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Commons Chamber

Volume 165: debated on Tuesday 26 June 1923

House of Commons

Tuesday, June 26, 1923

The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.

Private Business

PRIVATE BILLS [ Lords ] (Standing Orders not previously inquired into complied with).

Mr. SPEAKER laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, That, in the case of the following Bill, originating in the Lords and referred on the First Reading thereof, the Standing Orders not previously inquired into which are applicable thereto have been complied with, namely:

Shropshire, Worcestershire, and Staffordshire Electric Power Bill [ Lords ].

Bill to be read a Second time.

South Elmsall and District Gas Bill [ Lords ],

As amended, considered; to be read the Third time.

Oral Answers to Questions

Trade and Commerce

Trade and Navigation Returns

asked the President of the Board of Trade to what extent the figures of the last monthly Returns of Trade and Navigation have been rendered unsuitable for purposes of comparison with last year's by the establishment of the Irish Free State; and whether he can provide the commercial community with a rough formula to enable them to correct the error arsising out of the alteration in the factors, and so form an estimate of the position more accurate than the published figures now permit?

I regret that I cannot at present give the full information desired. Two recent issues of the "Board of Trade Journal," copies of which I am sending to my hon. Friend, contain figures relating to the most important articles exported and imported, and I shall hope to furnish more complete information from time to time, through the same channel.

Is it not misleading to give the figures of last year, and would it not be better to discontinue giving the figures for last year, because the two things are not comparable?

No, Sir, I do not think that that would be a good plan. By giving the figures for last year it does provide some standard of comparison. I hope that when the quarterly returns are available we shall get this information practically complete.

Will the right hon. Gentleman warn the public that these figures are not complete, and are not to be taken either as advancing or retarding British trade?

That is true, but it would be very unwise to interrupt the ordinary process of issuing returns, which at any rate do give a standard of comparison, and which certainly will be absolutely equal in the future.

Alcohol (Production)

asked the President of the Board of Trade the number of distillers producing alcohol for beverage use only; the number of distillers producing alcohol for beverage and industrial uses; and the number of distillers producing alcohol for industrial purposes only?

I have been asked to reply. As far as information is available, the number of distilleries in each of the three classes is as follows:

Coal (Exports)

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he can give the number of tens of coal exported from British coalfields to Italy, Spain, Germany, France, India, Denmark, Sweden, Algeria, and Ireland; and whether he can give the number of tons of coal imported into British ports or ports in the Dominions in the years 1913 and 1922, respectively?

The answer involves a statistical table, which, with the permission of the hon. Member, I will have circulated in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Has the right hon. Gentleman any reason for anticipating on any possible grounds whatever foreign competition with our coal trade?

The hon. Member had better see the figures given

Country to which consigned.

1913.

1922.

( a ) Exports of Coal from the United Kingdom—) Exports of Coal from the United Kingdom—

Tons.

Tons.

Italy

9,647,161

6,341,743

Spain

2,534,131

1,711,021

Germany

8,952,328

8,345,606

France

12,775,909

13,579,417

India

179,192

999,159

Denmark

3,034,240

2,866,233

Sweden

4,563,076

2,522,820

Algeria

1,281,664

1,032,282

( b ) Shipments of Coal from Great Britain to Ireland) Shipments of Coal from Great Britain to Ireland

4,667,548

4,062,748

( c ) Imports of Coal into Great Britain and the Dominions—) Imports of Coal into Great Britain and the Dominions—

Great Britain

7,226

113

British India

622,659

1,191,966

Dominion of Canada

16,251,744

11,622,344

Commonwealth of Australia

4,849

15,213 *

Dominion of New Zealand

468,940

501,478

Union of South Africa

51,526

4,358

Newfoundland

289,451†

223,300†

* Year ended June, 1921, later figures not being available. Year ended June, 1921, later figures not being available.

† Year ended June.

Dyestuffs

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that Messrs. A. E. and E. Becker, of Howden Clough Mills, Birstall, near Leeds, applied on 16th April last to the dyestuffs advisory licensing committee for a licence to import one ton of Diamond Black P. V. and that the licence was refused on the ground that Diamond Black P. V. was available under the Reparation arrangements; that the lowest price at which this dye could be supplied from Reparation stock was in my answer in detail and then he can put a further question if necessary.

Can the right hon. Gentleman give any idea of the amount of coal we are importing into this country. Have we suffered at all in the coal trade from foreign competition?

The total amount of coal imported in 1922 was 113 tons.

Following are the statistics promised:

The following statement shows, for the years specified, the quantity of coal ( a ) exported from the United Kingdom and consigned to each of the countries named, ( b ) shipped from Great Britain to Ireland, and ( c ) imported into Great Britain and each of the Dominions:

2s. 8d. per lb., and that this price was fixed by the Board of Trade, whereas this firm could have obtained this dye under an import licence at 2s. per lb.; and whether he will take steps to enable the British dyeing industry to obtain the best dyes at the lowest price in order that it may not be handicapped in competing with the products of other countries?

The application for a licence was refused on the ground that large quantities of the dye-stuff mentioned were available in reparation stock. As regards the price charged, the ordinary procedure has been followed and the matter referred to the Price Committee, which advises the Board of Trade; but that Committee, which consists of two representatives each of the dye-users and dye-makers, has not up to the present recommended any change in the price charged for this particular dyestuff.

Is it a fact that the reparation dye has been charged at 2s. 8d. per lb., whereas the firm could have got it at 2s. per lb. by obtaining the licence?

That is true in this particular case, but that is not the whole story. Before we got the reparation supplies in any large quantities the German price was not 2s., but from 3s. 3d. to 3s. 6d., and it was only as the reparation dyes became available that the German firms began to offer them at the lower price.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the shoddy trade in this district has been bad for three years, and should not every obstacle to its improvement be removed?

As a general proposition, that is true; but it is not true that it would be for the benefit of the textile trade of this country not to support the British dye industry.

Ruhr Occupation

Export Trade Licences

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether the licences are yet issued by the French authorities for the export of goods contracted for before 1st February from the occupied areas of the Ruhr; and whether any further difficulty is occurring in exporting these goods?

The issue of licences for the exportation from the Ruhr area of goods contracted for before the 1st February began on 11th June, and I am not aware of any new difficulty having arisen to prevent the export of the goods.

What will happen now to the other goods ordered since the 1st February?

Customs Duties (British Goods)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he has any estimate of the amount of money that has been collected by the French Customs stations in the occupied districts of the Ruhr on the property of British merchants entering the Ruhr; whether any further progress has been made in the negotiations as to how this money is to be disposed of; and what steps are being taken to clear the matter up?

I have nothing to add to previous replies which have been given on this subject.

Can the right hon. Baronet hold out any hope of being able to make any reply to these questions on this very important matter?

Emigration (Clydeside)

4 and 46.

(1) asked the President of the Board of Trade the number of persons who left the Clydeside during the past year for the United States of America; what was the proportion of skilled and unskilled;

(2) asked the Prime Minister if he is aware of the large number of male and female workers that are leaving this country for the United States of America; that this is taking place particularly on the Clydeside; and that among them are included a large percentage of skilled artisans; and what steps he will take to see that every person is given work in this country?

As the answer is rather long, I propose, with the hon. Member's permission, to have it circulated in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Will the right hon. Gentleman give a reply to the latter part of my question?

I have already stated in my answer that it is impossible for any Government to guarantee that work should be provided for every person in this country.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that in the big industrial centres you are losing in this way large numbers of your best skilled men, and when trade revives we shall be severely handicapped in competing with our foreign competitors?

I know that the risk from emigration is considerable, but the only practical step which the Government can take is to pursue a policy which will revive our trade.

Following is the answer referred to:

The number of men of 18 years of age and upwards who left permanent residence in Scotland in the year 1922 to take up permanent residence in the United States of America was 6,487. Of these, 4,461 described themselves as in trades classed as skilled and 452 as labourers (other than agricultural or transport workers). The corresponding total number of women was 4,625, of whom 1,076 described themselves as in domestic or hotel, etc., service, 241 as in the clothing trades and 2,108 as "wives" or "housewives." It is not possible to state how many of the emigrants from Scotland were from the Clydeside, but I may add that the port of departure was Glasgow in the case of about 5,400 of the men and 3,600 of the women. The total number of British subjects of 18 years and upwards who left permanent residence in the United Kingdom in the year 1922 to take up permanent residence in the United States of America was 41,140 as compared with 75,418 in 1913. It is impossible for any Government to guarantee that work should be provided for every person in this country. The greatest help in this direction a Government can render is to pursue a policy which will help and encourage the revival of trade, and this is the consistent aim of the Government.

British Army

Royal Army Service Corps (Officers' Promotion)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that considerable dissatisfaction exists among officers of the Royal Army Service Corps on account of the slow promotion of junior officers; that 46 captains have held that rank since 1914; that junior officers who are redundant are not permitted to retire with the advantages given to officers of other units; and that there are complaints of the unfair working of the foreign service roster and of the selection of officers for staff and special appointments; and whether he would be prepared to investigate these complaints with a view to their removal?

I am aware that 46 officers of the Royal Army Service Corps have held the rank of Captain since 1914, but there are a number of officers in other branches of the Army in a similar position, and the average period of service for promotion to Captain is shorter in the Royal Army Service Corps than in the Cavalry, Royal Artillery, or Infantry. I am not aware that the Royal Army Service Corps is under any disadvantage in the matter of voluntary retirement, but if the so-called "axing" of officers is referred to, I would point out that this is not voluntary, and, in any case, I do not think that the fact that the Royal Army Service Corps has not had to suffer under it can legitimately be regarded as a grievance. In regard to the last part of the question, I am unable to investigate charges of unfairness to individuals unless particulars are given, but I will, of course, look into any case on being furnished with the necessary information.

Captain T. G. Morgan, M.C

asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether he will inquire into the case of an officer, Captain T. G. Morgan, M.C.; whether he is aware that this officer served throughout the whole of the War, was wounded three times, and, after serving three-and-a-half years in the Corps of Military Accountants, his commission terminated under the Geddes scheme in October, 1922, when he was replaced by an ex-Indian Government official in possession of a pension of £1,000 a year, who had no active service to his credit; and whether, in view of these facts, he will consider whether anything can be done to find this officer employment?

The inquiries I am making into this case are not yet complete. I will communicate with my hon. and gallant Friend shortly.

Scotland

Education Code

asked the Solicitor-General for Scotland when the proposed new code for Scottish education will be placed before this House; and will it, in conformity with the terms of the Education (Scotland) Act, 1918, contain provisions compelling education authorities to submit to the Department schemes for primary, intermediate, and secondary education?

It is intended to lay the code on the Table early next month. As regards the second part of the question, I hope to make a full statement regarding the proposed new code in Committee of Supply to-morrow, and I shall do my best to answer the hon. Member then.

asked the Solicitor-General for Scotland if the Scottish Education Department have received any communications from education authorities on the draft new code issued by the Department; if so, how many accept the proposed division of the code into two and the proposed division of education into primary and secondary; and how many protest against the Department's proposal to abolish the terms primary, intermediate, and secondary, as laid down in the Education (Scotland) Act, 1918.

The reply to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. As regards the second part, out of 37 education authorities, 15 have suggested that the two sets of regulations, which have hitherto been issued separately, should henceforward be combined in a single code; the remaining 22 are presumably sensible of the difficulties that would attend such a marked departure from existing practice. The Department now learn for the first time of the even more revolutionary proposal described in the third part of the question, but 19 of the 37 education authorities have expressed a desire that the term "Intermediate" should be used in the code.

Parish Council Elections

asked the Solicitor-General for Scotland if he is aware that in the last parish council elections 87 parishes had not the requisite number of candidates nominated and that this necessitated additional expense to parish councils; and will the Government consider legislation giving the same powers of co-opting members to parish councils as are already given to town councils?

I am informed that owing to deficiencies in the number of candidates nominated at the parish council elections in November and December, 1922, it was necessary to order supplementary elections in 88 parishes. If there is any strong desire for legislation in the direction suggested, my Noble Friend is prepared to consider the matter.

Land (Rating)

asked the Solicitor General for Scotland if he is aware that the Glasgow Corporation, in order to procure land to erect houses, paid £8,000 for 20 acres of ground near Balgray, Spring burn; that this piece of ground was part of an estate which only paid rates to Glasgow Corporation of £80 per year; and will he introduce legislation to give Scottish local authorities the power to make the value of land, apart from improvements, a basis of local rating?

I understand that the facts are as stated in the question. I am not in a position to give an undertaking in the sense of the last part of the question.

Sheriff Court Services

asked the Solicitor-General for Scotland whether any further steps are being taken to carry into effect the recommendations of the Blackburn Committee regarding the reorganisation and remuneration of the Sheriff Courts' staffs; and whether the proposals submitted by the Sheriff clerks and procurator fiscals' associations will be given effect to in framing any new scheme?

Meetings are taking place this week between representatives of the associations concerned and officials of the Scottish Office and Treasury on the subject of the reorganisation of the Sheriff Court services, with a view to formulating if possible a scheme which will be acceptable to all the interests concerned.

Do I understand that consideration is being given to the views of the association making representations on this subject, and will the hon. and learned Gentleman give heed to the general feeling on this subject?

Any suggestions or schemes put forward by the officials will be considered at the meeting in Edinburgh this week.

Salmon and Freshwater Fisheries

asked the Under-Secretary to the Scottish Board of Health whether he will now consult with the English Fishery Board with a view to the preparation of a Salmon and Freshwater Fisheries Bill for Scotland on the lines of the Act just passed for England and Wales?

A review of the question of amending and consolidating the existing Salmon Fishery Acts is being made by the Fishery Board for Scotland and when it is completed my Noble Friend will be prepared to consider the prospects of legislation. The Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries would, of course, be consulted with regard to any questions in which both English and Scottish interests are concerned. I would remind the hon. Member, however, that one of the chief questions of that class, namely, the regulation of the Solway District, has already been dealt with, after conference between the English and Scottish Departments, in the Bill recently passed.

Building Societies

asked the Under-Secretary to the Scottish Board of Health whether the definition of building society under the Housing Bill will include societies in Scotland incorporated under the provisions of the Industrial and Provident Societies Act, 1893?

The terms of Clause 2 (3) ( c ) are sufficiently wide to include the societies referred to by the hon. Member, and an Amendment will be put down when the Bill is in another place to make clear that Clause 5 ( b ) also applies to them.

Agricultural Holding, Berwickshire

asked the Under-Secretary to the Scottish Board of Health whether he is aware that the tenant of holding No. 60, Foulden Deans, Berwickshire, entered in November, 1921, that he has expended capital and labour on the holding, much of which has been lost owing to the fact that buildings promised, such as byre store, milk house, pigstyes, and coal house have not yet been completed; and will he cause inquiries to be made into the reasons for delay and consider compensating the tenant for any loss directly attributable to such delay?

I am aware that the holder accepted the tenancy with entry at Martinmas, 1921, but for reasons of his own deferred taking actual occupation until February, 1922. I am informed that he has expended capital and labour on the holding, but that any loss which he may have incurred is not due to the cause suggested in the question. The amount of loan to be given for equipment (£800) was known to him before he entered, but he has caused delay by pressing for accommodation beyond what the loan would meet, and has not yet accepted an offer of additional loan made by the Board of Agriculture in an endeavour to meet his demands. In these circumstances my Noble Friend sees no grounds for further inquiry nor for compensating the tenant.

Kintail, Ross-Shire (Grazing Arbitration)

asked the Under-Secretary to the Scottish Board of Health whether he is now in a position to state the amount of the arbitration expenses payable by the Scottish Board of Agriculture, in addition to the £3,732 which has been awarded as compensation in respect of the compulsory substitution of sheep for deer upon a Kintail, Ross-shire, estate; whether the estate was let for grazing during the period in question; if so, at what rental and to whom it was paid; and, if the estate was not let, what profit, if any, was made from the grazing and to whom it accrued?

The amount of the expenses arising from the arbitration on the proprietor's claim for compensation in respect of the occupancy by the Board of Agriculture of this deer forest under Defence of the Realm Regulation 2M has not yet been determined. During the period of the Board's occupancy of this deer forest the land was let for grazing. The total amount collected from the grazing tenants by way of rent in respect of that period was £1,169. This amount was paid to the Board.

When did the arbitration take place? What is the reason for the delay in finding out the amount of the arbitration expenses?

The delay was in laying the case before the Arbitration Court. This question rests with that Court.

Insanitary Areas (Grants)

asked the Under-Secretary to the Scottish Board of Health the number of applications received from local authorities in Scotland for grants in aid of expenditure incurred in the improvement of insanitary areas, and the amounts which have now been finally allocated, giving the figures for each town which has received a grant?

Applications were received from 37 local authorities in Scotland for a grant in aid of expenditure which they proposed to incur in the improvement of insanitary areas. An allocation of grant was made to 35 of these authorities, comprising 31 burghs and four county districts. As the answer to the last part of the question is necessarily long, I propose, with the permission of the hon. and learned Member, to circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Following is the answer:

Scottish Board of Health .

Statement showing amount of annual grants payable during the loan period in aid of expenditure incurred by local authorities in Scotland in the improvement of insanitary areas already allocated and intimated.

Name of Local Authority.

Amount of Annual Grant payable during Loan Period.

Burghs ..

£

Aberdeen

1,000

Airdrie

851

Alloa

125

Anstruther Easter

247

Ayr

85

Buckhaven

1,019

Clydebank

141

Coatbridge

360

Dumbarton

180

Dumfries

295

Dundee

2,050

Edinburgh

3,200

Falkirk

946

Fort William

277

Glasgow

6,615

Greenock

880

Hamilton

366

Inverness

77

Kilmarnock

65

Kirkintilloch

672

Kirkwall

132

Leven

212

Lochgelly

378

Milngavie

317

Paisley

185

Perth

220

Port Glasgow

1,240

Queensferry

179

Renfrew

330

Stirling

770

Tranent

117

County Districts ..

Eastern District of Dumbarton

540

Western District of Dumbarton

1,579

Middle Ward of Lanark

4,000

Upper Ward of Lanark

350

Total

£30,000

Note .—The Board hope to be in a position to increase these amounts in certain cases and are at present considering the question.

Agricultural Development (Grants)

asked the Under-Secretary to the Scottish Board of Health what grants have been made in Scotland out of the £150,000 set aside for agricultural development under the Corn Production Acts (Repeal) Act, 1921; and whether he has received any complaints that certain of these grants have not been strictly in accordance with the objects which it was intended to serve when the money was voted?

I would refer the hon. Member to the replies given to the hon. and gallant Member for Kincardine and Western Aberdeen on the 8th March last, and to the hon. and gallant Member for Aberdeen and Kincardine Central on the 12th June. As regards the second part of the question, the only suggestion that my Noble Friend has received is a representation that the grant for the maintenance of women's rural institutes should have been met from other sources.

Ex-Service Men

Land Settlement (Scotland)

asked the Under-Secretary to the Scottish Board of Health the total sum expended since 1916 on land settlement in Scotland under the Small Holding Colonies Acts, 1916 and 1918, the Sailors and Soldiers (Gifts for Land Settlement) Act, 1916, the Congested Districts (Scotland) Act, 1897, and the Land Settlement (Scotland) Act, 1919, showing the cost of administration of the land settlement under those Acts; and the total number of new holdings, and enlargements of holdings, to which entry has been granted to ex-service men and others since 1916?

It is not possible to give a precise answer with reference to the particular Acts mentioned, because a considerable part of the cost of administration of land services during the period mentioned is in respect of work carried out under the Small Landholders (Scotland) Act, 1911, and the expense cannot be apportioned. In the period from the 1st April, 1916, to the 31st March, 1923, the total net expenditure on land settlement under all the Acts, including the Act of 1911, amounts to £1,767,492, including £234,000 for administrative costs. In the same period 1,480 new holdings and 902 enlargements have been provided, including 1,230 new holdings and 155 enlargements for ex-service men.

Advances to Fishermen

asked the Under-Secretary to the Scottish Board of Health what machinery at present exists for making advances to ex-service and other fishermen for the purchase of fishing boats and nets and gear; and whether any funds are available for these purposes in the hands of the Development Commissioners?

The schemes under which ex-service fishermen could obtain assistance for such purposes from the Development Fund and from the Military Service (Civil Liabilities) Department's Fund have terminated, and no machinery now exists for the purpose of those particular schemes. The purposes mentioned in the question are included among those for which the Development Fund is available, and I understand that if application for expenditure on such purposes were made in accordance with the conditions laid down in the Development and Road Improvement Funds Act, 1909, the Development Commissioners would be open to consider it on its merits.

Do I understand the hon. and gallant Gentleman to say that applications will now be received by the Scottish Office, and sent on to the Development Commissioners from those interested in securing boats, nets and gear?

Yes, they will be considered by the Development Commissioners, if they fall within the Statutes governing their activities.

Coal Industry

Pit Ponies

asked the Secretary for Mines if he has received the Report of the Miners' Federation and the Equine Defence League on the treatment of pit ponies, and if he is prepared to take any action on their recommendations; and if he is satisfied that this Report finally disposes of the general charges of cruelty which have been published against the miners and of the inefficiency of his inspectors?

I have received a copy of the Report of the National Equine Defence League and will consider it carefully. As regards the last part of the question, I do not think that this obviously incomplete Report professes to be of such a nature as finally to dispose of any aspect of the matter. As I stated on the 5th June, in reply to the hon. Member for Pontefract, my information based on the first-hand evidence of my inspectors is that, generally, pit ponies are not overworked and their condition is satisfactory.

Will the hon. and gallant Gentleman answer the last part of the question and say if the charges of cruelty against the miners have been disposed of?

I know there are still many people who are making the charge, but I cannot help thinking that these statements are exaggerated.

Is it not desirable that the hon. and gallant Gentleman should give publicity to the fact that his inspectors deprecate these suggestions being made at any time?

That is why I welcome questions like this in the House of Commons.

Collieries (Boiler Fuel Consumption)

asked the Secretary for Mines how many tons of coal are consumed annually by the collieries of Great Britain as boiler fuel; whether he is aware that the quantity of coal thus consumed amounts, in the county of Durham, to 3 per cent, of the total output of coal as against 5·7 per cent, in Yorkshire, 8·3 per cent. in Lancashire, and 9·1 per cent, in Scotland; and how this disparity can be explained?

Sixteen and a quarter million tons of coal were consumed under colliery boilers at coal mines in Great Britain during the year 1922. The percentage of output thus consumed was 3·3 in Durham, 5·9 in the Eastern District, 9·3 in Lancashire and 9·7 in Scotland. The various reasons for this disparity are discussed in pages 50 and 51 of the Final Report of the Mining Sub-Committee of the Coal Conservation Committee (Cd. 9084). They are too numerous to be adequately set out in an answer to a question, but I may remind the Noble Lord that, apart from other considerations, allowance must be made in any such comparison for the difference in the calorific value of the coal used for steam raising in the different districts.

Do not these figures point to the possibility of great economies in Lancashire and Scotland which would enable more money to be made available for the payment of wages?

They may point to that, but they may also point to differing conditions in the pit, differences in coal, differences in depth of seams, differences in plant, and so on.

If electric power were more used, would not greater economies be possible?

I am afraid that in Lancashire, where many pits are nearly worked out, it would be impossible to put in expensive electrical plant.

Is it not the fact that in Scotland and in different parts of England it is quite fallacious to bring forward the question of the weight of material used for raising steam? Is it not the case that in Scotland so much refuse is burnt under the boilers that it cannot be taken on a coal basis? Is it not the fact that, even with the principle of carbonising, the amount of refuse used under the boilers for raising steam is such that you could not get an electrical unit at anything like the cost of the steam unit?

Transport

Motor Vehicles (Taxation)

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Transport when the Committee that are considering the question of the alteration of the present system of taxation upon motor vehicles are likely to issue their Report; whether this Report is likely to be in the hands of Members before the House adjourns in August; and, if not, whether he can urge upon the Committee the importance of speedily coming to a decision?

The issue of the Report is dependent on the progress of the Committee's deliberations, and I am afraid I am not in a position to give any definite date by which it is likely to be available. The Committee are fully aware that their Report is desired as early as possible, and every effort will be made to expedite its publication.

Will the hon. and gallant Gentleman apply a little ginger to this Committee? It has been sitting many months and meeting very occasionally?

I cannot admit that. The Committee have been sitting on an average three times a fortnight for over a year. I hope the evidence is now completed, but my hon. and gallant Friend will understand that with so much evidence to consider the preparation of the Report must take some time.

Railways (Eyesight Tests)

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Transport whether there is any evidence that an increasing number of men are failing to pass the present eyesight test on the railways, with a consequent loss of position and promotion; whether this is due to stricter testing or the demand for a higher standard; whether the increasing severity of service on the railways is putting a greater strain on eyesight; and whether he will state to what extent compensation is payable in such cases under the Workmen's Compensation Act?

The answer to the first and third parts of this question is, so far as my information goes, in the negative, and the question asked in the second part does not these circumstances arise. With regard to the fourth part, I would refer the hon. Member to the reply given by my right hon. Friend the Home Secretary to the question on this subject asked on the 14th instant by the hon. Member for Stratford. I am advised that compensation would be payable in respect of failing eyesight only if the disability were caused by accident arising out of and in the course of the employment or were due to one of the industrial diseases scheduled under the Workmen's Compensation Act.

Arterial Road, Buckland

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Transport whether he is aware that it is apparently intended to make an arterial road through the village of Buck-land and other neighbouring villages, and that if the present plans are carried out the natural beauty of this and other villages will be completely ruined; and whether he will give further consideration to the scheme before this road is constructed according to the present plans?

The Surrey County Council's project known as the East-West Road involves the widening of a length of existing road in Buckland and the creation of a by-pass enabling traffic to avoid the rest of the village street. The adjoining village of Betchworth will be safeguarded by the same by-pass. Before approving this much-needed improvement, I satisfied myself that the county council and the other local authorities concerned had spared no effort to preserve the natural beauty of the neighbourhood, and I do not share my noble Friend's misgivings as to the effect of the scheme upon the villages.

Will not this road, as at present planned, go right through some very pretty ponds and some very pretty country, which will be entirely destroyed if the scheme is carried out?

The noble Lord is misinformed. The new road, as far as Buckland is concerned, goes through only one field, and avoids the whole village.

As I happen to live in the district, may I ask whether the hon. and gallant Gentleman could send down one of his own inspectors to make a special report on this project, in view of the fact that the road is unnecessarily wide, and will spoil the country?

I cannot admit the proposition which my hon. and gallant Friend puts to me. My inspectors did go down, and consult the local authorities, and I am quite satisfied in the matter.

Is the hon. and gallant Gentleman aware that the decision to make this road is the result of a conference of all the landowners along the line of route, held under the chairmanship of the Lord-Lieutenant, and that the road is only rendered necessary by the speed at which motorists proceed through this beautiful county?

London Traffic

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Transport whether his attention has been drawn to the fact that new motor omnibuses are being put on to the streets at the rate of four per day; whether he is aware that a large number of omnibuses is to be placed upon the streets both this year and next year, and of the grave congestion of traffic which is likely to result; whether steps can be taken by his Department to set up a small Committee, composed of officials of his Department and of Scotland Yard, with power to call a meeting of road surveyors and representatives of all bodies interested as requisite, in order to secure better coordination of and more speedy work upon repairs to streets in the London area and more effective regulation of work upon gas, water, and electric light mains, sewers, Post Office work, etc., and the use of improved methods and materials, such as quick-setting concrete; and whether such a Committee could also undertake the regulation of traffic on main arteries so as to prevent waste of the road by all forms of traffic and, during rush hours, obstruction by slow forms of traffic?

There is no power to limit the number of omnibuses in the Metropolis, so long as they conform with the requirements of the Commissioner of Police. The various points referred to in the latter part of the question are receiving my close attention, and, as I stated yesterday, I hope to be able to make an announcement on the subject at no distant date.

If I put this question down again this day week, will the hon. and gallant Gentleman be able to give me a more specific answer?

I do not think I can give a specific answer, but I can promise an answer before the end of the Session.

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Transport whether the congested and certain other unsatisfactory conditions of London traffic have recently been considered by him; and whether he proposes to take any action in the matter?

asked the Prime Minister whether he has received representations from the county and municipal authorities of London urging the necessity for legislative remedies for the present condition of the London street traffic; and whether he can hold out hopes of action to be taken in regard thereto?

I would refer to the answer which I gave yesterday to a question by my hon. Friend the Member for Acton (Sir H. Brittain). I am sending a copy of this answer to both of my hon. Friends.

Having regard to the great urgency of this matter, can the hon. and gallant Gentleman specify when he will make an exact statement upon it, and an announcement of the Government's intentions in regard to legislation?

As I am referred to in the hon. and gallant Gentleman's answer, may I ask whether his answer to me yesterday was not simply and solely that he was considering the question, which is entirely unsatisfactory? Is he not aware that £20,000,000 sterling is lost in London every year through the delays and hold-ups in the City and Metropolis, and will he have action taken at once?

—he would have seen that I said I hoped to be in a position to make an announcement at no distant date, while, in answer to a supplementary question put to me to-day, I have promised an answer before the end of the Session. The matter is very con-plicated. As my hon. Friends know, legislation is required, and we must first know what sort of legislation is necessary.

Do I understand that, as this statement will not be made until the end of the Session, no legislation is contemplated in the matter and no steps can be taken this Session?

That does not follow at all, but the hon. Member knows as well as I do that legislation before the Recess is absolutely impossible.

Is the hon. and gallant Gentleman aware that half the main streets in London are up?

Roads (Tar Treatment)

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Transport whether he is aware of the deleterious effect caused by the extensive use of tar upon the roads of the country when insufficiently sanded; whether he is aware that in many instances sand is not used at all, particularly in certain of the Royal parks; whether any other material can be used upon the roads which will avoid the worst effects of the tar treatment and at the same time allay the dust and waterproof the roads' crust; and, if so, whether he will exercise his influence with the highway authorities to ensure either the more extensive use of this material or the more efficient sanding when tar is employed?

The general directions and specifications relating to the tar treatment of roads, published by my Department, provide that stone chippings, crushed gravel, or other similar suitable material, shall immediately be spread on a newly tarred road surface, so as to form a compact wearing layer, and to prevent the tar from adhering to the wheels of vehicles. I understand that this is also the practice followed by His Majesty's Office of Works in the treatment of roads in the Royal parks. Surface tarring work is generally carried out on these lines, but I shall be happy to inquire into any specific cases where it is alleged that these directions have not been observed.

Will the hon. and gallant Gentleman inquire as to the way in which the Office of Works carried out the tar treatment of the roads in Windsor and Hyde Parks, and is there not a substance called "Spray-Mex" which is better and cheaper than tar?

Is the hon. and gallant Gentleman aware that in the opinion of many experts tar is very wasteful and expensive, and that its extended use is liable to have injurious effects?

Is the hon. and gallant Gentleman aware that there is a material particularly suited for this purpose, which can be obtained quite cheaply, and which dries hard like a varnish, and does not stick?

Bridge, Boothferry

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Transport whether agreement has been reached between the various authorities with regard to the proposed bridge over the River Ouse at Boothferry; and, if so, will he state whether there is the possibility of the work being commenced during the coming autumn?

I regret to say that, in spite of lengthy negotiations, agreement has not yet been reached, though I am in hopes that satisfactory terms may soon be concluded.

Will the hon. and gallant Gentleman do all that he can to try and speed up the negotiations, in view of the fact that in this district there is a great unemployment problem, and the prosperity of the town will be improved if this work is carried out?

I am in entire sympathy with all that the hon. Member says, but really the difficulties do not arise in my Department, but among the local authorities. We are doing all we can.

Post Office

Picture Postcards

asked the Postmaster-General whether he is aware that the picture postcard industry in this country has been very prejudicially affected by the long continuance of the penny rate of postage on postcards; whether he is aware that the concession which was made of allowing picture postcards to be sent on prepayment of a halfpenny if any writing on them was restricted to five words of courtesy or convention has been of little value owing to the ambiguity of the phrase "courtesy or convention," and the frequent sur- charges of the public for misinterpretations of the rule; and whether, pending the restoration of the halfpenny rate for all postcards, he will extend the halfpenny rate concession to picture postcards which have only five words written upon them excluding the date and omitting the present requirement as to words of courtesy or convention?

I beg to refer the hon. Member to my answer to a question put by the hon. Member for Lincoln (Mr. Alfred T. Davies) on the 14th instant, of which I am sending him a copy. The interpretations of the regulation in question gives rise to no special difficulties. It applies to everything sent at the printed paper postal rate, and I regret that I cannot introduce regulations applicable to picture postcards only.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that different interpretations are placed upon this phrase by different offices, and will He inform the House whether the phrase "best love, beastly weather" is an expression of courtesy or convention?

I think that that depends upon where it is used, but my hon. Friend can send his sympathy, or best wishes, or even love, without any extra charge.

Press Messages (Wireless)

asked the Postmaster-General whether he can give an approximate idea of the proportional extent to which wireless is used in this country for the purpose of transmitting Press messages abroad as compared with the service by cable; and whether the use of the former system has increased to any considerable extent during the past 12 months?

I regret that I am tin able to furnish particulars of the number of Press telegrams dealt with by the cable companies, and I cannot, therefore, make the comparison asked for.

Pensions Appeal Tribunals (Northern Ireland)

asked the Minister of Pensions whether he is aware of the very serious delay in the hearing of pensions appeals by the Irish War Pensions Appeal Tribunal; whether it is a fact that for over a year more than 1,000 cases have been on the waiting list in the Belfast area, and that cases are still coming in at a greater rate than they are being disposed of; and whether he will appoint a temporary and supplemental tribunal to deal with all cases which have been so long delayed, many of which are of an urgent nature?

I have been asked to answer this question. As a result of the establishment of the Irish Free State, it has been necessary to constitute separate appeal tribunals for Northern Ireland, and some delay, which I regret, has inevitably arisen. I am glad, however, to be able to inform the hon. Member that the necessary Orders constituting the new tribunals, and appointing the members have been issued, and I hope that they will now be able to get to work immediately and to dispose of pending cases at an early date.

Can the hon. Gentleman give us some assurance that these new tribunals will begin their operations quickly, in order to overtake these heavy arrears, and why is it that a representative of the Home Office answers this question when there is a representative of the Ministry of Pensions in his place?

With regard to the first part of the question, these tribunals are going to do their utmost to overtake the arrears immediately. With regard to the second part, this is a case for the Home Office.

Afforestation

Rural Unemployment (Relief)

asked the hon. Member for Monmouth, as representing the Forestry Commissioners, whether it is proposed to take any steps in the matter of the Report of the Committee on Afforestation?

It is presumed that the Report referred to is the Interim Report of the Agricultural Tribunal of Investigation (Cmd. 1842), dated 29th March last. The only reference in that Report to afforestation was as follows:

"39. Belief of rural unemployment .—We also wish to direct attention to the preparation of schemes as early as possible for relieving unemployment during the coming year. In this connection we consider … that in certain areas afforestation operations in draining, fencing and planting offer means of employment which are of public utility."

The Forestry Commissioners entirely agree, and in April last a definite scheme was submitted to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, but up to the present the Commissioners have not received authority to make the timeous and adequate preparation which is essential.

Expenditure (Scotland)

asked the hon. Member for Monmouth, as representing the Forestry Commissioners, what amount will be spent on afforestation in Scotland in the current financial year; what is the number of acres that will be planted with trees; and what is the number of unemployed who will be absorbed in the work and for what periods?

The Forestry Commissioners' Parliamentary Estimates for the current financial year include £172,070 under Sub-head E (Forestry Operations), which cover a 10,000 acres planting programme and other operations. Not less than two-fifths of the planting and expenditure will be in Scotland. The normal planting programme will not absorb any considerable number of unemployed, but, if additional funds are provided for expansion of the programme, at least 75 per cent, of the additional workers will be drawn from the unemployed. Representations have been made in the appropriate quarter.

Is it the policy of the Forestry Commissioners to encourage local authorities in Scotland to proceed with schemes of afforestation?

Assistant Commissioner's Staff (Scotland)

asked the hon. Member for Monmouth, as representing the Forestry Commissioners, whether he is aware that the temporary draughtsman employed on the Assistant Commissioner's staff in Scotland at a salary of £250 a year has been replaced by a temporary draughtswoman at a weekly wage, and receiving in all £146 a year; whether the woman is doing similar work to that on which the man was engaged; and, if so, why is she receiving less remuneration?

The facts are as follow: The draughtsman was employed at the salary stated from August, 1920, to February, 1922. He was not replaced by the draughtswoman, who was employed by the Department nine months before the man was employed. Her duties are not comparable with the duties of the draughtsman.

asked the hon. Member for Monmouth as representing the Forestry Commissioners, whether the staff of the Assistant Commissioner in Scotland has been reduced by 30; whether the amount allowed for forestry operations has been increased from £141,320 to £172,070; what proportion of this sum has been allocated to Scotland; and whether it is anticipated that the reduced staff will be adequate to prepare the work on which unemployed men will, or should, be employed?

Since April, 1922, the staff referred to has been reduced by 21. The Department's Parliamentary Estimates under Sub-head E (Forestry Operations) have been increased this year over last as stated. This is attributable to the fact that the estimate for this year includes expenditure on relief schemes in the spring of 1923, whereas similar expenditure was not included in the estimate for last year. It is anticipated that not less than two-fifths of the £172,070 will be expended in Scotland. Whether the reduced staff will be adequate will depend on the extent of the expansion of the programme referred to in the first Question addressed to me to day by the hon. Member.

Is it not the case that the Forestry Commissioners in September last year had an unexpended balance of £189,000?

Lausanne Conference

asked the Prime Minister whether the peace negotiations at Lausanne show any signs of concluding; whether that conclusion is being delayed by the French demand to be paid their debt interest in sterling instead of in francs; whether we support that contention; and whether he will sec that this issue does not involve a perpetuation of the open zone in the Near East and the consequent loss to our trade and industry?

The delay in concluding the negotiations at Lausanne is caused by the Turkish demand that the holders of the Ottoman Debt coupons shall be paid their interest in paper francs, instead of in sterling as they are entitled to require. The Allied Governments have no legal authority for agreeing to such a demand, and, by endorsing the Turkish repudiation of their obligations, to sign away the rights of the bondholders. It is hoped that the difficulty may be overcome.

Why does this question, which interests the bondholders, come in in the question of peace between the Governments of this country and Turkey?

I think it was brought in by the Turks, as a great many questions were. I am hopeful that a settlement will be reached on this point.

British Debt (United States)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether there is in the Agreement with America as to the payment of our debt anything to prevent our paying part at once in gold; and whether, seeing that our currency is now based not on gold but on national credit, he will set up a committee to consider the advisability of using our gold reserves, which no longer serve any useful purpose, for the repayment of some of the debt?

Income Tax (Seamen)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he will consider the question of reducing the Income Tax of seamen who are more than eight months in the year out of England, and who can therefore scarcely be considered to be domiciled in the country?

In the circumstances indicated, the seaman would normally be chargeable to Income Tax as a resident in this country but would not be liable to income taxation elsewhere. I see no reason for modifying the existing law and practice in the direction suggested by the hon. and gallant Member.

What would the hon. Baronet say in the case of a seaman who is eleven months of the year out of England? Will he still be charged?

If he is domiciled in the United Kingdom I should say the same thing.

In view of the fact that seamen derive no advantages because they are not domiciled in the country for 11 months out of 12, why impose Income Tax at the same rate?

I entirely differ from the hon. Member. A seaman has the protection of the British Flag. If he be married, and has a home here, his wife and family have the advantage of living here.

Percentage Grants

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what progress with its inquiry has been made by the Departmental Committee on percentage grants; and when will its Report be issued?

I understand that the preparation of the Report is proceeding as expeditiously as possible, but that the Committee are not yet in a position to say by what date it can be issued.

I will try, but this is a matter for the Committee, and not for me.

Government Securities (Government Departments)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he will state the amount of British Government securities held by Government Departments?

I regret that this information is not available, and could only be obtained by a good deal of industrious tabulation.

Foreign Countries' Relief Loans

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if the Government is receiving interest on any foreign countries' relief loans; if so, which are the countries paying this interest; and if any of the countries have reduced their loans since 31st March, 1923?

Interest is being received in cash on the relief loans to Latvia, Hungary, Lithuania, Esthonia and Czecho-Slovakia, and on the reconstruction loan to Belgium. The answer to the last part is in the negative, the relief loans not being repayable before 1st January, 1925.

State Printing ("London Gazette")

asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury whether he is aware that the contract with Messrs. Wyman for printing the "London Gazette" was made in June, 1920, for seven years; that this firm has been frequently complimented by the War Office on the accuracy of the issues; that the works have been kept open day and night, including Sundays and holidays, often solely for this publication; and that the firm, in order to prevent the discharge of men, were willing to agree to carry on their contract at a lower price than the present figure and to make the new price retrospective; and what was the reason for the discontinuance of their contract?

The contract was for seven years, with a provision for an option on either side to terminate it at the end of three years. I have no information in regard to the second part of the question. No offer has been received from the firm to carry on the contract at a lower price and to make the new price, retrospective. Only two applications have been received by the Stationery Office for employment from men at present working on the "London Gazette," and these two men have been engaged. This work is being transferred to the Harrow Printing Factory under the general policy explained to my hon. and gallant Friend on the 14th December last and the 5th June, as it is regarded as specially suitable for this factory, and the arrangements under the present contract have not been wholly satisfactory.

Is the right hon. Baronet aware of the very strong feeling in the country against any form of State trading?

My hon. Friend knows I quite recently appointed a Committee representative of all quarters of the House to deal with this very question.

Can my right hon. Friend make any statement with regard to the unsatisfactory effect of this upon employment.

Iraq (Water Transport Companies)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he is aware that the river steamship companies in Iraq are reducing the number of their craft and dismissing their British employés; whether he is aware of the tendency on the part of the Government railways to kill the water transport companies in order to secure a monopoly; and whether, in view of the vulnerability of the railway, he will see that this policy is discontinued?

The Secretary of State recently received representations from one of the principal river steamship companies in Iraq regarding the conditions under which their business is carried on in that country. The company stated among other things that, as a consequence of local conditions, they had found it necessary to take steps to reduce their European staff. The Secretary of State is in communication with the Acting High Commissioner on the whole subject, and I will communicate with my hon. and gallant Friend when a Report has been received.

Irish Free State

Damage to Property (Compensation) Act

asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies what further steps are being taken in relation to ascertaining whether the Damage to Property (Compensation) Act, 1923, is within the constitutional rights and powers of the Irish Free State; and whether any appeal to the Privy Council in respect of this matter is contemplated?

My Noble Friend is advised that there is no room for doubt that the Act referred to is within the powers conferred on the Parliament of the Irish Free State by the Irish Free State Constitution Act, and no further steps in the matter are therefore contemplated. Any person who contends that the Act is invalid, and that his rights are therefore unaffected by it, can challenge its validity by instituting proceedings in the appropriate Court.

Is my hon. Friend aware that this raises a very important constitutional question, as this is the first time Parliament has passed retrospective legislation affecting the status of the Dominions, and has he taken the advice of the Law Officers of the Crown?

I realise that this is an important constitutional question, and my Noble Friend is replying to a question in another place the day lifter to-morrow. I have nothing to add to the reply I have given to-day. It is obviously a question which can only be determined by a Court of Law. My Noble Friend's advisers are absolutely certain they are right.

Will my hon. Friend reply to the last part of my supplementary question, whether the advice of the Law Officers has been taken, and not that of the legal advisers of any Department.

Is not the hon. Gentleman going to consult the Law Officers of the Crown on a matter of such vital importance to British citizens who have had their rights taken away by the Act of another Parliament? Will he also state what Minister of the Crown is responsible?

Munitions and Stores

asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he can state, approximately, the total original cost of arms, uniforms, munitions, and other stores, formerly belonging to the British Government, which have-been taken over either by the Southern Irish Provisional Government or by the Free State, and the total price charged to those Governments for such munitions and stores; and whether he can state, approximately, how much has actually been received from those Governments in respect of such stores and munitions?

I would refer my hon. and gallant Friend to the reply given by the Financial Secretary to the Treasury on the 5th June to a similar question put to him by my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Burton,. to which I cannot at present add anything as regards the total amount to be recovered from the Free State Government. As regards the last part of the question, approximately £285,000 has been received from the Free State Government in respect of stores handed over to them.

When will a statement of the arrangement come to between the British Government and the Irish Free State be available?

It has nothing to do with my Department. It is purely a Treasury matter.

Nigeria

German Subjects

asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies what was the net result of the sale last October of the former German plantations in Nigeria; how many of these plantations were sold out of the total, and what has become of those which were unsold; whether it is proposed to allow such German planters and merchants who were formerly established in this dependency and who might desire to return to do so; and whether an embargo is still placed upon the settlement of German subjects in Nigeria and in other British West African dependencies?

Sixty-eight lots were offered for sale by auction and 14 were sold, the total price realised being £21,950. The lots sold were one large and three small estates and a number of factories and building sites. The remaining plantations are being managed by the Government Plantations Department. Germans are prohibited from acquiring an interest in these properties for three years from the 10th October, 1922, but they may obtain permission from the Nigerian Government to enter the Cameroons for trading purposes; the embargo on the entrance of Germans into Nigeria and the other British West African dependencies has been allowed to lapse.

Railway Freights

asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies if he will give the rail freights for palm oil, palm kernels, and cotton carried over the British railways in Nigeria, the Belgian railways in the Congo, and the French lines in Dahomey?

With the hon. Gentleman's permission, I will circulate the answer in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

The answer is as follows :

It is difficult to give comparable figures as in Nigeria and Dahomey the taper system is in force, by which the longer the haulage the less the freight per ton mile, while in the Belgian Congo, where the taper system is not in force, preferential rates are given to exports and specially high rates charged on imports. The following rates per English ton mile have been calculated, taking the franc at parity of exchange:

Palm oil and palm kernels .

Nigeria .—78s. 7d. per ton from Ilorin to Iddo (243 miles)=3·88d. per ton mile excluding terminal charges.

Belgian Congo .—49s. 2d. per ton for 243 miles=2·43d. per ton mile. It is not known whether this includes terminal charges or not.

Dahomey .—(1) Palm oil .—96s. 1d. per ton for 187 miles=6·17d. per ton mile, excluding terminal charges. (2) Palm kernels .—50s. 4d. per ton for 187 miles=3·23d. per ton mile, excluding terminal charges.

Cotton (ginned ).

Nigeria .—80s. per ton from Zaria to Iddo (617 miles)=1·56d. per ton mile. This includes terminal charges.

Belgian Congo .—49s. 2d. per ton for 243 miles=2·43d. per ton mile. It is not known whether this includes terminal charges or not.

Dahomey .—42s. 3d. per ton for 187 miles=2·71d. per ton mile. This does not include terminal charges.

Gold Coast Railway (Cost)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether, seeing that there is no other railway line in the British Dominions which has cost as much as £20,000 per mile to build, as has been the case in the Gold Coast Territory, in view of the high cost of building African railways departmentally, he will consider the desirability of putting such contracts out to private tender before the State or Colony actually decides to build the lines by its own staff?

As the answer is a long one, I will circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Is not this very high cost per mile due very largely to the fact that on this railway there has been, to a very great extent, replacement of bad work?

Cannot the commodities in question be carried on the Belgian-Congo lines at less than one-fourth of the cost on the Nigerian lines, and is the hon. Gentleman aware that the former lines were constructed by private enterprise and the latter by the Department?

I do not carry in my head the exact figures. They are all set out in the reply. We have got to bear in mind the rates of exchange.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the department-ally constructed lines in Nigeria, constructed by Sir Percy Girouard, cost only £5,000 a mile, and are an admirable example of State enterprise?

There are very wide differences in the cost of construction in the case both of departmentally constructed lines and lines constructed under private contract. In reference to the railway, the maximum figure for which has been mentioned, I think that the hon. and gallant Member for Bromley (Lieut.-Colonel James) is correct.

Is it not a fact that there are very few Sir Percy Girouards?

Following is the answer :

I have not examined the accounts of all the railways in the Dominions in order to ascertain the capital cost per mile. But, assuming the hon. Member's statement to be correct, I would observe that there is no railway in the Dominions the conditions of construction in which were in any degree similar to those of the Gold Coast Railway, particularly of the original line, from Sekondi to Kumassi, which accounts for the greater part of the excessive cost of construction. It was a pioneer line, made in haste, without adequate surveys, in order to serve the gold mines, which could not otherwise have been worked. It had to be carried throughout almost its entire length through tranckless tropical forest, the local labour was entirely inexperienced, and the conditions extremely unhealthy for Europeans. I have already said that consideration is being given to the possibility of building future lines by contract.

Education

Secondary Schools

asked the President of the Board of Education how many secondary schools there are in the country, stating their accommodation; how many places are occupied by fee-paying students; how many by freeplacers; how many places are vacant; and the average fee charged to fee-paying pupils?

As this answer contains a considerable number of figures, I will circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Following is the answer :

The number of grant-earning secondary schools in England and Wales is 1,264. I cannot give specific figures for the accommodation, but it has been stretched to the utmost to meet the demands of applicants for admission, and the number of pupils in them in October last was about 364,000. Of these, about 128,000 held free places within the meaning of Article 20 of the Regulations for Secondary Schools, and about 8,000 more, though not holders of free places within the meaning of that Article, paid no fees. The remaining 228,000 were fee-paying pupils. With regard to the fourth part of the question, it may be generally assumed that all the schools are full. I am unable to make an exact statement as to the average fee paid, but in the year 1921–22 it was in the neighbourhood of 12 guineas. There has been some slight increase since that date.

State Scholarships

asked the President of the Board of Education if he will give the number of State scholarships, if any, which have been held over until 1923; if all such scholarships have been awarded; and, if not, when will they be awarded?

Nine State scholarships which were awarded in 1920 or 1921 have, at the request of the scholars concerned, been held over until 1923. There are no others outstanding.

Sudan (Public Works)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether the Foreign Office intends in future to carry out, in those territories which it controls, large public works by administrative action or whether, in view of the wasted expenditure in the Sudan on the works now taken over by a private firm, he will permit private enterprise to tender initially in connection with all such contracts?

I would refer the hon. Member to the reply given to the hon. Member for Acton on 7th June.

College of Nursing, Limited

asked the Minister of Health what sum of money was subscribed for the nation's fund for nurses; the amount from this fund given to nurses incapacitated through war service and the amount handed over to the College of Nursing, Limited; whether he is aware that many nurses are discontented with the college, and that although it purports to represent 22,000, according to this company's own Report issued in 1922, about 16,000 nurses refrained from paying the annual subscription of 5s., causing a deficit of £1,403; and whether this deficit has been met out of the money subscribed by the public for nurses suffering from War service?

My right hon. Friend has no information as to the disposal of any funds raised by the College of Nursing, Limited, which is a private organisation and not within his jurisdiction.

Vaccination Acts

asked the Minister of Health' whether, having regard to the serious outbreak of smallpox at Gloucester and elsewhere, he will consider the repeal of Section 1 (1) of the Vaccination Act, 1907, exempting persons conscientiously believing that vaccination would be prejudicial to the health of the child?

My right hon. Friend cannot undertake to introduce legislation for the amendment of the Vaccination Acts during the present Session.

Convictions Quashed

asked the Attorney-General whether he is aware that when the police initiate a prosecution and secure the verdict, and when such verdict is upset on appeal and costs are awarded against the police, there is no provision under which compensation can be paid from public funds to the member of the public wrongly prosecuted; and will he consider the introduction of a Bill to amend the law in this respect?

I do not consider that a Bill to provide compensation out of public funds to a person whose conviction has, for any reason, been quashed on appeal, would be in the public interest, and accordingly I do not propose to take any steps in the direction suggested.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that an omnibus driver in London was recently sentenced to 14 days' imprisonment for driving an omnibus while in a state of intoxication, and that on appeal the case was dismissed with costs against the police, and that, meantime, the omnibus driver lost £40 in wages, as he was suspended from employment, and that the police were made responsible for only the cost of one day's appeal?

I do not know the case to which the hon. Gentleman refers, but the fact that a person is prosecuted does not give him a right to claim compensation out of public funds. If the prosecution is instituted without reasonable and probable cause and maliciously, there is the right of civil action against the person who prosecutes, but there is no claim for compensation out of public funds, and, to my mind, it would be very unfortunate if there were.

If there is a question of false imprisonment, the person falsely imprisoned has his remedy in a civil action. I know nothing of this particular case.

If I send particulars of this case to the right hon. Gentleman, will he look into it and see whether it is possible to compensate this man, who has lost £40 in wages through no fault of his own?

I will look into anything which any hon. Mem- ber submits to me; but it is only fair to say that, so far as I know, whatever the facts are, there is no question of compensation out of public funds. If there is any claim, either for false imprisonment or malicious prosecution, it is a matter for a civil claim for damages. That is a matter for the injured person's own legal advisers.

If there is no claim for damages, does not that make out a case for the introduction of further legislation.

Russia (Claim by Mr. J. Martin)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he is now in a position to indicate the intentions of the Government with regard to the payment of compensation to Mr. Joseph Martin, a British citizen, who was imprisoned from 7th November, 1919, to 6th March, 1920, by the Soviet Government of Russia, and who is now blind as the result of typhus fever contracted during the period he was in prison; and in view of the suffering which Mr. Martin has had to endure and his present afflictions, which make it difficult for him to earn his livelihood, will he endeavour to announce a decision at an early date?

For the reason given in my reply to the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull on 18th June, I am not yet in a position to add anything to what has been stated regarding cases of this nature in the memoranda addressed to M. Krassin on 29th May and 13th June, which have been laid before the House. Mr. Martin's distressing case is well known to His Majesty's Government and will not be overlooked.

British Air Policy

Prime Minister's Statement

asked the Secretary of State for Air whether he can make any statement with regard to the expansive scheme dealing with the Air Service which was prepared by his Ministry for the Cabinet; and whether it is to be pressed forward in the immediate future?

The Prime Minister is making a statement on this subject this afternoon in reply to a Private Notice question.

( by Private Notice ) asked the Prime Minister whether he is now in a position to make his promised statement in regard to the Government's Air Policy?

The Government have come to the following conclusions with reference to British Air power:

In addition to meeting the essential Air power requirements of the Navy, Army, Indian and Overseas commitments, British Air power must include a Home Defence Air Force of sufficient strength adequately to protect us against Air attack by the strongest Air Force within striking distance of this country.

It should be organised in part on a regular and permanent military basis, and in part on a territorial or reserve basis, but so arranged as to ensure that sufficient strength will be immediately available for purposes of defence. The fullest possible use to be made of civilian labour and facilities.

In the first instance, the Home Defence Force should consist of 52 squadrons to be created with as little delay as possible, and the Secretary of State for Air has been instructed forthwith to take the preliminary steps for carrying this decision into effect. The result of this proposal will be to add 34 squadrons to the authorised strength of the Royal Air Force. The details of the organisation will be arranged with a view to the possibility of subsequent expansion, but before any further development is put in hand the question should be re-examined in the light of the then air strength of foreign Powers.

In conformity with our obligation under the Covenant of the League of Nations, His Majesty's Government would gladly co-operate with other Governments in limiting the strength of air armaments on lines similar to the Treaty of Washington in the case of the Navy, and any such arrangement, it is needless to say, would govern the policy of air expansion set out in this statement.

Have the Government considered how this statement is to receive consideration? Is it proposed to move the Adjournment one day, or are any other facilities to be given for discussion?

I thought it was only right that the moment the decision was taken the House should be made acquainted with the fact, but, of course, the details have not been wholly worked out. I think that before long my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Air will be in a position to discuss them fully and in detail, when the Air Estimates are put down. Later in the year—I am afraid not this Session—there will also be a Supplementary Estimate for certain expenditure which will have to be incurred in the current year, and on that occasion full discussion can take place.

Can the right hon. Gentleman give us an approximate estimate of the expenditure to be incurred by this expansion of the Air Force?

It is difficult to give an exact estimate of the expenditure, but I think I shall be within the mark if I say that the expenditure involved this year will not exceed £500,000, and that the average expenditure for this expansion, including both capital and maintenance, will not be more than £5,500,000. That expenditure will not be reached until probably three years. Within the next year and the year following the expenditure will be considerably less than the full average expenditure of £5,500,000. These figures are somewhat in the nature of a rough estimate. I shall be able to give a more detailed and accurate estimate when the Supplementary Estimate comes to be considered.

May I ask the Prime Minister whether, as the gross cost of the fighting Services is about £60,000,000 more than the pre-War cost, this increased cost of the Air Force cannot be taken from the other Services?

It is impossible to say what reductions may be made in the course of this year. The time is now coming for the detailed-examination of the Estimates, and I hope that a certain amount may be taken from one or other of the other Services.

If it is proposed in any way to take anything away from the Estimates of the Army and Navy, to make up the leeway, may I suggest that no attempt whatever be made to reduce the wages of the men, which are largely the cause of the increased cost now compared with 1914?

Is the right hon. Gentleman satisfied that the expansion of the Air Force personnel will keep up with the expansion of materiel? Is the right hon. Gentleman in a position to give an indication as to when the Government will be able to make some sort of statement on the question of the air arm of the Navy?

The Noble Lord knows that any considerable expansion of the Royal Air Force must take some time. I have no reason to suppose that personnel will not be able to keep pace with materiel. As to the second part of the question, I am authorised to state that no answer can be given to-day, and it may be a week or two before an answer can be given.

Arising out of those answers, are we to be asked to go away about the beginning of August without having had any opportunity of considering this matter in the House of Commons?

No, certainly not. It would be perfectly possible to put down the Air Estimates for consideration on any Supply day between now and the end of July.

The Prime Minister knows that we are now towards the end of June, that the number of Supply days is limited, and that most of them are already mortgaged for very important subjects, for which discussion has been provided. Would it not be possible, through the usual channels, to consider the provision of another day for the purpose of this Debate?

It is a difficult question to answer across the Table, because I am not aware what days are already mortgaged. I think it would be well, through the usual channels, to consider what days are available, with a view to making use of the existing days. As my hon. Friend knows, the days are limited between now and the day when we hope to rise, and for the general convenience it would be better to consider the matter as I have suggested.

I beg to give notice that I will repeat my question after negotiations have taken place in the ordinary way.

Arising out of the original answer, may I ask the Prime Minister on whose initiative he contemplates that the question of competition in air armanemts can be brought before the League of Nations?

Will this new competition in armaments not lead eventually to the same consequences as the last?

No. I hope not. I hope it will not be long before there will be some agreement as to limitation.

Can the right hon. Gentleman state whether any of the aeroplanes now being used in Mesopotamia will be brought home and employed for this purpose, thus saving expenditure?

Why does the Prime Minister talk of this being provided for defence? Does he not know that they cannot be used for defence, but only for attack? Why does he not face the matter honestly?

How can we use aeroplanes for defence? Is it not known by the right hon. Gentleman's technical advisers that aeroplanes cannot attack aeroplanes at night?

Education (Institution Children) Bill,

"to amend the law relating to the education of children who are receiving education in an area other than that to which they belong," presented by Mr. EDWARD WOOD: to be read a Second time To-morrow, and to be printed. [Bill 175.]

Orders of the Day

Supply

[11TH ALLOTTED DAY.]

Considered in Committee.

[Mr. JAMES HOPE in the Chair.]

Civil Services and Revenue Departments, Estimates, 1923–24

Class II

Board of Agriculture, Scotland

Motion made, and Question proposed,

5. "That a sum, not exceeding £221,242, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1924, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Board of Agriculture for Scotland, including Grants for Agricultural Education and Training, certain Grants-in-Aid, and certain Services arising out of the War."—[NOTE: £110,000 has been voted on account.]

In introducing these Estimates I have first to consider this somewhat anomalous position: that in the case of our great Empire of India, the discussion began at 4 o'clock and terminated at 8.15, whereas, in the case of the, no doubt, more important but, numerically, less powerful kingdom of Scotland, the discussion is to be continued uninterrupted for two full days of Parliamentary time. [HON. MEMBERS: "Why not?"] I hear interjections from hon. Members who appear to consider that the time is little enough, but it must be admitted that, at any rate, it is a larger proportion of time than we have been able to secure for Scotland under previous administrations and I think this administration is at least entitled to claim credit for this, that it is always anxious, and in some cases it may be to anxious, to allow debate——

I am not referring only to the Debates we are about to have on the coming two days, but to the Debates we have had on previous occa- sions on Scottish affairs during the Session. It is quite true that it is owing to the choice of the Opposition, that we have these two days and I do not therefore claim any credit on that account. Let us hope we shall be able to have a full review of the affairs of Scotland on this occasion and that it will not be merely a series of disconnected debates. To begin with, we have before us the Estimates for the Board of Agriculture. We have in Scotland a situation which presents all the problems of modern life in miniature. We have in particular the immediate problems of agriculture put very strikingly before us. We have the highly farmed areas of the Lothians and the East country, a belt of country where agriculture is carried out on a higher plane than almost anywhere else in the world. We have also the crofting counties, which present a problem peculiar to themselves, and only to be paralleled in the case of certain regions in Ireland. And we have the great industrial belt where, again, a totally different land problem presents itself which cannot be attacked in the same way as the problems in the other two areas. We have had in the past discussions—largely on one or other of the particular Estimates—of the agricultural position in Scotland, and these, I think, have been more particularly concerned with the problem known as land settlement. We must attempt to preserve a sense of proportion in this matter. There is not merely the problem of land settlement before the Board of Agriculture for Scotland. It is not the Board of Land Settlement for Scotland but the Board of Agriculture for Scotland, and we must realise that the problems before us are not merely the problems of smallholders and their grievances but the problems relating to the general position of agriculture throughout the Kingdom, because agriculture in Scotland occupies relatively a much more important position than it occupies south of the border. It occupies a position in Scotland relatively twice as important as that which it occupies in England, and the whole problem must be considered on that basis. Roughly speaking, smallholders' schemes in Scotland represent a sum in the neighbourhood of £40,000 a year and the rental for all Scotland is over £5,000,000 a year, and the work done in Scotland in small holdings represents about three-and- a-half days out of the 365, and, while it is important, and vitally important, that WB should consider the problems which arise on the three-and-a-half days, we must not neglect the problems which arise on the other 361½ days. So I would ask the Committee to keep the proportions firmly fixed in their minds, and to remember that we are not discussing here the problem of land settlement alone, but all the complex problems of agriculture as they present themselves in a modern industrial State.

The great change which is passing over agriculture in this country is making itself evident in Scotland also. There is a change at present showing itself above ground a little and under ground a good deal, a change which may be summed up in the phrase "the passing of the estate"—the passing of the landlord or the laird which, economically speaking, may be called the passing of the estate. Agriculture in our country for many years has been conducted on two capitals, the fixed capital provided by the estate and the moveable capital provided by the tenant. The system of tenant farming, which was the mainstay of agriculture in both Scotland and England for many years, has commenced to pass. The esate—the laird or the landlord—is being gradually squeezed out. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] Well, there are advantages in that process, but there are disadvantages also, and we must, as I say, consider that the function of the Board of Agriculture in Scotland is to see that this process is carried through with as little shock as possible. Its duty is to see that the functions which used to be carried out by the estate shall be taken over by some other body—it may be by the State or it may be private individuals—but, at any rate, to see that these functions shall not be allowed to lapse, and, in particular, that the great work of research and education and the work of credit which was so largely conducted by the estate or by the landlord, shall not be neglected and allowed to disappear. We have then the general problem of the transformation of the tenant system into the owner-occupier system which is proceeding rapidly both in Scotland and in England. That raises all sorts of new problems.

Already you find, having destroyed the natural economic fly-wheel of the system—the estate wherein you had energy stored up in the good times to carry the industry over the bad times—you get a demand inevitably that some other body should step in to provide those same facilities, and you get demands for agricultural credits such as are exemplified in the legislation at present passing through this House. You get a further thing. You get a demand by the one man who is trying to carry on the industry on one capital, as against the persons who previously carried on on two capitals, for a much greater degree of security than was previously allowed to the industry. You get an increasing demand, not from one section of the House only, but from many sections of the House, and not from one section of the country only but from many sections of the country, that greater security should be found for the industry by some method or other, passing in its extreme form to a demand for some sort of tariff wall which, as I say, I have heard voiced, not merely from this side of the House, but also from that side of the House.

During the Debate on the bad conditions in agriculture there was a demand made from one of the Labour Members representing a district in East Anglia, which was peculiarly hard hit by the potato importation, that foreign potatoes should be kept out of this country and that prices should not be allowed to fall to the extremely low level to which they had been reduced by foreign competition. I am not saving that this demand should be granted.

I think it is generally agreed that such a change would I require legislation, and therefore it would be out of order to discuss it at this moment. This process which I have described is one which, in Scotland of all countries, demands close examination, because before the era of modern transport, when we in Scotland relied upon our own conditions, our country was swept by repeated famines, and we came to realise that agriculture—the cultivation of cereals—is a much more chancy business than it is south of the Border, and it is a much more speculative investment when engaged in with one set of capital instead of two sets of capital as we had previously. There is another thing. The industry of agriculture in Scotland is weathering the storm much better than the industry of agriculture in England. It is able to pay much higher wages.

I merely wish to point out that you have not only to compare the North of England with the South of Scotland, but England as a whole with Scotland as a whole, and the figures for the current year give our wages as from 38s. to 42s. per week compared with the minimum of 25s. per week secured in the recent settlement by the leader of the party to which the hon. Gentleman belongs. It is a matter of common knowledge that agricultural wages in Scotland run considerably higher than they do in England, and distress in the present agricultural depression is not nearly so acute in Scotland as it is in England. The system has been functioning and working, and therefore we must be all the more chary of interfering with it. We must scrutinise very closely any change which might interfere with its efficiency. We are standing the strain, because, among other factors, of the great production which we enjoy in Scotland per head of the people employed on the land. This is not a matter of argument, but of fact. Land reformers claim that German production is superior, because the production there is higher. That is a fallacious argument. German agriculture is much inferior to ours in the amount produced per man. A man working on the land for a year in Germany only feeds five people. A man working on the land in Great Britain feeds 10 people. There is no advantage in bringing another man on to the land if the two together can only produce the same amount of food which the original man produced single-handed. That refers to Great Britain as a whole, and the case is much stronger in Scotland where we employ a relatively smaller population on the land, and therefore compare even more favourably with Continental producers.

There may be differences one way or the other. I am taking the most recent figures, which show that our production in Great Britain per man employed in the industry is twice as high as it is in Germany.

Have you read the address delivered by Lord Ribblesdale to the British Association last year at Huddersfield? He dealt with that very point which you are now raising—the difference between the productivity of Germany and of Great Britain.

Yes, I have read the statements on this subject, and the estimates are based on various standards. There is the production per acre, and there is the production per man engaged. The production per acre in Germany is maintained under the law of diminishing returns by putting a much bigger number of people per acre on the land than we have in this country, and consequently they have less to share out among them. The fact remains that our productivity per head is twice that in Germany, and that fact must be taken into account when we are investigating our agricultural problems compared with continental countries. There is the case of Denmark. I do not wish to refer to that, because hon. Members are anxious that I should get on, but, if I am challenged, I will say this. I do not wish to weary the Committee with figures—[HON. MEMBERS: "Go on"]—but it is seldom that we get a chance of a Debate on agriculture. In Denmark the school year is 900 hours against our 1,200 hours. In Denmark the children between 10 and 12 have two days at school per week as against our five days. Children between 12 and 14 in Denmark have one day at school per week. That is to enable production to be carried out on Danish small holdings, and the Danish producer makes butter and eats margarine. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh."] I think my hon. Friend (Mr. T. Johnston) the editor of a great Scottish journal of information will I not deny these facts.

I spent some months last year over there, and I know that it only applies to certain districts.

I would remind the hon. and gallant Gentleman that we are discussing the Vote for the Scottish Board of Agriculture.

It was from the hon. Gentleman's own newspaper that I derived my facts. They were published in that newspaper under the signature of the Secretary of the Farm Workers' Union in Scotland after conference with other unions on the continent.

I read the hon. Gentleman's reply, but it left the very strong case made by Mr. Duncan where it was. I was, in fact, as much impressed by his reply as by the arguments brought forward by Mr. Duncan himself. You, Sir, have rebuked me, and no doubt with great accuracy, for not getting on to the question of the Board of Agriculture for Scotland, but I should say that, when we are investigating the question of a change in the land system of Scotland, we must take into account the efficacy of other systems. I merely say that the system under which we have been working has produced a high rate of wage in Scotland, and it is a system which has been able to weather a very great deal of agricultural depression which has brought a good deal of distress in its train. We have also to consider the other functions of the State which are at present being taken up by the Board of Agriculture. Among these, one must take agricultural education and research. Here I am not out of order, because you will note that these very Votes have largely increased in the present year. The Estimate for agricultural education for 1922–23 was £5,000, and for 1923–24 it is £77,286, an increase of no less than £72,000. For agricultural research the Vote has gone up from £6,400 to £23,300, an increase of no less than £16,000.

On these figures, it is necessary to point out the enormous and increasing importance of these factors in modern agriculture. Take one instance—the experiments on animal feeding which are being conducted in Aberdeen. We have there three problems before us, and, if we can solve any one of them, we shall do more for the agriculture of this country than by an unlimited number of subsidies. There is the question of the ton litter of pigs in six months. If that can be done, there is no reason why we should not do it. There is no other meat-producing animal that comes near the pig, and there is nothing that will make more difference in the economics of our countryside than if we can bring that about. If we can produce a ton of live pig in six months and still have the original sow and repeat that in the same year, we shall have taken a great step towards producing a healthy economic state in our countryside, because we have a market for these things at our door. We have a market for bacon and eggs alone of £143,000,000 in this country. We pay the wages to the Danish producer, and we could pay the wages to our own people in just the same way. The second problem is that of the thousand gallon non-tubercular cow. We have now to clear out our cows from our dairy farming centres, it may be in two, three, or four years. Generally it is something under three years, because they cannot stand the strain or pressure under which they are fed with concentrated food. There is no reason why we should not keep a cow for ten years, except for the incidence of the disease in that industry, and, if we can produce a thousand gallon non-tubercular cow we shall have taken a greater step towards the production of milk and the healthiest milk than can be taken by any legislation. Take the third problem—the non-acclimatisation value sheep. It is well known that the sheep in the Highlands and on the West Coast are subject to disease altogether in disproportion to that suffered by any other class of livestock reared in any other part of the country. If we can get rid of the sheep disease, again we shall have done more for the agriculture of Scotland, and in particular for the smallholders of Scotland, than we can do by any number of elemosynary schemes advocated in this House.

Thus then there are three problems; the ton litter, the thousand gallon non-tubercular cow, and the non-acclimatisation value sheep. Research in these important matters have been undertaken by the Board of Agriculture, and it is for this we are asking this year this very much larger sum of money. There is one further function to which I should refer in passing, and that is the collection and dissemination of information. The Board publish a journal which involves us in a loss of some £200 or £300. That has been the subject of a good deal of criticism on various grounds. I would say on this matter that the great Agricultural Society of Scotland considers it worth while to publish its transactions and to incur an annual loss of over £2,000. The State journal is produced at an annual loss of £200 or £300. I make a present of that fact to hon. Gentlemen opposite as an example of the superior merit of the State working as against private enterprise.

We then have the problem of land settlement in Scotland. It is natural that attention should be centred upon that matter, and upon what is to be done rather than upon what has been achieved, or that the difficulties we have overcome should be overlooked in anxiety to attain the object aimed at. Perhaps I might here spend just a few minutes to summarise the conditions under which the Board of Agriculture has been working. In 1912 the Board came into being. At that time the Board was working under the Small Landholders (Scotland) Act, 1911, which was by common consent admitted to be expensive, cumbrous, and unworkable, and which has since been superseded by new legislation. It has been superseded by new legislation for many reasons; one of them was that oddly enough the Small Landholders Act which was passed was founded upon the idea of the large estate which subsequently was found to be the cause of its ineffectiveness.

Consequently, there is to be raised this evening, I understand, by more than one Member this question of smallholders—and it undoubtedly is a very difficult question—which the Government is at present examining and in connection with which practical steps will have to be taken. That is the opinion of my Noble Friend the Secretary for Scotland (Viscount Novar), who has had, perhaps, more personal acquaintance with this problem than any other person in the Legislature. It came about that by reason of the 1911 Act, actually, as I say, founded on the big estates, that when the big estate crumbled, of which there is more than one example, that when the central estate brought under the Act of 1911 crumbled away, very serious problems became apparent for the smallholder who had settled on the estate.

In 1912 the authorities, I think, considerably under-estimated the staffs necessary to provide for land settlement, because all that was considered necessary to carry out this expensive programme was a staff of three Sub-commissioners and three clerks, with a small complement of surveyors. There was a good deal of surveying to be done. The whole country had to be surveyed. There were no records as now. There was a breakdown in the organisation. To meet strong complaints in Parliament and elsewhere, there was some increase in the staffs and the machinery of organisation in the latter part of 1913 to 11 Sub-commissioners, 33 clerks, and again with their complement of surveyors. Had normal circumstances continued, our present difficulties would never have arisen. In 1913 we were to settle the tenants and get into our stride under this scheme of land settlement in the Act, when the Great War came and interfered with operations. Our staff was broken up and a stop put to the scheme for the next four years. Towards the conclusion of the War the Small Holdings Colonies Act was passed, and in 1919, by an Act, the House fortunately provided us with additional funds, and the Board set to work again. By the end of 1919 the Board had secured under all Acts 259,000 acres of land and laid a substantial foundation for the future. The Cabinet Committee that went into decreased expenditure established the fact that it would be necessary to increase the provision to £3,500,000, but the Geddes Committee suggested £3,000,000, and a reduction of staff by 35 per cent., which reduction was put into effect towards the end of 1922.

Recently we have had Debates in this House on land settlement, and it has been pressed upon us from all parts of the House that we should expedite this matter. In this connection it is right that the House which puts forward demands of this sort should know the facts of the case, and the import of the suggestions that will undoubtedly mean additional expense. Here is the bill before me and that bill will have to be met!

The staff which has been cut down will have to be increased again. Let us not forget that when we leave the House and go home in the evening, and strike our sublime heads against the stars that at the same time we may strike our sublime hands against our empty pockets and find we have not that which to pay for these things which it is desired to have. There are other problems beyond that of expense which it is necessary to consider in this matter. You have an enormous increase, of course, in the expense which has been created by the attempt to expedite matters—an increase of expense which is not necessary if one were merely looking at the scheme of land settlement in an ordinary way, and in normal circumstances, for as the House very well knows all these desirable things will cost very much more than would be necessary to carry out a lesser scheme. We find that over a long period the average gross cost per holding was £965, the average net cost £476, and the percentage of loss through initial outlay a little over 50 per cent. This last may be increased as a result of the revaluations which the Land Courts are undertaking.

The hon. and gallant Gentleman includes the cost of new houses, but that is not included in other industries where a subsidy is given.

I am not arguing the case, I am only giving the cost which amounts to a great deal more for the building of houses in some of the rural parts for the purposes of the smallholders than would be the case in the building of houses in an industrial area. In spite of the concession, difficulties have still been experienced in getting the smallholders to undertake the ingoing obligations. In one case of a large scheme in Sutherland comprising 30,000 acres of pastoral land——

Can the hon. and gallant Gentleman give the Committee the name of the farm?

We took it over at the ordinary valuation, and the sheep were not taken on the ground that the tenant did not consider he was taking over these obligations with the land. In Caithness, for example, there was the circularisation of certain ex-service men to the number of 148. Of these 96 failed to reply; 32 refused; three could not be traced, and only 17 of the 148 were willing to take part in the ballot for the available holdings.

The holdings have been revalued. I merely point out that sometimes there is a somewhat unreasonable attack on the Board for not having made small holdings available. As a matter of fact, they have been available, but for some reason or another every man wants some particular area and will not be satisfied with the land that has been given to him, for all of which there may be very good reasons. There may be grave reasons, but I think one must agree that on a large scale scheme every man cannot get the particular piece of land which he himself happens to desire. For instance, in the case of the Outer Isles we are gradually and rapidly approaching the end of the problem. There is very little land left, and at the end of the time it will not be able to be increased. All the land has been under cultivation. The Committee have had Debates on the land dispute in Skye, when we stated our anxiety to proceed with land settlement in the Highlands with the utmost expedition. We have done our best to implement that idea. Steps have been taken and everything will be done that may be possible to expedite land settlement in the Highlands generally.

We have had to take account of the fact that the numbers of the staff were reduced, but in spite of that we have every hope that we shall be able to get ahead with considerable expedition in the settlement of these schemes. We have a large number of schemes in process of development, including Galson, in the island of Lewis, which will provide for over 50 applicants, Talisker, in Skye, which will provide for nearly 80 holders—but that involves additional labour, because it is a migration scheme—and Newton, in North Uist, which will provide for 60 to 70 persons. There are many other schemes in process of development or about to be developed, but it is obvious that with all this work in hand the Board must be allowed to proceed in an ordered fashion. It must not be compelled to divert attention from the schemes it has planned because certain applicants or their advocates happen to be more impatient than others.

No, but I think it is a very reasonable proposition to make, that the process of raiding is a process which involves great hardship on the law-abiding citizens who do not raid. If everybody started raiding, the scramble would mean probably the loss of small holdings by many people who already have them. Already there is jealousy between the smallholder and the non-smallholder just as there is between the farmer and the non-smallholder. The jealously is not confined to the non-smallholder and the smallholder, but we have it on the part of the smaller landlords against the big men, and very often we find it on the part of the landlord against the smallholder.

There are many cases in which a year will be necessary, and there may be cases in which it may be necessary to wait longer than that, because if you want a particular spot of land you have to wait until the lease runs out, and you have to work in with the tenant. The tenant farmer has been provided by this House with many statutory safeguards, and it is impossible for any Government Department to ride roughshod over these statutory safeguards. It is not a thing that can be solved just as if you could go into a shop and by putting down a certain amount of money get a certain quantity of tea. When you touch land you touch one of the thorniest problems, and when you touch small holdings you have, in addition to the land difficulties, the jealousies which are inherent, and perhaps beneficent, in peasants wherever they are to be found in any part of the world.

Up to date, the operations of the Board under the Small Land Holders Act, 1911, and Part II of the Land Settlement Act, 1919, have resulted in the sub-division and settlement of over 233,000 acres, and further large areas, including the important scheme at Gilson, will be settled within a year. The number of men settled up to date is 3,342, including 1,488 ex-service men.

Yes, since 1912. I am in no way defending that figure. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] Hon. Members opposite will find, when they come into office and stand at this box, that they will be defending the lamentably slow progress of many schemes in which they are interested, because of the insuperable difficulties of the case. You cannot ride rough-shod over everything, and they will find that. [ Interruption .]

I must ask hon. Members to allow the hon. and gallant Member to proceed.

I will take two further cases as examples where it was within the power of the applicant to expedite matters. They are situated within the area in which the hon. Member for Caithness and Sutherland (Sir A. Sinclair) is very deeply interested. The first I have already referred to. He asked me for the name of the farm, it is the farm of Keoldale, and involves 30,000 acres. It carries a sheep stock numbering 5,350, which cost the Board £48,500. It would provide for 51 applicants, but the settlement has been postponed for more than six months because they have refused to implement the undertaking given by them to take over the stock, notwithstanding the fact that the price of the stock has been so reduced that the Board have taken on a loss of £22,000 on that account alone. In another case, Armadale, we have settled fifteen applicants in an area of 5,000 acres. They have taken their proportion of the sheep stock. There remain 24,000 acres on which 47 additional applicants could have been settled a year ago if they had been prepared to accept the same condition as their neighbours, conditions which provide for concessions as to the price of stock authorised by the Treasury.

I may say that we have every prospect, as the Secretary for Scotland said last year, that there will be no reduction in the rate of land settlement. We hope to be able to speed it up considerably, but I must ask the House to be reasonable with us in this matter and to consider the question of raiding leases, and the rapidly dispersing sheep stocks, which mean that the fortunate people who are settled on the small holdings have used up a great proportion of the funds that would have been available for the settlement for their more patient brethren. We had the case of the raids in Skye, in the settlement of which I was indebted to hon. Members opposite for their co-operation. They said—hon. Members of all parties—that they would do their utmost to discourage raiding and to make clear to the men that if they were prepared to have patience, we in this House would do all we possibly could to meet their clamant needs. There is another case pending, about which I will not say more than a word, and that is, that the same offer has been made which was accepted by the men in the island of Skye case. That offer is available now, and we hope that these other men will accept it. They must in a similar way conform to the conditions, in which event we are ready to restore their names to the list, and to give them the firm offer of small holdings next year. I can go no further than that.

We are faced not merely with the problem in the small holdings area in the seven crofting counties, but with small holding problems throughout Scotland and the general agricultural problem as it presents itself not merely in the promotion of small holdings, but in the fostering and development of the great system of agriculture in Scotland, which has proved itself capable in the past of giving a good return to both the employers and the employed engaged in the industry, which has proved itself in the present time of depression capable of maintaining, relatively speaking, a much higher rate of wages than that paid by the farming industry in England, and which has earned the general admiration of the world as one of the best systems of farming carried on in any part of the globe. This is the responsibility which rests upon the Board of Agriculture, and it is for these reasons and on these grounds that I hope hon. Members will find it possible to criticise the Estimates which we have laid before them.

I beg to move to reduce the Vote by £100.

We Scottish Members are delighted to have the opportunity of having two days' discussion on affairs that concern our native country, but for the sake of greater accuracy I should like to put it on record that these two days were got from His Majesty's Government by the Opposition, and not volunteered by the Government. I am sorry that we have not the presence here this afternoon of my noble friend the Secretary for Scotland, who is still deprived of the status to which we think his office is entitled, and who is, if not wasting his abilities in the desert air in another place, enjoying a fresh experience of the Scottish land system about which we have heard from the hon. and gallant Member. I regret his absence, because I recollect him in my younger days in this House as a great antagonist of the then existing condition of things, and I should welcome him here as a great protagonist of the things that we are advocating on this side of the House; but he has gone, and to-day we have had the hand of Esau but the voice of Jacob.

My hon. and gallant Friend is always advising his Scottish colleagues to have a sense of proportion. May I reciprocate that advice. I could not believe my ears for the greater part of his speech. Accustomed as we are to many debates on agriculture, I would point out that the Board of Agriculture for Scotland has but a general concern for the broad problem of agriculture. The Board of Agriculture was created to foster small holdings in Scotland, and I make no apology for putting in the forefront of my speech the question of land settlement in Scotland. That problem has been broadcasted throughout the nation and throughout the Empire by two striking incidents which my hon. and gallant Friend did not dare to deal with at any length. Those incidents are fresh in the minds of hon. Members. Brave and gallant men who were prepared not long ago, without any force from the State, and of their own sweet will, to lay down their lives for the land in which they were born, were definitely promised that after the War was over they would receive honourable subsistence on that land. For years they waited for the fulfilment of that promise. The one industry in the seven counties in the North of Scotland is the cultivation of the land. Ungrateful as the soil may be, these men were prepared to buy that land or to rent it and to till it. They were born on that land. Day and night they think of that land, and they hoped to get the land, but there was nothing forthcoming for years. They thought that their claims to it had the sanctity which tradition and sentiment can give and which valour in its defence can justify. The land promised to them was there for them, but it was never theirs, and the years rolled on. The heroes of one day were the scapegoats of another day. Hope deferred made the heart sick, and the gallant spirit impatient. They staked out their claims. There is no one here who will say that there is justification for lawlessness, however technical, nor can we, in whatever part of the House we sit, accept the perilous policy involved in any such lawlessness. But the breach of the law which they committed was a breach of the law—and men felt it in all parts of the House—by sorely tried men. They are a law-abiding people, who hate illegalities, and who have a horror of prison life, but their action served its purpose. In my judgment, it awakened the conscience of mankind, and I was proud to see that colleagues of mine from Scotland representing all shades of opinion took the same view as those of us who raised this matter in the House.

Let me come, in the development of my argument, to the second instance, which consisted in the emigration from Scotland of hundreds of men of the finest stock in the world. I, for one, believe in the unity of the Empire, and when I hear, and have heard in this House, talk of Empire settlement, I regard the Highlands of Scotland as equal in any case to the unknown wastes of Canada or Australia. Do not let it be thought that I, for one, would impede any man when, of his own volition, he leaves the land upon which he was born to rank himself among the great pioneers of our race who have done more than any other to shape the destiny of our great Dominions, but as a lover of my native country, and of that Empire of which my native country is so glorious a part, I am determined as best I can—and I think I speak for those who work with me on this side of the House—to uproot the causes which compel my fellow countrymen to seek food and shelter in any land which was not the land of their birth, however hospitable its shores, however kindly the people who welcome them. I believe still that if this Empire of ours is to be the great civilising power of the world, it has to be sound and contented at its heart. It is not inappropriate, I think, that I recall to-day the utterance of the elder Pitt in this House, I think in the year 1766, when Scotland, and particularly the Highlands, were jeered at by the scribes in Fleet Street as barbarian, but Pitt at that time had the courage to stand—I think he was in opposition—and to say: Friend Lord Alness introduced his Land Settlement (Scotland) Act. I believe it contains provisions which no land reformer ever expected to see in his life, but what has been the result?

Our case to-day is that the Board of Agriculture, in the case of land settlement, has failed, and the proofs that it has failed are the two instances I have just given. My hon. and gallant Friend opposite has delivered a speech which was largely irrelevant, and his speech consisted of two parts: first of all, a defence of the Board of Agriculture and, secondly, an apology, in so far as the parts were relevant at all. I, personally, think that during the last year there has been a very great advance, a very great acceleration, in land settlement, and I not only heartily sympathise with Sir Robert Greig, but I believe he is the right man in the right place. I think he is most anxious and eager to do everything that he possibly can, but he had enormous difficulties to face and enormous accumulations in arrears. If the Estimates are looked at, it will be seen that there is an appalling sum spent in travelling expenses and allowances, a sum which, in the judgment of many fair minded men, is out of all proportion to the work which has been accomplished. On all hands, I hear of cases of extravagance and inefficiency, and I must say, for the Board, that I have tried hard to get chapter and verse for them. So far, I have not been successful, but the fact remains that throughout the whole of Scotland the reputation of the Board of Agriculture is that it is overstaffed and not understaffed, that it is very extravagant, and, may I add, with the limitation I have just made, that it is inefficient.

I realise as well as anybody that the problem of land settlement in the Highlands is not an easy one, and it has been extremely difficult in the last two or three years. I hope, for example, that the days when the people in this country were satisfied that a crofter should have a small holding by the rocky seashore or on the barren moorland are gone for ever. Under those conditions he never hoped to make a fortune, he never expected to make a fortune, he expected to be allowed by a grateful country to rest in contentment upon the land of his fathers. I am glad to say that condi- tions have altered. The power of education has given that strong, determined class of the North a desire to live under better conditions, and I frankly say that in cases where the Board of Agriculture found that good land was available, but that its price was high, I had far rather they did not send a young man without any means of his own upon it until such time as prices became lower. The better land, as we know, not only spiritually, but materially, is extremely limited, and in the North of Scotland we know very well that good land will fetch a high price, but prices were high for equipment, for machinery, and for all the other appurtenances of small holdings, and I know myself—and I say this in the interests of the Board of Agriculture, for what it is worth—three or four cases of splendid young fellows who were settled on good land under those conditions, who are now in the bankruptcy court. I hope that no such thing will happen in the future. I know how difficult it is to proceed.

There is, first of all, the machinery of negotiation and allocation, before you settle people. Then you have the questions of drainage and of equipment. But, notwithstanding that, I think, and so do my colleagues, that with all the staff that the Board of Agriculture had, and has, at its disposal, it could very well have met the clamant demands of those men in the North to whom the land has been so often promised. I am glad to acknowledge that there is one thing which the Board of Agriculture has been successful in doing. I believe it has created a great improvement in the stock, in the crofting counties particularly. It is a great pleasure to go to the annual cattle shows in the Highlands of Scotland nowadays, and these, I see from the Vote, are supported by the Board of Agriculture. You see there to-day a far finer type of animal than you saw in the old days. The people have been taught to take a pride in their stock, to appreciate their value, and not only that, but to learn as much as they can, through the various institutions which have been placed at their disposal by the Board of Agriculture, of scientific agriculture; and on that part of their work I offer the Board my congratulations. My hon. and gallant Friend has pointed out, quite legitimately, that the Board this year has in- creased its grant to a very great extent for agricultural research. No doubt the ton of living pig, of which we heard in Aberdeen, is very important, but it is much better to have the men on the land first, before you go to all the unnecessary expense of research in that particular way. I would like to ask my hon. and gallant Friend if he disagrees with me there. He may, but you cannot break faith with the men who have fought for the land. [An HON. MEMBER: "You have done it!"] We could not help it, but we settled a great many men upon the land.

I notice that the Board of Agriculture has closed down, or threatened to close down, the Ardross experimental croft. I believe that a croft of that kind is of very great value to smallholders throughout the north of Scotland. They see how things are developed and how things can be done. I believe that the annual loss was only £41 a year, and I think it is a somewhat stupid economy to wipe out the work which has been done for so many years and which has been of such great advantage to the people of the country. But if the Board is going to improve the livestock, and the holdings, and everything else, it must improve transport. There is no good in a smallholder, who is remote from the markets, having good stock and good produce unless and until transport facilities are improved. The Board has great powers to improve those transport facilities. I see that at the beginning of next year McBrayne's contract on the West Coast falls to be renewed. I am convinced that representations from the Board would be of great value, and would help the smallholder and the farmer in the islands of Scotland on the West Coast to find an easier, quicker, and better market for their stock.

5.0 P.M.

There is also the question of roads, piers and harbours. I see that the Vote gives a grant for those, and also encourages—though I am not going to deal with this to any great extent—afforestation. I realise, of course, that the whole general principle of afforestation is dependent upon another Vote, but I should like, as we are dealing with the general problem under the Board of Agriculture, to point out the necessity of encouragement by the Board of a general system of afforestation in the North of Scotland. I forget how many millions of acres have been scheduled in the North of Scotland for afforestation; as I said before, the smallholder in the North can never expect to make a livelihood, but if he gets a subsidiary or ancillary occupation of this sort he can make a livelihood. The work created by afforestation of that kind is work particularly suitable to the type of man who loves the country life, while new industries are created by the manufacture of commodities made of timber. There is also the industry of lumbering. I ask my hon. and gallant Friend to use all his energies and power to co-ordinate the effort by those who are seeking to establish, not one but many industries in the rural districts of the Highlands. There are infinite possibilities for them in the Highlands. May I read a portion of a speech, which referred to another country, by a late esteemed friend, Mr. John Redmond. He was dealing with exactly the same situation as we are dealing with to-day, and the same problem. This is what he said: us, while those who stand firm and fast to the traditions of loyalty and courage of their race should be left to fight an unequal battle or be compelled to leave their homes. An empty countryside is a national peril; a well-housed, happy, contented, robust peasantry, made sure in their holdings, is the surest source of social stability and strength. In that lies a country's real wealth and a country's real pride, and we must see to it that no short-sighted policy, no stupid, dilatory, inefficient administration can deprive us of so great a possession.

In the very large, interesting and alluring field or, may I say, banquet, which has been spread before us by the Under-Secretary, I am going to select only one course. I am going to leave it to others to take a full meal. The topic on which I wish to address the Committee is the question of land settlement; but not, as I suspect the larger number of hon. Members who will also deal with that subject will wish to do, land settlement in the Highland areas, but land settlement in the Lowland, arable, and more profitable counties of Scotland. I am going to leave the question of the Highlands alone. It is a very special question; it is a question on which, I confess quite frankly, I have nothing in the least of expert knowledge, and in regard to which I have the very gravest doubts as to the advisability of spending large sums of money on land settlement. I cannot see, if you are seeking, as I believe all hon. Members on this side who are interested in agriculture wish to do, to develop a larger country population, why you should select, for the placing of these people, districts in Scotland where the soil is poor, the climate is bad, the transport is difficult and often impossible, and the chances of making a satisfactory livelihood out of a small holding—even using that word in the widest sense—are reduced to a minimum.

Therefore, if you seek to build up a peasantry in Scotland and, as I would wish, a peasantry owning their own holdings, I think you could select a better ground—the land near market, with easy transport, and where you have, in the farm servants of Lowland Scotland, expert men second to none in the work of cultivating the ground in this country, ready to take up, some of them, this work. That seems to me a problem that has been rather overlooked. As one who represents a constituency which, in its agricultural side, is almost entirely lowland, which is fertile to a very great extent, and which contains, indeed, some of the richest land in this country, I am confident that there is no social reform connected with the rural community greater than this, that you should give the farm servants of Lowland Scotland an opportunity, in their middle age, to become the occupiers of holdings of their own. I do not believe, and I do not believe hon. Gentleman on either side of the Committee imagine, that that is a policy which can be carried out in a moment, or that is going to apply to every farm servant in Lowland Scotland. I do, however, press on the Scottish Board of Agriculture to reduce to a minimum the expenditure of money in the setting up of holdings in the Highland districts, and to use, as far as they can, taking into consideration the demand in the two areas the money at their disposal to set up groups of small holdings where they will succeed, namely, in the good land near large markets, and assisted by the rapid and easy transport which exists in Lowland Scotland.

I wish to congratulate the Scottish Board of Agriculture upon several advances which they have recently made. There is no doubt, since the present Government came into power and the situation of the smallholders who have already been set up in Lowland Scotland has been taken into consideration anew, that very considerable steps to assist them and improve their position have been taken. First and foremost, I wish to congratulate my hon. and gallant Friend upon the decision as to the revaluation of the small holdings. Nothing was more necessary. I remember, at the time of the General Election, only last November, that the most ludicrous cases were brought to my attention, cases of which I will only give the Committee one. There was an Army hut, erected at a cost, it was said, of over £500. A smallholder was bonded to that amount for the Army hut—paying interest, of course, on that bond—and he did not even know whether that was actually the expense of the hut. The result of that situation was this, that not only was there an enormously heavy burden placed—partly by extravagance and partly by the difficulty of building during the immediate post-War period—on the smallholder, but to that injury there was added insult, in the sense that he did not know whether the interest he was paying upon that bond was really being spent on this hut or not. The whole system of burdening the smallholders with the total expenses of the erection of the houses or cottages in which they dwelt was totally wrong for this reason—though I do not wish to divert to general agricultural considerations—that it is a fallacy of the most complete sort in any agricultural holding to suppose ( a ) that you can exact a full rent for the land, and ( b ) that you can exact the full interest on the cost of the erection of the house and on the cost of the land. It is within the knowledge of the Committee that no private landlord is able to exact such a return as that. Therefore, the Board of Agriculture were proceeding upon a totally uneconomic principle, and I congratulate them most heartily that they have taken their courage in their hands and have said to the Land Court in Scotland, "Will you please revalue these holdings and let us know what the buildings are worth—not what they cost, but what they are worth now to the holder." I believe that will cause a very great improvement in the condition of the smallholders in the Lowlands and, no doubt, in the Highlands as well, though I do not know about that.

I congratulate the Board also upon that change because they are getting into line with the true economic principle in regard to agriculture, instead of demanding the impossible or attempting to extract first rent and then interest on the building from the unfortunate holder. With that measure of praise, which I certainly feel is well deserved, I now wish to point out that there is one side of the Board of Agriculture operations with regard to small holdings which I look at with very grave concern. The system which is carried on at the present time is that a smallholder, when put into a holding, is made to buy the house, but generally speaking he cannot buy the land. I think that is putting the shoe on the wrong foot altogether. If there is any question of purchase what the smallholder should be encouraged to purchase is the subject that does not waste rather than the subject which does waste, namely, the house. Surely that is particularly true where the house is a wooden army hut, the life of which is admitted to be about 15 years.

The smallholder is told that he is given an opportunity, and he is bound to buy the hut by a series of instalments over a period of 50 years. Therefore he has put capital into a wasting subject which long before it has become completely his own will be as completely wasted. I urge upon my hon. Friend if it is within the four corners of the Act which he operates to change the system, so that the smallholder can buy the land and rent the house instead of buying the house and renting the land, because what is happening is really putting the cart before the horse. I wish most strongly to press upon my hon. friends the claims of the Scottish ploughmen in the matter of small holdings. This is a matter of extraordinary interest if one goes to any Lowland group of holdings and sees these men, whether on the larger or the smaller holdings. There you see the energy, the labour and the keenness which these men are putting into and getting out of their work.

I have no doubt that the need for development in the Lowlands of Scotland of a greater number of small holdings is very great. I am not going into the many reasons which might be put forward, but I wish to put forward this reason above all others. It is, I think, too little known that there is, as far as I can gather, though I confess that I have no figures on the subject, a steady drift from the country to the towns in Lowland Scotland of the middle-aged ploughmen and farm servants, and I think that is a very bad thing. Take the man when he has become a fully equipped and skilled agriculturist. You allow him to drift into the towns, and consequently you waste his expert knowledge and country upbringing and training, and you turn him into a carter, or a navvy in the streets of Dundee. I think that sort of thing should be put an end to.

Any hon. Members who knows anything about agriculture knows that there are only a certain number of picked jobs for the agricultural workers in Scotland when they become middle-aged. If they do not attain professional eminence then, they must go on as ordinary agricultural workers throughout their lives, and there is no future for them. I believe this to be one of the most important Measures for the rebuilding of the rural community of which I believe in importance there is no competitor in this country. It is one of the most important features of the rebuilding of the rural community that for the rank and file of the Scottish ploughmen and farm servants we should have the opportunity brought to them of having in middle life some holding, or some place they can go to as the alternative to drifting into the towns, and there carrying on the least expert of all manual toil.

I have no desire to support the Amendment to this Vote, particularly in view of the fact that in the last six months the whole practice and the whole methods of the Scottish Board of Agriculture have enormously improved. I hope, under the guidance of the Secretary for Scotland and the hon. and gallant Gentleman sitting near him (Captain Elliot), that these improved methods will steadily continue. In conclusion, I urge upon the Scottish Office not to forget, under the very eloquent pressure of Highland Members, that if they wish to secure in the Lowlands of Scotland a strong, firmly built, and a prosperous rural community, they can only achieve this object by the development of small holdings in that part of Scotland.

I am sure there were many hon. Members who listened with considerable surprise to the speech made by the Under-Secretary, in his justification of the policy of the Scottish Board of Agriculture. I am also sure that there were hon. Members in the House who listened with even greater surprise to the statements made by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Ross and Cromarty (Mr. Macpherson), when we remember that the right hon. Gentleman himself was a Member of the Government which sent many of these brave heroes he spoke about to gaol for the crime of endeavouring to raise food from the soil that the right hon. Gentleman and his Government had promised these men when they returned from the War. In the main I agree with his point of view, although I wish he would express that view, not only when in Opposition, but when he happens to be a Member of the Government. But perhaps he will never be a Member of the Government again.

I quite agree with the major portion of his speech. I think that, even more than the hon. Member for Perth (Mr. Skelton), he got hold of the essential facts of the present situation. I do not disagree with the idea of the hon. Member for Perth that there should be a greater development of small holdings in the Lowlands of Scotland, but I do not agree that small holdings in the North and South should be mutually exclusive and that you should develop the South and leave in the North a barren waste to be used as pleasure grounds for the aristocrats who dominate the party of the hon. Member opposite. You simply cannot have successful small holdings in many parts of the Highlands unless under certain given conditions, and those conditions you do not have at the present time. To work small holdings in many parts of the Highlands to-day is a life of hardship, and it is not a life to which any man accustomed to the major graces of civilisation would willingly go.

If the Board of Agriculture would do as the German Board of Agriculture did before the War and run their small holdings along with a system of afforestation, if they would provide work and wages for the period of the year in which these men are not normally employed upon their holdings, and organise these holdings co-operatively as they do in despised Denmark, then you would get a prosperous rural peasantry where you have not got such a peasantry at the present time. I will give the Under-Secretary some figures from a Report which has just been issued by the Forestry Commission. They show that in Germany there are 270,000 men profitably employed on afforestation in economic prosperity and they are in a profitable business. No less than 47 per cent, of those 270,000 men are smallholders and they are prosperous, and they look prosperous. I am not going into the question of the value of the mark. I do not know what the value of their production is in marks, but when you look at these men and more particularly the peasantry in Denmark, they look like men who in our country would be earning £5 a week.

There is another point of which the Under-Secretary might take note. I have calculated a full year's employment for a man, and I estimate, according to these figures from which I have quoted from our Forestry Commission, that in all the three different departments only about 2,000 men are employed. I have computed these figures at nine hours per week, and that is including Scotland and England. I find that in one of the departments 600 men are employed, at a cost, everything included, such as land purchase, seeds, and everything else, of £47,322. Had these men been on the dole doing nothing for a year, and taking them, as average men, with a family of three, they would have drawn £35,000 in public money for doing nothing. When you add to that what these men would have drawn in addition to the dole from charitable agencies, the Poor Law, and the school authorities in the way of assistance to the children, it is very questionable whether they would not have eaten up the full £47,000 in that way. By employing these men upon afforestation, you have succeeded in getting over 10,000 acres of land planted in a profitable way, which will yield an ultimate profit to the State. Those are Government figures. It has clearly been shown by the last Royal Commission, and it has never been disputed, that if the Government went ahead, planting 150,000 acres of land per year——

I cannot see that the argument of the hon. Member is relevant to this Vote. The only way in which it can be brought in upon the Vote is to urge upon the Scottish Board the advisability of establishing small holdings in places where the men can get employment in forestry.

I thank you. If the Board of Agriculture would go ahead with the scheme outlined for them by the last Afforestation Commission and put down forests in the neighbourhood of small holdings, which, as the Commission shows, could be done at a profit of over £107,000,000 to the State—these are not our figures for there was not a Labour man on that Commission and the Commissioners came from the other side of the House—if the Board of Agriculture would do that you would not have unemployment in the rural parts of Scotland. You could employ your labour profitably there. When I turn up the Report I find that you have actually handed over to the Treasury money unexpended. You could not find an outlet for that money at a time when people were starving, when there was extensive unemployment, and when you were depleting the countryside and sending men to the colonies. At a time when New York would admit no more Scotchmen and you were encouraging emigration to the waste places of the earth, you were simultaneously handing money back to the British Treasury. You expect the approval of the representatives of Scotland for your folly. I do not think you will get it here. The last Census in 1911 shows that there was a decrease in Scotland in the number of farmers and graziers of 4,505 as compared with the number in 1881. There was a decrease among the shepherds of 1,229, and a decrease of farm servants of 49,428. Your country is being bled white, and while that is going on the gamekeepers have increased in number by 1,673. Your deer forests have grown in extent. I have a report to which the Board of Agriculture will not I suppose pay the slightest attention. It is a Report issued under the title "Game and Heather Burning (Scotland) Committee." This is the minority Report issued by that Committee. In it they say:

"It has come with a shock of surprise to many to learn that about one-fifth of the whole area of Scotland—say from 3,500,000 to 4,000,000 acres—are devoted exclusively to deer forests. These number over 300. Almost entire counties are embraced and the forests range in extent from a few hundred acres to 80,000 acres or more. At least nine deer forests are over 40,000 acres. One area formed into a deer forest within recent years consists of about 200,000 acres of land stretching across Scotland from sea to sea."

What do the Government propose to do about this? Both the majority and the minority report deserve more attention than has been given to them. The Duke of Buccleuch was a member of the Commission which declared that the deer forests should at least be fenced, that the deer was a wild animal and should be prevented from getting on to arable land and eating up the crops. Nothing however is done. I have a letter from a farmer in my own constituency. He says that last year crops to the value of £119 on his holding—and the figure was arrived at by an independent valuer—were eaten up by the deer, yet he can get no compensation. No one indeed is foolish enough to believe that compensation can, be obtained under such circumstances. The farmer leaves his holding. I have had letters from the National Farmers Union of Scotland which cannot be considered a labour organisation. I think the Under-Secretary knows perfectly well that the farmers, unfortunately for themselves, have been members of the Conservative party and that is why they are in their present position. Until they acquire political consciousness, until they organise themselves on a craft basis like every other section of the working class——

The hon. Member is getting very wide of the mark in talking about farmers' education.

I want to point out that the farmers in Scotland are suffering very grievous injuries and very considerable financial loss through the lack of initiative, force, driving power and intelligence at the Board of Agriculture. Here is a letter from the Secretary of the National Farmers Union in Scotland. In it he tells me about the case of a farmer who set about burning heather in order to improve his grazing and to enable it to carry an increased number of sheep. He was pulled up by the proprietor and told by him that he must stop burning the heather. He was warned that if he burnt any more there was a clause in the lease—no doubt very cleverly slipped in by a lawyer—which rendered him liable to penalties. The proprietor proceeded to tell him——

"It is fortunate you have agreed to settle the case, otherwise the matter would have had to be fought out in the Court of Session."

As matters are, the local farmers have got against themselves a feeling of suspicion and distrust because they want to burn the heather. So says the proprietor, who goes on to say:

"The dispute will have far reaching results especially on local farmers, who will not again be put in a position to injure the proprietors' forests. Many of them are likely to be replaced by farm managers in the future."

Evidently there are to be no more independent farmers. Then the proprietor goes on—as I matter of grace, I suppose—

"Others, no doubt, will be retained."

We find that the Board of Agriculture will do nothing in this matter, and crops are eaten up wholesale.

Does the hon. Gentleman realise that to deal with this will require legislation?

The hon. Member is not entitled to deal with a matter involving legislation.

And I should not be in order in attempting to reply to the hon. Member's speech.

I would like to say this in conclusion. A point was made by the hon. Gentleman himself, not in this Debate, but the last time he spoke on this subject, to the effect that Members of the Opposition must take cognisance of the added meat value of the deer. But we have discovered now that the meat value of deer is as one to five as compared with sheep. When you displace sheep by deer you displace five lbs. sheep to bring in one lb. deer, and for this you are breaking up a nation. You are showing yourselves, as a Department, to be hopelessly inefficient. This, in fact, is not a Board of Agriculture at all. It is a Board for the protection of the landlords' interests, and it will continue so as long as it sits quiet while one-fifth of our native land is devoted entirely to sport, and is converted into pleasaunces for the benefit of people who go to Scotland to shoot over it. The population of our native land is decreasing, and so long as this is allowed to go on, you have no right to call yourselves a Board of Agriculture. You ought to take immediate steps to prevent these things. The Under-Secretary, apart from his office, is a very able man—a very decent man. But he unduly deprecates, to put it very mildly, what has been done in Denmark, yet what has been done in that country can surely be accomplished in Scotland. It is only since 1867 that Denmark has become a prosperous agricultural country. After Denmark had her industrial districts torn from her by Germany—after 1867—she proceeded with a State policy to encourage agriculture. She broke up the big estates and settled small farmers co-operatively on the soil. I have here a statement made by a man who, the hon. Gentleman will probably agree, possesses great knowledge on the subject—I refer to the President of the Danish Co-operative Dairies Association. He spoke in England at the Nation's Food Exhibition in London, and he told us that last year the Danes exported to the United Kingdom 64,800,000 eggs, all of which could have been produced here at home.

They were never raised in Denmark. A large number were Finnish eggs, which were marketed in Denmark.

I have been there, and seen the trade. Of course, I do not know what proportion of the eggs were Danish, but I know that there are hundreds of thousands of Danes engaged in egg-production and making a decent livelihood at it. They are sending these eggs across to this country and putting them on our breakfast tables more cheaply than British farmers can supply them. This gentleman says—I cannot vouch for the exact accuracy of his statement—that 64,800,000 eggs were dispatched from Denmark last year to this country, and we are told that enormous quantities of bacon, butter and other forms of dairy produce are imported into this country that could be raised at home. There is nothing in the soil or climate of Denmark that is superior to the soil or climate of this country. Sir Thomas Middleton, whom the hon. and gallant Gentleman quoted, says so. As for education, the best educated nation in Europe to-day is that of Denmark. There is no nation that I know of which takes so much pride in its education. There is no country that I know of where they are building so many colleges——

Surely the hon. Member does not suggest that all these things can be done by the Scottish Board of Agriculture?

If I did not think that, Mr. Hope, I would not waste my time coming here. In Denmark the smallholders, or "husmands," as they call them, are building colleges and getting State grants, and there are old people of 60, and workers on the land, all crowding into these colleges. Everyone is interested in education, and it is a joke to suggest, as the hon. and gallant Gentleman did, that the Danes are over-working their children on the small holdings and preventing them from obtaining education.

I am anxious that this question should be threshed out. It was not my intention to say that they were not producing eggs in Denmark, but that they were producing them because of the lower standard of living. With regard to the second point which I raised, namely, the education of the school children, I stated that the compulsory school year is 720 hours in Denmark, as against 1,200 in Scotland, and that between the ages of 10 and 12 children have only two days' school a week in Denmark as against our five, and between the ages of 12 and 14 only one day per week. I was bringing forward those points to show that it was not merely a question of production, but of the standard of living of the individual.

I was coming to that, but at the moment was dealing with education. That only refers to a small portion of the country. In certain districts of Denmark, at any rate, the hours spent in higher education are 50 per cent, more than those spent in Scotland. With regard to the standard of living, I make bold to say—and I am speaking now of what I have seen—I do not know the value of the ære or the krone, and am not going into that, but, as regards the appearance of the Danish peasants, any hon. Member who has seen them knows that the Danish peasant looks like a man who is prosperous. He is living in a decent house; he has a motor bicycle, for what that may be worth, and he has a gold watch and chain, for what that may be worth. He feeds well, and it is positively a joke to talk about his eating margarine and exporting butter. The Danish peasant to-day is a better-off man than the Scottish peasant. He is better fed and better clothed, and he is a more independent man. He is less of a slave. He is a free man. He has organised himself into co-operative organisations, he looks the whole world in the face, and fears not any man; and the sooner something like the Danish system is adopted in Scotland the better. The Under-Secretary may think that anything which comes from the Labour Benches may be suspect of propaganda, but I beg him to study the Report—it was published, I think, in 1904, but I am not sure, though I can send the hon. and gallant Gentleman a copy—of the commission which the Scottish Farmers' Union sent to Denmark to inquire into the facts. That Commission, and there was not a Labour man among them, reported unanimously that the Danish peasant is well-educated and well-fed, and that it would be desirable that something similar to the Danish system should be introduced into this country. Unless and until the Scottish Board of Agriculture is prepared to attempt to face up to this horrid scandal of the sporting preserves, to break it up and clear these fellows off——

Does the hon. Member suggest that the Scottish Board of Agriculture can do that?

My hon. Friends who have had experience of the powers of Government Departments say that they could do it.

On a point of Order. May I remind you, Sir, that there is still on the Statute Book the Unemployed Workmen Act, under which almost everything that the hon. Member is advocating can be done in order to relieve unemployment?

I bow to your ruling, and, anyway, I have nearly finished. I should just like to say that, surely, a point of view which is supported by the Farmers' Union, which is supported by the crofters and those who desire to get on the land, which is supported, I make bold to say, by every Member on these benches who comes from Scotland, and by most Members on the other benches who come from Scotland, is not a point of view that the Scottish Board of Agriculture can any longer afford to sneer at and evade. I know the difficulties of the Under-Secretary. He knows that, before you can carve small holdings out of a deer forest, there are Rules and Regulations, imposed by landlord Parliaments, which compel you to fence the whole of the deer forest. He knows that it is impossible to break it up in parts and take the best bits of agricultural land out of a deer forest under the existing Regulations. He knows that he cannot tackle the question of rearing produce and rearing a peasantry in Scotland until he faces up to the landlord class, which has been the greatest curse of his country and mine for as long years as we can go back in history. We do not want to make any party capital out of a national problem. I believe the Under-Secretary is as desirous as we all are of dealing drastically with this subject, and if he will but show a little independence and a little courage, he will get all the backing he wants from this House. If he does not, let him raise the standard of Scottish Home Rule. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] We shall come to it, if the opinion of people who know most about it is going to be voted down by people who do not know anything about it.

I hope the hon. Gentleman, who is my own representative here, will give me the benefit of his observations when he comes back to the town in which I live, and where I do not vote for him. If we cannot get what the whole country of Scotland wants in a constitutional way, through the ballot box, by reason and by argument, after all these myriads of Departmental Committees, Royal Commissions, Reports, and so on, we will require powers of our own to deal with the land of our own country. We shall require to retain our own peasantry——

I have finished. I have been closed up at every point. We do not want to make this a party question, provided that the Board of Agriculture, under its new guidance, with a Scotsman in charge of it, will show its teeth. Will the hon. and gallant Gentleman demand from the British Cabinet that, in accordance with the recommendations of that Commission on heather burning and deer forests, there will be allotted to this House time to bring in a Measure to stop farmers' grain from being eaten by deer? That is a straight question. On the hon. and gallant Gentleman's answer to it, yea or nay, will he be judged by his fellows in the north country.

The Debate this afternoon has taken a somewhat wide range. We have had an interesting and eloquent speech from my hon. and gallant Friend the Under-Secretary, followed by an equally eloquent speech from my right hon. Friend the Member for Ross and Cromarty (Mr. Macpherson), but, whilst other subjects have been touched upon, the Debate has centred mainly upon the problem of land settlement. I do not know how far it would be in order for me to deal with some of the subjects which were raised by the hon. Gentleman who has just spoken. It would have been clearly out of order, as you, Sir, have pointed out, to refer at any length to the recommendations of the Heather Burning and Game Committee, and it would also be out of order to deal in any detail with the recommendations contained in the Report on Deer Forests. There was, however, one subject which was touched upon by the hon. Member who has just spoken, namely, that of afforestation in connection with the creation of small holdings, with which, I submit, it is competent for us to deal.

No. It is competent to urge that 'small holdings be established where employment in afforestation is possible, and I leave it to the ability of the hon. and gallant Member to develop that point.

6.0 P.M.

I will attempt to do so. I ventured to make that remark because it fell to me, while the Forestry Bill was going through the House in 1920, to move an Amendment, which was accepted by the Minister, making it essential in all forestry schemes that the Forestry Commissioners should consult and go hand in hand with the Ministry of Agriculture in the case of England and the Scottish Board of Agriculture in the case of Scotland. That being so, I venture, with great respect, to suggest that it is competent to discuss the creation of small holdings in relation to forestry schemes which ought to be taken in hand in conjunction with the Board of Agriculture. I will endeavour, however, not to trespass upon the ruling you have given, and will merely say that, although that Amendment was included in the Forestry Act in 1920, and although it is, as I think, no exaggeration of the case to say that it is the duty of the Forestry Commissioners to consult with the Ministry of Agriculture in England and the Scottish Board of Agriculture respectively, in relation to small holdings schemes that are under review, I regret to say that, in my opinion, the coordination of the two has not been what some of us were led to expect. Forestry schemes have been taken in hand and have been proceeded with separately and apart, and the provision which might have been made for employment among smallholders, if the work had been taken in hand in accordance with that provision, has not attained the limits which we might have hoped. I hope that in the future the Board of Agriculture for Scotland—we have nothing to do with England at the moment—will be able to work more than it has hitherto been able to do with the Forestry Commissioners and that we shall see voluntary schemes entered into by conjunction with the Board of Agriculture and thereby great employment given to the smallholders at a time of the year when they would otherwise be out of work.

The question of land settlement in Scotland is an increasingly urgent one. I was very interested in the remarks that fell from the hon. Member for Perth (Mr. Skelton). He spoke for those in the Lowlands who desire to provide small holdings in their own country for agricultural workers who desire to remain in their own land rather than be driven overseas. When I listened to his words my mind went back to the days when we were passing through this House the Scottish Small Holders Act, 1911. I recollect the criticisms which were levelled at those of us who were responsible for the initiation of that Act. I remembered how often it was said to us why not leave to the Highlands of Scotland the system of security of tenure, the Land Court and all else that has been so successful there. Why come to us and crofterise the' Lowlands, of Scotland? I am glad the day has arrived when hon. Members, speaking from those benches, will testify to the fact that those of us who pressed for the extension of the Land Court and security of tenure to the Lowlands were right in what we did.

I did not understand him to say that if it was impossible, as, of course, it is impossible from the point of view of finance, to create small holdings under a purchase system, he would rather not have the small holdings at all.

I do not wish it to be supposed that I think the system introduced in 1911 produced anything like a proper land system.

Of course, it did not, and those of us who were responsible for that Bill know it has not. There were many Amendments which we should like to have seen introduced which would have produced a much better system. I notice that the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Ross and Cromarty took exception to some provisions of the 1911 Act. He objected to the compromise that was then made. But it at least gave to all existing smallholders a system of security of tenure, set up a Land Court, which has been so successful in its operation throughout Scotland, and it laid the foundations for the Land Settlement Acts of 1919 and those that followed, without which those Measures would have been inoperative and could never have been passed.

The right hon. Gentleman laid stress upon the necessity for providing small holdings in their own country for the men who have fought and suffered for us during the late War. I agree with every word that fell from him in that respect. I am not quite sure on what ground he moved to reduce the Vote. Was it because the operations of land settlement had been so slow? If that is so, I would ask why they have been so slow. I was one of the small band in this House in the last Parliament who did all we could, week after week, month after month, to obtain a speeding up of the operation of land settlement. My right hon. Friend and the right hon. Gentleman who occupied this seat a short time ago were Members of the Government then in power. We urged, time and again, as my right hon. Friend has done to-day, that the debt due to these men who went forth and suffered for us was one that ought to be paid. We were told, time and again, there was only a certain amount of money at the disposal of Parliament for this purpose. We urged our right hon. Friend, who now sits below us, to spend a little less on reckless adventures in various quarters of the globe in order that a few millions more might be available to settle Scotsmen, as smallholders, in their own land. I ask again why the operations of land settlement have been so slow? It was because we were unable in those days, when my right hon. Friends were in power, to obtain adequate money for the purpose we had in view. Of course, it is a fact, and will continue to be the case, that the speed with which land settlement can progress must depend upon the money that is spent upon it by the Government in power. The Under-Secretary said the Geddes Axe reduced £3,500,000 which was to be devoted to land settlement in 1921 or 1922 to £3,000,000. I hope that under the newly constituted Board of Agriculture, which, after all, has only had a comparatively short time to function, the operations of land settlement will be speeded up. But I have no hesitation in saying it falls ill from the lips of right hon. Gentlemen who were Members of the late Government to criticise adversely the dilatoriness which may have resulted from the time when they themselves were in power. I say that, wishing in no sense to give offence, but I consider it necessary to say it, particularly in view of the fact that some of us who are in this House to-day did all we could in the last Parliament to bring about the speeding up of land settlement.

The hon. Member above the Gangway referred to the deer forest report. On many occasions I have addressed questions to the Scottish Office asking when action was going to be taken upon certain recommendations of the deer forest report. The Under-Secretary replied to a question I addressed to him a short time ago, that in respect to suggestions for immediate action made by the Deer Forest Committee, the Secretary for Scotland was endeavouring, without legislation, to see what could be achieved by administrative action in respect of the classification of deer forests and the stock they should carry. I shall be grateful if the Under-Secretary would inform us what progress has been made in the direction of classifying deer forests and determining the stock they should carry and whether in the review that he has made of the subject he finds it possible to put into administrative action any other recommendation of the Deer Forest Committee without resorting to legislation. I had hoped that this was a matter to which the Government would have given attention some considerable time ago. It is urgent in the extreme from the point of view of food production and I hope the Secretary for Scotland will be able in the shortest possible space of time to do something of a practical nature.

The Under-Secretary laid great stress upon the value of education and animal research. I cordially endorse every word he uttered in that respect. I differ from the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Cromarty when he suggested that the money which was at present being spent upon thsee two subjects should be spent upon land settlement. After all, it is a very small amount. The amount which has been spent on animal research work is comparatively small. The few thousand pounds which have been spent upon it, and in the expenditure of which very excellent work is being achieved, will be a very small item indeed in the whole question of land settlement. But in this connection I would like to mention that my hon. and gallant Friend, in a reply which he gave me earlier this Session, to a question in reference to the amounts allocated from the grant of £150,000 provided under Section (3) of the Corn Production Act, stated that £15,000 had been allocated to Women's Rural Institutes, £3,500 to the Animals Disease Research Association, and so on. I do not wish to question this allocation except to say that, however great may be the work done by the Women's Rural Institutes—and I feel that in the village life of Scotland they do accomplish a great work—I wonder whether the sum of £15,000 out of £150,000 is not, proportionately, too great. I merely throw that out, I do not know whether hon. Members will agree with that view or not, but, in view of the smallness of the amount available, and in view of the possible work in other directions that can be accomplished by the expenditure of this £150,000, I am somewhat doubtful whether this £15,000 is not proportionately too large.

The question of land settlement, so far as smallholders are concerned, is of course intimately bound up with the question of co-operation, and also with the whole question of credit facilities for small men on the farm. What advance has been made by the Scottish Board of Agriculture with their scheme for rendering credit facilities to smallholders? I have constantly in this House urged the late Secretary for Scotland to avail himself of the Central Land Bank which was started under the Scottish Land Owners' Organisation to take advantage of the work which that institution has done, and to secure that credit facilities for smallholders should be given through the medium of that particular institution. I am afraid that that is no longer possible. Negotiations have taken place between the Scottish Agricultural Organisation Society and the Scottish Small Holders Association which have tended to do away with the Central Land Bank, and various affiliated organisations. But it was said to me in this House by the late Secretary for Scotland last year that the question of credit facilities for smallholders was engaging the attention of the Scottish Board, and in due course a scheme would be available under which a smallholder in Scotland would be able to get advances by loan and otherwise. Will the Under-Secretary be good enough to inform us to-day what has been done in this respect? What has been done in connection with the grant of credit facilities for smallholders? Is it proposed that it should be carried out through the operation of the Board, or that it should be carried out on the security of the individual smallholder or on the co-operative security of the Credit Society? I hope that it will be the latter. The latter has proved successful in so far as the operation of the Land Bank went, and I hope that that will be the manner in which the Scottish Board will avail themselves of the credit facilities to smallholders throughout Scotland.

I desire to press on the attention of the Government two points in reference to the Scottish Board of Agriculture, and the settlement of ex-service men on the land. The first is the urgency of reviewing, and if necessary of reducing, the rents charged by the Government to those smallholders settled on the land since the War. The second is the advisability of giving additional financial and other assistance towards the increase of the number of small holdings made available for ex-service men. On the first point I notice that the Government have the matter in hand, but owing to the great difficulty in getting a big Department to work quickly the practical results so far have been small. The Scottish Board of Agriculture, like many other large Departments, has so much work to overtake that it must necessarily concentrate its attention on the work which is of the most immediate importance, and, perforce, defer consideration of things that are urged less strongly upon their attention. So, in the interests of the Department itself, as well as in the interests of the smallholder, we Members of Parliament who vote the money ought to press upon the Government and, through the Government, on the Scottish Board of Agriculture and on the Land Court, which I understand is particularly concerned in this matter, to expedite the review of the rents that are charged.

I include in rent the interest which the smallholders have to pay on the bonds which they signed for the assessed capital value of the buildings. I fear that in the review there must necessarily be a considerable loss of money to the public on the buildings on small holdings. In most cases the buidings were required to convert the farms into the existing small holdings. Those buildings were erected at a time when all prices, and especially building prices, were at their highest. The proprietors who let their land immediately after the War at an enhanced figure have, in, I might say, every case, had to reduce their rents, and the Government will, similarly, have to face a reduction of the rents charged to these men immediately after the War. Furthermore, the money spent on the buildings, which were necessary to convert these farm's into small holdings, has in no way increased the productivity of the farms. It has made them more convenient for the men who have now to work them, but it has not in any way increased the amount which can be got out of a particular plot of land by the men. Therefore the money spent on these buildings must be written off by the Government as necessary expenditure which does not give any return.

In that respect the Government will bear the same loss as ordinary private proprietors. Such work as is done in building, or improving steadings, seldom or never brings in any increase in rent. The only advantage is the negative advantage that if the buildings are not brought up to date, and are not made convenient for working, the farm would not be let, and, therefore, the rent would be lost. The factor determining the rent of a farm is not the amount of money that the private proprietors, or the Government in the case which we are now discussing, have put into the place, but it is the amount that the farmer or occupier can get out of the land in normal years. That is the determining factor to be settled by those whose business it will be to determine what is now the right amount of money to be charged to the men who have these small holdings from the Government.

The rents which these men are paying were settled when rents were high after the War, and in most cases the critical situation which has arisen for the men owing to the fall in prices has been met by giving yearly a rebate from the rent. The system of giving rebates on rent, though necessary, is not a sound one for long continuance. The good man never knows where he is, and, in the case of the man who is not so good, there is always a great temptation to make a "puir mooth" and not to make as great an effort as otherwise he would, trusting that he may be able to get an undue reduction business it will be to determine what is in his rent. Rebates are not satisfactory, and it would be infinitely better that the Government should, as soon as possible, revise the rent. We may say now that prices have reached the normal, and that whatever rents are now fixed will probably be fair for a considerable number of years. As long as the rents are not fixed, as long as they are not what are considered by these men and their neighbours to be fair rents, we shall always have a kind of running sore, and discontent which is very much to be deprecated. For those reasons I urge on the Government the necessity of doing all they can, through the Scottish Board of Agriculture and the Land Court, to expedite a reconsideration of the rents which are being paid, and a reduction where reduction is necessary.

My second point is the advisability of an increase in the number of allotments made available for ex-service men. I have a great belief in allotments in suitable circumstances, a greater belief than I have in small holdings, except in cases where the small holdings are properly selected, and are given to men of the right class, such as plough- men, referred to by the hon. Member for East Perth, men who are highly skilled in agriculture. Those are the men to whom facilities should be given to acquire land, men who have a thorough knowledge of agriculture and who have the advantage of the help of wives who know all about agriculture, who know how to milk, to strip a cow properly, and can do the thousand and one other things which the wife of an agriculturist has to do. These men and their wives, who are pre-prepared to work, will be able to make a success of agriculture, if they are placed on good land, with decent facilities for transport and with good markets at the end of it. These are all essential points. I am sure that Scottish men and women, in these cases, will make a success of small holdings, but in the case of others, for whom I am specially speaking at the present moment, I consider that allotments near a town are of the greatest advantage. They bring a large number of people in immediate contact with the land, and allow them to exercise the leanings towards an agricultural life which so many of us have. It is the only means by which we can get, not hundreds of men, which is all we can hope for in the case of small holdings, but thousands of men in some contact with the land.

The requirements for success on an allotment are not nearly as great as the requirements for success on a small holding. But, even so, it is necessary to have cooperation, so that the members of the allotment societies may all be working together. Allotments must be on land which is suitable. It is hopeless to expect either an allotment holder or a smallholder to make a success of indifferent land. Success in those circumstances can only be attained by people who take the land in a big way. For people dealing with land in small quantities, if they are to make an adequate return over a series of year; good land is a necessity. Allotments have many things in their favour. To equip a small holding is costly and difficult; to equip an allotment is in no way costly. Where you can get an allotment with both poultry and pigs you have what I consider to be the ideal. You get a portion of the allotment for a garden, a portion for poultry, and a portion for a pig. The pig eats up the refuse of the garden, and you have the manure of the pig for the land. On behalf of the many ex-service men who are desirous of getting land, I express the hope that the Secretary for Scotland will do what he can to secure further facilities for obtaining allotments for ex-service men.

I must apologise, as a Southern Member, for presuming to take part in a Scottish Debate. We Welsh Members always welcome the intervention of outsiders in our affairs to help us. I rise to speak because of the very deep interest I have taken in the whole of this problem of settling people on the land, of arresting what I call the haæmorrhage of rural Britain, and, if possible, of restoring to the soil the people who have fled from it. An hon. Friend was rather disposed to blame the late Government for the delay. I am sorry to say that all Governments are equally to blame for the neglect of this problem. It is not a matter of the last three or four years or of the last 10 years; it is a very old story in the history of this country. During the three years after the carrying of the Act of 1919 we settled more people on the land in Scotland than any of our predecessors had done. [HON. MEMBERS: "That is not saying much!"] I agree. I put it as a general plea, and I say that we were a little better than our predecessors. Perhaps that is not much of a defect. It is desirable, however, for us to get away from that question, for I do not think that it is helpful. The position is undoubtedly a very serious one throughout rural Britain, but, if anything, it is worse in the Highlands.

Someone has been good enough to give me the figures of rural depopulation in the Highland areas. They are very startling. In 1862 the population of Ross and Cromarty was 81,000; in 1921 it was 70,000, In Caithness the population has gone down from 41,000 to 28,000, and in Sutherland from 25,000 to 17,000. This has happened at a time when the population of this country has increased enormously in the industrial areas. It is a very grave misfortune. I agree entirely with the last speaker as to the importance of settling ex-service men on the land. We made an effort in the last Government and it was not altogether without success. I cannot tell how much of this has been done in Scotland, but since 1919 nearly £16,000,000 of money has been voted by this House for the purpose of settling ex-service men on the land. 20,534 men have been settled. 19,000 have not merely had their land provided, but nave had farm buildings and equipment for the purpose of carrying on their business. 1,400 have simply had the land provided for them, and the equipment has not yet been completed. 20,000 ex-service men have been settled on the land by the bounty of the State since 1919. That is the biggest and most successful experiment that has ever been made in this country in settling people on the land by the assistance of the House of Commons and the Treasury. I hope that a great deal more will be done.

A good deal has been said about the failures which have occurred. They are exceptions. The proportion of failures is not more than about 5 per cent. When it is considered that a very considerable number of these 20,000 men who have been put on the land were not farmers, that many of them were not agricultural labourers, and that they are men who were not trained for the calling, it is very remarkable that there have been only 5 per cent, of failures. The figures show what can be done. I paid a short visit to the Canadian prairies, and I was surprised at the kind of man who succeeded there. They were not agricultural labourers or men who had been trained on the land in any way; they were men who had been taken from the towns, who had never put a spade into the soil, and had had no soil in which they could put a spade in this country. Such men go to Canada, they get their 160 acres, and they succeed. The same thing applies in this country. I remember a professor of agriculture telling me that he would rather try to teach agriculture to a man who was not a farmer than to a man who was a farmer. He said that he had so many prejudices to overcome in the case of the man who was a farmer.

The point I wish to put to the Government is this: I am not complaining of them; I am not saying that they have been tardy. But I hope that they will be able to speed things up. I listened with great interest to the speech of my hon. and gallant Friend the Parliamentary Under-Secretary at the outset of the Debate, and I am fully alive to the difficulties which he has to face. I remember very well two or three years ago sending for the officials of the Board of Agriculture in Scotland to find out why things were moving so slowly. The statement made by my hon. and gallant Friend to-day was borne in upon me at that time. There were all kinds of difficulties, and it is no use saying that you can get rid of them by any rough-and-ready method. It is a very difficult problem. All the same, I thought then, and I still think, that more could be done. The difficulty then was that everything was very costly. Material cost at least three times what it cost before the War, and it cost very nearly twice as much as it costs now. At that time to put a man on the land, to build a house for him, and to provide the necessary accommodation for his cattle and his pigs, and so on, was almost prohibitive from the point of view of a very overburdened community. Since then prices have come down, and I really think—this is not the fault of my hon. and gallant Friend or of the Board of Agriculture for Scotland; I cannot say it is anyone's fault, for it is the natural anxiety of the Treasury not to spend too much money—I wish there were a representative of the Treasury present, because I know perfectly well that the Board of Agriculture in Scotland would be only too delighted if it could persuade the Treasury to open its purse strings. I am glad to see that the Financial Secretary to the Treasury has now entered the House.

I have been listening to the right hon. Gentleman's speech.

The Financial Secretary is the one man I want to get at. The time has come when the Treasury might be, I will not say more generous, because that is hardly the word when you are dealing with other people's money, but I wish that the Treasury might take a more liberal view of its responsibility with regard to settling people on the land. You cannot measure returns in percentages. What is true of the Highlands is going to be true of the whole problem. I agree with the statement that there is a very hopeful opening in the Lowlands, and that many men, if settled on the land, could make a good return to the State. You are not going to get 5 per cent, or 4 per cent., possibly not even 2 per cent. But the State has many ledgers. If you keep an account and say, "Here is so much money spent and we shall not get 1 per cent, for it," you will never resettle the land of England. The time has come when the Treasury ought to take a broader and more liberal view of the responsibilities of the State with regard to settlement on the land. Take the Highlands.

It would be very little use to take them unless the rest of the community came to your aid. It is not a case for doing violent things which will alienate the community; it is a case for appealing for the sympathy and co-operation of the richer parts of the country to help the Highlands to be developed. I am perfectly certain that there is no more popular person in the community than the Highlander. He has done things that appeal to the pride of the people. I have been told that in the War a document was captured from the German General Staff, and it contained an estimate of the value of the troops against them. I am told that the Germans put the Highland regiments first. There is no doubt at all that on one or two occasions the Highlanders saved us from great disaster by their extraordinary gallantry. I am sure that an appeal can be made to the whole of the community to resettle the Highlands. When you are there in certain states of the weather you wonder why anyone wants to settle in the Highlands at all. The fact is that you have a population there eager to settle on the land. There are 9,000 applications still to be dealt with, though not all in the Highlands. Why could not the State make a real effort to settle these communities? I believe that it could be done. It cannot be done merely by saying, "Here is land; settle down here, and we will have buildings for you." You must take the problem as a whole.

My right hon. Friend the Member for Boss and Cromarty (Mr. Macpherson), who delivered a very eloquent speech, pointed out that you have not merely to look at the matter from the agricultural point of view, but you have to consider the question of afforestation. In Germany, when you go to the Highlands, you find that afforestation comes in with the cultivation of the soil. There is not enough land in the Highlands to repay a man for his labour. He can grow no wheat. The barley is poor and the oats are green, when the golden harvests of England are being reaped. You must do something more than that. There are fisheries to be developed, and there are forests to be developed. You have magnificent forests there, and everybody who had to organise things during the War knows how invaluable it was to us that there were forests at all in this country that could be cut down. Even those areas are not being reafforested.

If something could be done by the Treasury I do not believe there would be any difficulty with the Board of Agriculture in Scotland. I hope my right hon. Friend the Financial Secretary to the Treasury will open his heart and will consider the problem. It has been done in Ireland very largely. One of the very best things ever done in Ireland was the setting up of the Congested Districts Board by Lord Balfour when he was Chief Secretary. There has been steady development there for about 30 years and it has absolutely transformed that part of the world. Why could not the same thing be done for the Highlands. [An HON. MEMBER: "Why did not you do it?"] I have already said—but I am quite prepared to repeat it since the hon. Member wants a thing to be said twice before he understands it—that in three years we spent £15,000,000, or just under £16,000,000, in land settlement, and no other Government has ever done so much, but I say we ought to do more. That was in a period of three years. I am asking that that should be continued and that it should be done on a more liberal scale and I hope it will not be done in the spirit of one observation made by an hon. Member who talked about the number of people on the land in Germany. I am not going to discuss this further than to make one observation—that if you are going to reckon in the matter of land on the per head of population basis and if you are going to say in fact that the fewer people you have on the land the better, and that it is better you should convert it into grass and put sheep upon it, then that is a fatal argument, and I hope the agricultural problem is not going to be approached in that spirit. What I want to see is men upon the land, whether it be in the Highlands or elsewhere. I apologise to my Scottish friends for putting in this word, and I again urge very strongly that the Treasury ought to do more in this respect.

The discussion reminds me of the lines from the poem: wronged these men who were kindly, good men, and were going to reward those who had saved the country, and to reward them with land.

But I found that the land was to be in Canada, Australia, or Africa—in fact in any place but in the country which these men had saved. I would be the last in the world to stand between the man or woman desiring to emigrate to our Colonies, and settle down there, but I do not think anyone should be forced to emigrate to any country to settle down if they can settle on the soil, and produce food in our own country. From that point of view, I desire to plead with the Scottish Board of Agriculture to do everything in their power to settle our people on our own soil. I should like to remind the right hon. Gentleman who has just sat down of something which took place not very long ago. I was a member of a deputation to the right hon. Gentleman, asking the Government to do something for the unemployed when we had considerably over 1,000,000 men and women unemployed. I put it to him myself that there was a land hunger in this country, and that there was idle land. The right hon. Gentleman will remember his reply. He said he would be glad if there were land hunger—that he wished there were. He has now discovered that there is, and he is pleading that opportunities should be given for meeting that land hunger. I know there is that land hunger; I know there is a desire on the part of thousands to settle on the land, and I put it to the Committee that it is not only ex-service men who require the opportunity to settle on the land. It must be remembered that agricultural workers were of such value on the land during the War that the country decided they were not to leave the land to go abroad. Those men should also have an opportunity of settling on the land in our own country.

We ought to have the sympathy of all sections of the Committee in this matter. It is not a political question, but a great national question, and if it can be done, everyone of us I feel sure desires to see, the largest possible opportunity given to our people to settle on the land. We can raise brighter and better children on the land than we can in the slums of our cities. The system of small holdings, where men are left to themselves, is not the best method of settlement. I feel that to be successful, settlement must be carried out co-operatively. The families should be set down as near together as possible so that they can co-operatively buy seeds, and all that they require, and co-operatively sell their produce, so that they may plough co-operatively and reap co-operatively. More than all, I think they must be assisted by transport facilities to and from the place of settlement. I believe the Board of Agriculture in Scotland can do a great deal more than has been done, and I add my plea to those which have already been heard on that "score to-day. It is possible to spend money far more foolishly than in settling these people, and I think the Government should, if necessary, be asked for larger grants, in order to settle as many people as possible on the soil at the earliest possible moment.

One follows the last two speakers with some difficulty and with some diffidence. I have always admired the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George), especially his unblushing effrontery, and never more than to-day. I believe if the right hon. Gentleman were to fall from the Clock Tower down into the Palace Yard he would rise unhurt if he landed on his cheek. I once believed in the right hon. Gentleman's sincerity. I was one of those who joined in the Land Song, and as a matter of fact, in order that the right hon. Gentleman might have inspiration for one more of those picturesque perorations, with which he used to delight the country, I sent him a photograph of a Highland clearance. Perhaps—who knows—that may have been the inspiration to him to picture some of the scenes which he has depicted. But we were all deceived, because the right hon. Gentleman never put into practice his noble sentiments, and his speech to-day is characteristic. It is as though the cat, wiping the feathers from his bloodstained mouth, were to shed tears for the lost canary. The right hon. Gentleman has said that those who deceive the poor are guilty of the meanest of all crimes. He has deceived the poor, especially the poor ex-service man. An hon. and gallant Gentleman spoke from the benches opposite a few moments ago on the treatment of the ex-service men. Yet during all the Debates we have had in this House on the question of the settlement of ex-service men on the land in Scotland the hon. and gallant Gentleman was not once in his place. In that respect he resembles the ex-Prime Minister, of whom he was so strenuous a supporter.

One special point I wish to make with regard to the right hon. Gentleman who has just spoken so eloquently on the Highlanders. During a crisis in the War when the food question was vital, a few landless men in the Island of Tirce were anxious to do their bit in producing a little food. They had waited for years for small holdings which the Government had promised them. The right hon. Gentleman was then head of the Government and he put these men in gaol rather than give them small holdings. Now he speaks1 to us of "the hemorrhage from the soil." Worse still when he held his Cabinet meeting in Inverness, on the very day of the meeting, he had some Highland crofters in the goal there for settling on vacant land. Is it any wonder we speak of his brass-faced effrontery? He speaks to-day of afforestation—I remember his record with regard to this important question, too. I remember the right hon. Gentleman saying in a beautiful peroration that "he would clothe the hills of Wales with trees like the cedars of Lebanon," and we all thought it would surely come to pass. Yet although he was in power he did not carry out his promise. An hon. Member beside me tells me that the Government of the right hon. Gentleman promised £6 an acre for planting trees in Mid Lanark.

7.0 PM.

Of course, promises are made to be broken, and this local authority was let down by the right hon. Gentleman. He may say he could not have done that, that he was unable to do it. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs went back to power in 1918 with the biggest majority ever held in this House. Anything could have been done. He did not do it.

He never tried, I agree. The right hon. Member for Ross and Cromarty (Mr. Macpherson) says the Scottish Board of Agriculture has failed. We admit that it has failed, but when did it fail? The hon. and gallant Member the Under-Secretary for the Scottish Board of Health has only been in power six or seven months. I am referring to the Government which was in power for years, and a strong Government at that. At least, it was supposed to be strong. Now the right hon. Member for Carnarvon Boroughs intervenes in this Debate and apologises, and speaks with humility.

"The devil did grin, for his darling sin

Is the pride that apes humility."

Here is the pride which apes humility, getting up in a land Debate and blaming previous Governments for his own default, his own policy with regard to afforestation, small holdings and transport. The right hon. Gentleman set up a Commission on Canals and Water Transport. That Commission reported in favour of nationalisation. He promised that canals would be nationalised. But he never kept his word. His whole policy reminds one of some of those roads which one sometimes sees in the far West of America. They begin as wide roadways, well bottomed, and, as they go on, they get narrower and smaller, until at last they dwindle down to a squirrel track and run up a tree. This is exactly what happens with the grand schemes of the right hon. Gentleman. We have fine perorations given by the right hon. Member for Carnarvon Boroughs, but when it comes to doing anything effective, the whole matter breaks down. The right hon. Member for Ross and Cromarty referred to the cinema and the sunset. The other day I saw one of the attendants at a cinema show in Glasgow, one of those men who stand outside decked in gorgeous uniforms fit for a privy councillor, directing the people this way for the balcony and that way for the stalls, and he addressed me in my native Gaelic. He was an ex-soldier and an ex-crofter, and he had waited for five years to be settled on the land, and then had to select the cinema instead of the sunset. Men have had to choose other occupations as well as the cinema.

Yes. I quite agree, in this time of unemployment it is a good thing to have employment, but the point is that man wanted to get back to the Highlands. He was skilled in agriculture, and he wanted to get back to cultivate the land of his own country—his native Highlands, and the Government of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) refused to give this man land.

What is the most striking feature of a Highland landscape at the present time?

The most striking feature of any landscape in the Highlands of Scotland is a ruined house—a larach —we call it. You can walk through the Highlands of Scotland and see ruins on all sides, ruins of what once were homes. To walk through parts of the West Highlands is to imagine that you are going in the wake of an invading army. There is desolation all round. A Latin poet has said:

This Debate has been very interesting. We have four men representing Scotland, two here, one elsewhere and one nowhere. The Four Horsemen of the Apoplexy, or something of that sort. The two representatives of Scotland sit on the Front Bench, my hon. Friends the Under-Secretary for the Board of Health and the Solicitor-General—the law and the profits: for South Lanark had a very bad case and did his best to make the most of it. In this House for the last three or four weeks we have had to deal with this question of raiding in the Highlands. This question has been dealt with by the hon. and gallant Member with great ability, and I give him credit for it. I do not believe any other Member of the Government could have carried out that work as he has done, but we all lament that the law should have had to be broken as in this case. Members on the other side of the House often accuse us of advocating law breaking. They are keen and zealous that the law should be respected—and the profits too. I question if one Gentleman on that-side of the House would have been patient after the years of waiting that these men have had to put up with. I would say this, that one hon. and gallant-Gentleman, whom I see before me now on the other side, said, not only would he have rebelled against the law, but he would have shot the landlord. That being so, you can understand how people—it was a mere Englishman who said that—must feel and what must be the indignation of a Highlander when he has to wait all these years without the promise being fulfilled. If an Englishman can say that, what must a Highlander feel? These men have come back from the War with a different spirit. In times past they were inclined to be subservient to the Laird. Now they are determined to get the land or to fight for it.

All over the Highlands there is this land unrest spreading. We, as a party, have pledged ourselves to give the Government a fair chance to implement its promises. I am in communication with different parts of the Highlands, and I undertake that I will not approve any attempt at raiding while this experiment is going on. We wish the Government to have a fair chance to implement its bargain, and, if it fails to do that, we do not promise anything after that. May I make one suggestion to the hon. and gallant Member the Under-Secretary to the Board of Health? You have often had quoted the example of the Colonies. When the soldiers from Queensland went back to Queensland, they got land if they wanted it, and those who wanted land were trained. I am glad to see the Minister of Pensions on the Front Bench.

I would call his attention to this. They were trained for the land in Queensland, and, while training, they were paid a very handsome wage. Not only that, but, after they had been trained, they got ready-made farms to go into. The hon. and gallant Member the Under-Secretary of the Board of Health has said that certain holdings were refused. Why were they refused? It is no use going to a penniless man and asking him to put up a large amount of money. You must encourage these men and not offer them conditions which they cannot accept. The great snag in this question is landlords' compensation. You always find, if I may say so, when a capitalist Government brings forward any legislation, that it has got a snag in it. I was going to give a Latin quotation, but I am sorry to see that an hon. Member who would be interested in it is not in his place. Nevertheless I will do so. We used to say: and got £12 compensation. £10 of this went to the lawyer, and the remaining £2 to himself. No wonder Pat began to wonder whose head it was the brick had hit. The whole system of land settlement in the Highlands is influenced by the fact of the enormous amount of compensation to the landlord; as a consequence there is not enough money to go out for the smallholder. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) mentioned £150,000 spent on small holdings. Why, he and his Government spent £150,000,000 in Mesopotamia, and that was not for small holdings. What have we for that now?

The hon. Member for Penistone says that we have not a Garden of Eden. We are told it was once a garden, but there was a fall. On the other hand the right hon. Gentleman spent his money before he fell. I noted him sitting here a while ago.

"But yesterday his word might have stood against the world;

Now here he sat and none so poor to do him reverence!"

And he has brought all this upon himself. Now nobody trusts him least of all the Highlanders.

I am not going to be led away by the interruption of the hon. and gallant Gentleman opposite. I can supply him with the facts and he may understand the vocabulary but he certainly has not the intelligence to follow the argument nor has he the ability to appreciate the allusions.

I can remember many years ago, when he was sitting just opposite where he now sits, that my hon. Friend, Mr. Joseph Devlin, had the same pleasure in "telling him off" as I have had to-day. I have no more to say, except this: That this whole debate to me is indicative of the fact that there is unrest throughout Scotland in regard to the land settlement question. The Government have a chance. It is of no value pointing out the awful examples of the past shown by different Governments, for both have been remiss, and I might say, especially Liberal Governments. We have a keen recollection that the biggest tyrants in the Highlands, those who are most guilty of the Highland clearances, were Liberals——

My hon. Friend the Member for Penistone dissents, but what I say is a fact. The Duke of Sutherland was a Liberal. Sir William Harcourt, when Home Secretary in a Liberal Government, stood up in this House and shed crocodile tears, and then sent gunboats up to the Western Islands to gather some of the rents for the landlords. The worst persecutors of the crofters were the so-called Liberal lairds.—( Interruption ). We could give instance after instance. It is no use Liberals talking about their past. There is a chance now for them to show their faith. Whoever heard of sending gunboats to collect rent. Surely that is a degradation of the function of the British Navy.—( Interruption ). Rent holds an exalted position, a privileged position. When it comes to rent we discover that rent is a sacred, solemn, mysterious thing. You may owe your butcher, your baker, or your candlestick maker any amount of money, but not your landlord, or God help you!

In Scotland 'the law of hypothec' enacts that debts to landlords have precedence over other debts.

During the war the whole country war organized for the winning of the war and the production of food. Why cannot you organise your resources to deal with this question now. Landlordism stands in the way. You must tackle that first, I know its tremendous power.—( Interruption ). Rent is a tremendous thing. It should not be so. We on this side of the House believe it should not be so in the future, and that the lives of men, women and children are of more importance than rent for landlords. Not only that, but we are going to see that the Highlands of Scotland shall not be used as deer forests, but shall be cultivated as they were in the old days. Food before deer forests is our battle cry. It is no use telling me that the Highlands are only fit for deer-forests. It is no use telling me that the Highlands are all bogs and rocks. Deer are no more hardy than sheep, and the Crofters Commission determined that over a million acres of land was fit for cultivation as arable land.

Yes you are right. Two million acres suitable for cultivation and now given over to sport. That being so, there is a great deal that this Government can do. When they do it, they shall have our hearty support.

I should not have ventured to take part in this Debate, but, in my opinion, it is desirable that this Committee should realise that the Board of Agriculture for Scotland is a Board that is concerned with agriculture generally in Scotland, and not pertaining to one particular district only. I am one of those who would gladly see anything done on practical lines to develop the Highlands of Scotland. I believe there is a great deal that can be done, and I am in entire accord with those Members who have to-day spoken of co-operation between the Board of Agriculture and the Forestry Commission. I can conceive no better plan for developing the Highlands of Scotland than small holdings and afforestation going hand in hand. Some portion of such land as may belong to the Board of Agriculture in their small holdings settlement may be better applied to afforestation than the purposes for which parts of that land were originally bought. Equally, on the other hand, there may be land belonging to the Forestry Department which may be utilised for small holdings. I was very glad to hear the Under-Secretary for Health, Scotland, say in his opening speech that the work of the Board of Agriculture must take into consideration not only these questions of land settlement in the Highlands but agriculture and land settlement in the Lowlands. I am in favour of schemes of education so long as they do not become too narrow and technical, and embrace the carrying on of the practical side of agricultural work.

I was particularly interested in hearing what the hon. Member for Morpeth (Mr. Smillie), who made his maiden speech to-day with—I am sure I have the general accord of the House—considerable effect, said. I was interested and delighted to hear him say, and emphasise, that in his judgment and opinion more could be done for agriculture by the work of co-opera- tion. I have been in a humble measure working at this question of co-operation in Scotland for some years. I believe that anything either hon. Members here, or the Board of Agriculture itself, can do to assist further operations in the co-operative movement between agriculturalists of all classes, and I would include even the larger farmers, both in the purchase of seed and the like and the sale of their produce, is good. Such work, I am certain, is bound to assist agriculture generally in Scotland. This Debate will have served a good purpose if it brings home to the people of Scotland that we here in this House look upon the question of agriculture in that country as a whole, and that side by side with small holdings must go the larger and more expensive holdings if the small holdings are to be successful. If we achieve that much we shall have achieved something, but what I would urge upon the Government is that that policy, broadminded and practical, should be pursued by them in the coming year.

I listened, as I am sure did all of us, with very great interest to the speech of the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of Health, Scotland, in opening this Debate. I was particularly interested to see the way in which he deftly endeavoured to minimise the question of land settlement, and then subsequently spent half of the time in bringing forward arguments and answering criticisms that he expected would be levelled against the Board on this particular subject. There has been a great deal of eloquence expended to-day on this subject of land settlement in Scotland. I do not myself propose to deal with the question from that point of view, but I venture to refer to a few figures which I think will very eloquently bring before us the position in which the matter now stands, and the way in which it has been dealt with during the last few years.

In criticising the action of the Board of Agriculture, I do not wish in any way to say anything that can be taken as offensive by members of that Board, for I am sure that I, or any of us, who have had dealings with the Board have met with nothing but the greatest courtesy and consideration at their hands. At the same time, that should not prevent us from making such criticisms as are necessary. I quote the figures produced by the Board themselves in their Report. We see that from April, 1912, to December, 1922, there were no less than 19,419 applications made for new or enlarged holdings. Those who have been settled number 3,201, divided between ex-service men, 1,357, and civilians, 1,844. That, after all, is a very small proportion of the original number of applicants. We all know that when a large number of applications of that sort are put in, a very considerable proportion may be expected to drop out for a variety of reasons. When we come to look how these numbers are being gradually reduced, I think we shall have to come to the conclusion that the main reason is the lapse of time. The Board in their Report say:

We have entered into commitments now maturing which will ear-mark practically the whole of the £3,000,000.

I thank the hon. Member for letting us know that, That is to say that the whole £3,000,000 is earmarked.

It is difficult to say offhand, but, subject to a sum of £400,000 which is in process of allocation at the present time, the rest of it is practically earmarked.

I would point out that there was originally a sum of £3,500,000. Therefore, the £500,000 still remains, although the Cabinet say they will not spend it, and there is no necessity for allocating any further sums if the Government is willing to spend it. I am well aware that there are great difficulties in settling men on the land. I do not wish to minimise that at all. There are difficulties about the acquisition of the land, the adaptation of the land and getting the most suitable men on to the land. Then there is the difficulty of men having holdings offered in one place and wanting them in another. That difficulty has occurred in my own constituency, where a man, very naturally, is unwilling to leave the island in which he was born and to go to what is to him a foreign island. It is all very well for the Board to say: "we have prepared holdings on that island over there." The man says "No, I want a holding on my own island here." What I do complain of, and what the country has a right to complain of, is the length of time the Board has taken in settling these men. As an illustration of that I would refer to a farm in Shetland. The Under-Secretary said that it was undesirable to divert the attention of the Board. In this particular case the attention of the Board has been fixed on it for 11 years and it has not yet reached a settlement. I had a letter from the Board recently saying that a scheme was under consideration and they hoped so and so. It is 11 years since the first application was made, and in 1918 many more applications were made by ex-service men in regard to this farm. Only last week I had a letter from a constituent who says: deferred maketh the heart sick." Here is an ex-soldier, suitable in every way for land settlement. He put in his application over four years ago and he has waited on and on and he does not know what is going to be the result. We must either tell these men that we are going to settle them on the land or we are not. Dare the Government say that we are not going to put these men on the land after the promises they have made to them? Of course they dare not. It is their duty to expedite matters, to get a move on and to get these men on the land as soon as possible, and not keep them waiting in this hopeless fashion. We are sometimes apt to wonder whether the Government is really in earnest on the question of land settlement. We see the thing dragging on and dragging on. We see the money set apart for land settlement cut down. We see the assistance that was given to the Scottish Smallholders' Organisation stopped. The Government has a grand opportunity. They have almost a free field. They are no longer a Coalition Government, but a new Government which can come forward and say, "We will implement the promises to these men and put them on the land." They can put Jews on the land in Zion, why not put Scotchmen on the land in Scotland?

The Under-Secretary referred to a matter which is of very great importance in the islands and in the crofting counties, and that is the great unrest that has been caused by the resumption of holdings. I should have liked to have gone at length into that matter, but the Rules of Debate prohibit it, inasmuch as it could only be remedied by legislation. Teh security of tenure of the crofter has been struck to the root. The whole of agriculture depends upon security of tenure. Once that is done away with, agriculture will come down like a stone. Unrest is caused in the crofting counties by this loss of security of tenure. At the same time, we have thousands of men asking to be put on the land, and we say again to the Government, "Here is your opportunity. Make tenure secure and put the men who deserve it on the land."

I would add that my constituency depends entirely on sea service. Everything that comes to us comes by the sea, and everything that we send away goes by sea. If the Government desire to help agriculture in these islands they can do nothing better than to see that there is a reduction in steamer rates. The report of the Board of Agriculture points out that grants have been made to the North of Scotland Company for putting on an extra service to certain islands. I have nothing to say against that company as to the way it is managed and officered and run in all weathers, but I would point out that their shares stand at a very fine premium and they pay a very good dividend, and that if the Board enter into arrangements with that company for extra service, they should, it the same time, take into consideration the rates that are being charged to the agriculturists and those who depend upon that company for their service.

I should like first to refer to the question of fixity of tenure in the crofting counties, because it is universally believed that fixity of tenure was granted by the Acts of 1886. The landlords thought so and the crofters thought so. They have been told so by their Members of Parliament, who said that fixity of tenure was granted in 1886, and that it had been confirmed by the Act of 1911. It did exist from 1886 until 1919 practically unchallenged. There was no case of forcible eviction as a result of purchase, except in one or two individual cases, when there was full justification. There was no general resumption of holdings by the purchaser. One of the effects of the War is that through economic stress landlords have been driven to the wall in many parts of the country. In Caithness, land is held by bondholders, and they have no other such and such trustees. These are the interest in the land except to get the most out of it for their constituent moneylenders. These are the people who are selling the land, and the people who are buying are getting orders of resumption from the Land Court. I asked the Under-Secretary a question on this matter in February. I said there was great unrest, and that many cases of applications for orders for resumption were going to occur. He said that he did not know on what grounds my assumption was founded. A week or two later a case came into the Court at Wick. There were two landholders settled on a farm which was broken up at the instance of the Board of Agriculture, and one has gone behind his neighbour's back and has purchased his holding, and is going to evict his neighbour. Dr. Morrison, who was presiding over the Land Court—I quote from an account of the case which appeared in a northern newspaper on 14th March—said:

I desire to refer to the treatment of ex-service men in these Highland counties, but first, I would like to express appreciation of the courtesy and the practical sympathy with which the representations which I have made, and which many other hon. Members have made, have been received. I think in some respects the cases of the men in Caithness are unique, and I am strengthened in that belief by things that I have learned from Members of the House. The rent and interest charges on some of the holdings with which I am acquainted in Caithness are absurdly high. I have here the case of a farm of 44 acres arable and 21 acres pasture. The rent in the case of an ex-service man is £54 10s., but his civilian neighbour near by, for a farm of 50 acres pasture and 50 acres arable, is paying £25 7s. 2d. In another ease of an ex-service man, with 70 acres arable and 23 acres pasture, the rent is £60 6s., but a civilian, for 140 acres arable and 60 acres pasture, is paying only £70.

But, surely, my hon. Friend is not unaware that the Land Court is responsible for these rents?

That is true. It is now being done. I only wanted to make clear the hard conditions under which some of these men have had to enter. I am coming soon to speak of those cases which the hon. and gallant Member flung in my teeth in the course of his speech, when he referred to my own constituency, and I am going to suggest that these high rents explain the unwillingness of the men to accept the holdings offered.

I wish to point out, lest the hon. Member should fall into a trap which he might accuse me of having laid, that it was offered to these tenants to go before the Land Court, and they refused to put their case before that Court.

I am quite in a position to deal with that, and I am glad the hon. and gallant Member has mentioned it. I am coming to the way in which these men have been dealt with. I want to describe the houses which these men were given. They are nothing but wooden huts, with planks of wood, badly knotted, the knots of which are starting out already in many of the planks, with inside that a sheet of felt, and inside that again a lining of match board. From some of these huts the men are literally flooded out. In one case a man had to take refuge in an abandoned house at the end of his farm through being flooded out with two or three inches of water in the winter. In some cases the cattle are living under the same roof with the men, and these men have to pay interest on these houses, although it is quite obvious to anybody who knows the climatic conditions in Caithness that in 50 years, at the end of which time these houses will belong to them—nay, in half that time—the houses will not be left standing. The particular farm, the Watten farm, to which I am referring, was in the possession of the Board for two years. Yet the ditches had to be cleaned, the fences all had to be repaired, the stock was straying all over the place, and having kept the holding for two years, the Board were entitled to pocket the corn subsidy. They gave them half and kept half, and many of the holders, although the holdings had been in the Board's possession for two years, were landed with holdings consisting in some cases entirely of grass. There is great expense involved if a man gets a holding entirely of grass. There are no corn, turnips, or hay for the next year, and there is great expenditure involved in putting the holding properly in order.

Surely, after the Board have had the holdings in hand for two years, they could have afforded to hand them over in better shape than that. There is another small point, and that is that these men when they entered had to pay for the straw. That is never done in Caithness, the straw is steel-bound and if the Board constitute small holdings in a particular locality, they ought to observe the customs of that locality, or else the men naturally think that a game is being played and that they are being cheated of their rights, and the colony makes a bad start. I have tried to describe the conditions in which these men entered the holdings. Even if they had had to pay a normal rent, like the rest of the civilian people round them, it would have been very hard to make a start and get a move on in conditions of that sort, with their bad housing, with their ditches and fences and everything requiring repair, having to start in some cases from an entirely grass field to make new holdings. In addition to that, they had the tremendously heavy interest charges, and now they refuse to pay. They said they could not make the holdings pay, and they could not pay the heavy interest charges in addition to the rent. I asked the hon. and gallant Gentleman a question about that, and as a supplementary question, when he announced to the House that he was going to have these holdings revalued, I asked: The hon. and gallant Gentleman replied:

8.0 P.M.

Now I want to refer to the question of land settlement, to which so many other hon. Members have referred. I am very sorry to detain the Committee in speaking of that question, when so many other and more eloquent speakers have already said so much upon this matter, which greatly affects my constituents. It is a matter to which the hon. and gallant Gentleman referred particularly in his opening remarks, and he spoke of two or three cases in my constituency. He is obviously under a misapprehension about certain of these cases, and therefore I hope the Committee will bear with me. The point from which we start is the depopulation of the Highland counties at the present time. My right hon. Friend referred just now to the figures for the depopulation in certain Highland counties, including Caithness and Sutherland. For 30 years, from 1861 to 1891, there was a fall in Caithness alone of 10 per cent., and in the next generation, from 1891 to 1921, there was a further fall of nearly 25 per cent, on the figures for 1891; and that is still going on. Emigration is still going on, and the men are being forced away from their homes, particularly from the fishing villages, at the present time. I am no opponent of emigration. I think it is a fine ideal that the young men and the young women of this great, healthy race—as the hon. Member for Morpeth (Mr. Smillie) said just now in his eloquent speech—perhaps the finest, and healthiest, and most vigorous race in the world, should go out into the Dominions and great cities and add to the strength of our Empire in every quarter of the globe. But land settlement is not incompatible with emigration; it is not even alternative, but it an essential condition and prerequisite of emigration. If you allow emigration to go on before you have your land settled, you are squandering your capital. Some hon. Members object to the words "surplus population." I do not think it is of class significance at all, because in a large family of sons and daughters, whether rich or poor, whether on the land or in the cities, a certain number of them can generally be spared to go out into the great Dominions, but the pre-requisite of that is that your capital should be kept up, that your stock should be kept up, and that the land at home should be properly settled first; then this surplus can be spared. Moreover, a direct obligation has been contracted toward the Highland soldiers. After three years in the trenches, when they were in the trenches in 1918, they learned that the land was being promised to Irishmen. That promise has been fulfilled, but, surely, we have a far greater and more direct responsibility to those Scotsmen who voluntarily and at once, without any bribe, at the beginning of the War went out to fight, and who were promised that their cases should have the first consideration. It should be remembered that the prize of victory for every Highland soldier was access to the land. What progress has been made? Nearly 3,000 ex-service men are still unsatisfied—I quote from the 11th Report of the Board of Agriculture for Scotland. We all admit and insist that these are the first claims, but there still remain over 7,000 applicants who have been applying for land, some of them for over 10 years, and, to my knowledge, many of them in my own constituency, since 1915. These men are not entitled to a preference; the man whose son was killed in the War is not entitled to a preference, even if he has been applying for land since 1915.

The problem does not end with the settlement of these ex-soldiers. I was not surprised to read in the Report of the Board of Agriculture a very serious warning, which I hope will be taken to heart. It is on the top of page 17, and is as follows: War. They deserve the land and, in a phrase which a colleague of the hon. and gallant Gentleman used with much acceptance in another connection, are sick of negotiating with the Board of Agriculture.

We have had several of these raiding cases. The last one was at Strathaird, where the Government made an offer. The men wrote to the Court, and said:

I think the hon. Baronet is under some misapprehension. I am not in any way denying that there was a formal offer by the Government, but he is under a grave misapprehension if he thinks that that was the letter submitted to the Court. That letter was not submitted to the Court.

I am only quoting from the "Scotsman," in which they say that the letter I have read out was submitted to the Court. I accept the hon. and gallant Gentleman's correction. It is not at all necessary to my argument. At any rate, this offer has been made; the men have, in fact, got the land, and a promise of the land for next year. They have the crops they have sown this year, or compensation in lieu of the crops.

It is very important that we should have this correct. I am anxious to point out that it was a question for the proprietor, who gave permission to the men to reap the crops they had laid down. There was no question of compensation, but the proprietor allowed the men to reap the crops. I wish to make it clear that, while we obtained permission in that case, it might not be possible to obtain permission in another instance. It is very important that hon. Members, and those outside, should not think that the Government have the power to promise things like that. It is not within the power of the Government to promise or grant access to any man's land.

I am very glad to have the hon. and gallant Gentleman's correction on that point. It is indeed a point of consequence. I think he should have corrected the account given in the "Scotsman," which circulates widely all over Scotland and is universally read, and in which it was said that this letter was written, and was submitted to the Secretary of Scotland before it was sent to the Court. In this case, the people all over Scotland say that the men have not only obtained the land which they demanded, but they have obtained benefits for the whole community. They have the promise of accelerated land settlement for the whole of Skye. I am not criticising the action of the Government in the Straithaird case, providing they carry it to its logical conclusion and do not attempt to confine its efforts to Skye. I welcome it; I rejoice in it, and I congratulate my hon. Friends who co-opereated so cordially and successfully I refer particularly to the hon. Member for Inverness (Sir Murdoch Macdonald), and also the hon. Member for Clackmannan (Mr. MacNeill Weir), whom we recognise as a loyal co-operator, although there are many differences between us in politics, in all matters that pertain to the Highlands. I rejoice because it makes it impossible for the hon. and gallant Gentleman and for the Board of Agriculture to maintain the present slow rate of progress. I would emphasise the relation which there is between this paragraph, to which I have already directed attention, and one on a previous page of the Report of the Board of Agriculture. In the former they say:— not to be followed, then it will be necessary to have a great acceleration all over the Highlands of the Government's land settlement scheme. If, however, the hon. and gallant Gentleman thinks that everything can go on as it was before under the facade of a conventional phrase, such as that "land settlement will be pushed forward with the greatest expedition possible," I deem it to be my duty to undeceive him.

Far be it from me to strike a party note, but some observations that were made by the hon. Member for Clackman-nan prompted some reflections in my mind in regard to the last Government, for which I bear no personal responsibility. I would not refer to the matter, if I did not think it had some lessons for the future. I think the Leader of the Opposition, when he spoke on 1st June, was probably too hasty in attributing to the hon. and gallant Gentleman the intention of abandoning the Coalition policy towards land raiders. It is true that nobody was more emphatic in his condemnation of land raiding than the hon. Member for Aberavon (Mr. Ramsay MacDonald). On that occasion he said: corner of the Highlands. I therefore press him to state whether he fully deserves these compliments; whether he is abandoning this policy; and whether, in future, the raiders will get the land, or if their names will be put at the bottom of the lists. I cannot but think, if the Leader of the Opposition were in power, with his clear appreciation of the evils of a scramble for land, that he would require some punitive Regulations to hold raiding in check.

My second reflection was upon the general level of prices, which has sunk a good deal since the last Government was in power. There is a greater opportunity now than there has been since the War for a larger step forward in land settlement all over the Highlands. My third reflection is this, that at the time that the Anti-waste stunt was at the top of its boom; when the Anti-waste party was a power in the land; when it was planting out candidates all over London and the provinces; and when the gospel of Anti-waste was being trumpeted to every corner of the land by a powerful Press, the then Secretary for Scotland, Lord Alness, took his courage in his hands, staked his political future and stuck out for an additional £1,500,000 for land settlement in Scotland. That is an action which I venture to commend to the hon. and gallant Gentleman opposite and to the present Secretary for Scotland. There are many hard oases in regard to this land settlement. There is the case of the men of Reay which has been referred to where ex-service men found, after they came back from the War, that the Board of Agriculture had come to an agreement whereby a sheep farm on the border of which they lived had been leased for a long period of years. I know it is said that these men were offered land somewhere else and refused it and thus forfeited their claims, but there was plenty of other cultivable land near which was capable of being turned to far more productive uses than it was being used for. In the case of these men, small holdings could have been granted near their own doors without trenching substantially on the broad acreage of the pasture land, but a far more important fact was the rent which was asked for the other places which were offered to these men. It was these high rents that made it impossible for these men to take on the holdings which were offered to them. The result was that the Board of Agriculture had to go all over the country looking for men to take these holdings.

Other holdings were offered, but of course there is no compulsion to take a holding at the rents fixed. If one man does not want a certain holding at a fair rent and somebody else wants it, then the other man is given the preference.

Does the hon. Baronet now suggest that they would be willing to pay the rent asked for these holdings?

No, they are not willing to pay the rent. Nor are the men now in the holdings willing to pay the rent asked. The holdings are to be re-valued. These men have been penalised because they have been removed from the list of first preference ex-service men, and that is a serious penalty in the Highlands. I have no doubt the other cases which have been referred to are very similar and that they cannot take the farms at the rents which have been asked. The hon. Member for Ayr Burghs said just now that you cannot get an economic rent out of these ex-service men. The Board of Agriculture is trying to get an economic return from these men and that explains the unwillingness of the men of Reay and also of Keoldale and Armadale to accept the holdings offered them. It cannot be done, and consequently the State will have to shoulder the burden. I want to know why should these men be penalised by being removed from the list of ex-service men? It is untrue to say that they refused the land. What they did was to refuse to assume obligations which they knew they could not discharge. Is that criminal or dishonourable? Surely it argues that they have some practical sense and some knowledge of agriculture, seeing that they have proved to be right and the holdings have to be re-valued. Why give holdings to land raiders and penalise other men who have refused to take a bargain which has been proved to have been one which could not have been made into a success. I ask for some assurance that these men will be restored to the list.

Does the hon. Baronet wish me to promise that these men will be offered other holdings on similar terms?

If they refused these holdings before, what guarantee have we that they will accept them now?

If they can be restored to the list of first preference men they would probably accept a fair offer. I am pleading for the men who live all over Caithness and Sutherland, in Reay, Strathalladale, Little Torboll, and Inverkirkaig, for example. These men for whom I am pleading have similar and equal claims to those which are being dealt with in other parts of the country, and on the ground of the service of themselves and of their sons in the War, of the disappointment of long-standing applications and on the ground of economic necessity, the claims of these patient and law-abiding men are in no way inferior to those of Skye and I ask for an assurance that the acceleration of land settlement in Caithness and Sutherland will be considered.

I desire for a few minutes to go back to the point which we were discussing earlier in the evening with regard to the activity of the Board of Agriculture. Like other hon. Members, I am interested in the settlement of the men in the Highlands, but I am more interested in the settlement all over Soot-land, and whilst the Highland men have a special claim, it is also the case that there is throughout Scotland a land hunger which can be satisfied. The hon. Member for Morpeth (Mr. Smillie) has reminded the Under-Secretary that in the county in which he lives there are thousands of acres capable of being utilised for small holdings and the settlement of these men. Every time we journey between Glasgow and Edinburgh we see thousands of acres of land capable of cultivation requiring labour and draining, and which are ripe for activities in regard to afforestation. The Board of Agriculture should take up this question with a definite object towards which they should labour in every part of Scotland, and if they would only do this we should have right throughout Scotland the settle- ment of a large number of men upon the land for the purpose of raising food, and in that way they would raise a useful and healthy population.

Organisation is largely what is wanted, but what is wrong with the Board of Agriculture is that it approaches the whole question of land settlement not directly from the point of view of organising the country for agricultural pursuits, but primarily from the point of view of serving the interests of the present land owners, and in a small degree giving satisfaction to a comparatively small number of those who apply for the land. We have had the question raised to-day of co-operation. If the Board of Agriculture could be made to see that the need for cooperation and for the use of co-operative machinery is one of the prime purposes to which it should set its mind it would not be content with the paltry sum of money it is receiving from the Treasury. It would demand a great deal more money. Denmark has been mentioned. Everyone knows that if the Scottish Board of Agriculture would take lessons from Denmark it could build up in Scotland a new agricultural population which would not only prove the backbone of our cities, but would provide emigrants to other parts of the Empire which we desire to see populated. Anyone who has studied the conditions in Denmark and compared them with those obtaining in Scotland must be well aware of that fact. Not so very long ago I travelled through Scotland with the son of the Danish Minister who was chiefly responsible for the small holdings agricultural system in Denmark, and as we journeyed through Scotland he pointed out to me large tracts of land eminently suited for the purposes of establishing large groups of small holdings organised with co-operation as the foundation of their work.

Does the hon. Member throw over the opinions of the Secretary of the Scottish Land Workers' Union (Mr. Joseph Duncan), opinions considered well worth having on the conditions of agriculture in Scotland? Do hon. Members opposite take no account of those opinions?

We take account of the opinions of Mr. Joseph Duncan and of other people, but we do not bind ourselves to these opinions only when it suits us to do so. We consider the evidence on the other side and we have found from experience that so far as Denmark is concerned the evidence of reputable men goes to show that the small holdings system, with a great deal of intensive cultivation nourished and nurtured by a Government Department in Denmark has produced a revolution which has been all to the good of that country and has helped to provide the world with larger and purer supplies of food. We say that the same thing can be done as far as Scotland is concerned, and we want the definite aim of the Board of Agriculture to be in that direction instead of the pettifogging and peddling methods we have had in the past. Look at the Estimates! It will be seen that during the past year the Board of Agriculture devoted the sum of £2,500 to loans to co-operative agricultural societies. Those who desire the development of small holdings in Scotland ask for more assistance in this matter.

The Under-Secretary used an illustration to-day, when he compared results in Germany with those in this country, which caused me not a little uneasiness. I thought he was going to be the one man on whom we could rely at the Board of Agriculture, as far as the Government is concerned, but if the illustration he gave indicates the trend of his mind, then the Board of Agriculture is not going to be such a useful Department as we had hoped. The hon. and gallant Gentleman pointed out that, so far as the relative comparison between Germany and Great Britain was concerned, we had gone wrong in our quotations which pointed out the larger amount of food produced in Germany as compared with that produced in this country. He told us we ought to look not so much at the amount produced per acre as at the amount produced per man. In the production of food there are two factors, land and men. You can increase the number of men, you cannot increase the number of acres. But you must not neglect one factor for the other. You must take both factors together, and if upon one acre you can produce more food than is produced upon another acre of land, then it is desirable to secure that increase, even if it takes more men to produce it. That, I say, somewhat alarmed me as regards the attitude of the Under-Secretary. I admit that, having heard the right hon. Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) make a statement to the same effect, I was inclined to hesitate as to its value, knowing that the right hon. Gentleman has been so often wrong. I suggest to the Under-Secretary that he should again go into this matter and be prepared to consider these things as a whole, and not in the small way in which he has hitherto attempted to do it.

What we want is that all the people in Scotland, and in the United Kingdom for that matter, who desire to settle on the land should have an opportunity of doing so up to the limits of the land available. We are hot yet in any way near to those limits. The purport of the figures quoted to-day show how slow the progress has been with the aim of settling people on the land, which should be our first consideration. When all is said and done, there are large tracts of our country on which there could be small holdings, whore already afforestry work has been undertaken, and where men employed on the small holdings could be given alternative labour at afforestry that would be valuable to the country as well as useful and helpful to themselves.

I find in looking over this Estimate that there is the usual discrepancy between the amount of money expended on management and control and the amount spent upon research and assistance. Last year it cost £138,000 to pay the wages, salaries and travelling expenses of the Board as against £14,000 spent on research and education. This year's figures show a considerable improvement, for while wages, salaries and travelling expenses have gone down to £123,000 the amount expended on education and research has gone up to £100,000. In regard to Scotland as a whole, with its clamant desire for land settlement and so many acres waiting to be settled, these figures represent little or nothing. Our point is that the Government should endeavour to justify its attitude towards not merely the ex-service men, but towards the whole question of land settlement in Scotland. We have had a discussion in regard to the competition between the Highlands and the Lowlands. I do not want to see anything of that kind taking place. I desire to see this matter taken in hand as a whole, and I believe that if the Department of Agriculture for Scotland would set out in that spirit and endeavour to carry that method out it would get ample and complete co-operation on this side, and it would do more than anything else to satisfy the agitation which land-hunger has created in Scotland.

I am aware that the intervention of an English Member in the few hours set aside for the discussion of Scottish Estimates is not always welcome, and I would not have ventured to intervene were it not that I thought I might be able to make suggestions of some practical service for consideration of the question under discussion. Before I do so I should like, if I may, to offer one comment on the speeches which we have heard from the other side of the Committee in regard to the settlement of ex-service men in particular and of smallholders generally. I claim that we on this side yield to no one in our desire to see a full settlement of small holdings throughout the length and breadth of our country. We know very well that happy, laughing children, with rosy, sun-kissed cheeks, are not made in the slums, but are the product of the countryside, and I want to see, as far as possible, the development of the settlement of our men on small holdings. The hon. Member who has just spoken alluded to the progress which has been made in the small holdings and cooperative movement in Denmark. It happens that I have been in Denmark and Sweden during the last few days, with the special purpose of studying the conditions which obtain in the co-operative associations there, and I have come back convinced that, if we are to make a success of the small holdings movement in this country, we must be ready to adopt and accept the methods and system which have been found of such incalculable service to the small holdings movement in Denmark. May I indicate to the Committee the way in which a great enterprise, and one which has become of immense service to an enormous number of men living in its locality, has been started?

In that case, 600 small farmers, men occupying 10, 15 or 20 acres of land, were gathered together and asked if they would sign a bond. They undertook to sign a bond that for 20 years—I admit that it was a long time, but its success has proved the justification of the scheme—that for 20 years they would only sell their pigs and their milk to the co-operative creamery and the co-operative slaughter house. The result has been that both those establishments have succeeded in building up a good trade, and are able to absorb at good prices all the produce which these small farmers are able to send to them. Moreover, all the profits connected with the raising of that produce have come back to these men, either in the form of a direct cheque from the factory, or in the bonus which they have subsequently obtained. I feel that, if something on similar lines could be done in this country, if a substantial sum of money could be set aside for the purpose of assisting the co-operative movement, something of real service could be evolved. All that the farmers were asked to do in this case was to undertake to provide the raw materials for the working of the factory. As soon as they had given that undertaking by signing the bond, the capital was forthcoming and the success of the enterprise was assured. Unless we are prepared to back up our smallholders by well-thought-out cooperative schemes, unless we are prepared to work along those lines, I am convinced that there is no kindness in entering on an intensive form of land settlement in this country or in Scotland. Moreover, I would venture, very respectfully, to utter a word of warning to those who suggest that the place for smallholders is in outlying districts and in hilly and rocky countries. With a considerable experience of the settlement of men in England, I know that the first thing to do is to find the best possible land and the best possible men to settle on that land. If the authorities concerned will confine themselves to settling men on the best possible land, they will have every chance of making it a success. When all the good land has been settled, it will be time to think about settling men in these outlying districts. I venture, with great respect, to suggest to the Committee that the Government might see its way to make a larger contribution towards the cooperative movement, because, wrapped up with the success of the smallholder, is the development of co-operative enterprise.

I should like to make one or two remarks, first of all, on the question that has absorbed all our attention this afternoon, namely, land settlement, and I am sure that no Member of this Committee is more anxious to see men, and the proper class of men, settled on the land, than I am. Naturally, being the son of a smallholder, and having been born on a small holding, I am deeply interested in this subject. It seems to me that the greater the number of men who are so settled in Scotland the better it-will be for Scotland, and I think it will not be hurtful for the men. It is no use our confusing the issue with divisions between the North and the South, or the East and the West; it must be something that will apply to the whole country. Although the hon. Member who has just spoken, and who has now left the Committee, happens to live in what I may call the Garden of Eden so far as agriculture is concerned in this country, it must be remembered that we who live in Scotland have a very different substance to work with. We cannot bring our hills down to the level of the valleys, nor can we put three or four feet of good honest soil on the top of them. I agree heartily with some of the things that have been said by hon. Members above the Gangway on this side about the natural love of the Highlander for his haud hame in the glens from which he was evicted long ago. One of the greatest days in my life was when I was present at Glen Never at the unveiling of a War memorial. The district is now sparsely populated, where it used to be densely populated, but on that War memorial, which had only some 12 names upon it, there we're three names of the great grandchildren of men who were evicted from Glen Never, who had come back and died for the old country. It gives one some idea of what the love of the land is. In this Chamber, on more than one occasion, I have heard statements made that those who owned the land, and had been owners of land for centuries, were so thirled, as we say in Scotland, to the land, it was so dear to them, that it was one of the greatest tragedies of their life to have to leave it. The same feeling, however, possesses the humblest man who is born in the Highlands of Scotland and who has ever had anything to do with a square yard of land in that great area.

I suggest that in the Highlands it is not the necessity for being near to a crowded population, where the produce of the land can be sold to the best advantage, that is the most important thing, but rather that the settlements should be either, as has been already suggested, near centres of afforestation, or so situated that the holders of these small holdings will have outruns on which they can graze their sheep and other beasts. However depressed agriculture is at the moment, no one can say that sheep farming is depressed. The sheep farms are doing well, and if these crofters and smallholders, or those who applied for small holdings, had been given small holdings a few years ago when they asked for them, and at the same time had been given access to some of the great areas in the north which are being so depopulated, and where their sheep would have pastured so well and so richly, they would have done well financially, and it-would have been one of the best means of stemming the depopulation which, unfortunately, is now going on in the Highlands of Scotland. Therefore I support the application for small holdings in the Highlands as well as in the Southern parts of the country. Although we pressed the point very emphatically—in my constituency I have been working as hard as I could to get a settlement made—up to now not one has been settled. I am glad to learn to-day for the first time that there is a movement which will mature very soon, when a number of men will be settled in a very favourable locality, and under what I hope will be good conditions. It is not very often that I differ from the Under-Secretary, but I am afraid if he offers these men land at an uneconomic value and an impossible rent, if I were to be consulted by them as a friend, I should say, "Whether you go to the bottom of the list or not, have nothing to do with this undertaking." Surely the men who did so much for us must receive a proposition which will be not only getting rid of them by giving them holdings, but an economic possibility which will enable them to live in comfort and to bring up their children as the children of such heroes ought to be brought up.

My hon. Friend and colleague the hon. Member for Perth (Mr. Skelton) was very emphatic in reference to small holdings in the lower part of the country. When he described the condition of the smallholders in his Constituency I can endorse every word he said. To anyone who knows anything about agriculture and has an agricultural eye and who is motoring between Perth and Dundee there is no better managed land and there are no happier men to be found in the whole stretch than the smallholders in the hon. Member's Constituency. But I should like to remind those who supported this proposition that the Board of Agriculture has not all the power it ought to possess. It is, after all, only an administrative body. It is this House that legislates and makes it possible for the Board to do its administration as we should like to have it done. It is crippled for want of funds and for lack of staff if we are going to do all that ought to be done for the Board and the duties that fall to it. It is crippled by certain Acts of Parliament. What is the number of small holdings today compared with what it was twenty years ago? After all the effort that has been made and the money which has been spent by the Board we have scores and scores of small holdings to-day at enormous expense to the State, and yet the number is smaller than it was twenty years ago. What is the reason? Often when a small farm, suitably equipped for small holdings, comes into the market the proprietor considers the whole matter from an economic point of view, and from his point of view it is more economical to have that small holding added on to a big holding and therefore he gives it to a large farmer in the immediate neighbourhood. He does it for two reasons, first the economical one, and the other is because he says smallholders have a knack of directing game in a direction it should not go. Some of us know some of these small farms which are now planted with wood. I have no objection to afforestation, but when I think of the happy homes and the prosperous families and the people who have lived there happily, and who could continue to live there happily, I consider it is not in the best interest of the State that such things should be permitted, and I trust that at no distant date something will be done in the House and in the other House.

I endorse thoroughly some of the statements which have been made. Some people would call them extreme statements. Some of the extreme statements which have been made on the benches to my right have been thoughts and desires which require to be expressed somewhere and which require support from some portion of the House and the country. I should like to refer to one or two other things on this Vote which have not been referred to, for instance, the question of research and plant breeding. We know the enormous amount of good which is being done on the Scottish plant breeding and research institution. I feel how unfortunate it is that we should be spending so much well-spent money and getting good results from it, and then as soon as we have reached a certain point in our scientific inquiries, and we find wart disease and other things affecting our potatoes, and regulations are rightly issued by the Board of Agriculture, and everything is done at enormous expense to keep our crops free of these pests and diseases—I am not speaking with any desire to exclude anything in the way of cheap foodstuffs, for I stand here as a Free Trader, and I will support Free Trade as well as I possibly can, but we were told only yesterday that about 10 per cent, of our potatoes are imported without any sufficient inspection, and we do not make sure that they do not contaminate our crops, and that is very wrong. We have heard about reports which have been promulgated by Deer Forest Commission and Heather Burning and Game Commissions, and nothing has happened. If you are going to settle men on small holdings, especially in the Highlands, and you will not protect them from the ravages of deer and game, it is going to be a bad job for the smallholders. There is legitimate space for sport, and there is no doubt there is land where nothing but deer could exist, but there are other deer forests where very large numbers of sheep could be grazed, and I recall scores of the finest of our shepherds and their families living inside the fences of these deer forests in days gone by where now there are just two or three solitary gamekeepers and a few deer stalkers, and the very best of the manhood of our country has been lost to it, and therefore if we are going to help the Board of Agriculture to settle more men economically on the land, we should do our best to give them laws whereby the smallholders will be protected.

In my judgment there is no question of more vital importance than that of people being settled on the land. It has been said by a very eminent man, who once adorned the benches of this House, that government is a contrivance of human wisdom to provide far human wants. Judged by that standard, our modern system, not merely from the point of view of agriculture, but of nearly all other departments of life, is a failure. One very noticeable feature of modern life, not merely in England and Scotland, but in Europe, has been the rural decay as compared with the flocking of the people to the great towns and cities, and it is very noticeable in Scotland.

Between 1881 and 1911 there was a decrease in farm servants, shepherds and labourers of no fewer than 55,000, whereas during the same period gamekeepers have increased from 4,200 to 5,910. We have overcrowding in the towns and our rural districts are depopulated. One of the features of our modern life in Europe is that nearly all countries are to-day providing to increase the food for their own people. That tendency is on the increase. Probably we in Britain produce a smaller quantity of food for our people per acre than any other nation in Europe. One method whereby these unreasonable conditions may be remedied is to get the people back to the land. It is a question of primary importance to Scotland.

I was very much surprised to hear the statement of the Under-Secretary this afternoon with regard to the comparative yields of the soil in this country and Germany. I am satisfied that if we really desire to settle our people on the land, it is possible under a system of private ownership of land, with which I entirely disagree, and if we really desire to make Scotland prosperous, and the land of Scotland belong to the people of Scotland, as an ideal I am advancing that view, because I do not think we shall ever get the highest possible results until that day has dawned. But I may quote the figures of the Board of Agriculture and Fisheries, in reply to what was said by the Under-Secretary for Scotland, because they are very important. They have been quoted in this House before. Not long ago the right hon. Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) quoted them.

9.0 P.M.

On each 100 acres of cultivated land the British farmer feeds from 45 to 50 persons, and the German farmer from 70 to 75. The British farmer grows 15 tons of corn and the German farmer 33 tons of corn. The British farmer grows 11 tons of potatoes and the German farmer 55 tons. The British farmer produces 4 tons of meat and the German farmer 4¼ tons. The British farmer produces 17½ tons of milk and the German farmer 28. The British farmer produces a negligible quantity of sugar and the German farmer 2¾ tons. The question of development of agriculture in Scotland is of the highest possible importance to the people of Scotland. It is not a question merely of the Highlands as against the Lowlands; it is one affecting the whole country. What is more important perhaps to us who sit on these benches is that some of our very important industries, in the industrial world, are on the decline, and the one method by which we can restore equilibrium and bring back prosperity to our land is by getting the people on to the land, as the great storehouse of wealth for the people. The possibilities of development are very much greater than we have yet realised.

One of the great authorities on the food problem in this land is Sir Charles Fielding who was Director-General of Food Supplies during the War, and he has published recently a very valuable book which should be the property of every Member of this House, as in my judgment we should be all the better for studying it most carefully and exhaustively. In that book he has stated upon unquestionable authority that the average yield on a given acreage of land for wheat is nearly £4 an acre of profit, while the yield of grass on that land is 6s. 6d. an acre. That is a source by which we could increase the resources of this country almost to, an inexhaustible extent, because while we have millions of acres of land under grass in modern times we are dependent for four-fiths of our wheat supplies from abroad. There is no nation in Europe which is dependent on imported food to such an extent as Great Britain is at present.

It may be said that there are parts of Scotland that are not very fertile. But there are no parts of Scotland which could not be used for the settlement of land and the development of some form of agriculture. Scotland compares very favourably with any part of Great Britain so far as yield per acre is concerned. Our yield is several bushels per acre greater than in many Southern counties. There are parts of Berwickshire, Midlothian, the shores of the Moray Firth, and the Carse of Gowrie, which are in the highest state of cultivation, while the climate of Scotland in many parts is much better than that of England, I believe. I have myself spent November and December on the shores of the Moray Firth, where there is a beautiful soil, and where one could travel all day without the need of an overcoat. That would not be the case in many parts of this country. The possibilities of increasing the wheat yield, and putting a number of people back on the land by the method of arable, as compared with grass land, are so great that if I were to relate them here they would seem to be almost incredible.

A famous man once declared that the person who made two blades of grass to grow where one grew before would deserve better of the nation than all the statesmen and politicians put together. But it is not a question of making two blades of grass to grow where one grew before. The science of agriculture has developed so enormously during the last 20 or 30 years that we can increase our yield two, three, four and up to six times what it is at the present moment. In the United States of America they have actu- ally produced 118 bushels of wheat to the acre as against our average yield of 30, and whereas in the days gone by Britain led the world in agricultural development, it has fallen back in modern times as compared with various other European countries. In modern times Germany, Denmark, Belgium and Holland have all increased their average yield from 27 to 40 and 46 bushels to the acre, whereas ours has stood for the last 30 years at between 28 and 30 bushels to the acre, and if we really desire to see what land can produce, and if the Minister would demand a larger sum for research work somewhat on the lines followed by Mr. Saunders of Montreal, we should be able to double our yield and feed our people from the soil of Scotland without any great difficulty. The Parliamentary Under-Secretary for Health said this afternoon something about the development of our milk supply and referred to the possibility of the 1,000 gallons cow. Of course, the 1,000 gallons cow is entirely out of date in these days. We have the 2,000 gallons and the 2,500 gallons cow, and if we cared to develop a high yielding breed of cattle, we could increase our milk supply enormously.

It was not so much the 1,000 gallons cow, as the 1,000 gallons non-tubercular cow, as there is such a great amount of that disease.

I am, of course, subject to correction, but I did not hear the reference to the tubercular cow at all, though I listened carefully. My point holds good with regard to milk, as it does with regard to wheat or potatoes or other developments. If we cared to spend money on research work and to insist upon the keeping of milk records on all the farms, we should see the possibility of enormously increasing the yield. Take the question of poultry. The possibilities of the development of poultry farming are very great. According to 'the last census we spent £5,000,000 on imported eggs. We could so develop the poultry industry as to produce all the eggs that are required in this country. We should then need 12,000,000 additional hens. In all these things there is a chance of bringing back to the soil the men who went to the War. If we studied the science of agriculture as it is being developed in many parts of the world and endeavoured to produce our own food supply, we would go far to solve the great unemployment problem and would bring men back to the district of their birth, instead of allowing them to overcrowd the cities of Glasgow and Edinburgh and the great industrial areas. That would be an immense advantage, not only to the people concerned, but to the nation as a whole.

It is not surprising that this Debate has centred mainly on the question of land settlement. There is no question which to-day stirs Scotland more, and I am sure that there is no constituency in Scotland in which the question has not been raised and in which this Debate will not be very carefully read and considered. The Debate has served one good purpose. It has at least made it clear to the Government that all sections of opinion in Scotland are united in pressing forward these schemes of land settlement, and that this House is prepared to support the Scottish Office and the Board of Agriculture in insisting that more adequate financial provision should be made for the carrying out of these schemes. In reading the report of the Board of Agriculture, one is struck at once with the unfortunate situation indicated in the opening sentences, owing to the serious reduction of the grants available for the purposes of the Department and for land settlement. I sincerely hope that we shall get an assurance from the Government to-night that a further attempt is to be made to secure more adequate provision for land settlement in Scotland.

I wish also to know what is being done to make the situation more bearable for those ex-service men who are at present settled on the land and whose buildings have recently been re-valued. There is need, not only for acquiring land for settlement, but also for making the conditions of settlement more tolerable. Those who have gone forward to the Land Court to get their buildings re-valued, will, I hope, receive the consideration which they may expect from a Court of that character. I hope we shall be told what has been the effect of the application to the Land Court in regard to revaluations, and to what extent the unfair capital obligation in the bonds which many of the smallholders have had to undertake has been reduced. I visited the Thirdpart settlement in East Fife, and I can vouch personally for the extreme hardship which has been faced by many of those who have been engaged in cultivating the soil there. They are ex-service men who deserve well of their country, and I believe their position has become one of extreme difficulty.

I wish to deal briefly with two points not yet touched upon. One is the question of the relations between the present forestry policy in Scotland and the question of small holdings or land settlement. When the new Forestry Commissioners were appointed, we had in the Acland Report some assurance that the question of land settlement was to be dealt with by them. The Acland Report stated:

It would not be in order to criticise the policy of the Commissioners. It would be in order co criticise the Board of Agriculture for not working in harmony with that policy.

I think I could show that I am in order on this point. I want to draw attention to the fact that when the Forestry Commission was set up, it was understood that they were to work in close co-operation with the Board of Agriculture on the question of land settlement. The point I wish to make is, that when this policy was first set forth it was made clear that the creation of small holdings was one of the aims which they had in view, and that, a further object was to create as soon as possible an independent body of workers attached by habit to forestry work. I asked a question the other day as to what had been done in the matter of the settlement on the land of those who were engaged under the Forestry scheme, for which matter the Board of Agriculture has a direct responsibility, and I was informed, in reply, that there had only been 20 dwelling-houses erected by the Forestry Commissioners for their employés, and that the number of employés settled was 50. The Commissioners stated that they had no power to constitute holdings, but that they had offered areas to the Board of Agriculture for 41 holdings about to be constituted under schemes. The total offer to the Board of Agriculture for such purposes was, approximately, 5,000 acres. The Scottish Office should be in a position to tell us whether the Board of Agriculture have been in touch with the Commissioners to enable them to carry out the industrial and land settlement policy within their powers. An enormous amount of money has been spent upon planting and acquisition of land, but very few men have been settled. Only 41 holdings have been constituted so far upon the land which has been acquired by the Commissioners and which I believe consists of some 18,000 acres. It is very desirable that we should have some undertaking that the process of settlement upon such land is going to be reconsidered and speeded up, and that the policy of the Scottish Board of Agriculture will be to insist that the Forestry Commissioners shall keep in view the industrial and settlement purposes which they first set forth when the Board was constituted, instead of planting large areas of land with casual labour and without securing permanent settlements.

I pass to another point, that of agricultural education. The hon. and gallant Gentleman, in his enthusiasm for research, said it was far better than granting subsidies to agriculture that we should pursue the policy of research and education. I entirely agree. But I observe that the Government have lent themselves to expensive subsidies for the relief of landowners' rates, while they are spending little on agricultural education. I venture to suggest that a great deal more could be done by the Scottish Board of Agriculture in pushing the question of the provision of farm institutes in all the counties of Scotland. Though, in one sense, we are very far in front as a country deeply interested in education, yet we are very far behind in matters affecting agricultural education. We are behind England, where there are 15 or 20 farm institutes at present carrying on. We are very far behind Denmark in agricultural education of this character. Technical education, which might be given to the sons of farmers and the children of farm workers which would enable them to take a better place in the world in after life, is lacking.

I strongly urge upon the Parliamentary Secretary that more should be done now in order to secure the institution of farm institutes, particularly in those districts where provision can readily be made and where you have a strong desire on the part of the education authorities who operate there for such institutes. I receive communications from my own education authority and find they have approved of the idea of a farm institute in Eastern Fife and I understand the Board of Agriculture are prepared to co-operate in carrying this scheme into effect. The Chairman of the Scottish Board of Agriculture, who recently referred to Fife as the blue ribbon county of agriculture, pointed out that in proportion to its area it had more acres under grass and crops and more arable land under the plough than any other county in Scotland. I suggest therefore that further steps might be taken without any more delay to provide a centre, which would be associated with the secondary educational course, for the purposes of training the young men in the county, so that they may become more highly qualified for the work they are to undertake. The colleges are doing splendid work, but it is not every man who can go to a college. You want these institutes close at hand in each county, to which boys and young men may have the opportunity of going and getting a fuller training. It is not only in one county, but in all counties the need exists. In Dumfriesshire recently the Board acquired property at Terregles, on which they have settled a number of smallholders. There is a mansion house which has practically been thrown in with the land which was acquired and cost practically nothing and is eminently suitable for the purpose of an agricultural or farm institute, where there could be an experimental farm and teaching for smallholders and others in the district, but it is not being used. I strongly urge upon the Parliamentary Secretary that that building should be used for that purpose. Perhaps he can tell us why the Board of Agriculture have advertised it, instead of using it for the purpose which is obviously to their hand. I believe there are other districts where advantage would be taken now of the opportunity of providing these practical institutes for agricultural teaching. Why should these institutes be limited to mining, engineering, textiles and the teaching of technical work? Why should they not be devoted more to what is after all one of our primary and most important industries?

I suggest that the time has come when we should insist upon something further being done along these lines. Let it be made clear to the ratepayers that this is not to be made another intolerable additional burden. Many of these institutes could be made largely self-supporting by the income from scholarships awarded by the local education authorities and by assistance given otherwise. There might possibly be a loss, but it would not be a large one, and such loss would be amply repaid in the service it would render in educating the younger men and women engaged in agriculture. I urge the Government to consider the question and to aim at securing in each county a centre in which there should be adequate training afforded to the sons and daughters of our farm workers. Many of our farm workers are highly skilled men and women. Their families, if properly trained, might take any place in the country. In their own agricultural pursuits they would be able to challenge comparison with any part of the world, and we want to afford to them and to the men and women who are fitted to cultivate the land the greatest opportunity of securing, not only their holdings, but also a good training to fit them for their work.

It is with great diffidence that I intervene in this Debate because, although I am a Scotsman and my home is in Scotland, I am a representative of an English constituency. There is one point I would like to urge upon the Scottish Board of Agriculture. I have always been interested in forestry and in the reafforestation of the Highlands. The point I would like to urge upon the hon. Gentleman is that, as far as is possible, the Board should arrange its schemes for land settlement in conjunction with the Forestry Commission, because 'I do feel there are great possibilities in the Highlands, at all events, for employment and useful employment in afforestation. I always felt rather doubtful as to whether it was possible, except in very exceptional circumstances, for a smallholder, especially on poor land such as prevails in the North of Scotland, to make a living out of his small holding unless he had some subsidiary employment. I feel that if a small holding, in conjunction with employment in forestry, could be given to him, a man's future would be ensured, and there is very little doubt that work in forestry fits in very well with work on small holdings. The principal work on the small holding is carried out during the later spring months and the summer months, while the work in afforestation is principally carried out during the winter months. If you could arrange schemes for small holdings and forestry so that they should be contiguous to each other, you would ensure employment for the men in the forests during the winter months, and on the small holdings during the summer months. I feel it is essential to the Highlands that these schemes, so far as is practicable, should be arranged in such a way that the small holdings and the afforestation works should be, wherever possible, contiguous to each other. I hope in the future consideration of these schemes the Scottish Board of Agriculture and the Forestry Commission will work together so as to arrange matters in that way.

I rise to direct the attention of the Committee to a specific grievance which certain smallholders in the county of Linlithgow have presented to the Board of Agriculture and in regard to which they have failed to achieve any practical results. We are to-day discussing a problem which falls into two parts—one, the question of land settlement and the other the question of the supervision and care of the men who are settled on the land. The question of land settlement is beset by a number of difficulties such as that of finance, and there are peculiar difficulties to be surmounted in the North of Scotland, but in reference to the second part of the problem, the question of finance is not so important and, in the particular case to which I am about to refer, there are no difficulties to be surmounted such as exist in the North of Scotland. There are, in the County of Linlithgow, 10 small holdings. More than 70 applicants were presented to the Board of Agriculture during the past year, but only 10 have been accepted, and only 10 small holdings have been made. It has been said with great truth that, in order to make small holdings a success, there must be efficient transport and I presume that means efficient means for disposing of the products derived from the labour of the smallholders. If that be true, them it is clearly requisite to the small holdings that the roads leading to them should be of the best possible kind. The roads in connection with the particular group of small holdings to which I refer are in a most objectionable condition.

Although the Department for which the hon. and gallant Member for Lanark (Captain Elliot) is responsible has been approached by the smallholders themselves and by hon. Members of this House, nothing has been done and I assume that, so far, the Department has failed to respond to the demands which have been made, because they believe, in their wisdom or lack of wisdom, that the smallholders should be made responsible for the construction and maintenance of the roads leading to the small holding. I take an entirely contrary view as do the smallholders themselves, and I maintain that unless the roads are in a proper condition, so as to enable the smallholders to convey their produce to the townships and boroughs in the vicinity, then you might as well not have small holdings at all. The very essence of efficiency and of profit—and profit enters into the question under the existing system—is that you should have adequate means of disposing of the produce. In this particular case the conditions are so bad that the roads in winter time are impassable and, despite facts which are within the knowledge of the Department, they refuse to do anything. I do not impute any blame to the hon. and gallant Gentlemen himself in connection with this, because I believe the proposal was made prior to his acceptance of office, but I understand that an attempt was made to come to an arrangement, and an arrangement was about to be made as the result of a proposal emanating from the Department that the smallholders should be provided with road metal which they were to spread themselves after having, in a preparatory manner, laid the road itself. Everybody who has the slightest knowledge of the subject knows that if smallholders are to earn a living at all they must work very long hours. I visited these holdings recently, and I was much impressed with the manner in which the smallholders were carrying out their duties. Some are engaged in market gardening, others in keeping pigs, and others in growing fruit, because the holdings are not all of the same type, but every one of them told me that it was essential to work almost every hour of daylight, and they were up in the morning at five o'clock and were not finished until 10 o'clock in the evening. Not only did that apply to the smallholders themselves, but to their wives, and where they had families these were also pressed into the service. This is not a party question, and I ask the hon. and gallant Gentleman in all sincerity whether he thinks it right that men in that position should be asked to prepare and maintain roads. I hope the hon. and gallant Member will give the point sympathetic consideration.

There is another essential of small holdings, and that is that there should be a sufficient supply of water. Even in Scotland, water is necessary for purposes of this kind. When these particular small holdings were laid out, the Department suggested there should be a windmill for pumping water from a well. The windmill was installed and all went well for a time, but eventually the windmill went out of action and the result was that the water supply was by no means adequate. The hon. Member, I think, suggested—he must have been inspired by the permanent officials of his Department—when the smallholders wanted light machinery, that they should have windmills. But it is no use having the very best of these if they have not an adequate supply of water. You may have 10 windmills, each of them flooding on an average 10 acres. But such a windmill as suggested is not by any means the kind of thing that is likely to provide the smallholder with the necessary supply of water. They asked the hon. and gallant Gentleman's Department to equip them with machinery which is to cost, I think, about £40. What, then, was said by the Department, or by the hon. and gallant Gentleman? "We are prepared to go to the length of spending £30 for each smallholder if the smallholders will make up the balance." That is simply to make a farce of small holdings. I do suggest to the hon. and gallant Gentleman that in his eminently practical mind he should see the wisdom of providing these par- ticular smallholders with what they require in the way of machinery.

While on that point I would submit that the question of the small holdings in the Lowlands and in the county of Linlithgowshire—a portion of which I represent—is vastly different from the question as it presents itself in the north of Scotland. In the south there is an entirely different set of circumstances, and because I recognise that I would make one or two comments. Most of those who have spoken have spoken as experts with expert knowledge, though I must confess I am not very much wiser than I was before in regard to the practical questions of agriculture after having heard what they said. I confess having little knowledge of agriculture, but I do know this, that on the question of co-operation, of cooperation in industry, you can only have it, as it appears to me, when you have small holdings all doing the same kind of work, producing the same kind of produce. When you have groups of small holdings as in my county, all doing different things, all growing different things, all using different kinds of feeding stuff, and the different things which are used in preparations then co-operation is not so easy as it is when you have got small holdings of the same type. At the same time there can be co-operation so far as the disposal of the produce is concerned. I only want to make this point because I think it is a practical point, and—if I may be permitted to say so—because it is one of great importance, and all the eloquence one could indulge in would not help it. The point is this: In the particular group of holdings to which I have referred, every one, every smallholder, has got a horse and cart. I must confess, though I say it with a great deal of respect for my constituents, that neither the horses nor the carts are of the best. But my constituents are not to blame for that, because they are working under very severe handicaps as the hon. Gentleman knows. That is the position.

As one of the smallholders said to me: "If we could get of hold of a motor to carry our produce it would give us a better chance." In the present competitive circumstances under which the smallholders have to work this is a handicap, and it is desirable that they should be provided with the most efficient machinery possible in the way of trans- port. That is the plea that I put in on their behalf. It is a question of finance. But I hope my hon. and gallant Friend will view it from the proper angle and do all he possibly can to satisfy these men. I am not asking for this on sentimental grounds, although I could do so, as others have done, and urge it because these are ex-service men who fought for their country, and therefore should be treated decently. But there is the economic point of view. There is the commercial point of view. There is the national point of view entirely apart from the sentimental consideration, although I yield to no man in my desire to see ex-service men properly treated. At the same time, as I say you have to consider it from the broad, economic, national standpoint. I trust the appeal I put forward will receive the sympathetic consideration of my hon. and gallant Friend.

I did not intend to intervene in this Debate, because I think the ground has been pretty well trodden in regard to small holdings, but I would like to touch for a moment on the one point that the last speaker has touched upon, and that is the question of transport. I hope the hon. and gallant Gentleman will, in this question of small holdings, take care to note what part of the country they are in, and, if possible, put them in those parts of the country where it is possible to get at them. It is obviously no use settling ex-service men half way up the Highlands of Scotland. If they are to be settled on land properly they must be put in places where their produce can reasonably be taken to a market. I trust the hon. and gallant Gentleman will, when considering this matter, consult his colleagues in the Ministry of Transport, so that he may be assured that at some date in the future, if there are no railways where the small holdings are intended to be placed, there may be the possibility of arranging for something of the kind. Those of us who have been in France and seen the farms there know how they are provided very often with light railways for the purposes indicated. I do not quite know how far we can go in the suggestion that motor transport should be provided for every township, but the matter might be considered, and I support, insofar as may be, drawing the Ministry's attention to the fact that it is no use in having small holdings in too out-of-the-way places. Transport must be provided in some form or other, otherwise the small holdings will not be the success they deserve to be.

I do not propose at the moment to go into any detailed reply, for I would remind the Committee that we have two days for the Scottish Estimates, and in view of the lengthy time I took at the beginning of the Debate I would make an appeal that we should come to a decision now on get on to the next Vote. There were only two points brought forward. One dealing with the re-valuation of the Land Courts, in connection with which it might be desirable to read out a passage which might be accounted reassuring. Lord St. Vigeans, Chairman of the Land Court, said at the first case at Arabella on 31st May, 1923:

I hope this will reassure the Committee that we are not ignorant of the necessity of that which has been urged in so many quarters of the House, and I hope hon. and right hon. Gentlemen will excuse me of any apparent discourtesy if I now resume my seat without making a detailed reply following the very lengthy and striking Debate which we have had, and in which I myself made a very heavy trespass on the time of the House. I do not propose to hamper hon. Members who desire to pass on, and perhaps to say something on the Fisheries Vote.

May I ask whether the hon. and gallant Member will, as I understand he will shortly be visiting Dumfriesshire, look into the question which I brought before the Secretary for Scotland some time ago as to the possibility of using the Terregles Homestead as an agricultural school. It is admirably adapted for the purpose. It is going abegging. I am assured that it will not fetch £5,000 if it is put into the market, although it stands at £28,000 in the Government's books. It would be a pity to sacrifice the place. It is a wonderful mansion, and has very suitable accommodation for students. There are 188 acres of magnificent land surrounding it. In every way it is suitable for a central college for the S.W. of Scotland. Can the hon. and gallant Member give an undertaking that he will look into the question when he visits Dumfriesshire, and see whether it is possible to turn the place to some practical account along the lines of research? May I congratulate him upon hi3 opening remarks. I have predicted great things for the hon. and gallant Member because he brings to bear a highly scientific mind upon these subjects. His remarks about the tests and experiments that are going on to show how much more could be got out of agriculture for the same expenditure of money and labour are along the right lines and will bear great fruit in the future.

I will certainly give that matter my consideration. When

I was in Scotland about six weeks ago I saw the place.

I do not rise for the purpose of standing between the Committee and the decision upon the Vote; but I wish to say how deeply disappointed I am at the absence of any promise of any different treatment of the small holdings question, particularly holdings for ex-service men. The Debate has shown that the one thing which is on the conscience of the Committee is a desire to do justice to these men. It is also on the conscience of the country, as anyone knows who goes about the country. It remains a real shame and disgrace that more has not been done for these people long ago. The absence of any promise of any greater speed, and particularly the absence of any promise of any more money which is necessary, if there is to be acceleration, is most regrettable. Having waited for five years, I do not think that those who take the view that I do would be justified in allowing this Vote to pass without a Division. I hope that the right hon. Member for Ross and Cromarty (Mr. Macpherson) will insist upon a Division. If he does not, I certainly, if other hon. Members are disposed in that way, shall go to a Division for the purpose of representing the strong feeling in Scotland upon this subject, a feeling which is partly economic and very largely founded upon sentiment true and sterling. We are bound to do everything in our power to see to these ex-service men. Unless there is more sign of business we must protest in the only way that is open to us.

Question put, "That a sum, not exceeding £221,142, be granted for the said Service."

The Committee divided: Ayes, 109: Noes, 194.

Division No. 247.]

AYES.

[9.51 p.m.

Adams, D.

Chapple, W. A.

Evans, Ernest (Cardigan)

Adamson, Rt. Hon. William

Charleton, H. C.

Falconer, J.

Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro')

Clarke, Sir E. C.

Foot, Isaac

Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery)

Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R.

Gosling, Harry

Barrie, Sir Charles Coupar (Banff)

Cotts, Sir William Dingwall Mitchell

Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton)

Batey, Joseph

Darbishire, C. W.

Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central)

Bonwick, A.

Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale)

Greenall, T.

Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W.

Dudgeon, Major C. R.

Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne)

Broad, F. A.

Ede, James Chuter

Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan)

Brotherton, J.

Edmonds, G.

Guthrie, Thomas Maule

Buchanan, G.

Edwards, C (Monmouth, Bedwellty)

Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland)

Burnie, Major J. (Bootle)

Emlyn-Jones, J. E. (Dorset, N.)

Harney, E. A.

Buxton, Charles (Accrington)

Entwistle, Major C. F.

Hastings, Patrick

Hay, Captain J. P. (Cathcart)

Millar, J. D.

Snell, Harry

Hayes, John Henry (Edge Hill)

Muir, John W.

Stephen, Campbell

Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (N'castle, E.)

Murnin, H.

Stewart, J. (St. Rollox)

Henderson, Sir T. (Roxburgh)

Murray, R. (Renfrew, Western)

Strauss, Edward Anthony

Henderson, T. (Glasgow)

O'Grady, Captain James

Sullivan, J.

Hillary, A. E.

Parkinson, John Allen (Wlgan)

Thomas, Sir Robert John (Anglesey)

Hinds, John

Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry

Tout, W. J.

Johnston, Thomas (Stirling)

Pattinson, S. (Horncastle)

Trevelyan, C. P.

Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth)

Phillipps, Vivian

Turner, Ben

Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly)

Potts, John S.

Warne, G. H.

Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd)

Pringle, W. M. R.

Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline)

Jowett, F. W. (Bradford, East)

Rees, Sir Beddoe

Welsh, J. C.

Kenyon, Barnet

Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

Westwood, J.

Leach, W.

Riley, Ben

Wheatley, J.

Lee, F.

Ritson, J.

Williams, David (Swansea, E.)

Lowth, T.

Roberts, Frederick O. (W. Bromwich)

Williams, Dr. J. H. (Llanelly)

Lunn, William

Robertson, J. (Lanark, Bothwell)

Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe)

MacDonald, J. R. (Aberavon)

Robinson, W. C. (York, Elland)

Wright, W.

M'Entee, V. L.

Rose, Frank H.

Young, Rt. Hon. E. H. (Norwich)

McLaren, Andrew

Salter, Dr. A.

Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

Maclean, Nell (Glasgow, Govan)

Scrymgeour, E.

Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I.

Sexton, James

TELLERS FOR THE AYES. —Major-General Sir R. Hutchison, and Major McKenzie Wood.—Major-General Sir R. Hutchison, and Major McKenzie Wood.

Marshall, Sir Arthur H.

Shinwell, Emanuel

Martin, F. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, E.)

Sinclair, Sir A.

Maxton, James

Smillie, Robert

NOES.

Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte

Falcon, Captain Michael

Lloyd-Greame, Rt. Hon. Sir Philip

Alexander, E. E. (Leyton, East)

Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray

Lort-Williams, J.

Alexander, Col. M. (Southwark)

Fawkes, Major F. H.

Lougher, L.

Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S.

Fermor-Hesketh, Major T.

Lumley, L. R.

Archer-Shee, Lieut-Colonel Martin

Ford, Patrick Johnston

Lynn, R. J.

Ashley, Lt.-Col. Wilfrid W.

Foreman, Sir Henry

Macnaghten, Hon. Sir Malcolm

Barlow, Rt. Hon Sir Montague

Forestier-Walker, L.

McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury)'

Barnett, Major Richard W.

Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot

Mason, Lieut.-Col. C. K.

Barnston, Major Harry

Fraser, Major Sir Keith

Mercer, Colonel H.

Becker, Harry

Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E.

Milne, J. S. Wardlaw

Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes)

Galbraith, J. F. W.

Mitchell, W. F. (Saffron Walden)

Berry, Sir George

Ganzoni, Sir John

Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham)

Betterton, Henry B.

Garland, C. S.

Moles, Thomas

Birchall, Major J. Dearman

Gates, Percy

Molloy, Major L. G. S.

Bird, Sir R. B. (Wolverhampton, W.)

Gaunt, Rear-Admiral Sir Guy R.

Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J.

Blades, Sir George Rowland

Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John

Murchison, C. K.

Blundell, F. N.

Gould, James C.

Nall, Major Joseph

Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W.

Grenfell, Edward C. (City of London)

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

Boyd-Carpenter, Major A.

Gretton, Colonel John

Newson, Sir Percy Wilson

Brass, Captain W.

Gwynne, Rupert S.

Nicholson, Brig.-Gen. J. (Westminster)

Briggs, Harold

Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield)

Brittain, Sir Harry

Halstead, Major D.

O'Neill, Rt. Hon. Hugh

Brown, Brig.-Gen. Clifton (Newbury)

Hamilton, Sir George C. (Altrincham)

Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William

Bruford, R.

Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry

Paget, T. G.

Bruton, Sir James

Harrison, F. C.

Parker, Owen (Kettering)

Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A.

Harvey, Major S. E.

Penny, Frederick George

Burn, Colonel Sir Charles Rosdew

Hawke, John Anthony

Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings)

Butcher, Sir John George

Henn, Sir Sydney H.

Perkins, Colonel E. K.

Butt, Sir Alfred

Hennessy, Major J. R. G.

Philipson, Mabel

Button, H. S.

Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford)

Pielou, D. P.

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord R. (Hitchin)

Hewett, Sir J. P.

Pilditch, Sir Philip

Chapman, Sir S.

Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank

Pollock, Rt. Hon. sir Ernest Murray.

Churchman, Sir Arthur

Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (St. Marylebone)

Preston, Sir W. R.

Clarry, Reginald George

Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy

Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G.

Clayton, G. C.

Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard

Privett, F. J.

Cobb, Sir Cyril

Hood, Sir Joseph

Raeburn, Sir William H.

Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K.

Hopkins, John W. W.

Raine, W.

Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips

Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley)

Rankin, Captain James Stuart

Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale

Houfton, John Plowright

Rawlinson, Rt. Hon. John Fredk. Peel

Conway, Sir W. Martin

Howard, Capt. D. (Cumberland, N.)

Rawson, Lieut.-Commander A. C.

Cope, Major William

Hudson, Capt. A.

Remer, J. R.

Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South)

Hunter-Weston, Lt.-Gen. Sir Aylmer

Remnant. Sir James

Courthope, Lieut-Col. George L.

Hurd, Percy A.

Rentoul, G. S.

Craig, Captain C. C. (Antrim, South)

Hurst, Lt.-Col. Gerald Berkeley

Richardson, Lt.-Col. Sir P. (Chertsey)

Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry

Hutchison, G. A. C. (Midlothian, N.)

Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford)

Crooke, J. Smedley (Deritend)

Hutchison, W. (Kelvingrove)

Roberts, Rt. Hon. Sir S. (Ecclesall)

Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H.

Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S.

Robertson-Despencer,Major (Islgtn, W)

Davies, Thomas (Cirencester)

Jephcott, A. R.

Roundell, Colonel R. F.

Dawson, Sir Philip

Jodrell, Sir Neville Paul

Ruggles-Brise, Major E.

Du Pre, Colonel William Baring

Johnson, Sir L. (Walthamstow, E.)

Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth)

Edmondson, Major A. J.

Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newlngton)

Russell, William (Bolton)

Elliot, Captain Walter E. (Lanark)

Kennedy, Captain M. S. Nigel

Russell-Wells, Sir Sydney

Ellis, R. G.

King, Captain Henry Douglas

Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham)

Erskine, James Malcolm Monteith

Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement

Sanders, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert A.

Erskine, Lord (Weston-super-Mare)

Lane-Fox, Lieut.-Colonel G. R.

Scott, Sir Leslie (Liverp'l, Exchange)

Erskine-Bolst, Captain C.

Leigh, Sir John (Clapham)

Shepperson, E. W.

Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M.

Lloyd, Cyril E. (Dudley)

Shipwright, Captain D.

Simpson-Hinchcliffe, W. A.

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Wise, Frederick

Singleton, J. E.

Tubbs, S. W.

Wolmer, Viscount

Skelton, A. N.

Turton, Edmund Russborough

Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West)

Somerville, A. A. (Windsor)

Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull)

Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L.

Steel, Major S. Strang

Watts, Dr. T. (Man., Withington)

Yerburgh, R. D. T.

Stewart, Gershom (Wirral)

Wells, S. R.

Stockton, Sir Edwin Forsyth

White, Lt.-Col. G. D. (Southport)

TELLERS FOR THE NOES. —Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs.—Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs.

Sugden, Sir Wilfrid H.

Whitla, Sir William

Thompson, Luke (Sunderland)

Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George

Original Question put, and agreed to.

Fishery Board for Scotland

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a sum, not exceeding £30,679, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1924, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Fishery Board for Scotland, and for a Grant-in-Aid of Piers or Quays."—[NOTE: £16,000 has been voted on account.]

I beg to move, to reduce the Vote by £100.

I think too little money is being allowed to the Fishery Board for Scotland for the purposes for which they require it. We have heard a great deal about keeping men on the land, but those who know about the fishing position, especially in the fisheries of Scotland, will agree with me when I say that it is just as necessary to make arrangements to keep fishermen on the sea. It is little realised how much the fisheries mean to the revenue of this country, and how many people the fisheries employ. The county which I have the honour to represent in this House sent during the War no fewer than about 13,000 fishermen to the Navy, and in addition to that some 1,600 vessels, drifters, were requisitioned by the Admiralty and kept by them during the whole period of the War. At the end of the War these vessels were returned to the fishermen, who were demobilised, but, unfortunately for them, their markets had gone. The Fishery Board for Scotland, with the help of the Treasury, came to their assistance at that time, but unfortunately that assistance has now stopped, and the result is that in many cases the fishermen all along the coast of Scotland are becoming well nigh destitute. In all, there are some 130,000 people affected, and towns and villages of one kind and another, where there is a population of from 1,000 to 10,000, have in many cases the very greatest difficulty to keep their inhabitants alive. Indeed, were it not for the fact that credit is allowed to a very large extent to the fishermen, I hesitate to think what the position might be.

The markets have gone, through no fault of the fishermen, and I think the time has arrived when the Fishery Board for Scotland should make arrangements with the Treasury, in one form or another, to ensure that something more is done for the fishermen. From the Treasury Bench many times I have heard how well the fishermen did during the War, and how well they stood by the country. The fishermen are very glad to hear that, but they would like to have a return in some more practical form. Some little time ago, 14 members of this House interested in the fishing industry sent a memorial to the Board of Agriculture and Fisheries asking them to give like assistance to the fishing industry on a credit system as they were proposing for agriculture. When he replied to a question by the Member for East Fife (Mr. D. Miller) the other day, the Minister of Agriculture obviously did not really know the facts of the case. When the hon. and gallant Gentleman comes to reply on this Vote, I should like him very much to tell us whether there is any possibility of the Treasury and the Fishery Board for Scotland, in some form or other, coming to the assistance of the fishermen and giving them credits. When the War broke out the herring fishermen, especially those who owned nets, had possibly 50 or 60 nets each. As the men were called away, those nets were put into store. At the end of the War, when the nets were taken out, they were practically all rotted. Before the War, a net cost something like £2 or £3, but afterwards the men counted that a net would cost them £12. They had no money to buy nets, and the result was that they had to borrow from some of their more fortunate neighbours or go without. The nets have dropped in price since then, but, unfortunately, not sufficiently to enable the men to buy. The result is that the men are now walking about the streets in all the villages in Scotland without any work. They can get no doles, and in many cases they are living on the charity of their friends.

I do not think the House of Commons would like to believe that the men who stood by the country so well in those early days of the War, and who supplied the crews for the drifters which swept up the mines in the North Sea and other places, should be going destitute at the present moment. In many instances, however, that is the case, and I hope the Fishery Board for Scotland will be able to make arrangements, through the Treasury, to secure that credits shall be given to these men. If credits can be given to those engaged in agriculture, why cannot they be given to fishermen to obtain nets and other material to enable them to go to sea? I hope the hon. and gallant Gentleman will really take this matter up keenly with the Treasury, and see if something cannot be done.

There is another matter to which I should like to draw the attention of the Scottish Board of Fishery. The harbours in many parishes of Scotland are far from, being up to date. I should like to know whether the Fishery Board for Scotland has any policy with regard to these harbours. In almost every case, the harbours are now on the rates, and Bills have been introduced into this House, and passed, enabling those towns to put the harbours on the rates. Unfortunately, owing to the bad state of the fishing industry, the matter is going from bad to worse, and I think, in the national interest, the time has arrived when the Fishery Board for Scotland and the Treasury must make up their minds—hard as it may be—to put their hands into their pockets, and come to the assistance of the fishing industry by providing them with better harbour accommodation. I know, in the case of the Moray Firth, there is not sufficient harbour accommodation for the whole of these vessels. The result is that they have to be sent, at certain seasons of the year, to the Caledonian Canal and other places in order to provide them with harbour accommodation. The Development Commissioners occasionally come to the assistance of these harbours, but by no means adequately, and it is difficult to get the money at reasonable rates of interest, which is what the Development Commissioners are there for.

The Treasury and the Fishery Board should come to their assistance, and give an adequate grant. These small com- munities will go out of existence very soon in many cases unless this is done. We know that fishermen who own their houses in these villages have had to leave. Some have had to migrate abroad, and the result is that a very fruitful field, upon which the Navy can call to supply its needs in time of war, is gradually being disbanded. There is no doubt about the seriousness of the matter, so far as the fishing industry is concerned, and I hope that the hon. and gallant Gentleman will tell us, that not only have the Fishery Board for Scotland the interests of the fishing community at heart, but that they will really make up their mind to try to do something for it. The fishermen are doing the best they can, and the communities are doing the best they can, but it is little enough. After all that these men did during the War, the country should now come to their assistance, and help them in some form or other.

I beg to support the Amendment which has been moved. The discussion of fisheries very properly follows the discussion of agriculture, because, in certain parts of Scot-land, the two industries are very closely intertwined. The hon. and gallant Gentleman, in introducing the Agricultural Vote, said that if we could produce in Scotland or in this country one-third of the bacon we consumed we could pay off the American Debt. With his wonderful facility for picturesque phrase, he said that if he had every third plateful of bacon and eggs the American Debt would not worry him. If the hon. and gallant Gentleman would use his influence with the people of this country to induce them to buy herrings in one form or another, instead of bacon, he would be doing a very great service to a most important industry. I should like to warn the Committee that the herring fishing industry is in a very serious condition indeed, and that, unless we are very careful, and unless the Government is very courageous, we may have another exodus from Scotland at least as tragic as the exodus from the land of the Highlands has been during the last 100 years. The hon. Member for Banff (Sir C. Barrie) has gone over the important points, but I should like to insist upon this, that we are not asking for a dole or a subsidy for the herring fishing industry, but we are asking the Government, in the interests of a great food-producing indus- try, and for the sake of preserving a great and virile race, to give it temporary financial assistance. That is all. That assistance can be given in the form of credits, to enable the fishermen to purchase gear so that they can continue to be joint adventurers in the enterprise of herring fishing.

There is one important consideration in that respect. The herring fishermen of Scotland are a peculiar people. They are extremely independent. They always have been highly individualistic. There has been, up to very recently, no predominantly capitalist system in the herring industry. That is to say, the fishermen who man the boats have been joint partners—often by themselves, six or seven of them together—in the ownership of the boats. Within recent years another class has come into the industry, known as the land owners. They are capitalists, and put up the money for the part purchase of the boats, but, invariably, they have, as partners, working fishers. As a result of the loss of the markets, which was caused, first of all, by the War, and, secondly, by the failure to conclude a real peace with Russia and Germany, the fishermen have lost their savings, and are unable to replace the gear, which has deteriorated during the years of war. Unless something is done on their behalf, one of two things will happen. Either they will be driven abroad, and that is happening and is very likely to go on to a greater extent, or they will be reduced to the position of merely being employés of the owners of the steam drifters, and there will either be an exodus of fishermen or a reduction of their social status, and either of those results would be disastrous. There is still time to redeem these men from that very sad fate.

With regard to the provision of harbours there are two aspects to that question. I am not inclined to encourage the Fishery Board to undertake the erection of many new harbours. I do know that there is a great deal to be done in the way of maintenance work on existing harbours, and that has become a very heavy burden on the local authorities in the fishing towns in Scotland. In some of those towns the rates have been claimed as collateral security for loans, and unless the Treasury or the Fishery Board come to the relief of those municipalities the ratepayers, who are already suffering through the loss of trade, are going to be still further burdened by rates which they cannot possibly afford to pay. I understand that joint representations from the local authorities are being made to the Scottish Office on this, question, and I hope they will be received sympathetically, otherwise great damage will be done to the fishing industry.

I think I can anticipate the Under-Secretary's reply on this question. He will probably say that the Fishery Board for Scotland is a sympathetic and a progressive body, but he will also say that it has got no money. I would like to point out that a very large sum of money is being set aside for harbour works, and I believe the amount contemplated is about £10,000,000 or thereabouts. That harbour is not to be built in this country but at Singapore, and I wish to state that in this respect I am a "little Scotlander.' If we could only get one-fifth of that money for Scotland it would do a great deal to help our country through these very dreadful times. I do not know whether the Under-Secretary would care to do it not, but I suggest that if he threatened that the carrying out of this huge Imperial scheme at Singapore and the neglect of Scottish harbours was a question which would involve his resignation, I think he would succeed in getting a very substantial sum of money from the Government, because I am certain that the loss of the hon. and gallant Gentleman from the Front Bench at the present time would be utterly irreparable. The fishing population of Scotland is the great recruiting ground for the Royal Navy and for the mercantile marine. The industry it carries on produces a very valuable supply of food for this country and a very valuable export trade for the Continent. The question is the continued existence of the men working in the industry. I submit if you are going to destroy such an important industry, you will strike a blow really at the heart of the Empire, and the industry will cease to be able to render such high service in times of national peril, even although you may plant fortresses at every strategic point in the seven seas.

I should like to endorse every word uttered by the hon. Member who has just spoken. It is of my own personal knowledge that the fisherfolk on the North and East coasts of Scotland have been reduced to really dire straits, and if the Minister can see his way to come to their assistance, I would urge that that assistance be given immediately. We were told by the last speaker that they should be supplied it once with boats' outfit and gear, because unless that be done they will lose their season. Their whole capital is embarked in their craft, and without this assistance they cannot pursue their calling. They will be thrown out of work. This Vote enables me to bring up another point, and that is as to the absolute and utter inefficiency of the policing of the territorial waters, so far as the North, east and West coasts of Scotland are concerned. It is not that the craft are not there, it is not that the men who man them do not do their work well and thoroughly, but the trouble is that their best is not good enough. There are two boats which are absolutely unsuitable for the work—the "Minna" and the "Brenda." These boats are regarded with great respect by all the fisherfolk up and down the coast, but when they pursue their slow, devious way along the South coast of Scotland it is easy for any craft that wishes to poach on the North or West coast to get two good fishings and to run into the harbour with their catch. The system is wrong. I believe alternative proposals have been made by the fisherfolk. There are two things that could be done. Newer, better and faster boats might be provided for patrolling purposes, or the policing of these waters might be left to the fisherfolk. It is imperative that the territorial waters should be watched. They are often poached by foreign vessels. I need not remind the Committee of the trouble that has recently occurred at Aberdeen by reason of the landing of large catches of fish by German trawlers—fish supposed to have been caught on the deep sea banks of the North Sea, off the coast of Iceland, or off Faroe Island. There is, in fact, a good deal more than shrewd suspicion that much of the fish landed at Aberdeen has been recently swimming in the preserved waters of the Moray Firth. It is, of course, almost impossible to prove that these fish were not caught on the deep sea bank, but the fear is that a good many of them were not only caught close in shore, but actually within territorial waters, because those waters are not efficiently and properly policed.

Another reason why we should jealously guard the territorial waters is that these are the preserve, if one may say so, of the line fishermen. The line fisher on the East and North coast is the man who has got too old to go to sea in the steam drifter or trawler. He has served his day and generation; he is an honest and intelligent man, who ekes out his old age, and endeavours to keep himself off the pension roll and to earn a livelihood by the aid of a smaller boat, perhaps with an auxiliary motor, which he uses, largely, inside the territorial waters. A third reason why we want to preserve our territorial waters is that, by systematic poaching, which undoubtedly goes on—it is no use denying it—the breeding grounds and nurseries of the immature fish are, unfortunately, destroyed.

These, I think, are reasons which have been brought before the House before, and I will not enlarge upon them, although one would like to do so. The point is that we wish for more efficient policing of our territorial waters. It must either be done by the Admiralty providing better, newer and more efficient boats, or by conjoining, possibly, with the Fishery Board and producing a scheme, whereby the policing can be carried on by the men themselves. It is within the knowledge of the Scottish Office, at least, that proposals have been made by the fishermen whereby they say, "If you will give us a suitable craft, manned by the Admiralty, we will find the crew. Our men will go a month turn and turn about. We will give up our fishing to do it. We know the waters, and we know where the poaching goes on, and this would be a very much more efficient police force than that which is at present in existence." They were, of course, met by the usual response, that the Fishery Board and the Treasury had entire sympathy with the hardship of the case, and thought it would be an excellent proposal, but, unfortunately, there was no money.

The other proposal that has been made is that the fishermen themselves should act as patrols and police in their own area., and it seems to me that that would probably be the least expensive way of having a really efficient police service, as obviously the "Minna" and "Brenda" are known, and the moment their bows are seen over the horizon the knowledge of their presence is spread over the length and breadth of the sea, because they can be seen 10 miles away. On the other hand, if it were up to the local fishermen, with their motor-boats, to watch their own waters, poaching in territorial waters would at once become impossible. Obviously, if John is not allowed to poach in William's water, he will take good care that William does not poach in his water. Therefore, I think it may be taken that poaching in territorial waters would cease and determine at a very early date.

The trouble, we are told, is that these fishermen, if they identify any poaching craft and bring them to justice, are expected to attend at the Court, and they find that no allowance can be given to them for the time and trouble which they have expended in being on the sea with their craft, and for their assistance in bringing the delinquent to book. They go to the Court, and find that they have to be kept waiting, possibly, one or two days, and after that, when a conviction has, possibly, been secured, they are awarded the handsome gratuity of something like five shillings for their attendance as witnesses. Their time may not be very valuable in these times of bad fishing, but it has not yet got quite so bad as that. All I would suggest, if more money cannot be found to preserve the industry—which, after all, is one of our most valuable food-supplying industries—assistance should be given, and the schemes which have been proposed and submitted should receive at least favourable consideration from the Fishery Board and from the Treasury. A very small sum, it seems to me, would go far to ensure that security for which these fisher folk have asked.

They have given of their best. No class in the length and breadth of the land has done more or given more to this country in its late time of trouble, and it is certain that no class has suffered more. It seems to me that no class deserves more of us than our fisher folk, and it is undoubtedly true, as was said by one hon. Member, that we are in great danger of losing them and their happy and prosperous little communities. I know of my own knowledge that in my own constituency the young men are not going to sea as their fathers and grandfathers did. They are leaving what, after all, is their hereditary occupation. Within the last fortnight I have had three men call on me here at this House on their way to Australia, under the new schemes which are in operation there. I asked them why they were going, and they said that they would rather stay at Lossiemouth, or wherever it was, but they could not afford it. There was no future in fishing, so far as they could see. The result is that they are leaving the old fatherland, not because they want to, but because they have to. We are losing one of our most valuable sources of virile humanity, and it seems to me a very small price to ensure that that should not happen. If we do not seize our opportunity, we may, ere we are very much older, pay a very large price in the loss of one of our most valuable commodities, and in the loss of the efficiency of our second most valuable food producing industry. I think the matter deserves the sympathy of the Treasury, and I hope the small means which would be required to meet the more efficient policing of our coastal waters should be easily found.

I feel sure Scottish Members will allow me to say a word about the fishing industry. The hon. Member opposite suggested that the herring fishery could be improved by grants for the enlargement of harbours, and that we could help the industry by eating more herrings. I have followed his advice for many years past. For two or three years we have not had really a good fat herring. That is at the bottom of the whole trouble. The herring are not good and, apart from chance gluts, are not plentiful. The provision of nets and the making of harbours will not give us fat herring. Owing to some seasonal change or some change in salinity of the Atlantic waters, marine parasites are spoiling herring breeding. No new nets, much as I should like to vote with my hon. Friend if I thought free nets would help the fishermen, and no harbours will help them. We ought to have a very kindly eye on the men who are the bulwark of the nation. No better and braver men exist. The thing we must reconcile ourselves to is this. The herring fishery is bad because the fish themselves are few. There is a scarcity of fish and we must wait until a readjustment is provided by nature herself. It seems to me the remedy is this. The Dutch got into trouble in the early part of the fifteenth century and could not sell their herring because they were badly cured, so they introduced a new way of curing them and they rehabilitated the whole industry. Then just before I was born, having come from near Yarmouth, there was a gap in the prosperity of the herring fishery until the Woodgers introduced the curing of kippers, a thing which was not known in this country, and by teaching the herring fishery people how to cure herring in the form of kippers they set the industry up and brought a certain amount of prosperity to the Norfolk and Suffolk coast. Besides, we have lost our Russian markets since 1914.

The remedy that comes to my mind is that as we are getting fewer herrings the best thing our people can do is to turn about and try how it can make the best of the few herring we get. We should teach the people how to eat herrings done up in tasty ways so that the small amount of fish we get will fetch a bigger price. Before the War it was not uncommon for the Germans to buy our herring at 50s. a "last" and sell them back to us in bottles at 3d. or 4d. each. Those who have control of the matter should invent ways of preserving herrings in bottles or tins so that the men who catch them can get more money. That is a better remedy than giving nets for herring that cannot be caught because they do not exist in such large quantities, or providing harbours.

I do not propose to follow the hon. Member except to remind him that there are other fish in the sea besides the herring and that an excellent living used to be obtained by the Scottish fishermen before the trawling destroyed it. Neither have I heard any complaint from the fishermen as to the inadequate number of herring to be caught in the sea. In fact, I understand that the fleet has actually had to be reduced because the fishermen could not find a market for the disposal of the large amount which was being caught. I would rather endorse all that has been said on this side of the Committee, and I would impress the Under-Secretary in the few moments at my disposal the necessity of harbour accommodation on the south-east coast of Scotland. Unitl this week, indeed until yesterday, I could have said that nothing one could do would have softened the heart of those who dwell in Dover House. But after the kind manner with which we were received by the Secretary for Scotland yesterday, when I had the honour to introduce a deputation of harbour trustees, my complaint is not of the hardness of heart of the Scottish Fishery Board, but of the Treasury.

One case which I may bring to the notice of the hon. Gentleman as a typical case is that of Port Seton in East Lothian. There a population of 3,000 persons have asked for a sum very slightly exceeding £1 per head of the population for improvement to the entrance to their harbour, and for necessary repairs to their splendid pier. The sad part of the story is that that this is only what remains of a much more ambitious scheme which would have been not only of great assistance to the fishing industry, but would have been of considerable value to the local coal industry as well, but they have abandoned that scheme possibly, in all the circumstances, wisely, though I think unfortunately, and they have concentrated on this smaller scheme. It was suggested to the Under-Secretary that work of this kind would assist unemployment because this work could be carried on in winter, when, so far as I can make out, the money available for unemployment is spent very largely on the construction of vast roads chiefly in the vicinity of London and largely in the county of Kent. I would ask whether there is any likelihood of assistance for these harbours? It is not extravagant expenditure. In my opinion, it is an investment, and, in spite of all that the hon. Member for Farnham (Mr. A. M. Samuel) says, I think that it is a very sound investment, practically a gilt-edged security.

I am the first to applaud economy, and indeed I applaud the economies made by the Fishery Board. They are spending £6,000 less this year than last. But if I may criticise ever so slightly the Fishery Board, I wish that their economy would start at home. One sum which remains constant is the expenditure on their incidental office expenses. This year they spent some £355 on telephone calls. I have no objection to that if, as the result of all this telephoning, there is some advantage to the fishing industry, but when nothing whatever is done it is disheartening. I hope that some provision will be made in next year's Estimate for giving substantial aid towards the south-east coast harbours. I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman for setting up a Committee of inquiry into the trawling. At the same time, I hope that he will not confine himself merely to such recommendations as this Committee may make, for there are many other ways in which he can help the fishing industry. Many of them would require legislation and it is not in order to refer to them now. But there are ways. There was an inquiry into the herring fishery in Scotland in the 18th century, as no doubt the hon. and gallant Gentleman knows. It was on similar lines, and so unsatisfactory was the condition of affairs then that an obscure Member of Parliament at that time ventured to write a pamphlet which was circulated throughout the country. In it he said: appropriate to the present occasion. It is this:

I hope that the House will excuse the intrusion of a foreigner in a Scottish Debate. I intervene only because of the remarks of the hon. Member for Moray and Nairn (Mr. Guthrie), to which I listened with great interest. As a solution of the fishing problem on the East Coast of Scotland, he suggested that the fishermen should be formed into a sort of local police to take action of their own, in default of fishery protection being available.

It is a dangerous suggestion, because I have heard it said on the East Coast of Scotland—I have been there—that not all the poachers came from the other side of the North Sea, and that some came from the South. What would happen to the Liberal party if the constituents of the hon. Member for Moray and Nairn found themselves up against the constituents of the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy)? It seems to me that the position would be worse than ever. I am as anxious as any one to urge the Government seriously, to take up this question of fishery protection. In my view there is a great deal in it. The protection is not sufficiently well done now. I believe it is not sufficiently well done for this reason—that the ships employed on the duty are quite inefficient for the job. They are too slow; they have about half a knot's advantage in speed over the vessels which they have to catch, and there are not enough of them. I ask the Government to go carefully into the question raised by the hon. Member for Moray and Nairn and the right hon. Member for Ross and Cromarty (Mr. Macpherson) many times in this House, and to see whether they have enough ships employed, and whether the ships are efficient for the task they have to perform. I urge this in all seriousness. I know the officers and men employed on the duty feel very keenly the fact that they are unable faithfully and adequately to do the job which they are told to carry out.

I wish to draw the attention of the Committee briefly to a matter not referred to by any of the previous speakers. Before doing so, I may reassure the hon. Member for Farnham (Mr. A. M. Samuel). It is not a parasite and not the temperature of the water which has affected the fishing—it is the occupation of the Ruhr. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh!"] Yes, we know very well in Shetland where we sell our herring, and it is the upset of the markets in Hamburg and on the Baltic which is having an effect. We are selling our herring—which I am glad to say promise to be very much better this season than last—in Lithuania. We have got the first herring already, and they are improving, and we are selling them in Lithuania for a new coin called a "litt"; I do not know what it is, but I believe it is on a gold basis. It is most important to the herring fisheries of Scotland that* the situation in Europe should be stabilised. The real point to which I wish to draw attention is the value of this industry, compared with the amount spent on research in connection with it. I am not exaggerating when I say the value of the industry runs into millions. The amount spent on fishery research this year was £9,845, which is £1,220 less than last year. At this period—in the year 1923—we ought to realise the value, in connection with an industry of this importance, of scientific research into the ways and habits of the fish. The amount spent on inefficient policing last year was £35,000, and we spent £9,000 on research. I suggest that these sums should be reversed, and that we should spend £35,000 on research and £9,000 on policing, if the policing is efficient. I am not going into the policing question, because I trust and believe that the Committee recently appointed will go into that matter thoroughly. One of the terms of reference is to inquire into the policing of the fisheries off the coast of Scotland, and we should not help matters much by discussing it at the present time. A question which has agitated the House before, and is agitating us in Shetland, is the question of whaling. We all believe in Shetland that the whale affects the herring in some way or other—we cannot tell in what way—and we hope that by further research we may be able to discover whether or not it would be right to stop whaling. I appeal to the Government to see what can be done to encourage wider research.

I have to apologise to the Committee for again troubling it with a speech, but it would be discourteous to the hon. Members who have raised these points if one left them altogether without a reply, more particularly as the reply I intend to make is not exactly the one forecasted for me on several occasions. Dealing particularly with the points that have been raised just now, I was very struck with the speech of the hon. Member for Orkney and Shetland (Sir R. Hamilton), because it appears to me that he really did, in two respects, put his finger also-lately on the spot. He said that what was the matter with the herring was not the salinity of the waters nor the parasites on the fish, but the occupation of the Ruhr.

My complaint is that it makes neither the herrings nor the people who catch them fat. This movement in Central Europe has reacted upon the fortunes of obscure fishermen on the west coast of Scotland, whose lives one would have believed to be the last to be affected. It is, however, the fact that the trouble with the industry is the loss of a market, and that market the foreign market of Central Europe, and at the present time the occupation of the Ruhr is one of the things with which we have to reckon in estimating the chances of recovering our trade in that part of the world. The other thing which he said has my support, but probably not that of his own party, was that at present we are spending £9,000 on research and £35,000 on policing, and that we should reverse it and spend £35,000 on research and £9,000 on policing.

I do not know whether £9,000 worth of efficient policing would be better than £35,000 of inefficient policing. I must leave that to hon. Members to thrash out in the bosom of their own party. The points which have been raised fall into two, or rather three, main groups—the question of assistance to the fishing industry in the form of credit, or some other form, the question of harbour accommodation, and the question of policing. Other questions were also raised by hon. Members. The hon. Member for Farnham (Mr. A. M. Samuel) suggested that some new form of culinary attraction should be devised which would make the herring more attractive to the British consumer, but, I think, that suggestion had better be brought before the notice of the Chairman of the Kitchen Committee than myself. The hon. Member for East Aberdeenshire (Mr. F. Martin) suggested that while the Rewett Institute was investigating the question of animals, it should also investigate the question of fish. He is a little behind the times, because one of the chief experiments that has been carried out there has been the utilisation of fish meal and the disposal of the surplus catches. When we are on the subject, I should like to say that there is a certain suspicion of fish meal fed bacon abroad in the country just now, but that suspicion is entirely unjustified. I have lived for weeks at a time on fish meal fed bacon to carry out experiments on myself, and if any hon. Member would like to make the trial, I have no doubt that I can arrange for fish meal fed bacon to be provided for his use. The question was raised of the charges for telegrams and telephones. But hon. Members, on consideration, must realise the source of those increased charges. The question of policing the seas is very largely a question of money. It is idle to suggest, as the Noble Lord the Member for Battersea (Viscount Curzon) suggested, that we should get more ships from the Admiralty. We cannot get them. These fishing patrol boats are paid for out of this Fisheries Vote, and when we want the boats the Admiralty say—I am bound to say with some show of reason—"If you want these boats for policing, you must be prepared to pay for them." On the general question, after a good deal of pressure has been exercised by hon. Members, we have set up a Committee that is inquiring into the whole of the facts of the case, and I shall be pre- pared to leave the question at that now. Again, as to the powers given under the Development Commissioners in respect to harbour works, etc., the Ministry of Labour, owing to the distress in the districts, set the work going, and the matter of works and their progress is being looked into.

11.0 P.M.

On the last question, the assistance that can be given to industry, the hon. Member for East Aberdeen (Mr. Martin) said that he had no doubt I would be very sympathetic and progressive. People who approached the Development Commissioners for help may expect to get their applications sympathetically considered. There is at present an Agricultural Credits Bill passing through the House, and I see no reason why the fishermen should not, like the farmers, get into association, and by an association or associations, go ahead and ask for facilities of that kind. This is, as I say, a matter for the Development Commissioners. [An HON. MEMBER: "Will this require legislation?"] No, they are a statutory body. With regard to the herring fishery there is the twofold difficulty of the loss of markets and, to some extent, the loss of fish. But with the latter matter there has been an improvement, and in one particular area the catches have of late been surprisingly high, and with that I beg to take leave of the question.

In view of the reply of the Minister, I beg leave to withdraw the Amendment.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

Original Question put, and agreed to.

Resolutions to be reported To-morrow; Committee to sit again To-morrow.

Universities of Oxford and Cambridge [Expenses]

Resolution reported,

"That it is expedient, for the purposes of any Act of the present Session to make further provision with respect to the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge and the colleges therein, to authorise the payment, out of moneys provided by Parliament, up to an amount approved by the Treasury, of all expenses incurred in the execution of the said Act by the Commissioners appointed thereunder, including any remuneration, being remuneration of such amount as the Treasury may determine, payable to persons employed by the Commissioners."

Resolution agreed to.

The remaining orders were read, and postponed .

Civil Service (War Bonus)

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House do now adjourn."—[ Colonel Leslie Wilson .]

I desire to raise a question of which I gave the Financial Secretary to the Treasury notice. I see that the right hon. Gentleman is not in his place, so I imagine the Postmaster General is going to reply. The question has concerned a great many civil servants for a long time, and it is also a matter of public interest. It formed the subject of a recent law suit, Sutton v . Rex. It will be remembered that in 1914, when the War broke out, the Government sought to attract skilled men of the Post Office engineering service into special units of the Army and the Royal Engineers, by giving them special terms of enlistment, and a public notice was issued in the official "Gazette" of the Post Office inviting applications for enlistment on terms which were that full civil pay, in addition to military pay, would be given. As time went on and the cost of living rose, the question of War bonus came along, and ultimately a series of awards of War bonuses were made to civil servants, which began to affect this question, and from the time of the first award the, men who had joined these special sections found that they were left out of the War bonus. It became a legal question and at the end of the War, when the men returned, they tested the legality of their case by bringing an action in the King's Bench Division, which they won. The Government appealed, and in the Court of Appeal the King's Bench Division judgment was reversed. The appeal was then taken to the House of Lords, and finally the House of Lords restored the judgment of the Judge in the King's Bench Division.

After waiting all this time, the men are very anxious to know what the Government propose to do. I put a question on the Paper last week, which has not been answered, but an answer was given to a question put by another hon. Gentleman last week, which has had the effect of raising some doubts as to the intention of the Government. The answer was' to the effect that the Government proposed to pay out as quickly as they could to those civil servants to whom the award was clearly applicable. It is on the question of the definition of the words "clearly applicable" that I hope the Postmaster-General will be able to give us some information. I should not have troubled the House to-night on this question had it not been for the extreme difficulty there is in getting full information on this subject. It would, I think, be far better if, when the Government or one of the Departments had come to a decision, the information were fully and rapidly conveyed to the House, particularly when it affects a large number of public servants. It is because we have not been able to get this information, because there is a great deal of doubt and rumour that I think it would be wise to raise this question in order that the Government might make a statement which would enable the men to see exactly where they are. We concluded all along that the implications of the judgment of Mr. Justice Darling in the King's Bench Division did raise large issues which would require the careful consideration of the Government, but what we cannot understand is why there should be any dubiety about the case of the men of the special sections on whose behalf the ease was fought, and whose case was clearly stated in the terms of contract, and I should have thought the first thing the Government would have done after they got the judgment of the House of Lords would have been to state that they would fully discharge the obligations laid upon the Government by the House of Lords judgment, but by introducing into the answers they gave to the House an expression such as "clearly applicable," it did seem necessary that we should try to get from the Government an assurance that the classes who were included in that definition of "clearly applicable" include at least all the men who had joined the special section, whether before or after certain dates from which changes in the methods of enlistment took place. I hope, therefore, that the Postmaster-General will be able to give us an assurance.

I am very glad that the hon. Gentleman has raised this question, because, as he says, there is a great deal of doubt as to the classes to which this applies. As he truly says, it is a legal question, and with all legal questions there is not the same possibility of immediate action which any Government Department desires. All I can say is that the class to which the judgment applies will be paid as quickly as possible. To-morrow a circular is going out in the Post Office Circular, which is, as the hon. Member knows, the ordinary method of communicating with Post Office servants, instructing them that steps may be taken at once to pay the Post Office servants to whom the judgment of the House of Lords clearly is applicable, and that forms of claims will be forwarded to postmasters during the week. Instructions as to procedure, and the classes to which the present decision applies, will follow. As the hon. Member truly says, it is a legal question. There is no question, as I think, that those who enlisted in the special section before 7th September, 1915, are entitled. The hon. Gentleman is quite aware that there may be other classes besides those, which ought to be covered by the judgment, although they were not specifically covered by the judgment, and that question is now before the Law Officers of the Crown, and as soon as we get their advice payments will be made.

Until we have got their advice, I am in exactly the same difficulty as the hon. Member is. He could not, and did not attempt to_ specify very closely what classes are included. As soon as we know what classes are included, the same treatment will be meted out to them as is already arranged for with regard to those who are undoubtedly included. May I say this, that last week the Prime Minister set up a Cabinet Committee of representatives of all the Departments which were likely to be concerned—not only of the Post Office, but of other Departments—to go into the question immediately, so that there should be no unnecessary delay, and I can, and do now, undertake on behalf of the Government that there shall be no unnecessary delay.

May I point out this particular failing in the statement the right hon. Gentleman has made? The judgment of Mr. Justice Darling, which was restored by the House of Lords, included not only people who enlisted before the 7th September, 1915, but everybody who joined the Royal Engineers under the terms of the notice in the 1914 Circular right up to the end of the War. No one, even a layman, who reads the judgment, could fail to believe that this is the ease. As the right hon. and learned Attorney-General is present, I should be glad to ask him whether that is not the fact, because, if so, it makes it totally unnecessary to consider the other class. The other class which I was considering, and which I think the Law Officers may have to take some time over, were people who were not members of the Special Section, but who would come under Mr. Justice Darling's definition. The Special Section, surely, cannot be divided into those who enlisted before the 7th September, 1915, and those who enlisted after that date, and that is why we thought there should be a legal opinion.

Now the hon. Gentleman is much more rash than he was in his first statement. He is now interpreting the judgment of the House of Lords. It may well be that what he says is correct, but that is one of the questions to be considered along with the other question which he has just indicated—as to what other people outside those in the Special Section are affected by the judgment. I hope we shall get the decision of the Law Officers on this point very soon, but they have not yet been able to consider the case with the fulness which it deserves.

Question put, and agreed to.

Adjourned accordingly at a Quarter after Eleven o'Clock.