those of, constructing, or facilitating or encouraging the construction of, dwelling-houses for the working classes, which does not trade for profit or whose constitution prohibits the issue of any share or loan capital with interest or dividend exceeding the rate for the time being prescribed by the Treasury.
Amendments made: In Sub-section (1), after the word "society," insert the words "body of trustees."
In Sub-section (2), after the word "society," insert the words "body of trustees."—[ Mr. Chamberlain. ]
CLAUSE 5.—(Power of local authorities to make advances, etc., for the purpose of increasing housing accommodation.)
(1) A local authority for the purposes of Part III of the principal Act may, subject to such conditions as may be approved by the Minister, at any time before the first day of October, nineteen hundred and twenty-six:—
( a ) advance money, subject to the provisions hereinafter contained, to persons or bodies of persons—
( b ) undertake to guarantee the repayment to such building society as aforesaid of any advances made by the society to any of its members for the purpose of enabling them to build houses or acquire houses the construction of which was commenced after the twenty-fifth day of April, nineteen hundred and twenty-three.
( c ) in the case of the conversion of a house into two or more separate and self-contained flats or tenements, undertake that, if the aggregate rateable value of the flats or tenements exceeds the rateable value of the house before conversion, they will
Provided that the local authority before granting any such assistance shall satisfy themselves that the houses, flats, or tenements, in respect of which assistance is to be given will, when the building, alteration, or conversion has been completed, be in all respects fit for human habitation, and in particular that the superficial area of any such house, flat, or tenement will not be less than the minimum permissible under Section one of this Act.
(2) Any such advance as aforesaid shall be subject to the following conditions—
( a ) The advance with interest thereon shall be secured by mortgage and shall not exceed ninety per cent, of the value of the property; and the mortgage deed may provide for repayment being made either by instalments of principal or by an annuity of principal and interest combined, so, however, that in the event of any of the conditions subject to which the advance is made not being complied with, the balance for the time being unpaid shall become repayable on demand from the local authority; and
( b ) the advance may be made by instalments from time to time as the building of the house progresses, so that the total of the advance does not at any time before the completion of the house exceed 50 per cent, of the value of the work done up to that time on the construction or on works incidental to the construction of the house, including the value to the mortgagor of the site thereof; and
( c ) the advance shall not be made except after a valuation duly made on behalf of the authority; and
( d ) where the interest upon which the advance is made is a leasehold interest no advance shall be made unless such interest is a term of years absolute whereof a period of not less than ten years in excess of the period fixed for the repayment of the advance remains unexpired at the date of the advance.
(3) An advance or guarantee under this Section shall not be made or given if the estimated value of the fee simple in possession free from incumbrances of the house in respect of which the advance or guarantee is to be made or given exceeds fifteen hundred pounds, but such an advance or guarantee may be made or given in addition to assistance given by the local authority under Section two of this Act in respect of the same house.
(4) The raising of money for making any such advance shall be a purpose for which a local authority may borrow under Part III of the principal Act, and a purpose for which the Public Works Loan Commissioners may lend to a local authority.
(5) In the application of this Section to the County of London, the London County Council shall, to the exclusion of any other local authority, ho the local authority for the purposes of Part III of the principal Act.
I beg to move, in Sub-section (1, a, i), to leave out the words "or altering."
My object in moving that these words be left out is this. The Minister will know full well that in the Debates we have had on this subject upstairs, those of us on this side of the House protested very strongly, and we were entitled to protest, against the idea that local authorities would advance money to private builders who would alter old buildings and factories or old stables or any old building of that kind into dwelling houses. This, in my view, is the most atrocious provision in this Bill. The Bill has many bad qualities, but this is the worst feature of all. The housing accommodation in this country is undoubtedly limited, but we want new houses, and not old ones; and on this particular point we are not arguing whether private enterprise or the municipalities can do the work better. We object to any advance of money being given by the local authorities to enable builders—and there are many builders who will be glad to do it—to convert old stables into dwelling houses.
When we debated this question in the House before, an hon. Member on the other side rather prided himself on the fact that he was actually living in an old stable converted into a house, and he could not see anything wrong in that being done. The House will allow me to point out to the hon. Gentleman that the conditions under which he lives in that converted dwelling are very much superior, I am sure, to the conditions under which the people would live in the old buildings I am referring to. We object—and I feel sure the vast majority of the people of this country object—to this proposal of converting old buildings, and there are many of them just now. The aristocracy of the country are now using motor cars instead of horses, and it would be very convenient for some of them to convert their old stables into cottages. I hope the House will make its protest against what I term an insult to the working classes of this country, that we in this House, after we have advocated town planning, garden cities, and now proposing to set aside £6 per new house for a subsidy for 20 years, should try, on the other hand, to encourage local authorities to provide means for builders to alter old factories into houses for the working classes. I protest that this provision should be inserted in the Bill. We want new and comfortable houses for our people to live in, and I beg to move the deletion of these words.
I beg to second the Amendment.
I strongly object to the provision in this Clause that old buildings of any sort should be adapted and altered to make them fit for human habitation. The exceptions under which this may be justified are very few indeed, and there is a serious danger that it would be grossly abused by people who have old buildings which might be converted with little expenditure. I think this proposal coming from the Government is a national scandal. The people of the country do not want old buildings. The people who want houses want new houses, and they are entitled to get new houses, with all the accommodation we can put into new houses. In the last debate on this Bill, the Minister of Health made a great point about the concession of a fixed bath to be put in new houses, and in Committee and on Report stage he refused to broaden it into a separate bathroom with facilities for hot and cold water supply. He absolutely refused to put in a fixed bath at all for flats and tenements in towns in this country. The reason he gave for this refusal was that it could not be adopted without great cost. If it costs a great deal to put in a separate bathroom in existing tenements and flats, surely it will cost a great deal to make old stables and coach houses and such places into dwelling houses for the people of this country. There is another way in which the Minister could do this much more cheaply if he wants to, and it would be quite as good as converting old buildings. He could make arrangements to convert the underground workings so that the miners could live underground and only come up like the horses whenever there is a lock-out or a strike. I venture to say we could adapt the underground workings in many places to be quite as habitable as the old buildings covered by this proposal. So far as the miners are concerned, they will see to it that no local authority in South Wales will adapt old stables or barns as dwellings for the people of this country.
Really it is rather a ridiculous fuss that hon. Members are making about this particular point. The object of the words to which they take exception, the principal object, is to enable a local authority to advance money to persons who are prepared to alter existing houses which are not used any longer for the purpose for which they were originally built, and to convert them into tenements or flats suitable for occupation.
The Minister in Committee admitted frankly that the wording of the Clause would include barns and stables. Now he limits his definition to houses.
The hon. Member really must contain his excitement a little. I did not limit it to houses. I said that the principal object of these words was what I have described. It is quite true that the hon. Member opposite, in his search for a mare's nest, went into the stables, and has not been able to get the stables out of his mind since. Hon. Members cannot have forgotten entirely that I made a very substantial concession on this point. I ask the House to look at the proviso at the end of Sub-section (1). It states that the local authority, before granting any such assistance, shall satisfy themselves that the houses, flats or tenements in respect of which assistance is to be given, will, when the building, alteration or conversion has been completed, be in all respects fit for human habitation. It goes on to say that the superficial area of any such house, flat or tenement shall not be less than the minimum permissible under the Bill. That concession has taken away any possible ground of serious objection to the words. To use such extravagant language as we have heard used, and to say that this is an outrageous insult to the working classes, is absurd. This is a proposition which may be of very great benefit to the working classes, and it cannot possibly do any harm to any living man or woman.
One word which was used by the Minister struck me as of interest. Why did he use the word "principal" in describing the object of these words? Is it not in the mind of the Minister that buildings such as have been described by the Mover and Seconder of the Amendment might be used for the purposes of this Bill? Inside the letter of the law, when the Bill has passed, it seems to me that there is room for abuse. Hon. Members opposite may think that we on the Labour Benches are rather meticulous in our examination of this proposal. If the interests of the land-owner or the property-owner were in jeopardy, they would be equally meticulous. We are more concerned with the interests of the tenant than we are with the interests of the man who lets a house, or the landlord. It is our duty, therefore, to see that the words of the Bill lay down strictly what is the absolute object of the Bill.
We have just had a very different speech from that of the Proposer of the Amendment. He said that this particular matter was the worst feature of the Bill. If that is the fact, I can only congratulate the Minister. I could, however, suggest to the hon. Member some much worse features in the Bill. This provision can be put into effect only with the consent and by the request of and subject to the conditions of the local authority. Hon. Members opposite tell everybody that we must trust the people. Why do they not trust the local authority which is elected by the people? With regard to the putting into operation of this condition, not only has the local authority to come to some conclusion in the matter, but the matter has to be approved and subject to such conditions as may be specified by the Minister. Therefore, this "worst" provision in the Bill is subject to two safeguards—the conditions laid down by the Minister and the conditions laid down by the local authority. I cannot see anything in the Clause which justifies the statement that stables or outhouses can be converted. The words are:
"Constructing or altering or undertaking to construct or alter houses."
That is perfectly plain. If any local authority attempted to do anything else it would not be acting within the provisions of the Bill and would not be able to give the necessary financial assistance. If this is all that hon. Members Can bring against the Bill, and if this is the worst Clause that can be specified, it must be a very good Bill indeed.
I can only assume that hon. Gentlemen opposite are intoxicated with the perfume of the scarlet blossoms which they wear upon their bosoms, the significance of which, as they are no doubt aware, is that of a small sword. Otherwise they would never move an Amendment which is in the nature of a pin prick of the Government. I think that the words to which they object are among the most important words in the Bill. In many town areas, especially in North Kensington, where I live, these words are of very great importance. There you have large old houses that no longer meet the needs of the district. It is a matter of very great importance that local authorities or private builders should receive assistance for converting those houses into tenements or flats suitable for the people who want to live in the district.
This Amendment is of exceeding importance. Hon. Members opposite are arguing as though by the Bill we were to confer upon landlords some new power. The landlords have the power, at any time they care to use it, to alter or reconstruct their property. Even if the Bill were not passed, any landlord who so altered his property would receive an enhanced rental for it. Therefore, it appears to us that it would be an act of gross injustice to place in the hands of local authorities power richly to endow out of the rates landlords who reconstruct their prperty. No landlord is likely to engage in such alterations unless there is some material benefit attached thereto. To say that if on this property larger rates are to be borne the municipality should be responsible for the increase is entirely indefensible.
Amendment negatived.
Amendments made: In Sub-section (1, a ), after the word "whether," insert the words "such houses arc."—[ Mr. Chamberlain. ]
In Sub-section (1, c ) leave out the words, "or tenements" ["flats or tenements, undertake that"].
Leave out the words "or tenements" ["flats or tenements exceeds the"].
Leave out the words "or tenement" ["any such flat or tenement are payable"].
Leave out the words "or tenement" ["value of the flat or tenement reduced"].
Leave out the words "or tenements" ["rateable value of the flats or tenements"].—[ Mr. Rhys Davies. ]
I beg to move at the end of Sub-section (1, c ) to insert the words:
"Provided always that the Minister shall, in cases in which he has satisfied himself that the need for houses exists and is not met by the local authorities, according to the provisions of this Act, have the power to advance money to or guarantee repayment by private builders under paragraphs ( a ) and ( b ) of Section five, Subsection (1), of this Act."
The reason for this Amendment is obvious. All the conditions in connection with the Bill are permissive and it is entirely within the option of a local authority to grant an advance or not to do so. That is all right up to a point, but many hon. Members, especially those who represent agricultural districts, know that applications made to certain bodies for advances will be refused. There may be several reasons for this. The local authorities may be apathetic and I am afraid some of the smaller councils will be apathetic. In the large centres the authorities are doing everything they can to encourage houses, but in the small districts and in agricultural areas there will be a certain amount of apathy, while in other cases councils will not know what is the exact procedure.
It has been suggested to me—and I think the suggestion is correct—that this Amendment would in volve an increase of the charge. It provides that the Minister shall have the power to advance money.
May I point out that in any event such power would only be within the limits of the Financial Resolution? The sum which would be necessary for the Minister to put into operation would not necessarily involve an increase of the charge.
We are not governed by the Financial Resolution on this occasion. That is dead and done with, after the Committee stage of the Bill. The rule is that we may not insert in a Bill on the Report stage anything which may increase the charge. Clearly the wording of this Amendment proposes to do so.
I take it the Amendment only applies to cases in which the local authority defaults in paying out the advance, and then it is proposed that the Crown, through the Ministry, should guarantee the payment to the private builder of the sum which the Government have already granted or guaranteed to the local authority.
It is quite impossible on the Report stage for anybody, even the Minister, to do anything which would impose a charge.
With all respect, this Amendment does not impose a charge. The liability already exists as against the Government in favour of the local authority. If the local authority should not carry out their part towards the private builder, the Amendment only proposes to alternate the charge and not to increase it. It does not create a new charge; it deals with the same charge and only asks that the amount may be granted or guaranteed to the private builder by the Government in case the local authority defaults.
There is no obligation on the local authority to make the charge at all. It is permissive on them. The Amendment proposes to make the charge obligatory, by providing that, if the local authority does not make it, the Minister is to make it.
The wording of the Amendment is that the Minister "shall have the power." That does not necessitate the making of the advance.
On the Report stage of a Bill we cannot give anybody, not even the Minister, power to spend any more money. The right hon. Baronet the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury) is quite correct.
I beg to move, at the end of Sub-section (1) to insert the words
"and are subject to the conditions governing the grant of subsidy in Section one of this Act."
In Committee, the Minister was good enough to extend the protection given to the public, by requiring those who altered premises, to conform to the size provided for in Clause 1. The Amendment suggests that this protection should be given not merely as regards size but as regards the other Conditions imposed on the granting of the subsidy in Clause 1. These altered houses do not receive any subsidy or grant but they receive that which is of value in the shape of State credit, and to that extent they get State assistance in the way of finance and the same protection should be given to those who are to occupy such houses as that which is given in other respects under Clause 1. The effect of the Amendment would be that where houses are altered it would be an obligation on those who are altering them, to maintain a proper standard, and many of us who have seen these old buildings altered are conscious of the fact that the amenities and conveniences of the altered buildings are far from what they might be. We want the standard in this matter raised, and we want protection given to those who are about to occupy such houses.
I beg to second the Amendment.
I do not know if we are to have an indication from the Minister that he is likely to accept it because it is little more than a verbal alteration, and it brings two parts of the Bill into line with each other. The Minister of Health is relying for the protection of the public upon words which provide that the premises to be assisted in this way, are to be in every respect fit for human habitation. Unfortunately there is a difference of opinion as to what constitutes fitness for human habitation. The idea of the Minister of Health as to a place fit for me to live in, would doubtless be totally different from my idea as to where I should live. If you are going to give State assistance in two different categories and if you agree that in one there should be a minimum standard of healthy conditions for the protection of the people. Then, although that mini- mum is one with which many of us are not satisfied, still the standard should be extended to the other category—a category which is liable to a good deal of abuse and to which objection has been raised in the House.
I am surprised that hon. Members who have spent so much time on this Bill have not yet mastered, its provisions. Both the Mover and the Seconder of the Amendment described the provision under this Clause as "State assistance." There is no State assistance under Clause 5. It applies to the local authorities without State assistance.
Public assistance.
That is not the same thing. If hon. Members use the terms loosely and think that State assistance and municipal assistance are the same, they must go to school again. Where State assistance is in question, the State has given a subsidy and the State has a perfect right to lay down conditions. Here we are laying down the conditions under which assistance should be given by the local authorities, and when we have laid down that the alteration or the conversion must leave the flat or the tenement in all respects fit for human habitation, and have even given the dimensions within which it should come, then we have done all we are entitled to do. I did not think it was necessary to put in this proviso—I have much more faith in local government than some hon. Members opposite—only that it might not be said we had neglected to deal with a case where some local authority did not carry out its proper duties and did not attend as it should attend to the interests and the health of the inhabitants; this proviso was put in as a protection. If you are to go further than that—and this is what it comes to, although neither of the hon. Members opposite referred to the fact—if you are going to say that they are not to help people to convert houses unless there is a fixed bath in every fiat or tenement, then you are going further than you have any right to go.
I have not got a bath in the house, and I get on all right.
Amendment negatived.
Amendment made:
In Sub-section (2, a ), after the word "the" ["value of the property"] insert the word "mortgaged."—[ Mr. Chamberlain. ]
I beg to move, in Sub-section (2, b ), to leave out the word "to" ["the value to the mortgagor"], and to insert, instead thereof, the words "of the interest of."
This is a slight alteration of the wording, but the effect is the same.
Amendment agreed to.
Further Amendments made:
In Sub-section (2, b ), leave out the word "of" ["mortgagor of the site"], and insert, instead thereof, the word "in."
In Sub-section (2, d ), after the word "is" ["upon which the advance is made"], to insert the words "to be."—[ Mr. Chamberlain. ]
I beg to move, in Sub-section (4), after the word "advance" ["making any such advance shall be"], to insert the words "or for fulfilling any such guarantee."
The object of the Amendment is to permit the Clause to cover the question of guarantees. The local authority is empowered to raise money for the purpose of any advance and also for fulfilling any guarantee in accordance with the provisions which precede this Sub-section.
Amendment agreed to.
CLAUSE 7.—(Partial repeal of 9 and 10 Geo. 5, c. 35, Section 15.)
In Section fifteen of the Housing, Town Planning, &c, Act, 1919 (which relates to the powers of local authorities for dealing with land acquired or appropriated for the purposes of Part III of the Housing of the Working Classes Act, 1890), the proviso to paragraph ( d ) of Sub-section (1) and in Sub-section (2) the words from "subject to any condition," to "houses erected thereon and" shall be repealed.
Provided that where a local authority have sold land acquired by them under the Housing Acts, and the purchaser of the land has entered into any covenant with the local authority concerning the land, the authority shall have power to enforce the covenant against the persons deriving title under that purchaser, notwithstanding that they are not in possession of or interested in any land for the benefit of which the covenant was entered into, in like manner and to the like extent as if they had been possessed of or interested in such land.
Amendment made: Leave out the word "they" ["notwithstanding that they are not in possession"], and insert instead thereof the words "the authority."—[ Mr. Chamberlain. ]
I beg to move, at the end of the Clause, to insert a new Subsection:
"(2) Where, under the powers conferred by Section fifteen of the Housing, Town Planning, &c, Act, 1919, a local authority have made a lease, or an agreement for a lease, of land subject to the condition that on payment of such sum as may be therein specified the rent reserved by the lease or agreement shall be increased, the raising of money for the payment of such sum shall be a purpose for which the local authority may borrow for the purposes of Part III of the principal Act."
My desire is to ensure that the local authority should be able to lease their land and make improved ground rents, and by making improved ground rents, enable the houses to be sold at less than the actual cost of building. I put down a proposed new Clause, but had not an opportunity of moving it, and this Amendment would have the effect of making operative the proposal in that new Clause. I would ask the Minister if he can see his way to accept this Amendment and at the same time to say that he will be prepared to send a circular to the local authorities pointing out the way in which it might be carried out. The Amendment by itself does not really show how the local authorities might be able to deal with the matter, but the Clause that I ask to move, but which was not called, does show how the matter could be dealt with, and if the right hon. Gentleman could see his way to point out to the local authorities how this power might be used, I think he would find that it would enable him and the local authorities to use a great deal of their land which is now lying fallow and doing nothing, and it would provide a way that might possibly lead to the relief of the excess of the penny rate which is pressing so heavily upon the taxpayer at the present time.
I beg to second the Amendment.
The Amendment is designed to facilitate the process of building houses by private enterprise, by ensuring them a market for their improved ground rent, and I think it is a plan which could be followed with considerable advantage by local authorities, and without any risk on their part. I agree that the Amendment as drafted would not, perhaps, convey to the local authorities not familiar with the subject the exact method by which this process could be carried out, and if it becomes part of the Bill, as I propose it might very well do, I will make it my business to see that any local authorities which might be able to take advantage of an arrangement of this kind should have full information as to the best method of carrying it out.
I do not in the least understand what the Amendment is going to do. I cannot make head or tail of it, and I think we ought to have some explanation of it.
I did not explain it at length, because I did not want to waste time.
Nothing is likely to lead to more waste of time than this House passing Amendments which it does not understand.
The explanation is clear from a Clause that I proposed to move, as follows: method of using it at a ground rent, and the ground rent, as we know, could be put at a very low figure. There was one thing under the Addison scheme which was obtained cheap, and that was land, averaging not more than £190 per acre all over the country. If you put roads and sewers on to that land, you will find that it pans out at something like £350 an acre, which is a very low figure. If you put a ground rent of £2 or £3 a plot, even with ten houses to the acre—and we have been discussing 12 houses to the acre this afternoon—it shows a considerable profit to the local authority. That has been a method that many landowners have adopted in order to obtain the development of their estates, and in the long run to provide houses.
It has been found that probably there may be a doubt as to whether the local authorities have the powers under the 1919 Act. It was thought the powers were fully there, but there is some question about the improved ground rent, which is the kernel of the whole thing. If you do not allow a builder to improve his ground rent, he will probably have to put up the price of his houses to such a figure that they will not be sold, but if he is able to improve his ground rent, and the local authority agree to it, they will ultimately not only own the ground rent for which they let it in the first instance, but they will have to purchase the ground rent, which has enabled the builder to build his houses at a much lower figure, because that would be the only profit he would obtain on the building, and he could sell his houses for less than the original cost of erection. It is not generally known to local authorities or, I suppose, to hon. Members, but that was the method by which land was developed so largely in the past, and therefore this is a method I desire to see adopted here, because I believe that under it you will get more houses, at no cost but at a profit to the local authorities, and at no cost to the Government. I press it as being a scheme that has provided more houses in this country than any other scheme that has ever been adopted.
While I appreciate my hon. Friend's intentions, I do not think they are by any means carried out by the Amendment, and if the Minister wishes to accept it in principle, I would suggest that the best course would be to leave it until the Bill gets to another place, as the Minister has himself admitted that this Amendment does not carry out the intention of the Mover. It seems to me to be a very dangerous procedure to take the Amendment as it stands.
This Amendment gives the power only, and the Minister, in carrying out the idea, would send a circular or give particulars to the local authorities as to how they might adopt it.
I would like to explain that I did not go into the working of this Amendment, because the only thing that it does is to give local authorities power to borrow money for the purposes of carrying out schemes which they can already do under existing legislation, under Section 15 of the Housing and Town Planning Act. This gives them power to borrow money to carry out such schemes.
I am sorry to be so stupid, but I really do not follow it. I am not clear whether this Amendment would confer a power upon local authorities which they have not now, or whether it would merely speak of some power which they already have. If it is going to confer upon local authorities a power which they have not now, surely the right hon. Baronet the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury) is right, and we ought to be satisfied and to be told by the Minister that the Amendment is in a form which the House ought to accept. Are we to understand that those who advise the Minister are really satisfied that this Amendment is right in form?
On a point of Order. Here is an Amendment which gives powers to local authorities to raise money for the payment of certain sums. Is it in order on the Report stage to give power to a local authority to raise money for the payment of certain sums? It seems to me that it comes under the ruling which you gave a short time ago, Mr. Speaker.
Surely there is no question of raising further money at all. The local authorities under this Amendment would have power to raise money to carry out schemes which they have already the power to carry out. It is not to carry out any new schemes, but the Amendment would give them power to borrow money to carry out these schemes.
The question is very abstruse, I must confess. If this Amendment involves a charge, even on the rates, it is out of order on the Report stage. I am not clear as to whether it does or does not involve a charge.
It does not entail any fresh charge upon the rates, because the local authorities have power to do this already, and they could spend the rates in doing it. The purpose is this: A local authority has some land which it lets on a building lease to a builder, who undertakes to pay a certain ground rent, and it makes an agreement With him that when he has built his house upon the plot he may increase the ground rent from what he pays the local authority to some higher figure—that is what we call an improved ground rent—and that the local authority will undertake to purchase that improved ground rent from him at an agreed price. The result is this, that the builder can then sell the house, subject to the improved ground rent, at cost or even under cost, taking his whole profit, not out of the difference between what the house has cost him and what he has sold it at, but out of the capitalised value of the improved ground rent which the local authority has agreed to give him.
8.0 P.M.
On the point of Order. My right hon. Friend has just said that the builder builds a house; he improves the ground rent; the local authority may purchase the ground rent at a price to be agreed upon, and then may borrow the money. Presumably, they will have to pay a higher rate for borrowing the money than the ground rent gives them. Therefore there would be a charge on the rates, and this Amendment would be out of order.
They can pay out of the rates now. They can borrow now.
I think I must uphold the right hon. Baronet on this point. He has made his case, and the Amendment therefore falls to the ground.
CLAUSE 8.—(Provisions as to housing schemes outside area of local authority.)
(1) Where a housing scheme to which this Section applies has been carried into effect by a local authority outside their own area, and for the purposes of the scheme roads have been constructed and completed by that local authority, the liability to maintain the roads shall vest in the council of the borough or district in which the scheme was carried out, unless that council, or, on appeal, the Minister, is satisfied that the roads have not been properly constructed in accordance with the plans and specifications approved by the Minister.
(2) Where such a scheme has been carried out by a local authority outside their own area, and a habitation certificate from the council of the borough or district in which the houses are situate is in that "borough or district required under any local Act or byelaw, such a certificate shall not be necessary in respect of any houses provided under the scheme which were constructed in accordance with plans and specifications approved by the Minister.
(3) The schemes to which this Section applies are housing schemes made and approved under Section one of the Housing, Town Planning, &c, Act, 1919, and rehousing schemes in connection with a scheme made under Part I or Part II of the principal Act, whether such housing or re-housing schemes have been carried out before the passing of this Act or are carried out thereafter.
(4) Where a scheme to which this Section applies has been carried out, whether before or after the passing of this Act, by the London County Council within the area of a Metropolitan borough, the council of the Metropolitan borough shall be under the like liability as to the maintenance of roads as if the Metropolitan borough had been a borough outside London.
I beg to move to leave out the Clause.
This is an Amendment of which the lesser local authorities are in favour. I am only speaking for the Association of Urban District Councils, but I understand that the Association of Rural District Councils are also working with us in this matter. Clause 8 requires a local authority to take over the maintenance and repairs of all roads constructed by another local authority in their area. This applies very largely to great authorities like the London County Council and others who have acquired land, built houses, and constructed roads in the areas of lesser local authorities. Under the Housing and Town Planning Act, 1919, the Minister of Health has to give his approval to the plans of the roads when the houses have been built and the roads are to be laid out. I am speaking now in regard to work done under what was known as the Addison scheme. The Minister of Health, naturally, being responsible for the Treasury, allowed those roads to be very poorly constructed, without proper foundations, and so on, in the interests of the Treasury and of economy, and in order to get the work done, and not to make this great scheme of the late Minister of Health appear too expensive. Those roads, therefore, were not constructed in accordance with the standard usually adopted by the urban district councils, which is the standard applied in the construction of new roads by private individuals. I have in mind a case in my own district, which had nothing to do with the London County Council. As a matter of fact, these particular houses were built under a scheme of my own local authority. I know—I saw it being done—how poorly the roads were made. In a very short time, almost at once, when heavy traffic went on to the roads, a lot of money had to be spent in bringing them up to the proper standard. What is true in that case is true in regard to the London County Council, the City of Leeds, the City of Manchester, and other great authorities.
Undoubtedly, the unfortunate urban or rural district councils will, in a very short time, be compelled to go to their local ratepayers and ask them to put their hands in their pockets and pay for bringing the roads up to the proper standard. They object to doing that. In this Amendment we simply ask that these great authorities—the London County Council, the municipality of Leeds, or whoever it may be—should be put in the same position as the private builder or land speculator. We ask that they shall, first of all, have to make their roads up to a proper standard, and that then, and not till then, shall the roads be taken over by the local authority without extra expense to the ratepayers of that particular district. It may be said that the local authorities can appeal to the Minister. The Clause says: another Amendment, which will put somebody else in the place of the Minister to whom an appeal can be made.
I beg to second the Amendment.
May I make a personal statement? Personally I have not voted on this Bill at all, and I did not intend to vote or speak. As President of the Rural District Council Association, however, I have been asked to put the case on their behalf, because this may become a very great grievance to some small district councils. All that has been said by the Mover of the Amendment is quite true. The point is that under the Bill as it stands the amount of work which has to be done on the roads, and the efficiency of the roads, is to be judged by the Ministry of Health, and not by the district council in whose area the roads are made. One has great trust in the Minister of Health who has shown great ability in knowing all about this, but he cannot possibly be in the same position as the local authority to know what sort of road is required in a special district. It is only fair that an alien local authority, which trespasses on the land of some small local authority and puts up houses there, should be in the same position as private individuals. What the small local authorities complain of is, not only that the roads would cost a great deal to make them up efficiently, but that the Ministry of Health cannot possibly tell, as the local authorities can, how much traffic is likely to go over them in future.
You may make a road that is quite good as a bye-road, and the Ministry may look on it as a bye-road, and pass the plans of a bye-road; but the local authority may know that as soon as that road is made an enormous amount of local traffic will go over it, and that therefore it will be in a very much worse condition than if a good road had been made. Then, the local authority will have to pay, out of all proportion of their resources, to put it right, because, after all, these rural and urban district councils are in many cases quite small authorities, certainly comparatively. Thus, they would have a great grievance, and it is hardly fair that they should not have the right to say that the new roads made in their districts should be constructed up to the standard which they impose on other people. That is what they are asking for. We are moving the rejection of this Clause because we think it would be a serious burden upon local authorities, and would be merely handing over money from the local authorities for the benefit of the much larger authorities, who are better able to bear the cost.
I wish to endorse what has been urged by my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Finchley (Colonel Newman) and the hon. Baronet the Member for Lichfield (Sir C. Warner). There is no doubt that in future a great deal of building will be done, or at least, we hope so, which will come within the scope of this Clause. The tendency, we all hope, will be for municipalities to seek sites for the erection of workmen's dwellings outside their own areas, in order to get the working classes away as much as possible from the unhealthy surroundings in which they are now forced to live, and into surroundings which will be very much more healthy. All we ask is, either that this Clause shall be deleted altogether, or that it shall be amended so that a municipality or local authority which is going outside its own area shall be treated, in the matter of new roads which are to be handed over, in the same way as a private individual who is building. As the Clause stands at present, local authorities are simply told that they shall take over the roads which are necessary, when an alien auhority comes and builds. We want to do everything we can to encourage authorities to build outside their own areas, but they should be treated in the same way as private individuals and should not be allowed to erect building's and open up estates—as we hope they will—and lay down roads at the very minimum of cost, and then hand them over in a condition which will cost the local authority of the district an enormous amount of money to put them into a proper state immediately after they take them over.
As the Clause stands at present, the local authorities, if they feel they have a grievance in this direction, may appeal to the Ministry, but in a good many cases the Ministry is a prejudiced party, and we want to avoid that necessity if we possibly can. As the right hon. Gentleman very well knows, there is a very great desire on the part of the London County Council, amongst other people at the present moment, to spread its tentacles in all directions. We, who live outside the borders of the present London area, have a very great objection to this, and we want to be safeguarded against the London County Council, or any other authority, being allowed to open up new estates and not to construct the roads in a substantial way, such as carries out the local bye-laws. We hope they will be expected, before they hand over the roads, to construct them in every way similar to those handed over to the Council by private persons. I think possibly my right hon. Friend the Minister of Health will see the force of this point himself, and therefore, with these few words, I have pleasure in supporting the Amendment.
I desire to support the point of view which has been put forward as a representative of a district that is not unconcerned in the matter. It will be within the recollection of hon. Members who represent constituencies adjoining London that some three years or so ago we were considerably alarmed by a statement made by the London County Council that they had managed to purchase an estate for the erection of 30,000 houses. We all wondered within whose particular area this estate was situate, because it meant a considerable increase of responsibility to that particular district. If a private landowner lays out an estate, the local authority is enabled to compel him, before they take the roads over, to make the roads up to the approved standard. This Clause enables an alien local authority to evade that responsibility, and in the event of dispute there is an appeal to the Minister. After all, the Ministry of Health are the persons vitally concerned in the finance of the matter, because this applies to the old schemes under the old Act of the late Government, by the limitation of a penny rate. The probability is that the whole of the expense of making these roads to the proper standards, as judged by the bylaws, will fall upon the Ministry of Health, because the probability is that the penny rate will already have been exhausted by the authority which has put up the houses. Therefore, it is a most unfair position to place these authorities in that they shall have to appeal against the larger local authority to the Minister of Health, who is the person to whom the appeal has to be made. But I cannot imagine this House will feel that an appeal of that sort is a real safeguard to a small local authority. We ask—and I think we have a right to ask—that the appeal shall be made to a body which can be relied upon to give a fair judgment. We have the examples of which we have been told at the present time as to how this matter has worked out in times gone by by the London County Council, which went out to Tottenham and erected a large number of houses, and there made an area already poor very considerably poorer.
Tottenham?
Yes, Tottenham. If the hon. and gallant Gentleman had allowed me to develop my argument, I think I could have demonstrated, and will, that what I am saying is on various grounds correct and easily provable. For houses below a rateable value of £45 in Greater London demand more from the rates than with a rate of 12s. or 15s. in the £ you can provide for. When you get a mixed area like Wimbledon, the bigger houses subsidise the smaller houses, but in a place like Tottenham or Edmonton, you have all the small houses making huge demands upon the rates, with the result that, as you have no large houses to counterbalance, you have exceedingly high rates. That is precisely what has happened at Tottenham. That is precisely what will happen at Dagenham, where the London County Council have laid out this huge estate. They have, what, after all, is a considerably larger rateable value to draw upon, than the miserably poor area into which they have brought these housing schemes. I cannot think that this House will allow this clause to go through in its present form, but will insist that the Ministry of Health shall not be made a judge in its own cause, which it virtually is under the limits of the penny rate; that it will insist that the appeal shall not be to the Minister, but to some great authority that will be able to exercise it judicially.
It is a very serious matter that these poor districts will have to face, the taking over of roads with a minimum amount of work put into them, with the certainty that in future years they will have to bring those roads up into proper repair; because I do not expect that future Ministers of Health will allow them to raise loans for some improved surfacing of the roads, but will say that the work has to be paid for out of the current rates. I do not think that is a fair thing for the Ministry to insist upon.
The attack which has been made upon this particular Clause has been developed from the beginning—so it appears to me by the whole tone of it—on behalf of the alien local authority, to save its money at the expense of the authority into whose district it has come. It has been suggested that the appeal to the Ministry of Health is of no value because the Minister is vitally interested in seeing that the cost falls upon the authority in whose area the houses are built, or the roads constructed. I might point out that, at any rate, that does not apply to schemes which are brought forward in the future. That argument can only apply to those which have been undertaken and carried out under the Addison Scheme. If there was nothing more to be said upon the subject than has been said by certain hon. Members who have supported the Amendment then, speaking colloquially, I should call it "a very tall order."
I am going to put to the House the other side of the question. We have here a suggested conflict between two different authorities. One authority maintains that the roads it proposes to construct are all that are necessary to carry the traffic, while the other authority says, "As we have got to bear the expense of maintaining the roads, we desire to make ourselves safe and to see that the roads are good roads, as good as others." Hon. Members, however, I think have lost sight of the Town Planning, etc., Act. When you town plan an area, such as we contemplate here, one of the things that you have particularly to turn your attention to is the future distribution of the traffic. I am quite certain hon. Members will agree with me when I use the illustration that where you have what is called a cut de sac, that is, a short road ending in a round open space at the end with houses on the other side, it would be perfectly ludicrous to say that you must build that road 40 feet wide. That, I think, will be agreed. The same thing applies, only in a less degree, in connection with roads necessary in order to get access to houses at the end of the housing estate. When you are town planning, what you have to do is to consider what is the road to your estate which is going to carry the through traffic. That road must be made of the full width and the full strength of construction that may be necessary to carry the through traffic, but in the case of the other roads by which you merely gain access to the houses which they serve there is no possibility of their becoming used as through traffic roads. They can never become that. They must always remain by-roads. It would be a criminal waste to lay them out on the same lines and at the same cost as the bigger roads.
There are hundreds of roads in the district. There are lots of roads in the district already there, not main roads in any way, which have been made up to a certain standard. We are not asking for these to be made up to the main road standard, but we want the standard of the locality.
I quite appreciate that point, and I say that a great many of these roads which are now in existence, and which have been made 40 feet wide, have been made unnecessarily wide; and, furthermore, estates such as are being laid out to-day by housing authorities where the houses are no longer 30, 40 or more to the acre, but have got down to 12 or thereabouts, need not have these big roads; there cannot be the same traffic for these houses as on the old roads, and it is perfectly safe to construct roads of a very much lighter construction. Let us remember that one of the principal difficulties in connection with the erection of new houses has been the enormous cost of building on these roads. The difference in cost between the roads which I have in mind, and which I call town planning roads, and the ordinary bye-law roads is about 13s. 4d. per foot on the average.
Per square foot.
No, 13s. 4d. per foot frontage. If you take 12 houses to the acre on a 30-foot frontage the difference between these two types amounts to £20 a house, and if you come to a corner part with a longer frontage it may come out at even £60 or even £80 per house. I think that is a cost which you ought not to put upon your houses because it is totally unnecessary. Therefore the whole controversy comes to what is a reasonable standard for roads of this particular kind. I do not want to say anything against any local authority, because I have too much respect for them as a whole, but there are a large number of local authorities who have had no experience of town planning, who have never had these matters under their consideration, and whose only idea is when they see a plan which provides for roads of a lighter construction to say to themselves, "this is going to be more than we have maintained in the past and let us protest against it."
They have the power to protest, and, unless we have some means of settling the question, either the authority which desires to build will have to go to some other district or the extra cost will have to be put on the local authority and the persons who provide the houses. I am sure the House does not wish to sanction anything of that kind. I do not think that there is any danger that the local authority is going to be put to any disadvantage so long as it is left to the Ministry of Health which is not likely to commit itself to foolish plans or plans which will be a great additional expense. So long as the local authorities have the power to say that the roads which have been constructed have not been constructed in accordance with the plans in the schemes first submitted I think they have all the protection they require. I hope I have, shown the House that there are two sides to this question. This is really an important matter not merely from the point of view of the local authorities, but in regard to what the houses are going to cost. I do not think we should do anything that will allow some small local authority which has not had the opportunity of making itself acquainted with modern practice in the laying out of housing estates to have it in their power to block, and hamper, and check, and perhaps spoil, a scheme put forward by a more progressive authority.
Amendment negatived.
CLAUSE 9.—(Provisions as to licensed premises included in Part I and Part II schemes.)
Where the land included in a scheme made, whether before or after the passing of this Act under Part I or Part II of the principal Act, comprises premises in respect of which an old on-licence is in force, the following provisions shall have effect:
(1) If on the application of the local authority by which the scheme is made the renewal of the licence is refused, that local authority may contribute such sum as they think fit towards the amount assessed as compensation upon the refusal of the renewal of the licence, and any sum so contributed shall be payable as part of the expenses of carrying out the scheme:
(2) Where the local authority acquire the premises in pursuance of the scheme, the compensation authority under the Licensing (Consolidation) Act, 1910, may contribute out of the compensation fund such sum as they think fit towards the amount assessed as compensation in respect of the acquisition of the premises.
I beg to move to leave out paragraphs (1) and (2), and to insert instead thereof new paragraphs: cases in which a slum area includes a licensed house upon it. When this occurs one of two things may be required. Either the local authority may wish to continue the licence or abolish it, and, as a general rule, the local authority wishes to take the latter course. This costs a considerable sum for compensation, and the compensation paid is on a par with that paid for redundant licences, in which case the compensating authority would rightly bear a certain amount of the expense. At present, when these licences are extinguished, the whole extent has to fall upon the local authority doing the slum improvement. The result is, as the House will recognise, that a very considerable amount of money goes, in certain instances, as compensation for the removal of licensed premises which otherwise would go towards slum clearance. An attempt has been made by those responsible for the housing work of the London County Council to place this matter on a fair footing, and an agreement has been reached. There is no compulsion in the Clause as it is now introduced. This Amendment has been approved both by the Ministry of Health and the Home Office, as well as by the authorities and parties directly concerned. I do not think this proposal requires any further explanation, and I hope the House will accept it.
I beg to second the Amendment.
I am glad to find that on this question an agreement has been reached, although we were not able to find that agreement in Committee. For this reason, I shall be glad to recommend the House to accept this Amendment.
Amendment agreed to.
CLAUSE 10.—(Repairs of houses.)
(2) Sub-sections (3) to (6) of Section fifteen of the Housing, Town Planning, &c., Act, 1909 (being provisions which are virtually superseded by Section twenty-eight of the Housing, Town Planning, &c, Act, 1919), are hereby repealed, and the said Section twenty-eight shall have effect subject to the following modifications—
( c ) The raising of money to defray the expenses of repairs executed by a local authority under that Section shall be a purpose for which the local authority may borrow.
( d ) The local authority shall for the recovery of their expenses with interest have all the same powers and remedies under the Conveyancing Acts, 1881 to 1911, and otherwise as if they were mortgagees having powers of sale and lease, of accepting surrenders of leases, and of appointing a receiver.
I beg to move, at the end of Sub-section (2, c ) to insert a new paragraph:
In very many cases, and certainly in one case in the Constituency which I represent (East Bristol) quite a number of houses have been built which involve reconstruction, but not reconstruction of the whole house. I think I can show the necessity for this Amendment by giving an instance. I know of a row of houses which are perfectly well built; the main portion of the house contains four well built large rooms; but the back addition of the building has not been put upon proper foundations, with the result that the back addition is sinking and great big gaps have been formed in the walls. The whole back wall is bulging out, and the floors are sinking. The ordinary notice has been served on the owner, and the owner, either because he cannot afford to do the work or because he does not think it worth while, has taken advantage of this proviso and said the work entails reconstruction, and therefore a closing order had to be made. That happened two years ago. The local authority cannot proceed under the closing order, they cannot get an order to get out the tenants and proceed with the demolition of the house, and the result has been that these particular houses have remained in the same condition for a matter of two years. The local authorities naturally desire to have power which will strengthen their hands in a case of this kind, and this Amendment has been drafted for the express purpose of assisting local authorities under such circumstances. May I read the Amendment to the House? where the work ordered by the local authority involves reconstruction the local authority, if it desires, can step in and take advantage of the powers under Part II of the principal Act, and allow the tenants to remain in possession while doing the work of reconstruction, which they have taken out of the hands of the owner. This Clause is desired by the local authority of the City of Bristol, a division which I have the honour to represent, and I would urge the Minister in charge to give to it his kindly consideration and to accept the Amendment which, I believe, will be of great use to local authorities.
I beg to second the Amendment.
I am much obliged to my hon. Friend for having drawn my attenion to the particular case which illustrates the circumstances to which a Clause of this kind might be usefully applied. I rather think that already there are powers in the Acts to do these things, but it would be better no doubt to have them all in one Sub-section, so that the attention of the local authorities may be drawn to it and they may be enabled to deal quickly with cases of this sort. I beg, therefore, to ask the House to accept the Amendment.
Amendment agreed to.
Further Amendment made:—In Subsection (2, d ) leave out "1911" and insert instead thereof "1922."—[ Mr. Chamberlain. ]
CLAUSE 12.—(Power to enter on land for purposes of scheme under Part I or Part II.)
(5) For the purpose of facilitating the erection of dwelling-houses within the administrative county of London the London County Council may, with the consent of the Minister, suspend, alter, or relax the provisions of any enactment or byelaw relating to streets, sewers, or buildings.
In the absence of the hon. Member for the Putney Division of Wandsworth (Mr. Samuel Samuel), I beg to move, in Sub-section (5), to leave out the words "streets, sewers or buildings" and to insert instead thereof the words,
"the formation or laying out of new streets or the construction of sewers or of buildings intended for human habitation."
I understand that this Amendment appeals more to the Minister than the one which stands in my name and I ask therefore leave to move it. I do not propose to make a long speech, because the object of the Amendment is so obvious. It is clear that the cases of dwelling houses for human habitation alone are intended to be covered by the words and not buildings used for commercial purposes.
I beg to second the Amendment.
I ask the House to accept the Amendment.
Amendment agreed to.
CLAUSE 20.—(Amendments of 63 and 64 Vict., c. 44.)
The Small Dwellings Acquisition Act, 1899, shall have effect subject to the following Amendments:
( c ) The statutory condition requiring the proprietor of a house in respect of which an advance has been made to reside in the house shall have effect for a period of three years from the date when the advance is made, but no longer, and compliance with this condition may at any time he dispensed with by the local authority:
( d ) The market value of any house in respect of which an advance is made under that Act shall be ascertained by means of a valuation duly made on behalf of the local authority, and the amount of any such advance shall not exceed ninety per cent, of the market value as so ascertained.
( e ) Where an advance is made in respect of a house in course of construction, the advance may be made by instalments from time to time as the building of the house progresses, so that the total advance does not at any time before the completion of the house exceed fifty per cent, of the value of the work done up to that time on the construction of the house including the value to the person to whom the advance is made of the site thereof.
In the absence of the hon. Member for Kidderminster (Mr. Milne), I beg to move, in paragraph ( c ), after the word "made" ["when the advance is made"], to insert the words
"or from the date on which the house is completed, whichever is the later."
The object is to make it quite definite that the proprietor of the house under this Act shall live in the House for three years. The wording of the Clause as it stands does not absolutely assure that in all cases, but it will do so with the addition of these words.
I beg to second the Amendment.
I think that this Amendment really is required, because we have so amended the Small Dwellings Acquisition Act as to make it possible to advance money while the house is in course of construction. It is quite clear that a man cannot occupy a house while it is in course of construction, and, therefore, the addition of these words is suggested.
Amendment agreed to.
Further Amendments made: In paragraph ( d ), after the word "of" ["The market value of any house"], insert the words "the ownership of."
In paragraph ( e ) leave out the word "to" ["including the value to the person"], and insert instead thereof the words "of the interest of."
Leave out the word "of" ["of the site thereof"], and insert instead thereof the word "in."—[ Mr. Chamberlain. ]
CLAUSE 21.—(Application to Scotland.)
(4) Section eight and Section nine shall not apply.
(7) Section six shall have effect as if it included amongst the Sections thereby repealed Section seven of the Housing, Town Planning, &c. (Scotland) Act, 1919.
(8) Section seven shall not apply, and in lieu thereof the following provision shall have effect:—
"Section fourteen of the Housing, Town Planning, &c. (Scotland) Act, 1919 (which relates to the powers of local authorities for dealing with land acquired or appropriated for the purposes of Part III of the principal Act) shall have effect as if after the word 'sell' in paragraph ( c ) of Sub-section (1) thereof the words 'lease or feu' were inserted, and Sub-section (2) of the said Section shall be repealed.
Amendment made: In paragraph (4), leave out the word "and" ["Section eight and Section nine"].—[ Captain Elliot. ]
I beg to move, in paragraph (4), after the word "nine," to insert the words "and paragraph ( d ) of Sub-section (2) of Section ten."
This is to be read along with the Amendment just agreed to, and is simply to make it clear that paragraph ( d ) of Sub-section (2) of Section 10 does not apply to Scotland. The Act referred to does not apply to Scotland.
Amendment agreed to.
I beg to move, at the end of paragraph (7), to insert the words
"and as if in Sub-section (2) there were substituted for the words 'paragraph ( d ) of Sub-section (2) the words paragraph ( d ) of Sub-section (1).' "
This is merely because, in the English Act, the Sub-section referred to is Subsection (1), whereas in the Scottish Act it is Sub-section (2). We desire to make it clear in this Bill that we are referring to this particular Sub-section.
Amendment agreed to.
I beg to move, in paragraph (8), to leave out the words "and Sub-section (2) of the said Section shall be repealed "and to insert instead thereof the words
"and as if after the word 'sell' in paragraph ( d ) of Sub-section (1) the word 'feu' were inserted, and in Sub-section (2) of the said Section the words from 'subject to any condition' to 'houses erected thereon and' shall be repealed: Provided that where a local authority have sold land acquired by them under the Housing Acts and the purchaser of the land has entered into any agreement with the local authority concerning the land the authority shall have power to enforce the agreement against the persons deriving title under that purchaser notwithstanding that the authority are not in possession of or interested in any land for the benefit of which the agreement was entered into in like manner and to the like extent as if they had been in possession of or interested in such land."
This is simply a repetition of the words of Clause 7 of this Bill. These words were inserted during the passage of the Bill through Committee, and, to make the matter clearer, we are repeating them at length here, instead of merely trying to adapt them by reference. The proposed insertion may seem a little lengthy, but hon. Members will see, on referring to Clause 7, that the words are exactly those which have been there inserted.
Amendment agreed to.
I beg to move, after the words last inserted, to insert a new paragraph:
(9) Sub-section (1) of Section ten shall not apply and in lieu thereof the following provision shall have effect:
Sub-section (15) of Section fifty-three of the Housing, Town Planning, etc., Act, 1909, shall have effect as respects letting for habitation after the passing of this Act as if for the word "sixteen," there were substituted the word "twenty-six."
This is for the purpose of bringing the Scottish portion of the Bill into correspondence with the English portion, and the effect is to make it certain that houses, not merely of a rental of £16, but of a rental of £26, shall come within the scope of the Act and have the benefits of its provisions.
Amendment agreed to.
Mr. Chamberlain.
On a point of Order. My Friends representing Welsh constituencies1 are anxious to know whether they are to move the Amendment to Clause 22 standing in their names, to insert the words "Wales including Monmouthshire."
That is not one of those Amendments which were selected by Mr. Speaker.
As my name is the first of those in which this Amendment stands, may I ask why the Minister of Health is evading this Amendment?
It is not the Minister of Health; it is I, by the authority of Mr. Speaker.
May I make a further appeal to you? This Amendment represents the view of the Welsh Labour party.
I am afraid the passing of it over represents the considered view of Mr. Speaker.
First Schedule
Assimilation of Procedure Under Parts I and II
1. Where a resolution has been passed by a local authority under Part I of the principal Act that an improvement scheme ought to be made, all the provisions of the Housing Acts as to the procedure for making, confirming and carrying out of schemes under Part II of that Act, and as to the assessment of compensation for land taken under such a scheme, shall apply in lieu of the provisions governing such matters in relations to schemes under Part I.
Amendment made: In paragraph 1, leave out the words "as to the procedure for," and insert instead thereof the words "relating to the."—[ Mr. Chamberlain .]
SECOND SCHEDULE. MINOR AMENDMENTS OF HOUSING ACTS. Enactments to be amended. Nature of Amendment. Housing of the Working Classes Act, 1890, 53 & 54 Vict. c. 70. s. 5 (2) For the words "six or more persons liable to be rated to the local rate" there shall be substituted the words "four or more local government electors in the district." s. 26 The whole Section shall be omitted. s. 29 In the definition of the expression "street" for the purposes of Part I as well as for the purposes of Part II of the principal Act there shall be inserted after the word "alley" the words "or passage," and after the words "row of houses" the words "whether a thoroughfare or not." The definition of "closing Order" shall be omitted. s. 31 (1) For the word "householders" there shall be substituted the words "local government electors." s. 31 (2) For the word "householders" there be inserted the word "electors." s. 38 (2) For the words "inhabitant householders of "there shall be substituted the words "local government electors in." s. 44 The whole Section shall be omitted. s. 51 (1) After the words "such owner or officer" there shall be inserted the words "or of the authority." s. 51 (2) The words "at the expiration of ten days after the service of such Order" shall be omitted, and for the word "therewith" there shall be substituted the words "with such Order." Housing of the Working Classes Act, 1903, 8 Edw. VII. c. 39. s. 4 (2) For the words "six or more ratepayers of" there shall be substituted the words "four or more local government electors in," and for the words "six or more ratepayers," where those words occur the second time, there shall be substituted the words "four or more local government electors." Housing, Town Planning, etc. Act, 1909. s. 12 For the words "four inhabitant householders of" there shall be substituted the words "justice of the peace acting for the district, or by any four or more local government electors therein," and after the words "exercise their powers under" there shall be inserted the words "Part II or," and for the words "that Part" there shall be substituted the words "the said Part II or the said Part III, as the case may be." s. 69 (2) After the words "medical officer of health of a" there shall be inserted the word "county." Housing, Town Planning, etc., Act, 1919. s. 26 (2) For the words "the Public Health Acts" there shall be substituted the words "The Public Health Act, 1875, or the Public Health (London) Act, 1891, as the case may be." s. 26 (4) For the words "Sub-section (5) of Section fifteen of the Housing, Town Planning, etc., Act, 1909," there shall be substituted the words" Section twenty-eight of this Act," and for the words "as if the owner or other person were the landlord and with such other" there shall be substituted the words "with such." s. 32 At the end the following words shall be inserted "and in the event of the offence continuing after conviction thereof to a further fine not exceeding five pounds for each day on which the offence is continued after such conviction." s. 35 For the words "(War Restrictions) Act, 1915," there shall be substituted the words "(Restrictions) Act, 1920."
Enactments to be amended. Nature of Amendment. Housing, Town Planning, etc. (Scotland), Act, 1919 (9 & 10 Geo. V. c. 60). s. 29 For the words "(War Restrictions) Act, 1915," there shall be substituted the words "(Restrictions) Act, 1920."
Amendment made: After "70" ["53 and 54 Vict., c. 70"] insert the words "Section 2. The definition of 'this Part of this Act' shall be omitted."—[ Mr. Rhys Davies. ]
I beg to move, after the word "rate" ["liable to be rated to the local rate"], to insert the words "and in the case of Scotland for the words 'twelve or more persons liable to be rated to the local rate'."
s. 34 (2) After the words "thereof to abate," there shall be inserted the words "or alter," and the words "at the expense of the owner" shall be omitted, and after the words "alter the same," there shall be added the words "and the expenses of such abatement or alteration shall be recoverable from the owner summarily as a civil debt." s. 36 (4) The Sub-section shall be omitted. s. 37 (5) From the words "Any transfer," down to the end of the Sub-section shall be omitted. After paragraph ". 32 (2)," insert the words s. 38 (10) The words "at the expense of the owner" shall be omitted, and after the words "alter the same" there shall be added the words "and the expenses of such abatement or alteration shall be recoverable from the owner summarily as a civil debt." s. 39 (1) In paragraph ( a ) for the words "area of the dwelling-house of which such building" there shall be substituted the words "area of which such building," and in paragraph ( b ) for the words "the demolition or the reconstruction and re-arrangement of the said buildings or of some of them is necessary to remedy the said evils "there shall be substituted the words" the most satisfactory method of dealing with the said evils is by the demolition or the reconstruction and re-arrangement of the said buildings or of some of them."—[ Mr. Rhys Davies. ]]
In paragraph "s. 4 (2)," after the word "of" ["six or more ratepayers of"], insert the words "and in the case of Scotland for the words 'twelve or more ratepayers of'";
After the word "ratepayers" ["six more ratepayers"], insert the words
s. 59 (1) At the end of Sub-section the following words shall be inserted "or are contained in any general Act or local Act or Order in force in the area."
These words are considered of importance in this connection.
The object of this Amendment is to allow a smaller number than 12 namely, six, persons to make the representations set forth in the Section referred to. This and two other subsequent Amendments are all part of the same bundle of Amendments having the same object.
Amendment agreed to.
Further Amendments made:
After paragraph "s. 31 (2)," insert the words
"and in the case of Scotland for the words 'twelve or more ratepayers of.'"—[ Captain Elliot .]
I beg to move, in the paragraph "Housing, Town Planning, etc., Act, 1909," after paragraph "s. 12," to insert the words:
I beg to second the Amendment.
Amendment agreed to.
I beg to move at the beginning of the paragraph" Housing,
Enactments to be amended. Nature of Amendment. s. 24 At the end of each of Sub-section (1) and Sub-section (2) the following words shall be inserted "and in the event of the offence continuing after conviction thereof to a further penalty not exceeding five pounds for each day on which the offence is continued after such conviction."
This is to give us in Section 24 of the Scottish Housing Act the corresponding powers which occur in Section 32 of the English Housing Act, 1919, to enforce continuous fines as well as a fine for a first offence.
Amendment agreed to.
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read the Third time."
I beg to move to leave out the word "now," and at the end of the Question to add the words "upon this day three months."
9.0 P.M.
It seems to me to be a most lamentable thing that a Bill of this type should be passed through this House without a protest at any rate from one or two. It may be that I shall get no support, but I am convinced that in course of time many who are sitting here will be sorry they voted for this, as they must be sorry now that they voted for the absurd housing scheme of the late Government. I move the rejection for this very practical reason, that we found in the early part of this year, those of us who were engaged in building houses, that the price of building material was going down rapidly, and that the demand made for a reduction in building trade wages of 20 per cent, was most likely to be accepted eventually by the men concerned, and then there occurred that most unhappy Mitcham election and the Government most unwisely, as things turned out, and quite mistakenly from the point of view of tactics, announced that they were going to undertake some sort of housing policy, as if indeed it is any more the business of the Government to build houses than it is to comb people's hair for them. Let us trace the result of the initiation of this policy and this Bill. No sooner had the Mitcham election occurred, than the building trade employers gave up their idea, of asking for a 20 per cent, reduction of wages with an increased working week.
Town Planning, etc. (Scotland), Act, 1919 (9 amp; 10 Geo. V. c. 60),to insert the words:
They said, "Do not let us discuss a 20 per cent, reduction any longer. Let us discuss a 10 per cent, reduction." A 10 per cent, reduction was discussed, and then this Bill was introduced, and immediately a 10 per cent, reduction was refused by an overwhelming majority of the building trade unions. The next stage was that the employers, giving up the idea of a 10 per cent, reduction with an increased number of hours and noticing that a Bill was going to render it quite unnecessary for any reduction in building material prices or in building trade wages, agreed to arbitration, and, eventually, a reduction was made of such dimensions that it still leaves building trade wages altogether excessive, in comparison with the wages of other trades.
To take my own trade, that of engineering, at present in many districts the rate of wage for skilled engineers for 47 hours a week—skilled men who have served seven years' apprenticeship—is only £2 16s. 6d. [HON. MEMBEES: "Shame!"] It is a shameful wage, and yet even at that wage it is impossible for something like 20 per cent, to 25 per cent, of them to get any work at all, and it is a scandalous thing that these men should be deprived week by week of a few of their hardly earned coppers to build houses for people who are very much richer than themselves, for the whole intention of the Bill is to build houses of a much higher standard than the ordinary skilled or unskilled worker ever expects to possess, and the result, as the hon. Member for Dundee pointed out so well the other night is that the poor living the slums, and men who can hardly keep body and soul together and keep their families in decent comfort, are paying week by week in order that middle class persons may inhabit houses contributed to by the poorest classes in the country. The hon. Member absolutely pricked the bubble of the housing scheme of the present and the late Governments and it is a most scandalous injustice that such a, thing should be allowed, that men who can afford the rents of these Government houses—and it is not too many in these days who can afford even these subsidised rents—should be sponging week by week upon the hard-earned wages of their fellow citizens who are poorer than themselves. I have dealt with the question of building trade wages as affected by the introduction of this Bill and as regards building trade materials we see exactly the same thing, and exactly the same pernicious effect started by that unhappy Mitcham election and the announcement of the housing policy of the present Government. In January of this year—I am speaking from experience—the building trade material rings were breaking up, right and left, and it was possible to buy almost any building material from members of the building trade rings at lower prices than the ring prices; but all that has passed away now. No sooner was this Bill introduced than the building trade rings were formed again, and it is impossible to buy materials now at reasonable prices. There are rings in labour and amongst the employers and merchants in the building trade. In both cases when public money is to be spent on the building of houses, we see these rings re-formed, and we see the building trade lying like a dead weight upon the reviving prosperity of this country. If ever there was a trade in this country that deserved little from the rest of the inhabitants, it is the building trade. All through the unhappy years when Dr. Addison was squandering millions and hundreds of millions of the money of this country—money bitterly wanted for other purposes—both masters and men in the building trade, and not only masters and men directly connected with the trade, but all the building trade merchants and everybody who could get their fingers into the public purse, were doing it unashamed and unabashed. This is happening at a time when other trades are finding it very hard to get along, when my friends the poor colliers find it very hard to live, and when my own folk, the engineers, are finding it very hard. They have to go through their suffering and privation in order that the building trade, both masters and men, may continue to bleed this country white, as they did in the days of Dr. Addison. Although it is impossible in a House constituted as this is at the present time to get support for a Motion such as that which I am now moving, I think it will be a shame and a disgrace to Parliament if some protest of some sort is not made against so grave an injustice.
To come down to the most practical point of all, I have taken a very great interest in the housing of my poor neighbours in my own district in the North, and at the beginning of this year I had actually got out plans for a considerable number of working-class houses of a type which I thought would be distinctly better than those that are common in my district. Having got out estimates, based upon the rapidly falling prices then in force in regard to building materials, based upon the fact that the building trade rings were breaking up, right and left, and that there was every hope of getting building material at a reasonable price, and based upon the supposition that building trade wages were, at any rate, going to come down to a level in some degree comparable to the wages in other trades, this policy was introduced by the Government, and I am sorry to find that I cannot afford to go on with the building scheme that I had in view. I shall have to wait until this policy of this Government breaks down as utterly, and for exactly the same reasons, as the policy of the late Government broke down, leaving behind it, not a lot of homes for heroes, inhabited by contented and prosperous tenants, but leaving behind it, as Dr. Addison's scheme has left behind it, potential slums up and down the country, miserably built houses, houses so badly built, as in the great city of Manchester, in some of its schemes that I would be ashamed to build them—disgraceful houses, disgraceful as to their accommodation and as to the technical details of the building, ready to become slums as they must inevitably become within the next 20 years—houses inhabited by the most discontented lot of tenants in the country.
These schemes were introduced in order to get rid of discontent, but I assert that, in the first instance, they have made discontent, and this Bill, I am afraid, will make the discontent more profound, even amongst those who have houses. As for those lucky people who, week by week, are taking shillings, and even pounds, out of the pockets of their neighbours in these subsidised houses, I can say that, so far as my own observation goes, they are about the most discontented lot of tenants in the country. Therefore, although I cannot hope for support in a House which has been debauched by the half-baked Socialism of the late Government, I do make my protest, and I say that, so far from this housing policy of the present Government having done that Government any good, I believe that Mitcham is a warning which will be repeated, and that the Government which was put into power in order to get rid of that unfortunate tom-foolery that we were accustomed to get from the late Government——
That particular adjective is hardly in order.
Then I will say, the unwise social policy which we were accustomed to get from the late Government. This Government was put into power, undoubtedly, to put an end to that, and it has made a grievous mistake in continuing such a policy. At the same time, there is one thing to be said for the Bill—although I am sorry to say that I cannot accuse the Government of knowingly doing it—and that is that the Bill is so unattractive in the offers that it makes to the local authorities, that I cannot conceive that even some of the local authorities that pursued a most unwise policy under the old Housing Acts of the late Government will take advantage of this Bill, except it may be to finish off some of their unhappy commitments under the former Addison schemes. I understand that that is so already, and that in the case of Manchester, my native city, and one or two other cities, where they got themselves entangled hopelessly in Dr. Addison's schemes, they will take advantage of the doles which are being given by the Government under this Bill. I cannot sec any attractions in the Bill in the offer which it makes of a yearly contribution towards the loss on rents, because that contribution is such that it will nothing like meet the loss on any Government-built house. We have this experience, that houses built under any municipal or Government scheme inevitably costs a very much larger sum than houses built by private enterprise. [HON. MEMBERS: "NO!"] I tried the experiment myself, in Dr. Addison's time. I started building at the same time as the Government, and I found that while houses in the neighbouring city of Manchester were costing from £1,000 to £1,200 each, houses with similar accommodation, but of infinitely better construction, could be built in my own village, a few miles off, at £700 each, and that by one who is not a builder by profession. The fact remains that this Bill is going through, but I do want to make a protest against a policy so utterly fatal not only to the prosperity of this country, but also, I very much fear, to the best Government that we have seen for some years.
Amendment not seconded.
The House has1 listened with a great deal of interest to the hon. Member who has just sat down, but the hon. Member ought to be told that he cannot know the truth about the City of Manchester.
Nor about Lancashire.
I am afraid that his knowledge of Lancashire is very limited although he lives there. He ought to be informed, too, that the City of Manchester has not been entangled in the Addison scheme, and that whatever criticism may be levelled against Addison houses, they compare more than favourably with houses in which millions of people dwell, 70 or 80 to the acre.
The house in which I live has only two rooms, and, I think, would let at about 3s. 6d. or 4s. a week.
I never thought that the hon. Gentleman was quite so eccentric as he appears to be. But we have come to the Third Reading of a Bill which has been debated very fully, and, after criticising that Bill and pointing out how bad it is in parts, I am convinced, from the information which I have received from some local authorities, that it will do a little, at any rate, to help to promote the building of houses. But I have been astonished, as the Bill proceeded in the Committee, to see the Minister abandon two points of principle. He has abandoned the provision as to the size of the house. On this point it is worth while referring to a speech on the Second Reading, in which he stated:
"The House will have already seen that the word 'parlour' does not appear in the Bill at all, and if it is desired by local authorities to meet the wishes of those who desire a parlour there is nothing in the Bill to prevent them doing so provided they keep within the limitations as to size."
That statement was made in this House when the minimum size of the house was 620 feet, but he has since then reduced the minimum to 570 superficial feet, which means a house of two up and two down. I may call the attention of the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Health to the fact that you cannot have a parlour in a two up and two down house. The parlour is eliminated entirely by the proviso inserted in the Bill upstairs; but the Minister has abandoned something else.
That is also the maximum size.
As a trade union official it is my experience, in all negotiations which I have conducted in the field of industry, that the minimum invariably becomes the maximum. Indeed, reports of deputations that have gone to the Minister of Health from some parts of Scotland will confirm that point.
I wish now to deal with the point as to converting or altering old buildings. I have been twitted by the hon. Member for West Woolwich (Sir K. Wood) with being wrong in stating that this Bill would provide for altering an old stable into a house. On that point I prefer to accept the words of the Minister of Health rather than those of the hon. Member. In the Committee I put to the Minister the question:
Will my hon. Friend refer me to the provision of the Bill which provides for that?
As the hon. Gentleman must have learned, while he was acting as Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Health, when we pass a Measure in this House it is the interpretation by the Department of State which very often determines what is to be done, and I feel positive that, if he reads this Bill again, he will find that it is possible to read into it a provision such as I have indicated. If it is possible, as the Minister of Health has stated, to take an old stable or an old factory or an old workshop and convert them into houses for the working classes, it is an insult to our people. Our people are entitled to new houses. They are entitled, not only to shelter, but they are entitled to decent homes, and you cannot successfully convert an old stable into a dwelling house.
In South Kensington there are converted stables selling for £3,000 freehold.
Those stables were built for the aristocracy, or at least they were built for the horses of the aristocracy, and it is true to say that the stables that were built for that purpose were better built than the houses erected for the working classes. I have reason to speak on this subject. I was born in an old tithe barn, turned into a cottage, and I protest against these things being done.
A great many of my friends are living in the mews quite comfortably.
They live in mews in London, turned into good houses, but they have houses also in Plymouth and elsewhere. We are speaking of poor people who have to live their lives out in two-up-and-two-down houses, in the dirtiest condition, in the meanest streets in this country, and yet we have hon. Members on the other side with two or three mansions to their credit coming here to talk like that. The argument has been used in this House and in Committee: "What is the use of building larger houses, three up and three down with a parlour, for these people?" As if there were not a demand for this better accommodation. I believe that I am correct in stating that every house that has been built during the last few years, with four bedrooms and three rooms downstairs, could have been filled four or five time1; over in every part of the country. Consequently the Minister cannot say that there is no demand for this better and bigger house.
More than that, I have always argued, and the party to which I belong always argues in this way, that it is no use the Minister of Health saying that he is going to build small houses merely because people cannot pay rent for the bigger houses. We demand first a standard of house that will give comfortable accommodation to families of ordinary size, and then when the people are put in those houses, let the men join a trade union and fight for a decent wage to pay for the rent of them. There is plenty of money in the country still to pay a decent wage to all. We object to the attitude of mind of people who speak in that way. Then we have the Minister's case: "We cannot proceed with building houses all of three up and three down, because you must insert a Clause in the Bill to provide for the case of aged miners' small cottages. I venture to say that a provision could have been inserted in a Bill of this kind without making it general. My final word is this: We are very much afraid, on this side of the House, that these small cottages will be the breeding ground, as in the past, of disease and juvenile delinquency and crime. Most of the juvenile delinquencies that are reported to the education committees in our cities come from crowded areas. In one ward in my city there are nine persons to the acre and in another ward you have 130 persons to the acre. Where you have nine people to the acre only one child under 12 months dies of consumption, whilst where you have 130 people to the acre there are three children who die of the same disease.
The child of the poor father and mother is as dear to the parents as the child of the rich man or woman. We are protesting that a Minister of Health who ought to set up a high standard of accommodation should come down to this House and suggest 570 superficial feet for a worker's cottage. I thought that when the Minister of Health came to propose this Bill we were to have a great housing reform in this country. I am disappointed at the result. In parts the Bill will help the housing problem, I agree, but with regard to slum clearances at the rate he is now proceeding it will take two centuries before any effect will be made on the slums of this country. I trust this House some day will regard housing not merely as a political issue. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] Housing is too important for that. If civilisation means anything at all it means that a man and wife and two or three children ought to live in a house with a fixed and decent standard of civilisation. While protesting in that way we hope and trust that this House may be brought to realise the terrible and appalling conditions under which millions of our people still live.
I confess, after hearing the hon. Member opposite, that I am not quite clear what he proposes to do on the Third Reading of this Bill. [HON. MEMBERS: "Wait and see!"] I have heard of the motto "Wait and see," but I venture to prophesy on the speech which has just been made that we cannot expect the Labour party to oppose this Measure.
Will you support us if we do?
There are two matters to which my hon. Friend (Mr. Rhys Davies) has referred by way of criticism of this Measure. He objects to the provision in the Bill whereby municipalities can assist private individuals to adapt houses. I ventured to point out a short time ago first that that provision can only be put in force with the consent of the municipalities themselves, and secondly only under the conditions of the Minister of Health. It is a very striking thing that on this particular matter, which my hon. Friend opposite says is the worst feature of the Bill, neither he nor the hon. Gentleman opposite even went to a Division about it. In fact, the provision of adaptation, as any one who has had any experience of housing problems knows, is a necessary adjunct to a scheme of this kind. There are a very large number of houses in this country, particularly in London, on which money can be usefully spent on adaptation purposes. It is perfectly accurate and correct to say that there is no provision in this Bill which will enable any municipality to put into operation any part of it by which stables or any other property can be adapted. The Clause is strictly confined to the adaptation of houses. The only other point, apart from the rhetoric of my hon. Friend the Member for Westhoughton (Mr. Rhys Davies) which we all admire—the only other objection he has raised on the Third Reading is that it is possible to erect houses and housing accommodation for a class of people who I venture to think are deserving of the attention of the House. They are the people who want housing accommodation in two or three rooms. Anyone who has studied this question knows perfectly well that there are a very large number of people—a man and his wife, two people living together—who require some accommodation of this kind and who do not want to pay the rents which more expensive accommodation requires. It is a very significant thing that this particular Clause in the Bill was put into it not at the instance of anybody on this side of the House but of the representatives of one of the Divisions of Glasgow. [HON. MEMBEES: "No, no!"]
May I interrupt to say that it was no person in Glasgow who did so, and that it is not fair of the hon. Member to state what he must know is untrue?
I am sorry if I have misinterpreted anyone, but I remember, perfectly well, that an hon. Member on the Labour Benches stated that he and his colleague——
We do not all come from Glasgow.
—in the representation of Dundee stated that this Clause was put in at the instance of hon. Members opposite, who represent a very important constituency.
You are quite wrong.
I also remember that my hon. Friend the Member for Linlithgow (Mr. Shinwell) got up and objected, and had a great controversy with the Member for Dundee as to the exact nature of this Clause.
I am sure the hon. Member does not want to misrepresent hon. Members on this side. The reference to the particular matter under review was made by one of the Members for Dundee who is not a member of the Labour party.
I also remember that he stated, and I do not think it was contradicted, that his colleague for Dundee, who is a member of the Labour party, joined with him in that representation. I have not learned of any contradiction of that. I must confess that I cannot quite understand the position of hon. Members opposite, I see the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Spen Valley (Sir J. Simon) here. I am very interested to know what attitude he is to take on this Bill to-night and whether he is to vote against the Third Reading, because I very closely scrutinise the attitude of the important party which he represents. I must say that I think he is a fair man, but I think the attitude of his party is open to this comment, that so far, at any rate, as his party is concerned, there has been no alternative in principle put forward to the proposals in this Bill. The only substantial Amendment that was made on behalf of the independent Liberal party was, I venture to think, rather an academic one. An Amendment was moved from that quarter of the House that instead of private enterprise appearing first in a particular Clause of the Bill and municipal enterprise next the order should be reversed. That I venture to think is the only serious contribution that has been made from that particular quarter of the House. I venture to say that it is a matter of little moment whether one or the other appears first in the Bill. In fact, the conclusion which everyone must come to in the consideration of a Measure of this kind is that in the present abnormal state of affairs all avenues for house-building must be explored and every possible method adopted for getting houses in this country. Therefore, I cannot compliment hon. Members on the practical suggestions that they have made. When I turn to the other section of the Opposition represented by the hon. Member who has just spoken, I confess that I would have liked to have heard a good many more practical suggestions, by way of alternative, than those which have been brought forward. I was hoping that we should have heard tonight something of which we heard a good deal in the last Parliament, as to how the housing problem was to be solved by the building guilds of the country.
They built jolly good houses.
There has been a very significant, silence to-night on the operations of the guilds. I suppose that no body of builders in the country ever had a better or fairer opportunity given to them than the associations known as the building guilds. They started with very big promises. They had every facility given to them. They were not out for profit; they despised capital, and they were all to work together for the common good in putting up houses. What has been the result? The guilds have certainly not put up houses that are any cheaper or better than those provided by private enterprise or the municipalities. [HON. MEMBERS: "They have!"] Hon. Members say that they have done so. Then I ask why have they not gone on with their work? I recollect a rather painful episode in the history of a building guild of the country. It ended in liquidation and the appointment of a receiver. I remember also that the reason given to the Official Receiver for the liquidation——
On a point of Order. I wish to ask whether the introduction of this new matter is relevant, and whether, in the course of subsequent discussion, it will be proper to refer to the bankruptcy of some private enterprise firms engaged in the building industry?
The Bill provides for advances to societies and other bodies, among which might be included building guilds. Therefore, references to building guilds are relevant.
I am not surprised that hon. Members are rather sensitive. There arc numbers of people who are not so much discouraged as are hon. Members opposite. I noticed the other day that a new building guild was about to be floated, and, strangely enough, it appealed to capital to come in and subscribe. Nor was I surprised, when I put a question to the Minister of Health the other day, as to the number of houses being built by this new enterprise, that I was told that, up to the present, it had not embarked on a single house. The real question, as to how far the housing problem will be helped by the present Bill, was largely decided when the Financial Resolution was passed. I said then, and I say now, that, while, undoubtedly, the Minister took a wise step in altering the financial basis and eliminating what was called the penny rate from his scheme, yet the language laying down a uniform provision of a certain amount per annum per house for every locality in the country may prove to be a mistake. I still think it is necessary to emphasise the fact that, although many localities may be able to embark upon building schemes under the present financial operations, yet a good number of the rural authorities will certainly be unable to do so. I do not expect that we shall have many houses in that particular connection. On the other hand, as a result of this uniform rats throughout the country, undoubtedly, there is, in certain cases, too much money being given to local authorities.
I visited Leeds to-day. They told me there that they were willing to embark upon this scheme at a much lower rate than that which the Minister was giving under the Bill. They said that they were able to erect houses at a considerable saving on the present financial arrangement. Through this uniform system of a fixed amount to all localities throughout the country, you are paying too much in some cases and paying far too little in other cases. I regret that a subsidy has to be paid at all. In Leeds I was told that a few months ago they were prepared to embark upon a big housing scheme without State assistance at all. But, of course, directly the offer of a subsidy was made conditions were altered, and everybody now wants a subsidy. If these particular proposals are to succeed, a great effort will have to be made to avoid many of the mistakes and difficulties of the past. Reference has been made to what is called the Addison scheme. I am not particularly concerned to defend the Addison scheme, except so far as I endeavoured to carry out whatever duties I had given to me. But in calling it the Addison scheme, if one wanted to be fair, one should attach a good many other names to the scheme besides that of Dr. Addison. The great failure—if there was one under the circumstances that then existed—of the Addison scheme was the payment of a subsidy. Directly the subsidy was paid, everybody sought to take full advantage of it. That was not only the case with employers and builders, but with the workmen also. I never observed that workmen were prepared to give a bigger output or to work longer hours in erect- ing cottages for their fellows than they were in erecting mansions in Park Lane.
The Minister will have to keep a very sharp eye on the operations of all those people who are engaged in the building trade. I am not by any means satisfied that he has taken every step to give the fullest protection against the operations either of the rings or the workmen. I should be very sorry if, after Parliament had risen, we should find a great increase in building prices in this country and if he and this House should be left defenceless against the operations of these people. One of the defects of the Bill is that the right hon. Gentleman has merely appointed a Committee to "watch" the operations of prices and the increase of costs. I see opposite an hon. and learned Member who is a King's Counsel and who knows something about what "watching" means. There is such a thing as a watching brief given to young barristers and when they interrupt a Judge in Court and desires to protest on behalf of their client against a certain course, the Judge says, "You have no locus standi in this case; your simple duty is to go on watching." I am afraid the Committee which my right hon. Friend has appointed will begin and end with the simple duty of watching. That is not a satisfactory method and is not placing very large powers in the hands of that Committee. I should have liked to see the Committee entrusted with powers to send for witnesses, examine books and generally adopt a much more businesslike method than they are adopting to-day.
I am not satisfied that the present prices are satisfactory. I noticed the other day a resolution passed not by workmen but by people engaged in the building trade, expressing the view that a strict inquiry ought to be made as to whether the present prices are adequate and fair. When I hear my right hon. Friend say, as he has frequently said, that there has only been a small percentage of increase on prices in connection with the building trade, I say that is not sufficient, and there should be a strict inquiry as to whether the present prices are fair and just. My own judgment is that much more ample powers should be given to the Committee, and that the Committee is much too large. I have no knowledge of What happens at the pro- ceedings of this Committee, but when one knows that there are on it representatives of the building trade and of the trade unions, one can well understand when an item appears on the agenda to the effect that bricks are too high or that timber is costing too much, a prolonged discussion taking place between the representatives of these two interests which must be bewildering to the other Members of the Committee. The object of the Committee will not be much further advanced by prolonged discussions of that kind.
The Minister in bringing forward this Bill at any rate was very wise in refraining from raising undue hopes as to the results of the Measure. It may well be that he has learned from the experience of the past. I observe, in connection with Birmingham, that according to the statements of the chairman of the housing committee there no less than 20,000 new houses were needed at Birmingham. The same gentleman stated that it could not be expected, so far as Birmingham was concerned, that more than 3,000 new houses could be erected during the next two years. Birmingham may be an exceptional case, but if that rule appertains or nearly appertains throughout the country, one is driven to the conclusion that the housing problem must remain with us for a long time. I suppose no Measure which any party could introduce at this time could bring about the housing millennium during the next two years. In connection with this, as with most problems arising out of the War, we have to pay very dearly for what happened in the War. We have to be very patient, and as my right hon. Friend said, we have to raise no extravagant hopes.
There is another matter on which I join issue with the Labour party but not I hope with the Liberal party. I hold that the avenue which we have to pursue is an avenue straight back, and as quickly as possible, to private enterprise. The more I have seen of the operations of municipalities in connection with housing, the more I am inclined, not by any means to condemn them, but to come to the conclusion that they are not the right and proper bodies to engage in housing operations. One does not need much imagination to conceive that when housing matters have to be dealt with by committees, when discussions have to take place among large bodies of people, and when matters are being dealt with which are not the business of these particular persons, a great deal of delay and a great deal of extra cost must be necessitated as a result of entrusting that work to those particular people. The more use is made of those parts of the Bill which put us in the way of getting back into the business the people whose business it is, the better. My only regret is——
Does the hon. Member recognise that others desire to speak beside himself? [HON. MEMBERS: "Order."]
I feel the rebuke, but I do not feel so ashamed when it comes from my hon. Friend opposite, whose interventions in the Debate I have marked on repeated occasions with considerable interest. I will relieve him to this extent. My own judgment on the present position is that, whilst it is necessary to invoke the assistance of the local authorities and of private enterprise, we shall not solve the housing problem until we get the private builder back at work again, and I was about to say, in conclusion, that the great defect of this Bill is that most of the Clauses in connection with the bringing back of private enterprise are permissive. There is no right of any person in this country who wants to build a house to go either to the municipality or the State, and to say, "Give me a certain sum of money." He has to go through the municipality to obtain it, and to that extent I think it is a grave defect in the Bill, but, as I think is evidenced by this Debate and all that has preceded it, there is really no solution other than has been suggested, and therefore I wish my right hon. Friend every possible success in his Bill, and I hope that at the expiration of two years we may see a good many houses erected as a consequence of it.
The hon. Member for West Woolwich (Sir K. Wood) has shown an extraordinary genius in concealing thought in his last sentence, and he has shown an exceedingly accommodating mind. He has told us in very weighty language that the failure of the Minister of Health to deal with building rings was very serious, that he doubted very much whether the very basis of the Bill, a public subsidy, was not to do more harm than good. Then he immediately swung back, having finished that department of his speech, and professed a most profound faith in private enterprise. I congratulate him in being able to ride two horses going in opposite directions at the same time. The mystery with which he started, as to what we were to do, has been carried on by himself, and were it not for that last sentence of his, I should have assumed that he would have told against the Third Reading of the Bill.
He also in that speech, which wandered all over the subject, had a few rather ill-digested remarks to make about building guilds. As a matter of fact, the hon. Member and everybody who has followed the fate of these very interesting experiments must know that these guilds came to an end for two main reasons: First of all, that they were crushed out by the strong competition of private enterprise, which for the time being held the strategic positions of supply. [An HON. MEMBER: "And ability!"] If the ability shown by private enterprise in building houses is to be taken as a high standard, then my conception of human ability is very much lower than it was a few minutes ago. The other reason was that they were unable to command the capital which was required for the business. Hon. Members opposite ought to cheer that, because they seem to be under the impression, judging by what the hon Member has stated, that somehow or other we do not believe in capitalism. However interesting a topic that is—and to me it is exceedingly interesting—I really cannot take time to correct that impression in connection with this Debate. All I can say is that I myself—as personal experiences apparently are called for in this Debate—have only just had a piece of work done by this London Building Guild, and I have never in all my experience had such a beautiful piece of work done—a bit of work, I confess, which I look at with great pride every morning when I leave my house. It makes me feel, at any rate, that there is some beauty, some chastity, some real taste in the mind and the hands of the honest British workman after all. Yes, the British workman, the building trade workman, to malign whom has been the stock-in-trade of so many hon. Members opposite. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] Who has not heard of the ten bricks an hour story?
10.0 P.M.
What we have got to do to-night is to decide what we are to do with this Bill. The hon. Member for West Woolwich confessed that he was rather disappointed that my hon. Friend the Member for Westhoughton (Mr. Rhys Davies) had made no alternative suggestion. The hon. Member is becoming an old Member of the House of Commons, and he must know very well that the Third Reading of a Bill gives no opportunity of presenting alternative suggestions. In Committee and on the Report Stage we made those suggestions, and the result has been—I do not mean the result merely of our Amendments; it has been a great combination of thought and suggestion, both constructive and destructive—that this Rill has been altered in a most wonderful way, both for good and for bad. It has been altered for good, as regards the subsidy, for instance. When we had this Bill before us for a Second Beading, the subsidy was not to exceed £6. We now have it before us for a Third Beading, and the subsidy is fixed at £6.
At the same time, I join most heartily in the criticism of that point made by the hon. Member for Westhoughton. A flat subsidy does not work out quite so satisfactorily, I think, as an adaptable subsidy. At the same time, I feel perfectly certain that if the right hon. Gentleman who is in charge of the Bill cares to reply to that point, he can bring forward a very imposing body of arguments to show how impossible it is to apply a varying subsidy with anything like justice, but there it is. In any event, I think it is far better to have fixed the subsidy at £6 than to have left it as it was. The estimated expenditure on this is something like £720,000 per annum. So far as we are concerned, we say, quite candidly, it is not enough, that it will not provide enough houses to be going on with. Then I regret—we all regret—the insertion of what is known as the Dundee Amendment. On that, I was not quite aware whether the hon. Member for West Woolwich was in favour of it or against it. His remarks were of such a character as to leave his conclusions out of account. We are against this Dundee Amendment, not because we are opposed to the supply of houses for people who are single or who are married without children, but what we feel is this—and I think our feeling is well founded—that if you begin to build these houses, what guarantee have you that within the next three or four years a totally different type and number of family are not going to inhabit them?
That is the point. The accommodation problem cannot be solved by buildings, say, for maiden ladies, or bachelor gentlemen, or childless married people, unless you are prepared to keep those categories in watertight separations and never allow any but them to occupy these houses; not merely to build the houses for them, but to take effective steps to prevent that standard of house becoming a drag on the average standard of house built for families. We know, perfectly well, that the Dundee pressure is a very serious one, but how has it arisen? It has arisen out of that very blessed principle of private ownership which has the effect of a sort of Gresham Law, which puts up the rents of cheap houses against the rents of more expensive houses, where you have great and crushing poverty. My hon. Friends behind me, who have a very much wider practical experience, as members of county councils and town councils, of housing problems than I have, were all profoundly convinced that to yield to the needs of such great poverty as you have in Dundee, and to build houses for it—houses that do not disappear with the right hon. Gentleman, that do not disappear with the rest of the crisis, and with the present shortage, houses that last for years and years—in doing that you are meeting the temporary problem in such a way as to increase the duration of time through which it is going to last. In that way, you are going seriously to damage the housing standards of the whole area.
Moreover, we regret very much that there has been no attempt to define the number of houses that can be built to an acre. I should have thought that a Minister of Public Health would have tried to have done something in that, even in existing circumstances. As my hon. Friend the Member for Westhoughton has pointed out, the grants that are to be given for slum clearances are totally inadequate. It is merely playing with the matter. I was a member of the London County Council a good many years ago, when we were tackling the clearance of Central London—that great area of Clare Market, about Lincolns Inn Fields, and all through Drury Lane. I remember it perfectly well. It was perfectly heartbreaking, the problem which then presented itself. It was mainly financial. We all felt that if we could have solved the financial difficulty we could have gone on to solve the human difficulty; the difficulty of adapting a population habituated to slums to another type of building, which gave them a somewhat different view of life, presenting to them psychological difficulties which could not sometimes be overcome. This is no foundation at all. You can go on giving your £200,000 a year, as my hon. Friend said, for two centuries, and your slum property will still remain.
I am also very chary, and unwilling to agree to the idea that private builders can go to local authorities and get grants, loans, or guarantees, or whatever it may be. Hon. Members know perfectly well that that is an exceedingly dangerous expedient. I am not going to say that there is any class of men more dishonest or more honest than another class of men in the community, but I have heard the phrase repeated time and time again in this House, "Human nature being what it is." Human nature being what it is, you are putting a premium on dishonesty, and however great the weight of the argument of expediency may be, I hope the right hon. Gentleman will take care that, in yielding to that expediency, he is going to safeguard public authorities against a new form of corruption being introduced into their life. It is a curious thing that all the arguments in favour of the public authorities doing the work, making the sewers, building the houses, and so on, has been based in its origin in corruption, and in bad work. I remember, again, the great fight we had in London when the Public Works Department was started first of all. The argument was not a theoretical one, it was not a question of private enterprise versus municipal enterprise, but it was a question that again and again it had been shown, by the experience of the old Metropolitan Board of Works, that it was not safe always to leave these two in contact, and the Public Works Department was started in consequence. The Public Works Department at last was closed by the growing influence of private enterprise again, and personal profits. I was through all the business from beginning to end.
The final point I want to take is, that subsidies are very good if kept for houses, but if subsidies are going to be taken by the rings that supply building materials, then you may keep the £6 in your pocket, or any other sum you like to mention. I do not require to emphasise that, because the hon. Member for West Woolwich, at any rate, on that point was perfectly lucid and clear. He condemned it, and I wish to join with him most heartily in his condemnation. The Committee that is set up to watch the increase of prices will do not good at all unless it has got more power than it has now. Unless we can control prices, private enterprise will take the £6, and will allow the tenant to go without the benefit. Well, we have the Bill. On its Second Beading we made our proposals; on the Committee stage, and on the Report stage, and there is the end. We are now presented with this Bill. Is it worth taking, or ought it to be objected to? I do not place very high hopes upon it. I believe that it will stimulate a little, and for a short time; not much for a long time But it can go; whatever good is in it had better be experimented with. The need for houses is so great that almost any proposals ought to be experimented with. I do not think, as I said, that this is going to do a great deal, but I certainly am not going to lift my little finger at the final stage of the Bill to prevent whatever good is in it being tried.
I would go further. I hope I am too pessimistic. I hope that the right hon. Gentleman is nearer to the truth and to the effect of this Bill than I am, because nothing would please me better, and would please my hon. Friends around me better than to know that this Bill had done something very substantial to relieve the pressure on our housing to-day. So I do not propose at all to oppose the Bill. We opposed it at first, trying to get more into it than was in it. We have done our best in Committee and on the Report stage, and the House of Commons has to come to its decision. Very well, having done that, we say "Let the Bill go through, and if our hopes and our prayers are of the least use in making that Bill more effective than it seems to be on paper, it certainly is that we want to see our people better housed than they are at present."
I am sorry to interpose when no doubt there are hon. Gentlemen behind me who would have been glad to take up the few minutes that may remain before the Minister says what he would like to say, but it may be reasonable that a word or two should be stated from the point of view of those who share my general opinions. The hon. Member for West Woolwich (Sir K. Wood) was good enough to challenge me as to what I, and those who thought like me, would think right to do at this stage. I tell him at once. I do not approach this kind of question from any theoretic point of view. In fact, I think Third Reading Debates would become very monotonous if they simply were exercises on the seesaw between private enterprise and its opposite. I take the purely practical point of view, and the question is: is this Bill, as the House of Commons has now shaped it, going to produce any houses? If this Bill is going to produce any houses it seems quite plain that we could not possibly oppose it being carried into law, for if it were not carried into law it is quite clear that no provision would be made at all by Parliament for the provision of houses during this summer. That being so, the view which we take—and I gather it is also the view taken by the hon. Gentleman who preceded me—is that it is not proper to vote against the Third Reading.
The point I put, and which I should like the House to consider is this: how far, on a fair estimate, is this Bill really calculated to produce the results we all desire to see secured? My own view is that, while we could not oppose it being carried into law, it will be found on examination to be a wholly inadequate Bill. This Bill, by its very terms, is only expected to continue in operation for something like 2½ years. If it really was to be put forward as representing the policy of the Government, it really is no policy at all. If it was for a moment to be framed as a solution of the problem, it is obviously no solution at all. The way at which the thing has to be looked is, I think, this: Whatever the reason—and whether the argument applies in favour of private enterprise or not, I care nothing at all—the fact is that even before we came to the outbreak of the War in this matter of providing working-class houses the supply was not keeping up with the demand. That is the plain fact, [An HON. MEMBER: "Why?"] Whatever the reasons may be, there is the fact, and it is really much better to take things as they are than to go into arguments of a more theoretical character on one side or the other.
The next step, at any rate, is beyond question. You then have a period of some four years during which the natural demand for working-class houses, whatever it may be, whether it be 80,000 per year or more or less, was practically not met at all. Therefore, for reasons for which I do not think anybody can be blamed, when you came to 1918 there was an enormous gap between the demand on the one hand and the supply on the other. If I might say so in the presence of my friends of the Labour party, I can see that there is a very serious and general theoretical question there, though it cannot be discussed. The question is this: In the ordinary way in providing the different commodities which English society wants, the connection between supply and demand, and the way the balance goes up and down is constant and delicate. The moment it becomes greater one way or the other by the operation of a simple law, there is a tendency for the balance to right itself, and the consequence is that in the operation of supply and demand the two things keep more or less on a level.
What has happened in this case is that, for reasons for which nobody can be blamed, there is a perfectly enormous gap between the two. The question to my mind comes to this: Is this Bill really calculated even to help to reduce that gap? If it produces houses, the more the better, and the better pleased, we shall be. But let the House consider these two simple figures and see what we can get from them. In the four years following the War, from 1918 to 1922, you had 80,000 a year as a fair figure for the new demand, and you have now four times that number. That is 320,000, without ever catching up to your past demand at all! Those four years ought to have produced 320,000 houses. They only produced something like 200,000 houses in those four years, and notwithstanding the undoubted energy of Dr. Addison and the Government and the spending of very large sums of public money, at the end of that period you were further away from catching up the demand than at the beginning.
On what does the right hon. Gentleman base his calculation of 80,000 houses a year?
It is a figure constantly used, and was given with authority when Dr. Addison was responsible. It was then usual to quote higher figures, and some placed it at 500,000 short at the end of the war, but it was generally thought that something like 80,000 a year was required.
That happens to be about the maximum.
I doubt very much whether the provision of houses in the four years following the War really did substantially catch up the undoubted need, having regard to the fact that there has always been an additional number to that required year by year. I should be interested to know whether that general statement is disputed, because there is no party advantage to be got by having things wrong, and we only want the facts. If what I have stated is anything like the right number, how far may we expect that, state of things to be improved by this Bill. The Minister of Health has always declined to make definite estimates for the future, and that is quite natural; but there is an indication in the memoradum which accompanied this financial proposal, and it says:
"The charge on the Exchequer consequent on these Clauses of the Bill will depend upon the extent to which advantage is taken of the provision proposed to be made. Approximately 200,000 working class houses have been built during the last four years, and if this average is maintained during the period taken by this Bill, 120,000 houses would be eligible for grants."
We are told that 200,000 working class houses were built in four years following the War, and in the 2½ years during which this Bill operates it is thought that 120,000 houses will be produced if the same, rate of production is maintained. Upon this statement the first reflection is if 200,000 houses were built in the four years after the War, did they substantially con- tribute towards catching up and reducing the gap. I very much question it Surely a very small estimate would be you need 50,000 more houses every year and if that is so 200,000 houses in four years would be leaving things as they are. If the four years following the War did not substantially contribute to filling up the gap how can we expect that during the next 2½ years this Bill is going to catch up. It would surely be an enormous assumption that you are going under this Bill to produce houses as rapidly as they were in the last four years. The difference under the earlier and most expensive scheme was that once the local authority had provided a penny rate it turned to the State to cover the rest of the loss. Under this scheme you have a fixed provision made by the State, and any further loss is thrown on the local authority. Surely that will tend to reduce the rate at which houses are likely to be produced. Your scheme is a flat rate scheme, and it has been universally accepted that it will not have any real operation in rural districts. My hon. Friend the Member for Tiverton (Mr. Acland), whose return to this House we welcome, tells me that as far as that area is concerned the principal domestic question discussed at the recent election was how they were going to get rural housing put upon its feet in a district like that. I do not believe that a Bill on these lines can assist very materially, as far as rural districts are concerned. This estimate of 120,000 houses in two and a half years under this Bill is based on the assumption that you will produce houses as rapidly as under the old scheme. I doubt that very much, and if you do not, then you will fall still further behind in the race to catch up with the demand. These are points on which the House is entitled to have the view of the Minister before we finally pass from this Bill. I quite agree we have to accept the Bill, and certainly from those for whom I speak it has the most sincere good wishes for its success. I do not desire that private enterprise in this matter should be overthrown and shown to be impossible of effective work, but I very gravely doubt whether a Measure with these limitations can possibly be the means by which we are going to catch up this rapidly vanishing object which we are j engaged in pursuing. I cannot see how a Bill on these lines can really be regarded as either expressing the policy ! of Ministers or finding a solution which will give satisfaction to the country.
When I was speaking on the Second Reading of this Bill, I ventured to address to hon. Members in all parts of the House an appeal that they should not obstruct the progress of the Measure, but should use every endeavour to get it passed as early as possible in order that full advantage might be taken of the building season which lasts only for a few months. It is a satisfaction to me to be able to say I think that appeal has been fairly responded to in all parts of the House, and that, so far as the time-table is concerned, everything has gone strictly to plan. On the other hand, I make the claim that I have carried out the undertaking I then gave that when the Bill came to the Committee stage, I should not be found unduly strict or unsympathetic in considering Amendments which might be brought forward for improving the Bill, so long as they did not clash with principles which I considered vital to the Measure. I do not think that anyone who has heard the speeches this evening can have failed to be struck with the difference in tone between this evening and the occasion of the Second Reading. At that time there were innumerable prophecies of disaster from the opposite benches. Member after Member rose and said that this Bill was going to be absolutely useless in the particular locality with which he was connected, that local authorities would never touch it or have anything to do with it, and that no houses would be produced by it. This evening opinion is so far modified that the Leader of the Opposition, as I understand, does not propose to divide against the Bill. I think I may claim that as some tribute to the provisions of the Bill, in view of the hon. Gentleman's attitude upon the Second Reading, and, indeed, I might go further, and say his attitude towards the Bill before he knew what it was going to contain, before it was even drafted. It certainly is a considerable advance to find, after all, now that the Bill has reached its last stage, that he does not propose to carry his opposition any further.
That is, surely, imagination.
I do not quite know whether, when the hon. Gentleman says that that is, surely, imagination, he refers to my description of what he is going to do this evening or to what happened in the past. I understand that he refers to what happened in the past, but he must have forgotten, although I remember it, an occasion when he said that he was going to fight the Housing Bill, before I was even Minister of Health. The occasion impressed itself upon my mind, because it was an occasion when the hon. Gentleman was the guest of an association of a somewhat unique character, and one of which I had never heard before. It called itself the Association of Labour Mayors and Ex-Mayors of Metropolitan Boroughs. It was when the hon. Gentleman was enjoying the hospitality of that remarkable association that he made the statement to which I have referred. I saw it reported in the Press, and I took note of it at the time for future use.
The Bill, during the Committee stage, has been amended in a number of details. I do not think it is necessary for me to make any detailed examination of the differences between the Bill as it went upstairs and the Bill as it has come back, but perhaps the most important, or, at any rate, one which attracted great attention, is that which altered the permitted size of the houses. I never regarded the size of the houses as really one of the vital points of the Bill. I endeavoured to explain, on the Second Reading, what I did expect the Bill to do and what I did not. I explained that it was not to be considered as the whole policy of the Government, and that it was not to be expected that under this Bill the the housing problem would come to an end at the end of two and a half years. I seem to have caused considerable inconvenience to hon. Members opposite, of more than one party, by my statement of the limitations which I myself attached to the operation of the Bill, but, in spite of that, they have never ceased to complain that this Bill was not going, in two and a half years, to clear up the whole of the shortage which had accumulated during 13 years. So far, however, as the size of the houses is concerned, that appears to me to be a detail of what is only a temporary provision in the Bill, but I must say this, because it was brought out again the other day in a very interesting speech by the hon. Member for Dundee (Mr. Scrymgeour), which, whether hon. Members agreed with it or not, at any rate did convince those who heard it that he was speaking in all sincerity, and, moreover, that he was really voicing the opinion of those whom he represented in his own town, including members of the Labour party.
And my colleague from Dundee.
And his colleague from Dundee, although we did not have from that hon. Gentleman as courageous and sincere a speech. The hon. Member's speech illustrated the very point which I endeavoured to put before the House on that occasion. It is all very well to keep on telling us that the working man is entitled to as good a house as anyone else, and that we are lowering the standard of housing if we do not provide him with something very much better than he has hitherto had. You cannot get away, in that sort of manner, from the economic facts of the situation. The workman's accommodation must be limited by what he can pay for it, and the only result of trying to provide him with something better than he can afford is either that that house will go to someone else or, if the workman takes it, he will have to take in lodgers. The hon. Member for Westhoughton (Mr. Rhys Davies) says you are to provide this house and then the occupant is to join a trade union and strive for better wages. I do not know whether that is going to be much consolation to him, after all, that is the daily and nightly occupation of most working men. They are all striving to get better wages all the time, but whether they are successful or not depends upon the economic conditions which we so frequently try to upset, but which generally manage somehow or another to get the better of us. It is misleading working men to tell them that the building of these better class houses is going to ensure that they will be able to occupy them. That does not depend upon us. It depends on the economic conditions, and the sooner we recognise that the better for us and for them.
A good deal of the discussions both upstairs and in this chamber has turned upon those parts of the Bill which are designed to encourage private enterprise. I am not going to discuss that all over again but I must enter a protest against one phrase that fell from the Leader of the Opposition, that for private builders to be able to go to local authorities and receive from them grants or advances or guarantees to enable or encourage them to build houses for the working classes was putting a premium upon dishonesty. I really was astonished that the hon. Gentleman should use such a phrase as that; it seems to me so utterly inapplicable to the situation. Has he no faith in the integrity of our local bodies? He might as well say it is putting a premium upon dishonesty for him to walk down the street with bank notes in his pocket book. It is true that if someone robbed him he would be taking advantage of an opportunity which was presented to him, but after all we do not expect people to act dishonestly because they have an opportunity of doing so, and in this case, in order to carry out the proceeding which the hon. Member ascribes to builders and local authorities together, there has to be some sort of collusion. Perhaps that is the process the hon. Gentleman has in mind. But, I have greater faith in the honesty of local authorities than he has and in the capacity and the determination of the local elector to see that he is represented by people who are worthy of his confidence. There is another kind of dishonesty, if you choose to call it so, which is not pecuniary but is nevertheless a real danger in the extension of municipal authority in this connection. You have a municipal authority owning large numbers of houses and drawing rents from them. There is a danger lest the tenants of the houses, who are also voters, should exercise pressure upon those who represent them on the local authority to cut down their rents to a point below what is an economic rent or what is the rent of similar houses in the neighbourhood. If you are going to talk about putting a premium on dishonesty there is a danger in that direction quite as great, if not greater, than that to which the hon. Gentleman alluded.
The right hon. Member for Spen Valley (Sir J. Simon) based his criticism of the Bill upon grounds very similar to those which he adduced on the Second Heading. He takes the figure of 80,000 houses as the basis of his calculation. Upon that I may say that I have never laid down any figure as to the actual need for new houses in any one year. This figure of 80,000 represents the largest number of houses that ever was built in any one year in the palmy days of house-building before the War: and it probably, therefore, is considerably in access of the actual need in any one year, and even to-day, because at the beginning of the War, although the figure had fallen off, there was a considerable number of empty houses in existence. This list of empty houses had been built up because the supply of houses had been greater than the demand for a number of years, with the result that there was this supply of empty houses. Therefore, this figure of 80,000 is altogether too large if you are going to make calculations. Then the right hon. Gentleman turns to the memorandum which accompanies the Financial Resolution, and he uses the figures that are given there as though they were an estimate made by my Department of the houses that will be actually built, and makes out of what is obviously merely a mathematical calculation, something which he has no right to do. That figure of 120,000 houses which he quoted is nothing more than a sum in arithmetic. If the number of houses built were a certain number per year, then the total number built in two and a half years would be so many. There is no calculation and no intention of making any calculation, because it is obviously out of our power to estimate, with the slightest approach to accuracy, what the local authorities may or may not be able to do.
When the right hon. Gentleman goes on to say that he does not believe that the houses will be produced under this Bill, he is taking altogether too pessimistic a view. Even now, although the Bill is not yet law, the local authorities in all parts of the country, even in Scotland, are very seriously considering schemes under which they will take advantage of the Act. I have made some inquiries as to the number of houses which will be involved which would rank for the subsidy under the schemes already submitted to me, and I find that already 15,700 houses have been put forward in the schemes by local authorities. Of course, 15,000 or 16,000 houses represent a mere drop in the bucket, but when we get that number even before the Bill is on the Statute Book, it is not a bad beginning. I have tried to emphasise all through that what I want to see is a progressive increase in the rate of building, first, under this Bill, and when this Bill comes to an end after it has ceased to operate; and I am very well satisfied to find that even already we have so large a number of houses in contemplation as nearly 16,000.
We have again to-night, as I rather expected, had suggestions made that the whole of this subsidy is going to be taken away in the profits which arc going to go into the pockets of the building trade. I do not know why hon. Members should expect that prices at any particular moment should be standardised. It is not so in wages, and it is not to be expected in prices of building materials. Particularly is that the case when you have had a very severe slump in the prices of building materials, owing to the closing down of building schemes throughout the country. I should have expected to see a very considerable rise in the price of material the moment that the demand began to arise again.
Prices are very high now.
We all think that prices are high, but if the hon. Member has something to sell I expect that he does not take that view. But however that may be, the prices of building material must be governed by the cost, and if it be the fact, as I have been informed, that in some cases building materials have—I am not speaking of yesterday, but of recent times—been sold under cost, it can hardly be expected that people will go on with a process of this kind. Therefore, I had come to expect that there would be a rise in prices. What we have to guard ourselves against, and I am confident we can guard ourselves against, is the undue rise in the prices owing to the country's needs, and the exploitation of the situation, so as to nullify the use of the subsidy and divert to undue profits what ought to have gone to houses.
There again the prophecies of hon. Members opposite, with their anxiety to denounce profiteers, always seems to hope that prices will go up, and their prophecies have been to a large extent falsified. Prices may have gone up, but certainly up to the present they have not gone up to anything like the extent which hon. Members prophesied and which I expected, and I am surprised to find in how many cases local authorities are still able to obtain tenders on practically the same level as that at which they have been buying for the last 12 months. I happened to be talking the other day to a contractor who is now engaged upon a large number of houses. I asked him whether, if he had a similar number to contract for again to-morrow, he would have to pay much more, and he told me that he can buy at the same prices as he had paid for the work already done.
Has the right hon. Gentleman taken into account the fact that, until the housing policy of the Government was put forward, there was a continuous and heavy fall in the cost of material, and that that fall has now completely ceased, and in a few instances the reverse process has taken place?
Yes. That has happened in other industries besides. It always does happen. If you have a slump you have a continuous fall in prices. When the slump stops you have a rise in prices. That is a natural process. My hon. Friend, who has experience of commercial matters, has put that forward as though it were due to something in this Bill, whereas he must know that it is a movement which is due simply to the ordinary law of supply and demand. In some of the principal provincial towns to-day they are able to get tenders for houses at practically the same prices that they have been able to secure in recent years, which were so much more favourable than those which obtained under the Addison scheme. That being so, I have every confidence that, though we shall see some rise in prices, nevertheless we shall be able to keep that rise within the limits of what is reasonable and fair, and we shall not be faced with such an altogether disproportionate rise in the cost of materials as we had before.
I understand that we may consider that the discussions upon this Bill are at an end. For my own part, I have always abstained from making prophecies about what is to happen under this Bill. My last word, I repeat to the House once more, is that this is only a beginning of the policy. What we have got to do is to try to set in motion forces which will once more carry us towards that activity of the building trade without which we shall never get the houses that are required. We cannot expect—and I have said this before—that we shall have a large expansion in the building trade unless the men engaged in the building trade are fairly well convinced that there lies before them a considerable period of full employment. I want to see that confidence inspired in them. I believe it will be inspired if we are careful not to put too many restrictions upon building and see that building takes place on every kind of house and that private enterprise is free to do what it can to provide houses.
I voted against the Second Reading of this Bill. It is my profound regret that I will not have an opportunity of voting against the Third Reading. I am satisfied that the famine conditions in housing in our country to-day that have emboldened the Government to bring in a Measure of this retrograde character. The standards of housing under it are materially lowered from as far back as 1890. Local authorities throughout the country are to have their rights deliberately infringed by this Measure, and are compelled, whether they like it or not, to reduce the normal standards of housing in their districts. The 950 superficial feet is 100 feet lower than we in Newcastle have been accustomed to build for our people, and although we have pleaded with the Ministry as lately as a fortnight ago, we were told specifically that we must content ourselves with a lower standard of housing. This Measure confers, for the first time in the history of the country, a statutory right upon the speculator to build. The proper appellation of the Bill would not be "Houses for the working classes," but "The erection of snuff-boxes," which are mere shacks, lower by far than any standard set up by any other housing Measure of the country. In Committee I moved an Amendment on behalf of the Royal Institute of British Architects, asking that there should be certain Amenities which a decent standard of existence should guarantee to the working classes. The Minister repudiated any infraction of the rights of those who are about to house us in the future. We have now conferred a statutory right upon speculators to build houses without bathrooms any number to the acre, without town planning, without gardens. The sole Amendment to which the Minister would agree was that each house should have a fixed bath. We endeavoured to persuade him that a bath would be of little use unless there was reasonable provision for hot and cold water. The Amendment was rejected. Probably the needs of the worker would be met if we were to paint a bath on the walls of the house. As to the fixed bath, the Minister said:
"The desirability of having a fixed bath ought to be obvious, because it would prevent anyone who desired to remove it from so doing."
The Minister was overlooking the fact that on an ordinary lorry you could place, not only the bath, but one of his houses. The subsidies of the Bill are conceived on quite original lines. The speculators can have monies out of the public purse in any form they choose. They can have it in a lump sum. Already they are asking for £150 out of the £350 house. They can have it spread over 20 years, if it suits them better. They can have it also out of the hard-pressed ratepayers, through building societies or in any other form that they think desirable. This Bill is indeed a Bill to endow the speculator at the public charge and is a Bill to reduce the standard of housing. I am glad, as one who has spent a quarter of a century in advocating better housing for the working classes to be able to stand here and denounce this grotesque Measure, which will crowd the outskirts of our towns with unplanned shacks, and will for 20 years to come take something like £20,000,000 out of the pockets of taxpayers, and, probably, from £5,000,000 to £10,000,000 out of the pockets of the ratepayers. I hope that the right hon. Gentleman, to whom we looked with such high hopes in the past, will get what satisfaction he can from this Measure, one of the most reactionary, certainly the most reactionary housing Measure ever placed upon the Statute Book.
Question, "That the Bill be now read the Third time," put, and agreed to.
Bill read the Third time, and passed.
Universities of Oxford and Cambridge [Expenses]
Considered in Committee, under Standing Order No. 7lA—( King's Recommendation signified .)
[Mr. JAMES HOPE in the Chair.]
Resolved,
"That it is expedient, for the purposes of any Act of the present Session to make further provision with respect to the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge and the colleges therein, to authorise the payment, out of moneys provided by Parliament, up to an amount approved by the Treasury, of all expenses incurred in the execution of the said Act by the Commissioners appointed thereunder, including any remuneration, being remuneration of such amount as the Treasury may determine, payable to persons employed by the Commissioners."—[ Colonel Leslie Wilson .]
Resolution to be reported To-morrow.
Carriage of Goods by Sea Bill [Lords]
Ordered, "That Mr. Morris and Mr. Shinwell be discharged from the Select Committee on the Carriage of Goods by Sea Bill [ Lords ]."
Ordered, "That Mr. William Albert Jenkins and Mr. Tillett be added to the Committee."—[ Colonel Gibbs .]
The remaining Orders were read, and postponed .
Royal Mail Steam Packet Company (New Ships)
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House do now adjourn."—[ Col. Leslie Wilson .]
I wish to draw attention to a matter raised at Question time to-day. I gave notice at the time to the Member of the Government who replied to the question, and I also notified him about two hours ago, that it was my intention to bring up the matter on the Motion of Adjournment. The question is one which has been before the House on several occasions and relates to the guaranteeing to a steamship company of a sum of money for the building of three passenger ships and the placing of the orders for the building of those passenger ships entirely in the one shipbuilding centre in the North of Ireland. The questions which were answered to-day have been led up to by the cavalier manner in which the Government seems to treat this matter. The answers made to the points raised are in regard to the number of people who are unemployed in the Clyde area and in the Belfast district, and the figures that have been given to us by the Government Department show a great disparity between the numbers affected in both of these places. In the Clyde Valley it is stated that in shipbuilding and engineering the number of workers unemployed amounts to 59,414.
Who answered that?
The question I have here is answered by Sir William Joynson-Hicks—I am reading from the answer itself—who is the Financial Secretary to the Treasury unless there has been a change in the Cabinet this evening. The matter, as it affects us, is the money that is guaranteed by the Treasury, and I should like to know why there is not a member of the Treasury on the Front Bench. The number of unemployed in the Clyde Valley, in shipbuilding and engineering, is 59,414. The amount of money paid in the week for which these figures were taken was £35,000. In the Belfast area the number of people unemployed in shipbuilding and engineering was 8,410. In other words, in the Clyde area there are more than seven times the number of people unemployed in shipbuilding and engineering than there are in Belfast, and yet the order for those three new ships has been placed in a town that is not so greatly affected by unemployment as is the Clyde area. The reply that has been made to my question by the Financial Secretary to the Treasury, according to this Paper, makes this surprising statement. They admit that they have guaranteed interest and payment of £2,700,000, leaving £700,000 only unguaranteed to be found by the company The remained is backed by the Government. Then it states:
"It is clearly not possible for me to give directions to the Company where they should build their ships."
I understand that this sum of money is guaranteed to this company under the Trades Facilities Act, 1921, which gives power to guarantee sums of money out of the Treasury up to the extent of £50,000,000. The first Section of this Act says:
"If the Treasury, after consultation with an Advisory Committee nominated by the Treasury for the purposes of this Section, are satisfied that the proceeds of any loan proposed to be raised, whether within or without the United Kingdom, by any Government, any public authority, or any corporation or other body of persons, are to be applied towards or in connection with the carrying out of any capital undertaking, or in, or in connection with, the purchase of articles.… manufactured or produced in the United Kingdom required for the purposes of any such undertaking, and that the application of the loan in the manner proposed is calculated to promote employment in the United Kingdom, the Treasury may"——
Then it goes on to say——
Notice taken that 40 Members were not present; House counted, and 40 Members not being present ,
The House was Adjourned at Thirteen Minutes after Eleven of the Clock till To-morrow.