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Commons Chamber

Volume 165: debated on Wednesday 27 June 1923

House of Commons

Wednesday, June 27, 1923

The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.

Private Business

London County Council (Money) Bill,

Oakham Gas and Electricity Bill [ Lords ],

Torquay Corporation Bill,

As amended, considered; to be read the Third time.

Oral Answers to Questions

Questions

Naval Armaments (Washington Convention)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether the French Government has yet ratified the Washington Convention?

The answer is in the negative.

Will the Government represent that we have waited a long time for France to ratify this Treaty, and that the delay is costing us and other nations a great deal of money?

I understand that there is a report by the Foreign Affairs Committee submitted to the Chamber, and in that event it will be passed into law shortly.

Passports

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he will consider obtaining the views of those responsible for the actual supervision of the landing of travellers in this country, with a view to ascertaining whether, in the opinion of these officials, the present passport system really carries out the purpose for which it was set up, and inform the House of the result of this inquiry?

No, Sir. This question has already been carefully considered by the Departments of His Majesty's Government concerned, who are generally agreed that the present passport system is indispensable for the control of alien immigration into this country, and is otherwise of undoubted value.

Are the officials perfectly satisfied that the system prevents false passports being used and is of any assistance in preventing undesirable people coming to this country?

The whole matter is being inquired into. The question about the false passports ought to be addressed to the Home Secretary.

Is not the whole trouble not so much the passports as the visa system, which does not keep any undesirable person out, but hampers the honest citizen?

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether it is now possible to extend the duration of a passport from two to five years?

I would refer the hon. Member to the answer given to a similar question by the hon. Member for Acton on the 18th instant.

Ruhr Occupation

French Army (Cost)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if his attention has been drawn to a statement by the French Minister of War to the effect that the cost of maintaining the French Army in the Ruhr should be placed to the account of the Armies of Occupation; and whether His Majesty's Government is prepared to approve this decision?

I have seen a newspaper report to the effect mentioned by the hon. and gallant Member. His Majesty's Government have not at present been consulted on this proposal.

Will inquiries be made into this matter, and the French Government consulted on the subject?

I do not think that I should be prepared to consult the French Government on a newspaper report.

Is it not the fact that enormous cost is being piled up, and the French Government do not know whether our Government would approve of that cost coming out of reparation?

How can the hon. and gallant Gentleman expect me to know what the French Government know? I do not know what information the French Government have, nor do I know the total Cost that is being piled up.

Has the French Government been told that we do not approve of this cost coming out of reparation?

Would it not be expedient to inform the French Government whether we do or do not approve of the cost coming out of reparation?

I cannot say. At present the question only arises out of newspaper reports.

At any rate, I am not prepared at a moment when there are discussions between the French Government and ourselves, to indicate any further the views of His Majesty's Government on the matter.

Alleged Terrorism

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether a Note has been received from the German Government protesting against acts of alleged terrorisation committed by the French forces in the invaded territory of the Ruhr, including the shooting of four men, namely, Herr Futschank, Dr. Schöne, Herr Strothman, and Herr Buschoff; whether this Note will be laid before Parliament; and what action is being taken by the British Government?

A Note has been received from the German Government protesting against alleged acts of terrorism by the French and Belgian troops of occupation, but it contains no mention of the four individuals named by the hon. and gallant Member. His Majesty's Government do not propose to lay the Note before Parliament, nor are they prepared to take any action in the matter, for which they have no responsibility whatever.

There are a great many documents which pass between foreign Governments and this Government that cannot be published.

But is it not obviously of great importance that Members of this House, who have to take decisions on the policy in the Ruhr, should know about this document?

I do not know that it is of great importance, but the hon. and gallant Gentleman could probably obtain the information if he wanted to get it.

Rhineland

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether the British authorities have had any communications or negotiations with Dr. Dorten or other leaders of the Separatist party in the Rhineland; if so, what has been the object and nature of such negotiations; and what is known of Dr. Dorten and his activities since the Armistice?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative. Dr. Dorten is the leader of one of the Rhineland Separatist parties.

Sudan Political Service

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs who constitutes the selection board for probationers in the Sudan political service; by whom was the recent selection of probationers for that service made; how many candidates offered themselves for the recent vacancies and how many were selected; and will he furnish a list of the selected candidates, together with ages, places of education, and particulars of military service, if any?

The President and members of the Sudan Government Selection Board, who are all members of the Sudan service, are appointed annually by the Governor-General. No recent selection of probationers has taken place, as the Board is sitting to-day for the first time this year. The remainder of the question, therefore, does not arise.

Austria (French and German Capital)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he is aware of the fact that an agreement has been come to between the Neideroes-terreichische Eskompte Gesellschaft and a Paris banking syndicate representing the French Schneider-Creusot group, to construct new harbour works and to engage in other projects in Austria; and if he can say if this combination of French and German capitalists will receive benefits as a result of the recent Austrian loan raised in this country?

His Majesty's Government have received information agreeing substantially with the first part of the hon. Member's question. As regards the second part, there is a prima facie presumption that commercial enterprises in Austria generally will gain indirectly from any improvement in Austrian State finances that may be produced by the loan recently subscribed in this and other countries.

Are we to understand that the British Government has guaranteed as to principle and interest a loan which is going to benefit a combination made up of Herr Hugo Stinnes, who is the direct influence here, and a French banking firm?

I do not know that the hon. Member is to understand that. If the combination is trading in Austria, I do not see how you can prevent them getting any benefit which Austria may obtain out of the loan.

Russia and Japan

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he is now in a position to furnish the House with information as to the alleged de jure recognition of the Russian Government by the Government of Japan?

His Majesty's Government understand that conversations are about to take place, or are actually taking place, between representatives of the two Governments at Tokio, with a view to discover some basis for their future relations. There appears to be no foundation for the report that de jure recognition has been granted.

Royal Navy

Naval Base, Singapore

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty what is the estimated and approximate cost of the projected graving dock at Singapore; and what is the estimated and approximate cost of the new dockyard at Singapore, with the additional fortifications, and barrack and hospital accommodation, and including cost of railway and road construction, and other incidentals?

The estimated approximate cost of the projected graving dock is about £1,000,000. The cost of a floating dock of the same size would amount to about the same figure. The figure of £400,000, which was given by my hon. and gallant Friend the Parlia- mentary Secretary on the 20th June was for a floating dock which was capable of taking one ship of the maximum size allowable under the Washington Agreement, but, for reasons of general utility, it is proposed to construct a somewhat larger graving dock which could, if required, take two vessels at a time. The total cost on Navy Votes for the next ten years of the dockyard and naval base at Singapore, with its various accessories, is at present roughly estimated at £10,500,000. The hon. and gallant Member will understand that it is not possible to give a close estimate until the details of the requirements have been fully examined and approved. There will be no additional fortifications or barrack accommodation chargeable to Navy Votes.

Are we to understand that certain expenditure on this dockyard does not come on the Navy Votes? If so, on what Votes does it come?

There is no further charge on the Navy Votes. If any additional fortifications are required, they come on the Army Votes, but I am not contemplating that there will be a very heavy expenditure.

Will the materials of this particular contract be placed in England, or go to the French-German combination mentioned in a previous question?

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that erroneous statements have been made in the newspapers to the effect that the existing mercantile dock can take every ship except the "Hood," and will the right hon. Gentleman take the opportunity of contradicting them?

Yes. The existing mercantile dock could not take any of the bulged ships, and there are a great many more of them.

Before the right hon. Gentleman commits himself to two graving docks, will he say whether the question of a floating dock has been considered, as the former could be mapped out by an enemy wanting to hit them, while the floating dock could be towed away?

Foreign Station Service

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether the undertaking that His Majesty's ships commissioned for service on foreign stations prior to the order introducing three years' commissions would not be required to serve the full three years, but the period of service would only be lengthened in proportion to the period unexpired, has been cancelled; and why instructions have been issued that all ratings drafted before the issue of the order mentioned are to serve the full period on their respective stations?

The answer to the first part of the question is that no such undertaking was given, and to the second part, that no such instructions were issued. I would refer my hon. and gallant Friend to my reply of the 7th March.

With the permission of the House I will read the reply:

The rule that men serving in ships on foreign stations are not to be absent from home for more than three years applies equally to men who were already abroad at the time the order was issued prescribing two-and-a-half years as the minimum period of ships' commissions on foreign stations.

The period of absence from home must depend largely on opportunities for passage, but the normal period of actual service on a foreign station is two-and-a-half years and a further supplementary Fleet Order is being issued in order to remove any misapprehension on the point.

Royal Marines

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty what saving it is estimated will be effected by the amalgamation of the Royal Marine Artillery with the Royal Marine Light Infantry; and whether, in view of the impossibility in these highly scientific days for men to be skilled in more than one branch, and seeing that the attempt now to be made to create a corps which will be both artillery (land and sea) and infantry, particularly with a force the members of which are nearly all serving afloat, is likely to be a failure, he will reconsider the matter?

The anticipated saving will, as stated in my reply to my Noble and gallant Friend the Member for South Batter sea on 11th April, be about £50,000 per annum. As regards the latter part of the question, it is necessary to keep in mind that the long service system in the Royal Marines makes it possible to give them a wider training than is given in the Army. There is no justification for the suggestion that the Royal Marines will fail to maintain their customary high standard of efficiency.

Were any of the senior officers of the Blue Marines consulted before this change was decided upon?

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the senior officers of the Blue Marines are very indignant at the proposed change, involving, as it does, the abolition of their corps?

Has this order been properly promulgated at the various places where Royal Marines are stationed?

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty if the pre-War pensioner of the Royal Marines, who served during the War as an officer and received the retired pay of the rank he held on demobilisation, received a War gratuity at the close of hostilities; and, if so, what was the amount awarded to the lieutenant-colonel, major, captain, and lieutenant, respectively?

Pre-War pensioners of the Royal Marines, who served during the War as officers of their corps, received War gratuity on the permanent officers' scale. For those who attained the rank of captain the scale of gratuity varied in amount according to the length of War service from £45 to £93 and for lieutenants from £40 to £88. None of the officers in question rose above captain's rank.

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty if the pre-War pensioner of the Royal Marines who served during hostilities as an officer and received the retired pay of the rank he held on demobilisation received his pre-War pension while serving as an officer?

These officers were permitted to draw their man's pension in addition to the pay of their rank, but without the bonus on full pay which was allowed in the case of recalled officers.

Is it a fact that seven or eight officers of the Royal Marines who have been promoted from the ranks, and who were employed in the Army, have not been treated as other Marine officers who were promoted from the ranks; and why have they been left out?

I happen to be one of the officials of the Admiralty, and am afraid that I cannot answer my hon. Friend.

Schoolmasters

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty if he is aware that no promotions have been made to headmaster and senior master, Royal Navy, respectively, since April, 1922; if he will recommend that more promotions to these ranks be made in order to bring their numbers up to the proper proportions; and if he is aware that the maximum post-War establishment of schoolmasters includes 16 lieutenants, 51 commissioned warrant officers, 128 schoolmaster warrant officers, and that the numbers borne at present are nine lieutenants and 25 commissioned warrant officers?

Promotion in the schoolmaster branch has not been overlooked, and further promotions are under consideration. With reference to the last part of the question, the actual number of higher ranks at any time is determined by the number of appointments in which the services of schoolmasters of these ranks are required.

I cannot say exactly, but my hon. Friend should remember that this is a comparatively new service and it requires a certain amount of time before the numbers are adjusted to the necessary grades.

Is it not the case that questions on this subject have been put for the last two years, and the same reply has always been given—that the matter is under consideration? Is it not bad policy on the part of the Navy to keep these men, whose teaching work is so important, disgruntled, and in a constant state of dissatisfaction on account of this lack of promotion?

Clothing Issues (Cash System)

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty, in view of the institution of the cash system for issues of clothing, etc., in the Royal Navy and of the fact that supply chief petty officers may take cash when no junior accountant officers are borne ( vide Admiralty Fleet Order 2,619/22, paragraph 2 of Appendix) whether the Regulations contained in paragraph 2 of Article 1,602, King's Regulations, will be modified to permit writers to handle public money under similar conditions?

Writers (Promotion)

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty the number of naval writers passed educationally and professionally for warrant writer; whether the post-War establishment of accountant officers has yet been fixed; whether, in considering the post-War establishment of accountant officers, the numbers of writers fully qualified and recommended for warrant rank has been taken into account; and, in view of the saving in wages and increase in efficiency which would result by the employment of these experienced writers as captain's clerks of His Majesty's ships, whether arrangements for such employment will be made with a view to their ultimate promotion to warrant rank after a period of probation?

The number of writers qualified professionally and educationally for warrant rank is 50. The post-War establishment of accountant branch has not yet been fixed. Establishments of officers of all branches are based upon requirements, and it is not practicable in this or any other branch to take into account the number of candidates who may have qualified for warrant rank. Writers are occasionally employed as captain's clerks, but the Admiralty are not prepared to extend the scope of such employment with the object indicated in the latter part of this question.

Ratings (Pay)

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty what are the rates of pay for chief petty officers and men and boys of lower ratings in the Navy; what emoluments other than pay is received by these ratings; and whether it is proposed to make any increase in the present rates of pay?

Full particulars of the pay of Naval ratings are published quarterly in the Navy List. (See April edition, 1923, pages 2244–2251, as regards substantive pay, and pages 2252–2255 as regards payments made in addition to wages). As regards the latter part of the question, the pay of the Services is at present under the consideration of a Committee appointed by the Government.

lean-not possibly anticipate what the Committee now sitting will say on the subject.

Is it the Estimates Committee that is referred to or another Committee?

It is a Committee called the Anderson Committee, which has been appointed to deal with these matters.

I am sure it will call any evidence that it considers necessary.

I am sure that they will consider everything in connection with the subject.

Unemployment

Salford (Relief Schemes)

asked the Minister of Labour whether he is aware of the serious condition of the 10,000 unemployed in Salford and the ill-health arising therefrom; and what steps he proposes to take to mitigate the evil and danger of this state of affairs, which has remained practically stationary during the past six months?

I am aware of the regrettable extent and duration of the unemployment in Salford. Assistance has been given to various relief schemes in the locality both through the Ministry of Transport and through the Unemployment Grants Committee, and, of course, any further schemes put forward would receive careful consideration. In addition, I understand that the Ministry of Transport are now in communication with the Lancashire County Council with a view of inaugurating in the district some substantial road works for the relief of unemployment.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware of the attitude of the Manchester Corporation with regard to this Liverpool-Manchester road, which would provide work for at least 2,000 or 3,000 of those now unemployed.

I am aware that with regard to the Manchester-Liverpool road some of the local authorities unfortunately have not been so willing to come forward and help the scheme as others. I still hope that the road, in some shape or form, will be constructed.

Could not some work be found for the unemployed of Salford in cleaning out the Manchester Ship Canal?

Does the right hon. Gentleman think it right that the whole cost of this road should be put on the boroughs and county of Lancashire, seeing that it will be for the benefit of the whole country? Why should not the Minister of Labour do it himself out of the Unemployment Fund?

That supplementary-question contains two rather contentious and not very accurately-phrased questions. As regards the first, if, as I think, my hon. Friend refers to the Liverpool-Manchester road, the Government proposal in this as in other cases is that one-half the cost should be borne by Government funds and the other half by the local authorities, and it is not therefore correct to say that local funds are to bear the whole cost. With respect to the question of the payment out of the Unemployment Fund I would remind my hon. Friend that that fund is an insurance fund, and the beneficiaries who have contributed to it have acquired certain vested rights which I, as trustee of the Fund, have no authority to divert to other purposes such as that suggested by my hon. Friend.

Register Signatures (Brynmawr and Blaina)

asked the Minister of Labour if he is aware that notices have been posted up at Brynmawr and Blaina Employment Exchanges to the effect that after 22nd June the unemployed will have to report and sign the register three times per week; that many of the unemployed live in outlying areas and have to walk from two to three miles to register; that they have been unemployed for over two years; and that their clothing and boots are in a very dilapidated condition; and will he therefore allow the unemployed to register only twice per week as hitherto?

The requirement of signature three times a week from persons living between two and four miles away is the normal requirement under the Regulations, and I do not think I should be justified in relaxing it in the cases referred to.

May I solicit the consideration of the Minister for these men, who have been unemployed for over two years?

Insurance (Outworkers)

asked the Minister of Labour whether he has considered the question of including outworkers in the unemployment insurance scheme; and, if so, with what result?

An inter-Departmental Committee was appointed by my predecessor, the right hon. Gentleman the Member for North-West Camberwell (Dr. Macnamara), to consider this matter. I have now received their Report, which recommends that no change should be made in the Unemployment Insurance scheme in this respect. I am arranging to publish the Report at an early date.

Did the Committee inquire over a wide range of outworkers in all industries contributing to this home work?

I think that is so. I read the Report with care when it was presented to me, and I think my hon. Friend will agree, when he sees it, that it is a carefully prepared and admirably considered Report. If, after the Report is printed, my hon. Friend would like to put down another question, I shall be very glad to deal with it.

Will the Report show the total number of out-workers who have been excluded from unemployment insurance?

I cannot give a statistical answer at the moment. As far as my memory serves me, one of the difficulties which the Committee found was in getting accurate statistical information, but, as far as they were able, they did get statistical information.

Benefit (Tyne District)

asked the Minister of Labour whether last week instructions were sent down to the Tyne to refuse all men who have been paid off in shipyards and ship-repairing establishments on and after 30th April any further unemployment benefit, even if they had been awarded it; why this hardship has been inflicted upon many men whose work has ceased for other reasons than the lock-out; whether he is aware of the feeling caused by the attitude of his Department; and, in view of his own statement that the Department has no authority to interfere with the procedure of the insurance officers or the court of referees, he will withdraw the instructions?

No such instructions have been issued. Certain Exchanges, contrary to the standing instructions, allowed benefit without prior reference to the insurance officer, in the case of a number of claims from workmen last employed at establishments at which a trade dispute existed at the time when their employment ceased. As soon as this omission was noticed, the claims were referred to the insurance officer, payment of benefit being suspended meanwhile. I understand that the insurance officer has now allowed benefit in most of these cases, and that in the remainder further information is being obtained. A decision in all cases will, it is hoped, be given in time for payment this week wherever benefit is allowed.

Are the cases where the benefit was not stopped being reconsidered? Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that there are very wide complaints as to a large number of these men being refused benefit, although they had nothing to do with the lock-out?

I do not quite understand the hon. Gentleman's supplementary question. He asks whether the cases where benefit has not been stopped are being reconsidered, but if the benefit has not been stopped, there is no case for reconsideration.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that large numbers of cases have occurred where no benefit was given, although the men had nothing to do with the dispute in question, and will those cases be reconsidered?

I do not quite know what particular cases the hon. Gentleman has in mind, and, therefore, I cannot answer vaguely with regard to a series of hypothetical cases; but if he will send me the cases, I will have them looked into at once.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that in districts so far away from the Tyne as Southwick men have been refused benefit for the same reason?

Would this be a class of cases that would come under the question of trade disputes' disqualification, which is now being considered by a special Committee?

It may or may not be; I cannot tell until I see the cases. From the way in which the supplementary questions have been framed, I should think it is very likely that the hon. Gentleman's suggestion is right, namely, that they are cases coming under Section 8 of the Act, and then there are two answers. The first is that there is machinery set up by the Act itself, as it stands at present, for dealing with cases by the Court of Referees and the Umpire; and, secondly, there is the class of cases which the Committee is now considering.

Necessitous Areas

asked the Minister of Health whether, in view of the increasing amount of unemployment in certain areas, and of the consequent added burden to the local rates, he can now state what action he proposes to take with regard to the revised formula for assisting certain necessitous areas which was submitted to him by some of the representatives of these areas several weeks ago?

I am afraid I can only say that this question is still under consideration by the Government.

In view of the unsatisfactory reply given to this question I beg to give notice that, if I have an opportunity, I shall raise the matter on the Ministry of Health Vote to-morrow.

Can the Noble Lord give some idea when some decision will be come to in this matter?

Juvenile Centres (Government Grants)

asked the Minister of Labour whether he is aware that the four juvenile unemployment centres at St. John's Lane, Hoxton, Pastor's College, Southwark, Old Castle Street, Stepney, and Trafalgar Square, Bow, are due to be closed on 30th June; and whether, having regard to the excellent work being done in these centres, he is prepared to announce that they will be continued for a further period?

After careful consideration the Government have decided that the grant on the 75 per cent. basis for juvenile unemployment centres, which, under existing arrangements, expires on various dates from 30th June to 21st July, shall again be made during the coming winter: the period during which the grant will be payable will run from 17th September next to 17th April, 1924. Notification is being made to the local authorities accordingly.

Are we to understand that these grants will apply to all juvenile-unemployment centres?

Certainly. The centres which comply with the conditions and which are approved by the local authorities will be available for the 75 per cent. grant.

Boy Scalers (Decasualisation)

asked the Minister of Labour whether, in view of the Report of the Committee on boy scalers, he will state what steps the Government is taking to decasualise the employment of these boys?

I am anxious that, if possible, some arrangements may be made for dealing with this problem. No such arrangements can be successfully worked without full co-operation from both employers and employed, and I have prepared a scheme for the Merseyside boy scalers which I have sent to representatives of employers and employed in that district for their consideration. I will send to the Noble Lord a copy of the scheme.

Would the right hon. Gentleman explain to the House what is a boy scaler?

If I had the information immediately at my disposal, I would gladly submit it to the House, but I have not got it.

If the right hon. Gentleman does not know what a boy scaler is, ought he not to know, and cannot he put pressure on the Merseyside employers to bring about the decasualisation of these workers??

I venture to hope that this proposed scheme for the decasualisation of this class of workers—which is a very important object—will, when it has been put before the parties, receive general approval. I cannot put it any higher than that.

Is it not extraordinary that the Minister of Labour does not know what is a boy scaler?

Ex-Service Men (Instructional Factories)

asked the Minister of Labour how many ex-soldiers are waiting for admission to the Government's instructional factories, and how many ex-soldiers suffering from a rate of disability of over 40 per cent, are unemployed?

The number of men on the waiting list for industrial training on 19th June was 4,806 in Great Britain and 3,769 in Ireland. Some of these will be placed in training in employers' workshops or educational institutions, and not in Government instructional factories. No figures are at present available showing the number of unemployed ex-soldiers with a disability of over 40 per cent., but King's Roll committees and local employment committees have nearly completed a classification of unemployed disabled ex-service men, which will help to provide such a figure. Generally, I may add, that recent inspections in a large number of centres show that, so far as those trained in Government instructional factories are concerned, the ratio of unemployment is much lower than—indeed, only a little over half—that of the ordinary insured population.

asked the Minister of Labour how many ex-servioe men are still on the list awaiting training; how many Government instructional factories are now open and how many he contemplates closing; and will he ensure that no factory is closed which would prove detrimental to ex-service men?

The number of men on the waiting list for industrial training on 19th June was 4,806 in Great Britain and 3,769 in Ireland. With regard to the second and third parts of the question, I would refer the hon. Member to the answer I gave to the hon. Member for Stoke Newington on 20th June, of which I am sending him a copy; in any case, I have taken care that a large amount of spare accommodation shall remain, available.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that ex-service men feel it hard that they should on the one hand be put on the waiting list, and hear, on the other, that factories are being shut down? Can be satisfy us that those who are waiting are not prejudiced by the closing of the factories.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether the present Government propose to continue to train ex-service men now resident in Ireland?

The question of the men in Ireland I must consider very carefully. If the right hon. Gentleman will put a question down at a later period I should be glad to answer it. I am giving the matter careful attention. In regard to the other point, I have explained many times that the reason for the waiting list existing at the same time that we are closing factories, which at first sight does seem rather incompatible, is due to the fact that there are a large number of places available in excess of those we are able to fill, the reason being that owing to the stricture in trade and the difficulties in regard to trade, it has proved impossible to put in training as large a number of people as we should have desired. It clearly would be useless to train men in industries for whom there would be no occupation after they had been trained. We act in this matter on the advice of Technical Advisory Committees who have been most helpful throughout, and it is on their advice that we keep the numbers somewhat restricted owing to the trade difficulties at the moment.

Is the right hon. Gentle man aware that men from the South of England are sent to the factory in Durham and have remained there, and some at the present time arc getting relief from the guardians in view of the fact that they cannot get work. Will he give a guarantee that before he closes any factories in the south he will take the men from the waiting list rather than send them to Durham?

I am afraid that I heard the first part of the question somewhat imperfectly. If the hon. Member will give me written notice of the question or put it down, I shall be glad to give him a full answer.

:Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the Chester-le-Street Guardians have sent to him a list of men and the amount that those men are receiving who have completed their training and are now left on their hands stranded, and that those men have come from the South of England?

Does the number indicated in regard to Ireland refer to the whole of Ireland, or to Northern Ireland only?

Is any useful work being done in these instructional factories that is capable of bringing revenue to the Exchequer?

Cancer Research (Grant)

asked the Minister of Health how the grant of £135,000 made to the Medical Research Council is disposed of; can he state the chief channels of its disposal; and is £5,000 the only sum which is apportioned to cancer research?

As the answer to this question is rather long, I will, with my hon. Friend's permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT. [HON. MEMBEES: "Read!"]

Could the Noble Lord tell us what is the answer to the last part of the question, namely, whether £5,000 is the only sum which is apportioned to cancer research?

No, that is not quite the case, because there is a sum in respect of the allocation of radium owned by the Government, to the value of about £70,000, which is allocated to the Cancer Research Fund. I think my hon. Friend had better wait till he sees the whole answer.

In view of the great public interest in this question, could not the Noble Lord read the whole answer?

The answer is as follows:

Roughly one-third of the annual grant of £130,000 is allocated by the Medical Research Council to the payment of their research staff, and the maintenance of their central laboratories at the National Institute for Medical Research. The remainder is distributed in grants in aid of research work carried out by universities, hospitals and other centres throughout the country. In addition to the sum of £5,000 expended in grants for work directly upon cancer, radium owned by the Government to the value of over £70,000 is made available by the Council for approved research into the treatment of cancer. I would, moreover, remind my hon. Friend that the problems of cancer may be solved sooner, and perhaps only through advances in fields of medical science other than the direct study of the disease itself, and that, accordingly, advances in the knowledge of cancer are effectively promoted by the grants for research in the more primary parts of the medical sciences. I may add that the allocation for cancer work varies from year to year as the Council find useful opportunities for supplementing the work done by the Imperial Cancer Research Fund and other institutions devoted specially to this subject.

Is the Noble Lord aware that the death rate from cancer has increased, during the last 40 years, by 126 per cent., that we know as much about the cause of cancer to-day as was known 1,000 years ago, and that, until the cause is discovered—

Would the Noble Lord inquire whether more money can be devoted to dealing with this appalling scourge?

I shall certainly be glad to do anything in this matter that my hon. Friend suggests.

Could the Noble Lord recommend a larger payment of money towards cancer research, not necessarily for studying the disease, but to plot out Europe, and get statistics for the whole Continent, showing where cancer exists and where it does not, so that the Ministry of Health might obtain knowledge, and form conclusions which might possibly assist in showing why the disease occurs?

Housing

Building Materials (Cost)

asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware that the action of the Unemployed Grants Committee in refusing to make grants to local authorities who purchase building or other materials from abroad is assisting trusts and combines to force up prices of materials against the public; and will he therefore withdraw Circular No. 400, of 15th May last?

The Unemployment Grants Committee do not insist on the purchase of home materials as a condition of grant where such action would be likely to have the effect suggested by the hon. Member. The answer to the last part of the question is in the negative.

Is the Noble Lord aware that the Unemployment Grants Committee refused sanction to a municipal body to purchase Belgian cement which they considered satisfactory for the work, at 9s. per ton less than they could get it from the British combine; and is not that prejudicing the construction of roads and houses and to the detriment of the local authorities?

I am perfectly aware that in putting the general question the hon. Member had a particular case in mind, but the particular case was decided by the Unemployment Grants Committee on its merits. I have answered the general question, and if the hon. Member likes to put down the particular question I will give him the merits and demerits on which the Committee decided?

Will the Noble Lord say on the particular question whether the local authority is not prejudiced by the action of the Unemployment Grants Committee in putting up the cost of cement required for houses; and will the Government compensate the local authority for the extra cost inflicted on them?

I am afraid the hon. Member is misrepresenting the particular case. I do not think this has anything to do with houses.

asked the Minister of Health whether, in view of the continued advance in prices taking place in building materials, which threaten to absorb the whole of the subsidy for houses payable under his Housing Bill, facilities will be given for the passage into Law this Session of the Bill to deal with trusts, introduced by the hon. and gallant Member for Leith on 24th April last?

I have been asked to reply. I must ask the hon. Member to await the Report of the Departmental Committee on prices of building materials.

What are local authorities to do when the prices are rising against them? How long have they to wait?

I understand that an Interim Report will be published almost immediately.

New Houses

asked the Minister of Health how many houses have been approved by him under the new Bill?

The number of houses approved to date which will rank for assistance under the new Bill is 13,401.

Birkenhead

asked the Minister of Health whether he will make inquiries into the condition of houses in the borough of Birkenhead; whether he is aware that 25 families are living In wooden huts about 20 feet by 7 feet built on old wooden under-carriages on a site at the bottom of Kingsland and Borough Roads; and whether he will press the authorities to take immediate action to deal with the conditions under which these people are compelled to live?

I am aware from the reports made by the medical officer of health of the general conditions of housing in Birkenhead. I am not aware of the particular instance mentioned in the second part of the question, but I am bringing the matter to the notice of the local authority. I may add that approximately 450 houses have been built or are building under the housing scheme authorised by the Act of 1919, and I understand that the local authority have at present under consideration the question of proceeding with a further scheme under the Bill lately before the House.

When the Noble Lord is pursuing these inquiries, will he carry them into the Wirral Peninsula, where there are over one thousand houses of that sort, to which attention has already been drawn?

Unused Bread

asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware of the practice, common amongst vendors of bread, of accepting from customers the return of unused bread; and whether, seeing that this is a likely means of spreading contagion, he will consider the forbidding of it by law or by Regulation?

I would refer my hon. and gallant Friend to the answer which was given on this subject on the 13th instant to my Noble and gallant Friend the Member for the Newark Division (Marquis of Titchfield).

Germany (Economic Position)

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the fact that any protracted delay in replying to the German Note is a serious matter owing to the increasingly dangerous economic situation of Germany, he will consider suggesting to the Powers in military occupation of the Ruhr that, pending a decision concerning the answer to be sent to Germany, no further measures tending to hasten the financial collapse of that country shall be taken?

My right hon. Friend does not con- sider that, in the present circumstances, the adoption of this proposal would serve any useful purpose.

What do the Government propose to do in this matter—are they going to let it drift on?

The Government are quite aware of the circumstances, and are taking what action they think right.

May we ask whether the conversations between Lord Crewe and M. Poincaré are taking the place or a written reply from the French Government?

Aerial Armaments

asked the Prime Minister if, before definitely committing the country to further heavy expenditure upon aerial war machines, and in order to prevent the development of international rivalry in air armaments, His Majesty's Government will consider the advisability of addressing an invitation to all the Powers to meet in conference for the purpose of arriving at an agreement for an international limitation of aerial war-craft construction?

The League of Nations Commission for the Reduction of Armaments is now considering the whole question of the limitation of armaments, including aerial armaments, and my right hon. Friend thinks we should await the result of their deliberations before taking other steps.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that both the House of Representatives and the Senate of the United States have passed the Navy Appropriation Act, containing a proviso which advises that a Conference should, be summoned, and, as the United States does not subscribe to or take part in the League of Nations, would it not be well to consult the United States?

Seeing that the League of Nations Mixed Commission is considering this, will not the Government, before committing the country, wait until the League of Nations Commission has arrived at a decision?

Licensed Premises (Hours of Opening)

asked the Prime Minister if, in view of the dissatisfaction caused by the irregular opening and closing hours of licensed premises, he will give facilities in the Autumn Session for the passing of the Licensing Act (1921) Amendment Bill, the provisions of which would secure a uniformity of hours?

My right hon. Friend regrets he can hold out no hope that it will be possible to find time for the discussion of this Bill which deals with a subject on which he understands opinion is sharply divided.

India Office Vote

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the fact that two whole days have been allotted to the discussion of the Scottish Estimates and only four hours were devoted to the Estimates of India, he can see his way to allotting another day to their discussion?

My right hon. Friend fully recognises the importance of further discussion on the Indian Estimates, particularly in view of the interruption of the Debate on the 14th June, and hopes that the Indian Office Vote will be asked for shortly.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the Prime Minister promised us 21 days of Supply and that already one of these days has been taken?

Approved Societies Funds

asked the Minister of Health what are the sums held by the Ministry on behalf of approved societies on investment account and reserve values account, respectively; what rates of interest are credited to the societies on those accounts, respectively; and, approximately, what proportions of these sums are held on behalf of societies whose membership consists wholly or mainly of rural workers?

As the answer is a lengthy one, I propose to circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Following is the answer:

The sums standing to the credit of approved societies in the investment account and invested by the N.D.C. at 31st December, 1922, amounted, approximately, to £35,750,000; the prescribed rate of interest to be credited to societies on such sums from 1st January, 1923, is 4½ per cent, per annum. The amount of reserve values credited to approved societies and unredeemed at 31st December, 1922, was, approximately, £56,000,000, exclusive of the additional reserve values due to be credited under the National Health Insurance Act, 1920. As the hon. Member is aware, these reserve values represent a liability to societies which has to be discharged in process of time by the operation of the Sinking Fund created by the Act of 1911 as amended by subsequent Acts. The interest credited to approved societies on reserve values is fixed by the 1911 Act at 3 per cent, per annum and is a first charge on the amounts retained out of contributions for the purpose of discharging the liabilities to approved societies in respect of reserve values. Approved societies are not organised according to occupation and it is, therefore, impossible to give the information asked for in the last part of the question.

Small-Pox

asked the Minister of Health the number of cases of smallpox notified during the first three weeks of this month; has he any information to the effect that in parts of the country small-pox has been wrongly diagnosed as chicken-pox; can he state whether the spread of small-pox is increasing or not; and whether his Department attributes this to people refusing to be vaccinated?

The figures for the week ending 23rd June are not yet available, but the number of cases of small- pox notified during the previous three weeks was 183. This figure is subject to revision in the light of information which may subsequently be received. The answer to the second part of the question is in the affirmative. As regards the third and fourth parts, my right hon. Friend is advised that there has recently been an increase in the prevalence of this disease, and that the neglect of vaccination has undoubtedly contributed to its spread.

Is the Minister advising the local authorities to make chicken-pox also a notifiable disease generally?

Out-Relief, Norfolk

asked the Minister of Health the scale for out-relief which has been adopted by each of the two unions in Norfolk which have adopted a definite scale?

Palace of Westminster (Oratory)

asked the First Commissioner of Works for what purpose, if any, the oratory in the cloisters of the Palace of Westminster is used; when the furniture was put there; what country such furniture came from; and whether it has any historic association with the building?

The oratory is one of the few places available for private conferences in the House. The furniture is of British manufacture, and was specially designed for the Houses of Parliament in mid-Victorian times, except some Austrian cane-backed chairs which I am having replaced.

Is it not the case that the bulk of the chairs are Austrian bentwood furniture, and is it appropriate to have Austrian bentwood furniture in a room usually associated with Cromwell? Why not have Cromwellian furniture?

I think it is singularly inappropriate, but I am not prepared to ask the House to sanction an expenditure of this kind.

If the hon. Member for Bethnal Green (Mr. Harris) present the Cromwellian furniture, will the right hon. Gentleman undertake to introduce it?

King's Birthday (Government Employes' Holiday)

asked the First Commissioner of Works whether the Regulations granting holiday with pay to Government employés on the King's birthday has ever been extended to those employed on the industrial staff; if so, can he say when it was discontinued and the reason for the same; and whether he can say why the industrial staffs are treated in a different way to other Government employés so far as the holiday on the King's birthday is concerned?

A small number of men on the industrial staff were granted leave with pay on the King's birthday before the War. In 1920 the annual leave of all the industrial staff directly employed by my Department was increased to 12 days with pay, and the privilege of leave on the King's birthday was withdrawn from the few men who had previously enjoyed it, as the new conditions were more favourable than those generally obtaining.

Scotland

Parish Council Elections

asked the Under-Secretary to the Scottish Board of Healtn what was the total cost for the elections of parish councillors made necessary through an insufficient number of candidates being nominated at the statutory time in 1922?

I regret that I am unable to comply with the hon. Member's request, as the information desired is not in the Board's possession, and could be obtained only by communicating with all the parish councils concerned.

Does the Scottish Office ever communicate with the various parish councils?

Oh, yes, and the parish authorities often communicate with the Scottish Office.

Has one parish council communicated with your office, and pointed out that £14 was the cost of the election made necessary because the parish council had not the same power as a town council?

This refers to all the parish councils. They have not all communicated with us. My answer to a previous question shows that we hope to deal with the question generally.

Evicted Families, Glasgow

asked the Under-Secretary to the Scottish Board of Health whether he is aware that many working-class families in Glasgow who have been evicted from their homes have been forced to enter the poorhouse, and that his Department refused to allow these families so evicted to live together; and whether he will consider the advisability of rescinding this decision pending the provision of housing accommodation, so that the family life of evicted tenants shall be maintained?

I am informed that three families who have been evicted from their houses for failure to pay rent were admitted to the Southern General Hospital, Govan, but remained for a few days only. All persons admitted to the poorhouse are subject to rules framed by the parish council and approved by the Board of Health. Such cases are classified and accommodated in the appropriate part of the institution, but, of course, young children are not separated from their mothers. The parish council and not the Board are responsible for the administration of their poorhouse within the terms of the rules as approved, and I understand that the council saw

Is it not the case that the opinion of the Scottish Board of Health was taken with regard to the question of the three families mentioned in the reply and it was definitely decided that the children were to be separated from their parents?

The local authorities concerned communicated their decision to the Board, and the Board considers it has no power to order the parish council to alter its decision.

Is the hon. and gallant Gentleman aware of the great indignation this decision has caused in the Glasgow area, and is he prepared definitely to state that these unemployed families are not to be treated as ordinary paupers?

I have pointed out that this is not the decision of my Board but of the local authority, and also that it must be in the discretion of the local authority whether families can be accommodated together or separately. There are cases in which it would not be possible, for structural reasons of building or other reasons, to accommodate men and women together in a building that was not designed for that purpose.

Would it not be more humane, instead of breaking up homes in this way, and separating men and women from their children, that some other accommodation should be found for those who are not to be stigmatised by the word "pauper"?

Agricultural Conciliation Committees

asked the Minister of Agriculture whether he is aware of the practical breakdown of the agricultural conciliation committees, the practical impossibility of effecting agreements, and, where effected, the failure of many farmers to carry the same into operation; and whether he will consider whether some practical step forward could be taken in the formation of agricultural wages committees, with a view to stabilising wages and conditions on some general system?

I am aware of the fact that no agreements have recently been effected by the conciliation committees in many parts of the country, but I have received very little evidence that where agreements are in operation they are not observed. I am prepared, however, to meet this point by introducing legislation to provide that agreements may be made enforceable, but, apart from this, I am not prepared to propose any alternative to the present voluntary system which would involve the compulsory fixing of wages by some outside authority.

Army Retired Pay

asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that the post-War Army retired pay conditions, given as a mark of the nation's appreciation of the work of the whole Army and framed to place all officers on the same footing, have been applied to all commissioned officers, whether regimental or departmental, ocm-batant or non-combatant, with the single exception of the staff for Royal Engineer officers; and whether this small group of 31 officers will now be embraced in the scheme?

The question of the emoluments, including retired pay, of these officers is still under consideration, but I hope that a decision may be announced shortly. Their pay, retired pay, and terms of service generally have always been on Civil Service lines, and it is not proposed to depart from this system.

Ships' Wireless

asked the President of the Board of Trade to what extent ships are now compelled to carry the most up-to-date improvements in wireless; and whether they are compelled to carry two operators or one?

All ships required by law to carry wireless have to comply with certain minimum requirements as regards both apparatus and operators. These requirements are laid down in the Merchant Shipping (Wireless Telegraphy) Rules, 1920, of which I am sending the hon. Member a copy.

Are these rules and regulations kept up to date, in view of recent important inventions?

Is it not the case that, as the result of recent legislation, there has been a relaxation of these rules because of the fees imposed upon shipowners in connection with wireless telegraphic installations?

Leeds National Factories

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer how much money was received from the sale of the Leeds national factories; and whether detailed accounts were published and if they are available for examination?

Of the eight Leeds national factories, four taken over under the Defence of the Realm Act have reverted to the owners, two have been sold, the sale of another is pending, and one is still used as a store. It would not be in the public interest to disclose the amount so far realised, but I may say that the negotiations have been in general of a very complicated character, involving considerations of rent, obligations for reinstatement of land, and allowances for Government improvements. The answer to the last two parts of the question is in the negative.

Entertainments Duty (County Cricket Clubs)

asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury whether he will consider the abolition of the Entertainments Duty now charged on subscriptions of members of county cricket clubs; and whether he is aware that these subscriptions being paid solely for the welfare of games and sport, and not for personal advantage, the application to them of the Entertainments Duty is regarded as an injustice?

Under the existing law Entertainments Duty is chargeable, not on the whole of the subscriptions of members of county cricket clubs, but only on such part of them as represents payment for the right of admission to the club matches. Thus the charge of duty on the membership subscriptions corresponds to that levied on payments for admission made by non-members at the gate. I cannot admit that there is any injustice in this.

Is the Entertainments Duty deducted from subscriptions to Lords and the Oval?

Yes, certainly. The proportion of the subscription, assuming Lords is on the same basis as county clubs, which may be fairly attributed to the right to go and see the show, as distinct from playing, is subject to the Entertainments Duty.

What happens to those who do not go to see, but just pay their subscription?

They have the right to go. I am afraid I could not entertain a claim for repayment of tax in the case of any individual member who prefers to go to Ascot rather than Lords.

The whole of the subscriptions are taxed. There is a very large number of subscribers who subscribe to the association for the sake of keeping up cricket who should not be taxed.

I assure my hon. and gallant Friend he is incorrect there. The whole of the subscriptions are not taxed. An arrangement is made between the different clubs and the Commissioners of Customs and Excise as to what proportion of the subscriptions may reasonably be allocated to the right of seeing county matches, and those are taxed in exactly the same way as the gate money.

Did not the two hon. Gentlemen who have asked questions have their remedy of voting against the continuation of the duty?

Will my right hon. Friend make arrangements that only those who attend the matches shall be taxed?

Ecclesiastical Commissioners' Funds

asked the hon. Member for North-East Leeds, as representing the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, what is the total cost of administration of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners' funds, including official establishment, land agents, solicitors, architects, and all incidental expenses; and what steps are being taken to curtail this expenditure?

The figures will be found on pages 2, 20 and 22 of the Accounts audited by the Comptroller and Auditor-General and appended to the 75th Report of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, presented to Parliament in March last. The total cost for the year was £184,840. No part of this falls upon public funds. The expense of administration is constantly under review by the Commissioners, and they are of opinion that it cannot be further curtailed at present without loss of efficiency.

Consular Service (Innsbruck)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether it is intended to appoint a Vice-Consul at Innsbruck at an early date?

It is not proposed to appoint a British Vice-Consul at Innsbruck for the present.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that a person entirely suited to do the work, and a British subject, resident for 30 years in the neighbourhood and held in the highest public esteem, is willing to do the work for nothing? May he be appointed?

Yes, I am aware of that. I have been in consultation with His Majesty's Minister at Vienna, and he does not think the post necessary. He thinks the work can be done quite adequately by sending a Consul from Vienna from time to time, and that, on the whole, that would be more economical than opening an office, even if the work is done for nothing.

Can the hon. Gentleman inform me whether it is true that the old gentlemen at the Foreign Office fainted when it was suggested that they should appoint a lady to this post?

Business of the House

Motion made, and Question put,

"That the Proceedings on Consideration of Lords Amendments to the Salmon and Freshwater Fisheries Bill, on Forestry (Transfer of Woods) Bill, on Cotton Industry Bill, and in Committee on East India Loans [Railways and Irrigation] be exempted, at this day's Sitting, from the provisions of the Standing Order (Sittings of the House)"—[ Mr. Bridgeman. ]

The House divided: Ayes, 237; Noes, 130.

Rentoul, G. S.

Skelton, A. N.

Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull)

Rhodes, Lieut.-Col. J. P.

Somerville, A. A. (Windsor)

Waring, Major Walter

Richardson, Sir Alex. (Gravesend)

Spears, Brig.-Gen. E. L.

Watts, Dr. T. (Man., Withington)

Richardson, Lt.-Col. Sir P. (Chertsey)

Spender-Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H.

Wells, S. R.

Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford)

Stanley, Lord

Weston, Colonel John Wakefield

Roberts, Rt. Hon. Sir S. (Ecclesall)

Steel, Major S. Strang

White, Lt.-Col. G. D. (Southport)

Robertson-Despencer,Major (lslgtn, W)

Stewart, Gershom (Wirral)

Whitla, Sir William

Rogerson, Capt. J. E.

Stockton, Sir Edwin Forsyth

Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George

Roundell, Colonel R. F.

Stott, Lt.-Col. W. H.

Wise, Frederick

Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth)

Stuart, Lord C. Crlchton

Wolmer, Viscount

Russell, William (Bolton)

Sugden, Sir Wilfrid H.

Woodcock, Colonel H. C.

Russell-Wells, Sir Sydney

Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley)

Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L.

Sanders, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert A.

Thompson, Luke (Sunderland)

Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward

Sanderson, Sir Frank B.

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Yerburgh, R. D. T.

Sandon, Lord

Titchfield, Marquess of

Shakespeare, G. H.

Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement

TELLERS FOR THE AYES. —Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs.—Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs.

Sheffield, Sir Berkeley

Tubbs, S. W.

Simpson-Hinchcliffe, W. A.

Wallace, Captain E.

Singleton, J. E.

NOES.

Adams, D.

Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland)

Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

Adamson, Rt. Hon. William

Hardie, George D.

Robinson, W. C. (York, Elland)

Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock)

Harris, Percy A.

Rose, Frank H.

Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro')

Hay, Captain J. P. (Cathcart)

Royce, William Stapleton

Ammon, Charles George

Hayes, John Henry (Edge Hill)

Scrymgeour, E.

Attlee, C. R.

Henderson, T. (Glasgow)

Sexton, James

Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery)

Herriotts, J.

Shaw, Hon. Alex. (Kilmarnock)

Batey, Joseph

Hill, A.

Shinwell, Emanuel

Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith)

Hinds, John

Simon, Rt. Hon. Sir John

Bennett, A. J. (Mansfield)

Hirst, G. H.

Simpson, J. Hope

Bonwick, A.

Hodge, Rt. Hon. John

Sinclair, Sir A.

Briant, Frank

Hogge, James Myles

Smith, T. (Pontefract)

Broad, F. A.

Hutchison, Sir R. (Kirkcaldy)

Snell, Harry

Bromfield, William

Jarrett, G. W. S.

Snowden, Philip

Brotherton, J.

Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath)

Spencer, George A. (Broxtowe)

Burgess, S.

John, William (Rhondda, West)

Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K.

Burnie, Major J. (Bootle)

Johnston, Thomas (Stirling)

Stephen, Campbell

Buxton, Charles (Accrington)

Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd)

Stewart, J. (St. Rollox)

Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, North)

Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M.

Strauss, Edward Anthony

Chapple, W. A.

Kenyon, Barnet

Sullivan, J.

Charleton, H. C.

Lawson, John James

Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West)

Clarke, Sir E. C.

Leach, W.

Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow)

Cotts, Sir William Dingwall Mitchell

Lee, F.

Thornton, M.

Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities)

Lees-Smith, H. B. (Keighley)

Tout, W. J.

Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton)

Linfield, F. C.

Trevelyan, C. P.

Davison, J. E. (Smethwick)

Lowth, T.

Wallhead, Richard C.

Dudgeon, Major C. R.

M'Entee, V. L.

Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince)

Duncan, C.

McLaren, Andrew

Warne, G. H.

Ede, James Chuter

Macnamara, Rt. Hon. Dr. T. J.

Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline)

Edmonds, G.

Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I.

Wedgwood, Colonel Josiah C.

Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty)

Marshall, Sir Arthur H.

Weir, L. M.

Emlyn-Jones, J. E. (Dorset, N.)

Martin, F. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dlne, E.)

Welsh, J. C.

Fairbairn, R. R.

Middleton, G.

Westwood, J.

Falconer, J.

Millar, J. D.

Wheatley, J.

Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L.

Morel, E. D.

Whiteley, W.

George, Major G. L. (Pembroke)

Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.)

Williams, David (Swansea, E.)

Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton)

Muir, John W.

Williams, T. (York, Don Valley)

Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central)

O'Connor, Thomas P.

Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe)

Greenall, T.

O'Grady, Captain James

Wintringham, Margaret

Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne)

Paling, W.

Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.)

Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan)

Parker, H. (Hanley)

Wright, W.

Groves, T.

Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan)

Grundy, T. W.

Phillipps, Vivian

TELLERS FOR THE NOES. —Mr. Neil Maclean and Mr. Lunn.—Mr. Neil Maclean and Mr. Lunn.

Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton)

Ponsonby, Arthur

Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil)

Matrimonial Causes (Regulation of Reports) Bill

Ordered, That a Message be sent to the Lords to request their Lordships will be pleased to give leave tot the Lord Bishop of London to attend to be examined as a witness before the Select Committee on the Bill.—[ Sir Evelyn Cecil .]

Message from the Lords,

That they have agreed to,—

Bradford Corporation (Trolley Vehicles) Provisional Order (No. 1) Bill, without Amendment.

That they have passed a Bill, intituled "An Act to confirm a Provisional Order under The Private Legislation Procedure (Scotland) Act, 1899, relating to the Airdrie, Coatbridge, and District Water Board." [Airdrie, Coatbridge, and District Water Board Order Confirmation Bill [ Lords .]

Also, a Bill, intituled, "An Act to confirm a Provisional Order under The Private Legislation Procedure (Scotland) Act, 1899, relating to Glasgow Corporation." [Glasgow Corporation Order Confirmation Bill [ Lords .]

And also, a Bill, intituled, "An Act to confer powers upon the Mayor, Aldermen, and Burgesses of the borough of West Bromwich with regard to the consolidation of rates; and for other purposes." [West Bromwich Corporation Bill [ Lords .]

AIRDRIE, COATBRIDGE, AND DISTRICT WATER BOARD ORDER CONFIRMATION BILL [Lords]

Ordered (under Section 7 of The Private Legislation Procedure (Scotland) Act, 1899) to be considered To-morrow.

GLASGOW CORPORATION ORDER CONFIRMATION BILL [Lords]

Read the First time; and ordered (under Section 9 of The Private Legislation Procedure (Scotland) Act, 1899) to be read a Second time To-morrow, and to be printed. [Bill 176.]

WEST BROMWICH CORPORATION BILL [Lords]

Read the First time; and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills.

Bills Reported

Pier and Harbour Provisional Order (No. 3) Bill,

Reported, with Amendments [Provisional Order confirmed]; Report to lie upon the Table.

Bill, as amended, to be considered To-morrow.

Caledonian Insurance Company Bill [ Lords ],

Reported, with Amendments; Report to lie upon the Table.

London and North Eastern Railway Bill [ Lords ],

Seaham Harbour Dock Bill,

Reported, with Amendments; Reports to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.

Orders of the Day

Supply

[12TH ALLOTTED DAY.]

Considered in Committee.

[Captain FITZROY in the Chair.]

Civil Services and Revenue Departments, Estimates, 1923–24

Class VII

Scottish Board of Health

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a sum, not exceeding £1,773,730, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1924, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Scottish Board of Health, including Grants and other Expenses in connection with Housing, Grants to Local Authorities, etc., sundry Contributions and Grants in respect of Benefits and Expenses of Administration under the National Health Insurance Acts, 1911 to 1922, certain Grants-in-Aid, and certain Special Services arising out of the War."—[NOTE: £720,000 has been voted on account.]

4.0 P.M.

Yesterday I had the opportunity to remark that within the short space of two days we had to review, in miniature, practically the whole of the problems affecting a modern industrial State. Yesterday we reviewed rapidly agriculture, land settlement, and fisheries, and to-day we come to the field which is covered by the Ministry of Health in England and the Board of Health in Scotland. This Department touches at many points the activities of the people, and it has lately had thrown on it the great additional strain involved in the State housing scheme. We have had a great deal of debate upon housing schemes at one time or another, and even during the current Session we have been able, on more than one occasion, to touch on that field of activity. We have not, somehow, been able to have a review of the more specifically health activities of the Board of Health. I understand that it is the desire of hon. Members that we should survey this field also, and, consequently, I propose to proceed now to a more specific review of that portion of our work. We have in Scotland a singularly good example of a modern industrial state with all its merits, all its weaknesses, and its occasional astonishing strength. We have, in miniature, in the industrial field all the problems which affect typical European States and even the States of America which have undergone industrial revolution and which are faced with the phenomenon of what has been called the proletariat—a great mass of the population more or less divorced from immediate contact with production and subject to all the vicissitudes which the rapid changes of modern trade involve. We can, on this occasion, survey the field on three main lines. We have had an unexampled wave of industrial depression passing over the country, and we can measure that by the statistics of outdoor relief which have been given by the local authorities under recent Acts authorised by this House, and we have the health statistics which enable us to estimate what the effect of this gigantic depression has been upon the vitality of the nation, to what extent the health of the nation has been permanently injured, and to what extent the remedial measures which we are taking are being successful; and by those three lines of argument I propose to investigate them. We have provided three main lines of statistics which it seems to me would be of great value in estimating the effect of the recent depression upon the health of the population. In the disease of tuberculosis we have an index figure which enables us to estimate to what extent the resisting power of the population is weakening under the strain; in infant mortality we have a figure which enables us to estimate how the weakest of the community are being sheltered, or are being exposed to the full blast of our industrial depression; and we can tell how the health of the adult wage earners are affected by the ordinary day to day sickness, for which benefit is drawn under the great insurance scheme. On this last, I would simply say that, when I come to it, I shall have to point out that it proves unexpectedly difficult to obtain from the insurance statistics any reliable figure, and that the figure which I give will need to be taken with reserve. Subject to that, I think those three lines of argument will suffice to give us what so far as I know has not been done before either in this or any other country—a survey of the health of the nation as affected by this long continued period of unemployment and trade depression.

In the first place, we come to the extent of the depression as measured by the effect on the local authorities, and, in particular, the effect on the parish councils. We have had already some Debates in this House on that subject during the passage of the Local Authorities (Emergency Provisions) Act, under which, the Committee will remember, it was made possible for local authorities to pay relief to able-bodied unemployed persons which under the law of Scotland they had previously been debarred from doing. That was prior to the autumn of 1921. It was then a principle of the law of Scotland that an able-bodied person was not entitled to this relief. Parliament then decided, as a temporary measure, that the relief in Scotland, as in England, should be provided to destitute able-bodied persons out of employment, and this was continued by an Act which only recently received the Royal Assent. In the autumn of 1921, when that Act was passed, the problem was of vital importance to 48 parishes, which, of course, seems a very small number out of the parishes of Scotland, but it has to be considered that these parishes cover a population of over 2,800,000, so that, although the number of local authorities was small, the population covered by them did represent a large proportion of the population of Scotland. The position is not so serious now in some of those parishes, but other parishes have become affected, and there are still 42 parishes with a total population of 2,750,000 which are deeply concerned in the relief of distress due to unemployment. Thirty-six industrial parishes, with a total population of 2,600,000, paid during the whole of last year a sum of £22,000 per week in outdoor relief. The average per week for the 10 weeks to 10th March, 1923, for these 36 parishes was £18,900, and, although this is less than the average for the whole of last year, it is substantially higher than the average for the corresponding period of last year.

That shows that the position is still very serious. Of course, the amount paid in relief is affected by the question as to whether the applicant is or is not entitled to benefit under the Unemployment Insurance Acts. When gaps occur in the benefit payable under those Acts, a correspondingly heavier burden falls upon the local authority. It would be out of order for me to discuss that matter on this Vote, and I merely point out that already you do find local and central machinery for relieving distress due to unemployment, and that the action of those two schemes is very closely bound up one with the other. At the close of the year 1922 the problem was even more acute than it was at the beginning of the year. In these 36 industrial parishes the total payments for the first week of the year 1922 amounted to £10,800 and the payments for the last week of the same year amounted to £18,000, an increase for the last week over the first week of the year of 67 per cent. That increase was not attributable to any increase in the scale of relief provided by the parish councils. The scale was exactly the same as at the beginning of the year. The Committee might also be interested to have the figures relating to the number of able-bodied persons relieved, including their dependants. The average number per week for the 10 weeks to 10th March, 1923, was 145,000 per week. These statistics, of course, represent an aggregate amount of human suffering which it would be difficult to over-estimate, and I am not in any way attempting to minimise the gravity of this problem. I am not contending, and indeed it would be useless to contend, that the present system is in all respects, or indeed in many respects, satisfactory. I am not going to indulge at the moment in any discussion on policy, because very likely that will be ruled out of order. We are to-day merely examining facts.

Well, we are about to examine the results. I cannot discuss with my hon. Friend the results as they occur in this country without relation to the results as they would occur in other countries, and on that question I shall be very glad to meet him on another occasion.

I might examine them more particularly in relation to the health statistics for England, but just now I am merely pointing out the extent of the depression in Scotland. I will come to the results shortly. I wish to put before the Committee as frankly and as fully as possible the tremendous seriousness of the problem—the gigantic depression which has struck our social structure—and, if I can show, as I think I shall show, that we are weathering this depression with a degree of success which it would have been rash to have prophesied when the wave first struck us, then, I say, we are entitled to the credit of having withstood a depression altogether unprecedented in the history of our country. Before I pass from the problem, I would like to remind the Committee that in the Act recently passed we made provision that the parish councils should be allowed to contribute towards schemes of useful work as well as pay what is commonly known as the dole. There is a somewhat unexpected result, or a result little expected by hon. Members opposite, has arisen. I should like to call their attention to it, because they are fond of bringing to our notice the remarkable results obtained by the use of direct labour. I have no prejudice of any kind whatsoever against direct labour. If the local authorities find that they can more economically carry out their desire in one way than in another I am not disposed to hamper them. But hon. Members went further. They insisted on a statutory bar being inserted against any other form than direct labour in this connection. They showed themselves rather intolerant in that respect. Already, a difficulty has arisen in the payment of money under such schemes, because it has been found impossible to produce a scheme of direct labour. Consequently; unless we can in some way or other get round this statutory provision, that useful work will not be available, and the money will continue to be expended simply in money given for the relief of distress. I call the attention of the Committee to that matter with a view to indicating that it may be found necessary, when this legislation comes up again, to review the situation so created, and I am sure that in all quarters of the House I shall Have the co-operation of hon. Members in my desire to make certain that the money expended by the local authorities goes, if possible, to the provision of some useful result rather than merely to the sus- tenance of life, which is a sorry object simply to hold before us in regard to these subjects.

Did not the hon. and gallant Gentleman himself voluntarily make the offer with regard to direct labour when we were considering the Local Authorities (Emergency Provisions) Bill?

It is quite accurate that I made this offer voluntarily in response to repeated appeals.

I do not know whether the hon. Member is referring to the ejaculation of his hon. Friend.

It may be that it is all moonshine, but I shall be pleased to translate it into something more substantial. That is the objection I am having to meet just now in connection with expenditure on public works. One of the great Glasgow-Edinburgh roads is being held up because of this provision in an Act of Parliament. But I am merely calling the attention of the Committee to the fact that it may be necessary to review the position so created.

Is it not the case that obstacles have been placed in the way of constructing the new road because certain local authorities have refused to expend any money at all?

I did not intend to review or to go into the whole of the details of schemes of that sort, important though they are: these various things come under, or are governed by, the statutory powers in the Act of Parliament. A deputation was introduced to me by a member of the Labour party and it was stated that the object of the deputation was a revision of this situation. But the whole question——

Can the hon. and gallant Gentleman give us any idea of how far the local authorities have taken advantage of the provision of the Act which permits them to make a contribution towards wages?

I am referring to the Act recently passed. I am unable to give figures offhand as to the amount, but the particular contribution for the two local authorities alone was no less a sum of £10,000 per week for wages. The statutory power inserted by this House has proved so far, true, a bar to that contribution being paid towards the expenses of the scheme. I am unable, therefore—although no doubt it will be inquired into—to give offhand the figures asked for as to the amount which has been paid. The whole question of how the local authority can best be met is occupying the attention of the Board of Health, and it will also receive attention in connection with the whole of the present rating system. Hon. Members will realise the gigantic nature of that problem, and the fact that certainly it will not be possible to introduce legislation in the present year to deal with a problem of that magnitude. These are figures showing to some extent the depression. Let us, then, come to the question of how the public health is standing up to this. First let us take tuberculosis.

In our country, in the years 1910–14 the average death rate from tuberculosis was—I am giving the rates per hundred thousand—172; in 1921 the rate was 118; in 1922, 119. It will thus be seen that we are very considerably better than we were in the years immediately preceding the War. Take the English figures. Hon. Members have asked for comparative figures.

I have just given the increase. It was of a very small nature. Hon. Members will see it from these figures. In the years 1910–14, the five years' average for England and Wales was 140; in 1921, 113; in 1922, 112. The rate was comparatively stable for these last two years, and for both it was below the corresponding rate in Scotland. It was 100 pre-War and 172 in Scotland—[An HON. MEMBER: "Two Scotsmen killed for every Englishman!"]—against 140 in England. The rate I am giving is per 100,000, but I do mot think it is well to say that one race or another is being killed, Hon. Members will be well advised not to pursue that argument too far. Let me give the annual death rates per 100,000 from tuberculosis (all forms) and from phthisis in Scotland, and in England and Wales for the period 1910–14, and for the years 1921 and 1922. The average 1910–14 for tuberculosis was 172 Scotland and 140 England and Wales, and the other figures which I have given. As to phthisis, in Scotland the average death-rate for 1910–14 was 111, while in England and Wales it was 102, so that we may say there, if we use a somewhat violent figure of speech, that nine Scotsmen were killed, though in 1921 our rate was 81 for phthisis while it was 88 in England and Wales, so that seven Englishmen were killed. In 1922 our rate had increased to 83, while that of England and Wales had gone up to 89. Of course, these are index figures, but an index figure is one of the most valuable methods of arriving at the true state of affairs which one can adopt, and I am anxious to give such figures so that hon. Members, though they may come to a different conclusion from me, will see, at any rate, that they are based upon the proper figures.

I am not very sure whether the interjections of the hon. Member for Shettleston (Mr. Wheatley) are helping us on.

Can the hon. and gallant Gentleman tell us what effect sanatorium treatment has had upon these figures?

I think it is encouraging, and it shows that the attack along the lines we are following in connection with disease is yielding results. I should like to say that there is nothing more striking in the public health statistics of this country than the recent fall in the tuberculosis statistics; nothing more encouraging than the fact that we have been able to maintain that lower death-rate in the face of the great depression which has swept over our land. Figures to be of any use ought to be comparative. Let me run over the 1918 death-rates for some other countries. In 1918 the, death-rate from tuberculosis (all forms) was in Scotland 160, and in England and Wales 169. In Budapest it was 611; Warsaw, 591; Lodz, 775; JugoSlavia, 400 to 500; and Czecho-Slovakia, that is Prague, 386. It is of interest to know the very wide discrepancy between certain other countries and our own. I am not going to say to what various causes it is due, but I want to point out simply this: that the death-rate from all forms of influenza in our country, for the three waves that swept over the country, was 477 per 100,000, while in these other countries that I have quoted the death-rate was, in relation to tuberculosis, greater than the death-rate in this country from influenza.

Hon. Members opposite were very greatly interested in the limitation of grants in regard to child welfare, and it is suggested that the immediate consequence of the limitation of these grants was an increased death-rate. But that death-rate has fallen, as the statistics before the House show. Let me give the infantile mortality rate per 1,000 births in Scotland, and in England and Wales over three periods. The death-rate per 1,000 births, the average that is, for 1871–80 was in Scotland 123, and in England and Wales 149. That was before grants were made. Then the figures for 1911–15 were 113 in Scotland and 110 England and Wales. In 1920–21–22 the figures for Scotland were respectively 92, 90 and 101, while for England and Wales they were 80, 83 and 77. In the first quarter of last year the rate was 141. That was when maternity, milk, and food grants were given, while for the corresponding quarter of this year the figure was 98.

No, that is just exactly what I am trying to point out is not the case.

In the first quarter of 1922 when these grants were still in operation there came an epidemic of measles and influenza which had the result of raising the death-rate for the year to the figure which I have given of 141, but it is an interesting point that the rate was higher for the quarter during which these grants were in operation than in the other three quarters of the year when these grants were not in operation.

Yes, that is what I am trying to explain. These points are not party matters. This is a matter of the public health, and I do think it is of great interest to observe that this occurred at the time the grants were in operation, so that it cannot be said—this is all I wish to argue—that the withdrawal of the grants seriously made for an increase of infantile mortality. I think hon. Members in all parts of the House will grant that. The contention has been advanced that an increase in the infantile mortality has been due to the withdrawal of the grant. I am pointing out the bearing that these figures must have upon the examination of the problem.

I was speaking of the first quarter of the calendar year, and pointing out that the expenditure on milk and other things concerned with child welfare was limited from the first quarter, from the 1st April, 1922; that is to say, after these three calendar months had elapsed. The position with regard to this has been strengthened by the fact that the policy of dissociating maternal care and child welfare from relief agency work has not been seriously challenged by any responsible authority, and has received a good deal of support. For example, the Board have observed that at a meeting of the Council of the London Federation of Infant Welfare Centres held on the 2nd April, one of the motions discussed was:

With regard to the line of argument which I decided to pursue, there is the question of the insurance schemes and sickness benefit which covered nearly one million people. Owing to the variation of benefit in recent years by the Act of Parliament, and the increase in benefit, it is difficult to get comparable figures. They are calculated in a variety of ways, but I will give the House the figures for what they are worth, remembering that they are loaded with people who have not been able to get full benefit and also those who have had increased benefit. The expenditure per week per insured person was 2d. in 1913 and 2¼d. in 1914, and the expenditure for males on sickness benefit was less than 2¼d. in 1920 and less than 2¾d. in 1921. That shows an increase, but it must be balanced by the fact that a big increase in the percentage of benefit was decreed by Statute by this House. I think those three lines of argument go far to substantiate the contention that I have advanced, as to the surprising extent to which the present system is preserving the health of the people under this great industrial depression, which is not a matter we are discussing at the moment. Taking the facts as they are, I think it is clear that these figures come much more nearly to the normal of the years when we were not having this tremendous depression than anyone would have prophesied in 1914, if he had been faced with our present unemployment difficulties.

In dealing with these health problems, there is the case of tuberculosis and there is also the question of the tuberculosis grant. A question was put down on the Paper to-day in regard to this subject but unfortunately the hon. Member did not put his question, and therefore I was unable to give the answer. Roughly speaking, we have been able to implement our promise to pay 50 per cent. of the grant to the local authorities. In the case of three of these local authorities the grants are exceptionally high and a reduction is contemplated in these cases not against Scotland as a whole, but due to the fact that these local authorities show a very high figure, higher than that of other local authorities who are approximately in the same position. The average weekly cost for institutional maintenance in all Scotland excluding loan charges was 49s. The estimated cost of the Middle ward in Glasgow was 71s. per week, and there is a wide discrepancy there. The figure for Glasgow for the maintenance of tubercular patients treated in fever hospitals is 57s. per week and the corresponding Mid Lanark rate is 46s., as compared with the Edinburgh figure of 37s., the Dundee figure of 36s., and Aberdeen 38s. It will therefore be seen that there is in the Board's opinion need for further scrutiny of these figures.

The reductions suggested would still enable the Glasgow authority to pay some 40s. per week, which is higher than Edinburgh, Dundee or Aberdeen, and therefore the Board does take into account the special local circumstances. Glasgow, with 29 per cent. of beds, proposes to spend 39 per cent. of the expenditure, and in the middle ward, with 10 per cent. of beds, it is proposed to spend 15 per cent. of the expenditure. These figures need scrutiny from an administrative point of view, and that is the scrutiny which is at the present time being urged upon these authorities. The local authorities have had one or two meetings on questions of public health, and in particular there has been a very interesting conference with the local authorities which have been undertaking the duty of dealing with venereal diseases. There was a widespread feeling that further powers of compulsion should be given to these authorities, and that the time had come in their opinion for a forward step in the enforcement of statutory compulsion upon the people affected with these diseases, particularly in relation to children.

Does the hon. and gallant Member mean compulsory notification, or compulsory treatment?

Both lines of argument were put forward, but they involve questions running far beyond the question of public health. It is interesting, however, to note that this large and representative conference did press this demand upon me in particular with regard to the child of infected parents, which had already undergone the risk of total blindness from parents afflicted with venereal disease, and it was urged that the child should not continue to be subject to that risk, and that there should be some statutory power of compulsion in regard to this point. Of course all these questions involve legislation and it would be impossible for me to discuss them further at this moment. With regard to the high death rate which we are suffering from amongst mothers, we found it possible in Scotland to appoint a very strong and representative committee to go into this matter, and we hope that their Report will shortly be presented. I think I have now covered most of the points I need to deal with on this occasion.

Can the Under-Secretary say anything about the system of treatment of venereal disease to be adopted by the municipality?

That would take me too long to go into at the present moment, and there is another Report to be made on the subject. I shall be glad to discuss the question on some other occasion, but at the present moment it would be inadvisable for me to discuss it. With regard to the question of housing, I do not intend to trespass longer on the time of the House except to point out in the case of the great schemes under the 1919 Acts known as the Addison-Munro schemes we were dealing with a suggestion from the local authorities of provisional schemes for the erection of 115,000 houses. It was estimated by the Royal Commission that the grand total of 235,000 houses would be required for Scotland. In that connection I would point out that the cost was supposed to be some £28,000,000 and that was the estimate made by the Royal Commission. In the current Estimates there is a bill for £900,000 and this will go on, year in and year out, for 60 years. We have got 25,000 houses or more under these schemes. For one-tenth of that number of houses we are now paying double the sum estimated by the Royal Commission, which shows how far the best of our calculations may go astray. This Report was presented in 1913, when there was a great inflation and prices were at their highest. The Royal Commission estimated that for £20,000,000 we could get 235,000 houses, and we are now going to pay the sum of £60,000,000 for 25,000 houses. I am speaking of the Report of the Royal Commission in 1917. I think it is obvious to hon. Members in all parts of the House that that scheme must break down of its own weight.

The way in which it has been put forward by certain local authorities that the scheme should be continued is not one which can seriously be contemplated. It was contemplated by the Royal Commission that the contribution of the local authorities should be one-third of the cost. The expenditure under these schemes is one-tenth, and the local authorities are only paying £100,000 a year in all, while the State is paying over £900,000 in the current year. The present position of housing under this scheme is that at present there are still 4,000 houses under construction, the cost of which will be borne entirely by the State, the penny rate having been exhausted long ago. We have some 6,000 houses under slum clearance schemes, of which 50 per cent. of the cost will be borne by the State. I intended to review the costs, but I think it is not really fair for one Scotsman to be allowed to talk so long when there is such a shortage of Parliamentary time. Therefore, I will only point out that in the case of building costs for the double-storey cottages, the cost has declined from 38 per cent. to 48 per cent., while wages have only declined by 28 per cent.

Figures given to me by officials. The maximum rates of wages for building trade operatives when they reached their peak in July was 2s. 4d. per hour as compared with the pre-War rate of 11d. per hour. The present rate is still 1s. 7d. per hour. I think these are all the questions that I need to touch upon now. No doubt there are many further questions which hon. Members will desire to raise and I will only recapitulate my statement that the huge depression which has struck our country has had its effect upon the vital statistics of tuberculosis, infant mortality, and sickness amongst insured persons.

With regard to housing, I pointed out that we are now drawing towards the close of the Addison-Munro scheme, and it is obvious that some provision has to be undertaken. That provision is set out in terms in the Bill to which this House gave a Third Reading at the beginning of this week. This is only the beginning of a policy, and the policy will need to be reviewed from time to time. At any rate, it is an honest and square attempt to meet the case which has been brought forward from all sides, and of its own weight the previous scheme has collapsed. These Estimates are the vital statistics of the Scottish nation. They are in no way anything for any nation to be proud of or to stand upon. There will be no progress unless we are always discontented with the progress we have been able to achieve up to the present, but we are discontented with it as an outlook in the future and not as an achievement in the past. Compared with other countries, and with our own previous history, they do represent an achievement of which we have every right to be proud, and which gives us every reason to be hopeful in going forward in the future.

I beg to move to reduce the Vote by £100.

I desire to congratulate the hon. and gallant Gentleman the Under-Secretary on the way he has presented his case, but I want also to remind him that some of his figures tell very strongly against himself. The first thing to which I wish to draw attention is housing. In Scotland, as hon. Members know, the Board of Health has been responsible for looking after the condition of housing and of public health. Sometimes hon. Members get weary of listening to Scotsmen tell them what a number of one-apartment houses and two-apartment houses they have, but I would remind the Committee these grew up under the system of Government that we have in Scotland, and that no attempt has ever been made by the Scottish Board of Health or their predecessors to raise the standard of housing conditions. It is quite true that of recent years we have found our voices in connection with this matter, but the voices have come from men and women who have been brought up under the conditions that we describe. I began life as a miner. I was one of a family of six sons and one daughter, which was brought up in a one-apartment house. There was no through system of ventilation, there was no wash-house, and the sewer or surface channel emptied its refuse at the end of the house I lived in. It is quite true that in the middle of the square we had an open closet, and anyone going to use it—there was no door—had to get up a step, just like a hen getting up to roost, and was in full view of the other people living in the square. Coming from that condition of things into public work, it has been burned into us that our people deserve something better than that, and we are anxious to get something better. I notice that the hon. and gallant Gentleman did not make much reference to conditions such as I have depicted, although in his own constituency of South Lanark they are almost as common as they are in the middle ward of Lanark, and less is being done to try and remedy them.

The result of our agitation was that we began to get houses. Hon. Members on the other side think that when we want houses we always come begging to Parliament. I would remind them that our work had begun to bear fruit before the War broke out. The public authority had built, in the Middle Ward of Lanark, 150 houses of their own, without any Government subsidy. Had it not been for the War we could have solved the housing problem in our own way, without any assistance from the Imperial Government. These houses cost, on an average, about £250 each; something under that, but I will give the Committee the benefit of the even figure. We borrowed the money, because public authorities have to borrow money, and are not allowed to create a surplus at the end of the year. We borrowed the money at 3 per cent., which meant that each house carried a burden in interest alone of about £7 10s. Since that time we have built houses. Under the Addison scheme the cost has gone up to £900. It is not only in wages and material that the cost has gone up, but the money-lender has doubled his price. Instead of paying 3 per cent., we have had to pay 5½ and 6 per cent. At 5½ per cent., we have a financial burden of £47 10s. for each house, and in both cases—pre-War and post-War—we have to repay the capital sum within 60 years. That means that the people who were able to make money during the War, and loaned it to public authorities, are going to draw a levy of about £50 per house for every house that is built.

In the course of the discussion two or three nights ago, an hon. Member on the other side—I do not know if it was the right hon. Baronet the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury)—told us how cheaply we could get money, and made the remark that he had money to invest, but could not get 2 per cent. We paid 5½ per cent, to get money for our houses.

I never said anything of the sort, and I think the hon. Gentleman must have misunderstood me. What I did say was that ordinary people—anybody, whoever it was, a workman, or anyone else—could get something like 5 per cent. by investing money in Government securities. If he wished to lend it on short loan, repayable within a short time, he could not get more than about 2 or 2¼ per cent. I said I had some money on short loan, repayable in a short time. That is a totally different thing.

I can assure the right hon. Baronet that we borrowed in both ways, for a period and by short loan. That is one of the reasons why we had a difficulty in making ends meet in regard to our pre-War housing scheme. Had we borrowed on long-period loans, we should have been fairly safe, but we were borrowing from hand to mouth. The result was that the upward tendency of the money market caught us, and we had to pay toll on those houses to a much greater extent than we expected. The Under-Secretary told us something in regard to building. We require 235,000 houses, according to the Royal Commission, which reported, I think, in 1917. The point is that the shortage did not arise out of the War, but was only accentuated by it. It existed long before the War, and was mainly attributable to the policy of the Scottish Board of Health or of the people who held power on the other side of the Border.

Completed, and in course of erection, we have about 24,000 houses; which leaves us still some 200,000 short of the number mentioned in the Royal Commission's Report. We were asked, as public authorities, to put forward all our needs in regard to houses. I remember I formed one of a deputation in London in connection with this just about the time the War ended. They were able to tell me that they knew exactly how many bricks they had. If the War ended, they said, the houses would spring up like mushrooms in a night, and there would be no difficulty so far as we were concerned. We put our needs to the Scottish Board of Health. In Glasgow, they said they required 50,000 houses, and they got about 4,500. I think they have been increasing that number since. In the Middle Ward of Lanark we wanted 5,000 houses, and we were successful in getting about 3,500. My point is that under the Addison scheme Scotland economised in houses to the extent of a full £1,100,000 as compared with England. Yet our need was greater than the need on this side of the Border. Instead of the Scottish Board of Health insisting on our getting at least our proportion, they economised at the expense of the people of Scotland. What does that mean? We were paying a sum equivalent to four-fifths of a penny in the £, and we should have had a greater number of houses than we got. The hon. and gallant Member who represents the Government had the audacity in this House to make the statement that had public authorities been more anxious to build they could have had more houses.

If the hon. and gallant Gentleman denies it, I am quite willing to accept his denial. The policy of the Scottish Board of Health was to hinder and keep back the erection of the houses. They did it in different ways, sometimes it was by objecting to the site or the amount paid for the site, at other times it was by objecting to public authorities obtaining building material in order to get by the D.B.M.S. Their policy right through has been to the hurt and detriment of the Scottish authorities, who have been anxious to build the houses. What does bad housing mean to us? I followed the figures in connection with tuberculosis very closely, and I noticed that the Under-Secretary claimed a certain amount of credit for the decreased death-rate under that heading. So far as my learning goes, tuberculosis is mainly caused by bad housing conditions. We have got that burden because of the policy pursued by the people who are in power on the other side of the border. Our death-rate for the ten years ending 1902 from tuberculosis was 70,440. When you put figures in in that way, it is almost appalling. In some of the words in which we are engaged our losses were not nearly as great, and we have been waging war against that dread disease. We have got a certain amount of support from the Government in carrying on that war. They have given grants, a little over half a million, I think, if the figures I have taken from the Report are correct, and the public authority passed a like sum in order to fight the disease. The point I want to drive home to the Under-Secretary is this, that the Government have reduced their grants from £378,000 to £289,000, and alongside that reduction there has been an increase in tuberculosis. If you are going to make war on that disease, the war must be sustained; it must be fought from beginning to end. If you begin and go on for two or three years and then drop off again, then you lose all the results of the money you have spent. That is the policy the Government have adopted at the present time. Alongside of that, we have the increased death rate. We would, if we could, try to stamp out that disease. Hon. Members on the other side of the Committee believe that it is much better to spend money dealing with the cause of disease, than to spend money dealing with the results of a bad system. That is the reason why we are so strong in demanding something. All the people on our side of the border have one-apartment houses or two-apartment houses and have plenty to get, and we are anxious to set a standard and thereby save, not only Government money, but reduce expenditure. I notice the hon. Member for Dundee (Mr. Scrymgeour) was anxious to put a question on the point, and I am sorry he has left his place.

Coming on to the death-rates amongst children, we have a revelation. The average is 101, or an increase ever 1922 of fully 11 per cent, as compared with 1921. The peculiar thing is that this increase has followed the line, just as in the case of tuberculosis, of the decreased help given in the way of grants. I notice the Under-Secretary for Health tried to prove that the dropping of grants had not done any harm. I want to remind him of this: Starvation for a period is no harm, but continued starvation works down the resisting power of children, and it is in a little while after that, that the real results are felt. What do we find in Dundee? The death rate amongst children in one year is 114. That is something which the hon. Member for Dundee ought to keep in mind, and I am sorry he is not here. Between bad housing and restricted conditions you will kill half the children like flies in winter time, and we are very anxious to safeguard them against that. It is remarkable that the cry to save infant life has come after the slough of battle. After the South African War we had great talk about safeguarding infant life. We set about doing something, but then we stopped. Whenever the Government of the day thought they had no difficulty in replacing cannon-fodder, then they stopped the expenditure on infant life.

After the last War we had the same thing. The public authorities were asked to start Welfare Centres, and bring in the children there for treatment, and also to bring in the expectant mothers to get advice as to the care of children. Somehow or another the Government have failed in this, too. Instead of increasing their policy and paying grants of fifty-fifty, they wanted to reduce their share to 5 per cent. and put the burden on the local authorities. I believe they had second thoughts, but the hard fact is that they have reduced that grant, and alongside of that there is the increase in the death-rate amongst children. What it will mean to the mother of the future I cannot say. Amongst the people of the working classes it sometimes happens that at an early age a girl becomes a mother, before she has learned anything of the mysteries of motherhood, and before she has learnt to take care of her child. The work of these Centres was to coach them in these matters, and I believe the effects in years to come would have justified everything or anything we did. Unfortunately, we are going to save money. [An HON. MEMBER: "Hear, hear!"] I do not object to the interruption, but if the hon. Gentleman had to bring up his own children in a one-apartment house, or if his daughter had to give birth to a child in a one-apartment house, he would think differently. Women of our class have to give birth to children in crowded houses. We want to get away from that in order to give them a chance to live. If you suggest to us that money is more than human life, then we tell you human life first thing, as against your money. The people of our class want justice, and not charity. It is you who have the need, and not them. Our people can produce wealth. I think I have dealt enough with the results of the infant death-rate, and I want to make a few remarks in connection with the unemployed problem. We are very sorry that we have an unemployed problem, but the cause of that—

I think the unemployed problem can be discussed on the next Vote.

I think it is this Vote I am discussing, and the Under-Secretary referred to it, but if you rule me out of Order, I will stop.

With regard to the question of payment by parish councils to unemployed, will that be in this Vote?

I am quite willing to accept your ruling. The point I want to make is this, that everything we have to complain about has grown up, not through a Liberal or Tory Government, but under the system that we have in Edinburgh, called the Scottish Board of Health. At the present time we have a Secretary for Scotland in another place; we cannot say anything to him about the conditions in our country. I do not know whether he has much knowledge After the two or three meetings I have had with him, I have not much hope for the future as far as he is concerned.

On a point of Order. As to the question of unemployment. Might I contend that on the question of my salary as Vice-Chairman of the Board of Health, it would be feasible, in reviewing the position of local authorities, in whose supervision I am concerned, to ask that the Board of Health ought to take steps to spread it about more equally, or in some way to insure that local authorities will not become bankrupt by that means.

I was making reference to the position of the Secretary for Scotland. I do not want to say too much about the Under-Secretary, for he is a young man and he is on his trial. If he is able to move that body in Edinburgh, then he will be a very strong man; but if he fails to move them, and has no expectations of so doing, then this time next year he will be unpopular. We have only an opportunity once a year to discuss the work of the Scottish Board of Health, and the work of the Scottish Board of Health, so far as we are concerned, has been used more to the detriment of the people I represent, than to help them. I do not want to take advantage of the position of the hon. and gallant Gentleman only in this way. The parish councils of Scotland are in a bad way as a result of the policy of the Government. We had no authority to make payments to able-bodied persons until the Government insisted we should do so. What has been the result? You have one parish making a payment equivalent to 4s. in the £ on the rates, and you have another making a payment of 1d. or 2d. in the £. I am submitting the unfairness of that system. Why should two bodies of ratepayers be singled out in that way. If I work on one side of the road I would be paying a tax for the unemployed; and if I were fortunate enough to work on the other side I would be paying 5d. or 6d. in the £.

This is a national problem, and must be dealt with in a national way. What evil results are likely to accrue? Amongst Scottish people pauperism has always been objected to. I have known families who never went near the parish council. But the Government has made that course popular. Long after this Government has gone away, the people of Scotland will have something to say in that connection.

I am quite sure the Committee was impressed with the very earnest and eloquent speech of the hon. Member who has just resumed his seat. There is more and more evidence of an a cuter conscience relating to our public life to-day, and I am willing to Concede that the Labour Members are doing their best in the development of that public conscience in all that relates to sickness and distress. I want to refer to one subject only, and that is tuberculosis in relation to sanatoria. The hon. and gallant Member the Under-Secretary touched on many subjects in his speech this afternoon. He touched on them with interest and information. I am going to develop one phase only of that speech very largely, because I think the public requires to be informed on everything that has to do with tuberculosis and sanatoria. Preventive medicine is of importance to all, and it is vital in all phases of preventive medicine that the public should be informed and should thoroughly understand the cause of any disease and the means of preventing it. There is no excuse whatever for stinting methods of prevention in tuberculosis and the supply of sanatoria because of lack of money. Of all the things that come before us demanding money for their relief, those which deal with disease and preventive measures are on the top. Other Services may have to go short, but the prevention of disease constitutes one phase of public activity which should never suffer from any lack of funds. It is not economy to postpone the treatment of disease or to allow disease to spread when that spread can be prevented.

There is one very satisfactory feature about this valuable and interesting Report. It is that, notwithstanding the enormous unemployment, the tremendous fall in wages in recent times, the death rate is going down, the disease rate has been going down and mortality from tuberculosis has been going down. Fifty or 60 years ago, if there had been 2,000,000 people unemployed in this country we should have had the disease rate doubled. We could not possibly have had such an experience as we have gone through, and I think the Under-Secretary put his finger upon the point when he said that the prolonged state of depression all over the country might have caused us to look for much more tragic conditions than we have had to endure. The death rate in Scotland last year was 14·9. May I suggest to my hon. and gallant Friend that he might keep a uniform unit when giving statistics to the Committee. He talked about the tuberculosis rate per hundred thousand. Why did he not keep to the same unit as he used in other cases? It is very confusing if figures are supplied on shifting bases of calculation. The death rate was 14·9 per 1,000. That is not very high. The rate for the last 10 years has been 3 less. The lowest death rate in the world is about 9. The prevalent death rate is from 12 to 13, and considering that we have had such a cruel depression to endure throughout the country, such a cruel drop in wages and such short commons in the way of diet, a death rate of 14 ·9 is, to say the least, satisfactory. The infant mortality was 101·4 per 1,000 births. That is a drop of three on the infant mortality on the average for the last 10 years, and again it seems to me a satisfactory feature of this Report.

The hon. Gentleman spent a long time in dealing with statistics as between one quarter of the year when there was a large mortality from measles and the other three-quarters. I venture to suggest that such statistics are really of no value, because in such a short time if you have an epidemic of measles, or influenza, or some climatic change it may alter the effect of the whole statistics. You must go back over a series of years and take broad figures if you are going to get any advantage at all from statistical information. The factor of compression of time in giving vital Statistics for different quarters of one year carries us no distance. What is satisfactory to me is that the conditions are as good as they are, notwithstanding the depression through which we have passed. When I recall the condition of Glasgow 25 years ago, the condition of the streets there, and notice the transformation which has since been brought about it does not require figures to convince me. It is just the use of one's eyes which enables one to observe what a tremendous transformation has occurred in the streets of Glasgow, in regard to poverty and degradation the rickets and disease in that city. I was a student there 25 years ago—a student of public health. I have gone out at 11 o'clock at night inspecting ticketed houses and not come home until 4 o'clock in the morning. I used to examine the overcrowding conditions that prevailed.

Yes, I think I know Glasgow better than many of those who interrupt me. When I look at these things, I try to be optimistic as to the good that the future may produce, bearing in mind the great change which has been brought about within the last 25 years—the change in the streets, the change in the homes, the change in the slums, the change in the physique of the children. If you have in 25 years effected such a transformation, what can you hope for from the next 25 years, especially with the Labour party's development of the acuter conscience? This interesting and valuable report promises a great deal for the future, and that to my mind is one of its most satisfactory points. There is a possibility of those greater things in the future which is what we are all aiming at. I am sure the Under-Secretary's outlook is quite as bright, hopeful and comprehensive as the outlook of any hon. Member on these benches to-day. He hopes and desires, I am confident, that the conditions which obtain to-day will improve. Looking back he sees the great strides that have been made towards improving those conditions. Those which obtain to-day are infinitely better than they would have been had the system which prevailed years ago still continued.

I am coming to the unsatisfactory part of the report. I judge from the interruptions of hon. Members on the Labour benches that they think we should revel in these tragedies in order to win elections. I hear it suggested from those benches that I am making a speech now for the next election. What I am doing is to try and discover some means by which we can, in the future, go on improving, and improving at a greater ratio than we have done in the past. The unsatisfactory part of the Report is that in which we are told that the lack of improvement in regard to tuberculosis is largely due to the fact that we have not enough sanitoria and not enough money, and I want to address myself to that point. There is a financial stringency. There continues to be a steady pressure on the available accommodation in sanatoria, and the local authorities are continually confronted with the problem of waiting lists. That is what the Report tells us. To me it is a tragedy that there should be people in Scotland suffering from this dire but curable and preventable disease who cannot get the advantage which modern medical science and modern preventive treatment make possible for them. There was a drop in the death rate from pulmonary consumption from 5,103 in 1913 to 4,061 in 1922. There was a drop from 2,902 deaths from non-pulmonary consumption in 1913 to 1,757 in 1922, and taking the two totals together there was a drop from 8,005 to 5,818 deaths. That is a very considerable drop in 10 years in Scotland, and it is largely due to methods of prevention, and not to methods of cure. To-day consumption is an incurable disease, by which I mean that there is no known cure for consumption to-day. In passing, I might say that the discovery of Dr. Dreyer may show that there is an anti-toxin cure, but if that be not the case—though I think it is very hopeful indeed, because some of the lower animals have been given tuberculosis artificially, and have been cured by this method—I see an hon. Member shakes his head—

If that method does not realise the present expectations, it can be said that there is no known cure of consumption. It is, however, one of the most curable diseases, but the cure must be brought about by one's own tissues. Those who recover, recover by the vitality of their own tissues; they cure themselves. The statistics of postmortem examinations of those who have died from other diseases show that about half those who contract the disease do get over it, but that is due to the vitality and powers of resistance of their own tissues, which overcome the disease germ when it enters. Sanatoria have two functions. They may either be curative institutions or isolation institutions. In so far as they are curative, they must get the cases early; in so far as they are isolation institutions, they require to keep the cases late. In dealing with tuberculosis, you have to classify all cases into infectious cases and non-infectious cases. The great majority of cases of tuberculosis are non-infectious. All the cases of bone tuberculosis, all non-discharging cases, all cases of tuberculosis of the brain or of the joints, are non-infectious. You can live with people who are well on in the disease, and right up to their death, without running any risk whatever of contracting the disease from them.

Then there are the infectious cases. The most infectious are the discharging cases, and consumption in that form is the most infectious of all. I know of no infection that is so tragically dangerous as the last stages, or the expectorating stages, of consumption. I cannot help thinking of some of the homes in which I have been, in the slums of our great cities, where families or four or five live altogether, and the mother, or the eldest daughter, or the eldest son, is in the expectorating stage of consumption. The expectoration is full of microscopic germs, which, wherever they dry, float about in the air, and are inhaled by the other people in the room or house, the infection being spread in that way. That danger is so great that it should not be allowed to exist in any community whatever. The purpose of a sanatorium is that these people may be isolated, and, if there are no sanatoria, then sanatorium conditions as far as is possible must prevail in the sufferer's home. The appeal I want to make is that money should be poured into this work without stint, and that whenever there is a waiting case of consumption, either in the early stage waiting to be cured or in the later stage waiting to be removed as a focus of infection—whenever there is a single case unprovided for—if in any part of Scotland there is not really prompt provision for any of these cases, the hon. and gallant Gentleman should look upon it as a reflection upon himself, his Department, and his administration.

The death rate in Scotland is 16 per day: that is to say, before we have finished this sitting, 16 people will have died in Scotland from tuberculosis. That is a tragic thing in the case of a preventable disease. If it were cancer, which is not preventable by any known means, we could not feel any deep sense of responsibility, however much we might deplore it; but this is a disease which is the best known of all diseases. There is nothing now left unknown about tuberculosis; we know everything about it, except the cure. We know how to prevent it. We could wipe consumption, and all forms of tuberculosis, out of this country within this generation. The hon. Member who has just spoken says that bad housing is a contributing cause, but there are two primary causes. One is heredity, and I specially mention that, because I remember hearing an hon. Member on this side of the House, before the Labour party adorned it, speak of "the now exploded notion that tuberculosis is hereditary." It is hereditary. I saw in the newspaper the other day a statement by a medical man that that idea was exploded, but he was entirely wrong; it is a hereditary disease. The disease is due to two causes. One is the existence of a germ circulating in the body or stationary in some part of the body, and the other is the non-resistance of the tissues to the presence and invasion of that germ. The hereditary part is a susceptibility of the tissues to the disease, and that can be inherited—not the disease, but the susceptibility.

You cannot ignore susceptibility. Many people have a hereditary insusceptibility. Many people are so resistant that you cannot give them tuberculosis. Metchnikoff, the founder of this theory, actually married a young woman in the last stages of consumption, in order to demonstrate the truth of his theory that he himself was so resistant to the disease that he could be married to a person suffering from the disease, and yet never contract the disease himself. Of course, one case is not sufficient to go upon, but we know as a fact that some people are highly susceptible, and such people cannot resist the invasion and spread of the germ, while others are highly resistant. Susceptibility is hereditary, and resistance is hereditary. It is not true therefore to say that tuberculosis is not hereditary, because it can be contracted by those who inherit or acquire this susceptibility in their tissues. Another fact to remember is that where the germ is, and where susceptible people are, you have the two factors that lead to the disease, and in every slum and every bad house, such as the hon. Member has just referred to, you find these conditions It is the object and purpose of the Board of Health to remove those conditions, and in no house in Scotland should there exist today without skilled supervision an infective case of tuberculosis where there are other people liable to contract the infection. My appeal to the hon. and gallant Gentleman is that he should leave no stone unturned to remove the causal conditions that exist in Scotland to-day, and to take it as a personal reflection upon himself and his Department if those conditions cannot be removed, and if the spread of that disease cannot be diminished which is such a scourge to Scotland, as it is to all the Anglo-Saxon races.

I have listened to the speeches of the Under-Secretary and of the hon. Member for Dumfries (Dr. Chapple) with some considerable impatience, because I feel that both of them have been doing their very best to soothe the public conscience on a matter in regard to which the public conscience has no right to be at ease. The hon. Member for Dumfriesshire claims that he knows my constituency in Glasgow better than I know it myself. If that be true, he knows that the majority of the houses in the Bridgeton Division of Glasgow were there 25 years ago, many of them 50 years ago, and that they are unaltered since that time. If, however, I took a ramble down to Dumfries, I think I could assure the hon. Member of this, that the lanes and the houses in Dumfries are, to a large extent, the same lanes, the same narrow alleys, and the same mean houses, as they were in the days when Robert Burns was an inhabitant of that town. I do not want to get controversial or irritable about these minor points of Debate, because a perusal of the Report of the Scottish Board of Health is sufficiently maddening to any Scotsman who has any real love for his country, without petty irritations arising over mere dialectics.

The hon. and gallant Gentleman gave us the statistics honestly, fairly, with much restraint and many reservations as to the conclusions that could be drawn from a study of those statistics. I went through the statistics last night, and I want to put these figures before him with the same restraint and the same reservations, and ask him if I am not justified in bringing against the Scottish Board of Health, the Government which decides its policy, and the Members of the House of Commons who support that policy, a very serious charge of grave negligence with reference to the public welfare. I gather from the Report that in Scotland last year there were 12,472 cases of tuberculosis notified. Taking that on a similar population for the same period in England, I gather that there would only have been notified 9,281, so that 3,191 persons were struck down by the fell disease of tuberculosis more than were struck down in England across the Border. We have been told that the last knowledge on the question of tuberculosis is not in our possession. There is some division of opinion as to causes; there is much division of opinion as to treatment and the possibilities of cure; but it is admitted by all that fresh air is an important element; it is admitted by all that sunlight is an important element; and it is admitted by all that good, nutricious, wholesome food is also an important element, both in preventing the development of tuberculosis and in effecting a cure when it has been developed.

In another part of the Report of the Board of Health we find the statistics dealing with the poorhouses of Scot land, and I examined the figures for the Barnhill Poorhouse, Glasgow. I find that to maintain a man, his wife, and four children in the Barnhill Poorhouse—the largest poorhouse in the city—without counting medical and maintenance charges, is 58s. 7½d. per week for such a typical family group. In the City of Glasgow there are few skilled artisans getting 58s. 7½d. a week, and the unskilled and semi-skilled labourers in my constituency get something like 32s. 6d. a week. Out of that miserable sum they have to maintain themselves and their families in a condition fit to resist the ravages of disease when it cannot be done in an institution, with all the advantages of large scale buying and cooking and distribution. That seems to me to be a very definite and clear indication as to where the breeding ground for some of your tuberculosis is to be found, at least, and I am surprised that the hon. and gallant Gentleman gets up as a politician and attempts to defend a state of things which as a medical man would receive his wholesale condemnation.

Another very serious effect on a person afflicted with any disease, and more particularly with tuberculosis, is the question of having the mind free from anxiety. More and more it is being recognised by the medical profession that if a person is going to progress towards a cure his mind must be relieved from the cruder anxieties, and that cheerfulness of disposition which the hon. Member for Dumfries (Dr. Chapple) wants us to adopt in our political affairs must be adopted in the sick room. There are thousands of eviction orders hanging over the poor people of Glasgow at present. These men, anxious for the welfare of their women folk and their children, are laid open to the ravages of this disease. Fresh air and sunlight cannot be got in a big proportion of our tenement dwellings. Not only are they denied food, clothing and house accommodation, but the free gifts of God, sunshine and fresh air, cannot get into the homes in my constituency. The Report says:

I do not think there is an answer to your remark. We are told in the Report:

"In the last Annual Report we stated the definite view that the arrangement for emergency supplies of food and milk to nursing mothers and infants on a large scale must be regarded simply as measures for the relief of distress aid withdrawn from association with maternity service and child welfare schemes."

The conclusion, I see, for this policy, drawn from the figures in the Board's own Report, is that last year of 115,082 children born, 11,664 died in their first year. Of children between the ages of one year five years, 19·9 per 1,000 died. The death-rate in the first group, under one year, rose from 90·3 to 101·4 per 1,000. During the year 1,265 died who would have lived in 1921.

That is not in any way connected with the action of the Scottish Board of Health. If the hon. Member examines the figures I was giving at some length earlier on he will find that the majority of those deaths took place actually while the policy of relief grants was still in operation.

I was using the statistics and figures with all reserve and all restraint and not attempting to press my conclusion any further than the hon. and gallant Gentleman pressed his. The conclusion he drew from the figures is that we have reason to be fairly well satisfied with the condition of health of the people of Scotland. The conclusion I wish to draw is that we have every reason to be ashamed of the conditions. He drew some comparisons with the conditions in England over a number of years. I want to do something similar. In 1917 107 children under one year of age died per 1,000, for 96 in England. In 1918 99 died in Scotland for 97 in England. In 1919 101 died in Scotland while only 89 died in England. In 1920 92 died in Scotland and only 80 in England. In 1921 90 died in Scotland while 83 only died in England. For these last years that I have taken, during which we were congratulating ourselves, an average of 89 children died in England while 98 or nine more babies per 1,000 every year died than there were deaths among English babies. The Scottish Board of Health has to tell us why. It has got to let the Scottish people know why Scotland is in this position. The same medical resources and knowledge are available to Scotland. Why are our babies—the figures in England are bad enough—being killed off at a speedier rate than in England? In my own district 1,035 infants died who would have survived in English conditions. I do not want to stress the statistics any more than the hon. and gallant Gentleman. He said the figures with reference to unemployment showed a huge aggregation of human distress which he would not attempt to minimise. His whole speech minimised the deaths and the human suffering involved in this. In the course of his professional career he must have seen thousands of infants under one year suffering, and he must have seen the parents watching over the little one hovering between life and death. I only saw one case, and that made a mark on me which I shall never lose. I saw a mother struggling with the last ounce of her energy to save an infant life, and in saving it she lost her own. I am not interested in the statistics of this. I am interested in the tens of thousands of fathers and mothers to-night watching over the cots of little babies, wondering whether they are going to live or die. If I could strike the public conscience to see that this is absolutely wrong and unjustifiable in a Christian nation, I should think I had rendered some service to my country.

6.0 P.M.

The whole position is glossed over in the report. The hon. and gallant Gentleman says the withdrawal of milk and food supplies from the mother had no effect that is reflected in the statistics. Does he mean to tell me as a medical man that the withdrawal of milk from a baby gives it a better chance of life than to continue the provision of that milk? He cannot say the withdrawal of these things did not make the figures very much worse, than they would have been if the utmost care had been given to the children. The policy of the local governing body was reversed by a circular letter issued on 12th March, 1922, at a time when the hon. and gallant Gentleman and his report told us that the death rate was at a higher point than it had been for many years. The letter was issued in the first quarter of the year and he said it was due to an epidemic of measles, influenza and whooping cough. In the same circular letter, in the interests of rigorous economy, the Board intimated to the local authorities that it would no longer approve of the provision of hospital accommodation for children suffering from whooping cough and measles. At a time when an epidemic was raging, disease was at its worst and the death rate at its highest, these hon. Gentlemen on the other side of the House, in the interest of saving money, which the right hon. Baronet the Member for the City of London approves of, issued a circular condemning children to remain in the breeding ground of infection. They were not to be moved out of the single room and kitchen houses so that single infants might be isolated. In the interest of economy they condemned hundreds of children to death and I call it murderers. I call the men who initiated the policy murderers. I call the men who walked into the Lobby in support of that policy murderers. They have blood on their hands—the blood of infants. It is a fearful thing for any man to have on his soul—a cold, callous, deliberate crime in order to save money. We are prepared to destroy children in the great interests of dividends. We put children out in the front of the fighting line—

I will not give way; not for one moment. You are one of the worst in the Whole House. [HON. MEMBERS: "Sit down!"] I certainly will not sit down.

Is it in order for an hon. Member to call other hon. Members "murderers"? [HON. MEMBERS: "It is true!" and "He has proved it!"]

I know the English language fairly well and I know the meaning of the English language, and if the right hon. Baronet will supply me with a word that describes his action, other than that of "murderer," I will be pleased to substitute it. Failing the production of that word, I stick to what I have said.

On a point of Order. I must ask whether it is in order for the hon. Member, after having invented certain episodes, which exist only in his imagination, to call an individual hon. Member a murderer?

I think there is a certain amount of misunderstanding, but I have already said that to call any hon. Member of this House by that name is not in order, and I must ask the hon. Member who is in possession to desist from that kind of description of other Members.

No, Sir, I have absolutely no wish, even to seem to question the wisdom and Tightness of your ruling, but there is only one word that applies, and I applied it to all Members who supported the initiation of this policy, and I applied it particularly to the right hon. Baronet because of his interruption when he said, "Hear, hear!" indicating his belief.

On a point of Order. The hon. Member has, for the third time, disregarded your ruling and applied to an hon. Member of this House the epithet "murderer." I must ask you, Sir, whether the hon. Member is in order, and, if he is not in order, whether he intends to withdraw?

I have asked the hon. Member to desist from using language of that kind, and I hope he will withdraw the remark as applying to any particular individual Member of this House.

I can never withdraw. I did it deliberately, just as the right hon. Baronet interrupted me deliberately. I should never dream of withdrawing for one minute. Here is a policy being pursued—and I have only one opportunity as a Scottish Member—[HON. MEMBERS: "Order!"]

I must ask the hon. Member to withdraw that particular epithet. I am sure he will realise that if I allowed that, there could be no order in Debate, and surely he must see himself that it is necessary to withdraw.

Anything—any phrase that I could substitute to bring the idea before the House—would be equally objectionable, and I must insist on being allowed to proceed with my speech using the language which comes to me.

I am sure the hon. Member does not mean to apply that particular epithet, as a description, to any hon. Member of this House. What he means to imply, I imagine, is that if any Member of this House is guilty of such conduct as he describes, he would be no better than a murderer. I cannot allow him to describe any hon. Member in those terms, and I am sure when I ask him to do so he will withdraw the epithet.

I do not mean to withdraw. I am prepared to stand the racket. I absolutely decline to withdraw. The whole business is a matter of historical knowledge.

I think, Captain Fitzroy, there is a good deal of misunderstanding about the use of a very hard word, and if I can help to get the Committee out of a difficulty, I should be very glad. Does it not amount to this? My hon. Friend says that certain things were done, and that economies were effected which, in their result, condemned a certain number of children to death. In that connection he used the expression "murderers" or "murderer." If I might suggest if my hon. Friend would make that perfectly clear, it is perfectly legitimate for him to say that the result of that action has been, in effect, what he indicated, but without making a direct personal charge. [HON. MEMBERS: "No, no!" and "It is true!"]. It is really in this case a question of motive. It is a matter the effect of which has to be left to the ordinary operations. I hope my hon. Friend will make it quite clear that it was in that sense he used the word, and that in such sense you will allow it.

May I remind you, Sir, of what happened? The hon. Member for Bridgeton (Mr. Maxton) quoted figures to prove that with the knowledge which every ordinary Member of the House possesses of the effect of starvation on human life, the Government and its supporters, in the interests of economy and money saving, withheld sustenance from the children. He said that was murder and that the people who supported it were murderers. I repeat the statement and I will not withdraw. I say the right hon. Baronet the Member for the City of London, sitting on that bench, is one of the murderers.

On the same point of Order. May I point out, as an example of how far passions may arise, that the hon. Member for Shettleston (Mr. Wheatley) who has just spoken, and who was no doubt listening to the Debate closely, has, as far as I understand, given a wrong account of the contention of the hon. Member for Bridgeton (Mr. Maxton), because the hon. Member for Bridgeton was not discussing at the moment the question of sustenance for these children, but the policy of the isolation of fever patients in the hospitals. [HON. MEMBERS: "No, no!"]

I was pointing out how easy it is for misapprehension to arise. Certainly that was my opinion, and in that simple question of isolation, the question of motive does undoubtedly enter. I am prepared to argue to show that the result of this action was not the withdrawal of treatment from these children and that the withdrawal of treatment was not the desire of those Members who voted. The question of motive must be allowed to enter into the matter, and the hon. Member may make charges of whatever severity he desires against me or against the policy which I have to carry out, but he must realise that the question of motive does enter into these things. I am sure he would not withhold from the right hon. Baronet motives as upright as his own, although he would quarrel acutely with the result of the right hon. Baronet's actions. Although the hon. Member for Shettleston and I were both listening closely to his speech there is a difference of opinion even as to the question which was being discussed, and that shows how easy it is for anger to carry any of us—

It shows how easy it is for any of us to be carried to a point at which we say something, the implications of which we are not conscious of at the moment.

Was not this behind every argument used by the hon. Member for Bridgeton—that to save money you had pursued a certain policy. You must have been conscious of what the result of the policy would be—that the result would be the destruction of one thousand infants who would have lived while the policy was different. If it is murder to kill one child suddenly, it is a thousand times more murderous to kill a thousand infants. You started that policy and in so far as you started it you have contributed to the murder of innocent infants and therefore are murderers, and I make that charge against you now.

May I point out to you Sir, that already two hon. Members have entirely disregarded your ruling and have called hon. Members on this side of the House murderers and especially myself. Two of them have done so. [HON. MEMBERS: "We will all call you that!"] All the part I took in the Debate this afternoon was that when an hon. Member, who is not now in the House, was speaking about housing, said that some money had been saved, I said "Hear, hear!" I never interrupted the hon. Member for Bridgeton or said anything in approval of or disagreement with his speech. I must ask you, Sir, for the protection which has always been given by every Chairman and by Mr. Speaker to hon. Members of this House, and I must ask you to insist that the two hon. Members who have called me a murderer withdraw and apologise.

May I call your attention to the fact, Sir, that the history of this incident given by the right hon. Baronet is not quite correct. The hon. Member for Bridgeton was comparing the infantile mortality in England with that in Scotland, and his figures clearly proved that there was a considerable number of deaths in Scotland and, at least, a greater number than in England, and that the difference was due to the policy pursued by the Scottish Board of Health and that that policy has been initiated by the Government which the right hon. Baronet supported. The hon. Member for Bridgeton said that the men who went into the Lobby and voted in support of an economy, which meant the destruction of these lives, were murderers and there is no other word in the English language to describe their conduct. I want to tell you, Sir, you are not faced with the question of reporting the hon. Member for Bridgeton and the hon. Member for Shettleston, but you will have to face the question of turning all of us out because we all hold the same opinions on this particular matter.

I wonder whether I might try to appeal to hon. Members opposite? I realize from what I have heard since coming into the House, that feeling has been aroused and that suggestions have been made by some hon. Members opposite that we on this side are murderers. Though I am prepared to admit that, perhaps, an accusation against the whole party, whatever the accusation is, maybe permissible in this House—

I do not want the right hon. Gentleman to misrepresent my argument. I said those who initiated the policy and those who went into the Lobby and supported the policy.

That is the same thing. I want the hon. Member not to visit his displeasure on me personally. I am trying to get the Committee out of a somewhat difficult position. I have been in the House a great deal longer than the hon. Members, and I am sure that they and their colleagues desire to uphold the great traditions of the House of Commons. While it is permissible to indict a party or section of a party, they will forgive me for saying that it is not permissible for any Member of this House to call any individual Member "a murderer" or any such name. I understand that my right hon. Friend the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury) has been personally called by that epithet, which no man could allow to be applied to himself, and I do appeal to both hon. Members opposite to withdraw it. I quite see what their view is, that, as a whole, anybody who voted for a particular course is guilty of the murder of innocent children. They are entitled to hold that view with regard to Members at large, either the Members of the whole party or certain Members who vote in a particular Division, but they are not allowed to make such an accusation personally against any one of their fellow Members by naming them personally and individually as being murderers. That cannot be permitted in the House of Commons. After all, hon. Members opposite and myself have had breezes from time to time, but I have never accused any one of them personally of anything of this kind, and certainly I would never bring any accusation against any Member personally. It may be that from time to time one says hard words about a party as a whole, and we are prepared to admit and receive hard words as a whole. I make a personal appeal to the hon. Members opposite to withdraw the word as regards any individual Member personally, and I think that they would be satisfied with that.

The term which has been used is in some respects a legal one. My knowledge of law is not considerable, but there are eminent lawyers in this House, and as I understand the law, if a person does an act calculated to kill anyone, even though he did not intend to murder, that person is regarded as a murderer, and in that sense I believe the right hon. Member for the City of London to be a murderer, and I repeat it. Bring back the lives of the Scottish infants and I will withdraw.

I quite realise that hon. Members who have used that expression did so under a deep sense of indignation, but probably they would prefer not to make use of those words if they had an opportunity to realise what they meant. They have had the opportunity of realising the force of what my right hon. Friend has said and I do hope now that they will take the advice of the Leader of the Opposition. I can only ask them again to realise what is the position of this House. No hon. Member can be allowed to make such a charge on the Floor of the House. The use of a word in that way which is intended to apply to a party as a whole might be justifiable in the heat of Debate, but no hon. Member can be allowed to apply an epithet of that kind to an individual Member of this House. Whether it is a legal expression or not has nothing to do with the question. It certainly is not a Parliamentary one, and I must ask the hon. Members to withdraw the remark which they have made.

On a point of Order. May I suggest for your consideration that the expression strikes me—and in this I am practically supporting the view put forward by the Leader of the Opposition—as being used in the way in which it was used in the case of the Kaiser during the War. He was termed a "murderer," a "baby-killer," etc., and he has not yet been dealt with by this Government in any way whatever. The application of the word "murderer" is, as the Leader of the Opposition says, of general application. The Deputy-Chairman rules out its personal application to an individual Member, but its general application might be allowed.

I submit that the difficulty which has arisen is largely attributable to the persistent interjections of the right hon. Baronet the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury) who, by his own statement in the course of the Debate this afternoon and by his general demeanour, has provoked the expression.[HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] My submission to you is that without expressing any opinion on the merits or demerits of the expression to which Members on this side have given utterance, the right hon. Member for the City frequently provokes Members on this side of the House to indulge in—

You are out of order just now, with all your Parliamentary knowledge. I am not afraid of you.

The question is not a question of provocation. It is merely a question of Parliamentary usage, as to whether the expression used by one Member to another is in order, and I must again request the hon. Member to withdraw that particular expression?

On a point of Order. Do hon. Members opposite, when they use the expression, know that "murderer" implies the intent to commit murder, the intent to kill? I am sure that hon. Members do not intend that?

Why do you not suppress the Member for the City? He is the cause of the whole trouble. He is responsible for the trouble here this afternoon.

It may facilitate matters if I explain that the statement made by the Member for Bridgeton (Mr. Maxton) and my accusation against the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury) as a prominent member of the Conservative party, was made quite deliberately, and made with no intention of being withdrawn, but with a complete belief in its truth, and I have no intention of withdrawing.

I must ask the hon. Member for Bridgeton (Mr. Maxton), and the hon. Member for Shettleston (Mr. Wheatley), to withdraw the remark, and if they do not comply with my request I must ask them to withdraw from the House.

Do the hon. Members withdraw the remark? If not, I must ask them to withdraw from the House for disregarding the ruling of the Chair.

I must ask the Serjeant-at-Arms to remove the hon. Member for Bridgeton and the hon. Member for Shettleston.

Are you not bound to take the Motion which I have made?

THE DEPUTY-SERJEANT-AT-ARMS (Mr. F. R. Gossett) advanced to the hon. Member for Bridgeton and to the hon. Member for Shettleston and requested them to retire, but they declined to do so.

THE DEPUTY-SERJEANT-AT-ARMS reported that he had asked the hon. Members to retire, and that they had refused to do so without force .

I have, with regret, to inform you, Mr. Speaker, that under Standing Order No. 20 I have had to name the hon. Member for the Bridgeton Division of Glasgow and the hon. Member for the Shettleston Division of Glasgow for persistently disregarding the authority of the Chair, and that, when called upon to withdraw from the House for the remainder of the sitting, the hon. Members refused to do so.

I have to name to the House Mr. Maxton, the hon. Member for the Bridgeton Division of Glasgow, and Mr. Wheatley, the hon. Member for the Shettleston Division of Glasgow.

I beg to move, "That Mr. Maxton,

the Member for the Bridgeton Division of Glasgow, and Mr. Wheatley, the Member for the Shettleston Division of Glasgow, be suspended from the service of the House."

On a point of Order—

Question put, "That Mr. Maxton, the Member for the Bridgeton Division of Glasgow, and Mr. Wheatley, the Member for the Shettleston Division of Glasgow, be suspended from the service of the House."

The House divided: Ayes, 258; Noes, 70.

Division No. 249.]

AYES.

[6.30 p.m.

Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte

Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry

Henderson, Sir T. (Roxburgh)

Alexander, E. E. (Leyton, East)

Croft, Lieut.-Colonel Henry Page

Henn, Sir Sydney H.

Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S.

Crooke, J. Smedley (Deritend)

Hennessy, Major J. R. G.

Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin

Davies, Thomas (Cirencester)

Hewett, Sir J. P.

Ashley, Lt.-Col. Wilfrid W.

Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.)

Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank

Asquith, Rt. Hon. Herbert Henry

Doyle, N. Grattan

Hiley, Sir Ernest

Astbury, Lieut.-Com. Frederick W.

Du Pre, Colonel William Baring

Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (St. Marylebone)

Astor, J. J. (Kent, Dover)

Edge, Captain Sir William

Hogge, James Myles

Astor, Viscountess

Edmonds, G.

Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy

Baird, Rt. Hon. Sir John Lawrence

Edmondson, Major A. J.

Hopkins, John W. W.

Balfour, George (Hampstead)

Ednam, Viscount

Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead)

Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G.

Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark)

Houfton, John Plowright

Barlow, Rt. Hon. Sir Montague

Ellis, R. G.

Howard, Capt. D. (Cumberland, N.)

Barnett, Major Richard W.

Emlyn-Jones, J. E. (Dorset, N.)

Hume, G. H.

Barnston, Major Harry

Entwistle, Major C. F.

Hurd, Percy A.

Barrie, Sir Charles Coupar (Banff)

Erskine, Lord (Weston-super-Mare)

Hurst, Lt.-Col. Gerald Berkeley

Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W.

Evans, Ernest (Cardigan)

Hutchison, G. A. C. (Midlothian, N.)

Bennett, A. J. (Mansfield)

Fairbairn, R. R.

Hutchison, Sir R. (Kirkcaldy)

Berry, Sir George

Falconer, J.

Hutchison, W. (Kelvingrove)

Betterton, Henry B.

Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray

Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H.

Birchall, Major J. Dearman

Fawkes, Major F. H.

Jarrett, G. W. S.

Blundell, F. N.

Fermor-Hesketh, Major T.

Jenkins, W. A. (Brecon and Radnor)

Bonwick, A.

Ford, Patrick Johnston

Jephcott, A. R.

Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W.

Foreman, Sir Henry

Johnstone, Harcourt (Willesden, East)

Boyd-Carpenter, Major A.

Forestier-Walker, L.

Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington)

Brass, Captain W.

Fraser, Major Sir Keith

Joynson-Hicks, Sir William

Briant, Frank

Frece, Sir Walter de

Kelley, Major Fred (Rotherham)

Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive

Furness, G. J.

Kennedy, Captain M. S. Nigel

Brown, Brig.-Gen. Clifton (Newbury)

Galbraith, J. F. W.

Kenyon, Barnet

Brown, J. W. (Middlesbrough, E.)

Gardiner, James

King, Captain Henry Douglas

Bruford, R.

Garland, C. S.

Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement

Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A.

Gates, Percy

Lamb, J. Q.

Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James

Gilbert, James Daniel

Lane-Fox, Lieut.-Colonel G. R.

Burn, Colonel Sir Charles Rosdew

Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John

Linfield, F. C.

Burnie, Major J. (Bootle)

Goff, Sir R. Park

Lloyd, Cyril E. (Dudley)

Butcher, Sir John George

Greaves-Lord, Walter

Lloyd-Greame, Rt. Hon. Sir Philip

Button, H. S.

Greene, Lt.-Col. Sir W. (Hack'y, N.)

Locker-Lampson, G. (Wood Green)

Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R.

Greenwood, William (Stockport)

Lorden, John William

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Sir Evelyn (Aston)

Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E.

Lorimer, H. D.

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord R. (Hitchin)

Guthrie, Thomas Maule

Lougher, L.

Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood)

Gwynne, Rupert S.

Lowe, Sir Francis William

Chapman, Sir S.

Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

Loyd, Arthur Thomas (Abingdon)

Chapple, W. A.

Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich)

Lumley, L. R.

Chilcott, Sir Warden

Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W. (Liv'p'I.W.D'by)

Lyle-Samuel, Alexander

Churchman, Sir Arthur

Halstead, Major D.

Lynn, R. J.

Clayton, G. C.

Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland)

M'Connell, Thomas E.

Cobb, Sir Cyril

Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry

Macdonald, Sir Murdoch (Inverness)

Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips

Harbord, Arthur

Macnaghten, Hon. Sir Malcolm

Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale

Harmsworth, Hon. E. C. (Kent)

Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I.

Conway, Sir W. Martin

Harris, Percy A.

Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.)

Cope, Major William

Harrison, F. C.

Manville, Edward

Courthope, Lieut.-Col. George L.

Harvey, Major S. E.

Margesson, H. D. R.

Craig, Captain C. C, (Antrim, South)

Hawke, John Anthony

Marshall, Sir Arthur H.

Martin, A. E. (Essex, Romford)

Reid, D. D. (County Down)

Strauss, Edward Anthony

Martin, F. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, E.)

Rentoul, G. S.

Stuart, Lord C. Crichton

Millar, J. D.

Richardson, Sir Alex. (Gravesend)

Sugden, Sir Wilfrid H.

Mitchell, W. F. (Saffron Walden)

Richardson, Lt.-Col. Sir P. (Chertsey)

Sutherland, Rt. Hon. Sir William

Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham)

Roberts, C. H. (Derby)

Sykes, Major-Gen. Sir Frederick H.

Moles, Thomas

Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford)

Thompson, Luke (Sunderland)

Molloy, Major L. G. S.

Robertson-Despencer, Major (Isl'gt'nW)

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. (Honiton)

Robinson, Sir T. (Lancs., Stretford)

Titchfield, Marquess of

Nesbitt, Robert C.

Rogerson, Capt. J. E.

Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement

Newman, Colonel J. R. P. (Finchley)

Roundell, Colonel R. F.

Tubbs, S. W.

Newton, Sir D. G. C. (Cambridge)

Ruggles-Brise, Major E.

Wallace, Captain E.

Nicholson, Brig.-Gen. J. (Westminster)

Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth)

Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull)

Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield)

Russell, William (Bolton)

Ward, Col. J. (Stoke-upon-Trent)

Nield, Sir Herbert

Russell-Wells, Sir Sydney

Waring, Major Walter

Norton-Griffiths, Lieut.-Col. Sir John

Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney)

Watts, Dr. T. (Man., Withington)

O'Neill, Rt. Hon. Hugh

Sanders, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert A.

Wells, S. R.

Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William

Sanderson, Sir Frank B.

Weston, Colonel John Wakefield

Parker, Owen (Kettering)

Sandon, Lord

Wheler, Col. Granville C. H.

Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry

Shaw, Hon. Alex. (Kilmarnock)

White, Lt.-Col. G. D. (Southport)

Pennefather, De Fonblanque

Sheffield, Sir Berkeley

Whitla, Sir William

Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings)

Shepperson, E. W.

Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George

Perring, William George

Simpson-Hinchcliffe, W. A.

Wise, Frederick

Philipson, Mabel

Sinclair, Sir A.

Wolmer, Viscount

Phillipps, Vivian

Singleton, J. E.

Wood, Rt. Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon)

Pielou, D. P.

Skelton, A. N.

Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West)

Pilditch, Sir Philip

Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South)

Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.)

Preston, Sir W. R.

Smith, Sir Harold (Wavertree)

Wood, Maj. Sir S. Hill (High Peak)

Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G.

Somerville, A. A. (Windsor)

Woodcock, Colonel H. C.

Pringle, W. M. R.

Spender-Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H.

Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L.

Rae, Sir Henry N.

Steel, Major S. Strang

Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward

Raeburn, Sir William H.

Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K.

Yerburgh, R. D. T.

Raine, W.

Stewart, Gershom (Wirral)

Rankin, Captain James Stuart

Stockton, Sir Edwin Forsyth

TELLERS FOR THE AYES. —Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs.—Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs.

Rees, Sir Beddoe

Stott, Lt.-Col. W. H.

NOES.

Adamson, Rt. Hon. William

Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown)

Shinwell, Emanuel

Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock)

Jowett, F. W. (Bradford, East)

Short, Alfred (Wednesbury)

Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery)

Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M.

Smillie, Robert

Batey, Joseph

Lansbury, George

Smith, T. (Pontefract)

Broad, F. A.

Lawson, John James

Snell, Harry

Brotherton, J.

Leach, W.

Spencer, George A. (Broxtowe)

Buchanan, G.

Lee, F.

Stephen, Campbell

Burgess, S.

Lowth, T.

Stewart, J. (St. Rollox)

Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton)

Lunn, William

Sullivan, J.

Ede, James Chuter

Maclean, Nell (Glasgow, Govan)

Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow)

Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty)

March, S.

Turner, Ben

Gosling, Harry

Morel, E. D.

Wallhead, Richard C.

Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne)

Muir, John W.

Warne, G. H.

Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan)

Murnin, H.

Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline)

Grundy, T. W.

O'Grady, Captain James

Welsh, J. C.

Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton)

Paling, W.

Westwood, J.

Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil)

Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan)

Whiteley, W.

Hardie, George D.

Ponsonby, Arthur

Williams, David (Swansea, E.)

Hay, Captain J. P. (Cathcart)

Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

Williams, T (York, Don Valley)

Henderson, T. (Glasgow)

Ritson, J.

Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe)

Herriotts, J.

Robertson, J. (Lanark, Bothwell)

Wright, W.

Hill, A.

Robinson, W. C. (York, Elland)

Hirst, G. H.

Saklatvaia, S.

TELLERS FOR THE NOES. —Mr. Johnston and Mr. Duncan Graham.—Mr. Johnston and Mr. Duncan Graham.

Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath)

Salter, Dr. A.

John, William (Rhondda, West)

Scrymgeour, E.

The two hon. Members will please withdraw from the House.

The hon. Member for the Bridgeton Division and the hon. Member for the Shettleston Division withdrew accord-ingly from the House.

Supply

Again considered in Committee.

[Mr. JAMES HOPE in the Chair.]

Question again proposed, "That a sum, not exceeding £1,773,630, be granted for the said Service."

I want to repeat the statement made. I want to say that it is all very well for those who have been accused of the charge of murdering these Scottish children to go into the Lobby and vote for the suspension of those who made the charge. [HON. MEMBERS: "Order!"] I am going to have my say. [ Interruption. ] I insist—[ interruption ]—I believe that the right hon. Baronet the Member for the City of London is a murderer, in so far as he went into the Lobby in support of the proposal. [ Interruption. ] I insist on making my protest in connection with the suspension. [ Interruption. ] I am not going to sit down. I am not going to remain in this House and allow those Friends of mine, who were saying no more than the truth, to be treated in this fashion.

I have been standing for some time, and if the hon. Member docs not resume his seat, I shall have to name him for persisting in disobeying the Rules of the House.

I am going on with my statement. I have no intention of resuming my seat until I have made my statement. We are not going to submit to this state of affairs—

I must name the hon. Member for disregarding the

authority of the Chair, unless he resume his seat.

I have, with regret, to inform you, Mr. Speaker, that, under Standing Order No. 20, I have had to name the hon. Member for the Camlachie Division of Glasgow, for persistently disregarding the authority of the Chair.

I have to name to the House Mr. Stephen, the Member for the Camlachie Division.

I beg to move, "That Mr. Stephen, the Member for the Camlachie Division of Glasgow, be suspended from the service of the House."

Question put.

The House divided: Ayes, 276; Noes, 60.

Division No. 250.]

AYES.

[6.40 p.m.

Acland, Rt. Hon. Francis Dyke

Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R.

Flanagan, W. H.

Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Sir Evelyn (Aston)

Ford, Patrick Johnston

Ainsworth, Captain Charles

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord R. (Hitchin)

Foreman, Sir Henry

Alexander, E. E. (Leyton, East)

Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood)

Forestier-Walker, L.

Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S.

Chapman, Sir S.

Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot

Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin

Chapple, W. A.

Fraser, Major Sir Keith

Ashley, Lt.-Col. Wilfrid W.

Chilcott, Sir Warden

Frece, Sir Walter de

Asquith, Rt. Hon. Herbert Henry

Churchman, Sir Arthur

Furness, G. J.

Astbury, Lieut-Corn. Frederick W.

Clayton, G. C.

Galbraith, J. F. W.

Astor, J. J. (Kent, Dover)

Cobb, Sir Cyril

Ganzoni, Sir John

Astor, Viscountess

Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips

Gardiner, James

Baird, Rt. Hon. Sir John Lawrence

Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale

Garland, C. S.

Balfour, George (Hampstead)

Conway, Sir W. Martin

Gates, Percy

Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G.

Cope, Major William

Gilbert, James Daniel

Barlow, Rt. Hon. Sir Montague

Cotts, Sir William Dingwall Mitchell

Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John

Barnett, Major Richard W.

Courthope, Lieut-Col. George L.

Goff, Sir R. Park

Barnston, Major Harry

Craig, Captain C. C. (Antrim, South)

Greaves-Lord, Walter

Barrie, Sir Charles Coupar (Banff)

Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry

Greene, Lt.-Col. Sir W. (Hack'y, N.)

Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W.

Croft, Lieut.-Colonel Henry Page

Greenwood, William (Stockport)

Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith)

Crooke, J. Smedley (Deritend)

Guinness, Lieut-Col. Hon. W. E.

Bennett, A. J. (Mansfield)

Davies, Thomas (Cirencester)

Guthrie, Thomas Maule

Berry, Sir George

Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.)

Gwynne, Rupert S.

Betterton, Henry B.

Doyle, N. Grattan

Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

Birchall, Major J. Dearman

Du Pre, Colonel William Baring

Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich)

Blundell, F. N.

Edge, Captain Sir William

Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W. (Liv'p'I, W. D'by)

Bonwick, A.

Edmonds, G.

Halstead, Major D.

Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W.

Edmondson, Major A. J.

Hamilton, Sir George C. (Altrincham)

Boyd-Carpenter, Major A.

Ednam, Viscount

Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland)

Brass, Captain W.

Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark)

Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry

Briant, Frank

Ellis, R. G.

Harbord, Arthur

Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive

Emlyn-Jones, J. E. (Dorset, N.)

Harmsworth, Hon. E. C. (Kent)

Brown, Brig.-Gen. Clifton (Newbury)

Entwistle, Major C. F.

Harris, Percy A.

Brown, J. W. (Middlesbrough, E.)

Erskine, Lord (Weston-super-Mare)

Harrison, F. C.

Bruford, R.

Erskine-Bolst, Captain C.

Harvey, Major S. E.

Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A.

Evans, Ernest (Cardigan)

Hawke, John Anthony

Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James

Fairbairn, R. R.

Henderson, Sir T. (Roxburgh)

Burn, Colonel Sir Charles Rosdew

Falconer, J.

Henn, Sir Sydney H.

Burnie, Major J. (Bootle)

Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray

Hennessy, Major J. R. G.

Butcher, Sir John George

Fawkes, Major F. H.

Hewett, Sir J. P.

Button, H. S.

Fermor-Hesketh, Major T.

Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank

Hiley, Sir Ernest

Milne, J. S. Wardlaw

Shaw, Hon. Alex. (Kilmarnock)

Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (St. Marylebone)

Mitchell, W. F. (Saffron Walden)

Sheffield, Sir Berkeley

Hogge, James Myles

Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham)

Shepperson, E. W.

Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy

Moies, Thomas

Simpson-Hinchcliffe, W. A.

Hopkins, John W. W.

Molloy, Major L. G. S.

Sinclair, Sir A.

Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead)

Morden, Col. W. Grant

Singleton, J. E.

Houfton, John Plowright

Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. (Honiton)

Skelton, A. N.

Howard, Capt. D. (Cumberland, N.)

Murchison, C. K.

Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South)

Hume, G. H.

Nall, Major Joseph

Smith, Sir Harold (Wavertree)

Hurd, Percy A.

Nesbitt, Robert C.

Somerville, A. A. (Windsor)

Hurst, Lt.-Col. Gerald Berkeley

Newman, Colonel J. R. P. (Finchley)

Spender-Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H.

Hutchison, G. A. C. (Midlothian, N.)

Newton, Sir D. G. C. (Cambridge)

Steel, Major S. Strang

Hutchison, Sir R. (Kirkcaldy)

Nicholson, Brig.-Gen. J. (Westminster)

Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K.

Hutchison, W. (Kelvingrove)

Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield)

Stewart, Gershom (Wirral)

Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H.

Nield, Sir Herbert

Stockton, Sir Edwin Forsyth

Jarrett, G. W. S.

Norton-Griffiths, Lieut.-Col. Sir John

Stott, Lt.-Col. W. H.

Jenkins, W. A. (Brecon and Radnor)

O'Neill, Rt. Hon. Hugh

Strauss, Edward Anthony

Jephcott, A. R.

Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William

Stuart, Lord C. Crichton-

Johnson, Sir L. (Walthamstow, E.)

Parker, Owen (Kettering)

Sugden, Sir Wilfrid H.

Johnstone, Harcourt (Willesden, East)

Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry

Sutherland, Rt. Hon. Sir William

Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington)

Pennefather, De Fonblanque

Sykes, Major-Gen. Sir Frederick H.

Joynson-Hicks, Sir William

Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings)

Thompson, Luke (Sunderland)

Kelley, Major Fred (Rotherham)

Perring, William George

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Kennedy, Captain M. S. Nigel

Philipson, Mabel

Titchfield, Marquess of

Kenyon, Barnet

Phillipps, Vivian

Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement

King, Captain Henry Douglas

Pielou, D. P.

Tubbs, S. W.

Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement

Pilditch, Sir Philip

Wallace, Captain E.

Lamb, J. Q.

Preston, Sir W. R.

Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull)

Lane-Fox, Lieut.-Colonel G. R.

Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G.

Ward, Col. J. (Stoke-upon-Trent)

Linfield, F. C.

Pringle, W. M. R.

Waring, Major Walter

Lloyd, Cyril E. (Dudley)

Rae, Sir Henry N.

Watson, Capt. J. (Stockton-on-Tees)

Lloyd-Greame, Rt. Hon. Sir Philip

Raeburn, Sir William H.

Watts, Dr. T. (Man., Withington)

Locker-Lampson, G. (Wood Green)

Raine, W.

Wells, S. R.

Lorden, John William

Rankin, Captain James Stuart

Weston, Colonel John Wakefield

Lorimer, H. D.

Rees, Sir Beddoe

Wheler, Col. Granville C. H.

Lort-Williams, J.

Reid, D. D. (County Down)

White, Lt.-Col. G. D. (Southport)

Lougher, L.

Rentoul, G. S.

Whitla, Sir William

Lowe, Sir Francis William

Richardson, Sir Alex. (Gravesend)

Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George

Loyd, Arthur Thomas (Abingdon)

Richardson, Lt.-Col. Sir P. (Chertsey)

Winterton, Earl

Lumley, L. R.

Roberts, C. H. (Derby)

Wintringham, Margaret

Lyle-Samuel, Alexander

Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford)

Wise, Frederick

Lynn, R. J.

Robertson-Despencer, Major (lsl'gt'n W)

Wolmer, Viscount

M'Connell, Thomas E.

Robinson, Sir T. (Lancs., Stretford)

Wood, Rt. Hn. Edward F. L. (Ripon)

Macdonald, Sir Murdoch (Inverness)

Rogerson, Capt. J. E.

Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West)

Macnaghten, Hon. Sir Malcolm

Roundell, Colonel R. F.

Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.)

Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I.

Ruggles-Brise, Major E.

Wood, Maj. Sir S. Hill (High Peak)

Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.)

Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth)

Woodcock, Colonel H. C.

Manville, Edward

Russell, William (Bolton)

Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L.

Margesson, H. D. R.

Russell-Wells, Sir Sydney

Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward

Marshall, Sir Arthur H.

Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney)

Yerburgh, R. D. T.

Martin, A. E. (Essex, Romford)

Sanders, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert A.

Martin, F. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, E.)

Sanderson, Sir Frank B.

TELLERS FOR THE AYES. —Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs.—Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs.

Millar, J. D.

Sandon, Lord

NOES.

Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock)

Jowett, F. W. (Bradford, East)

Shinwell, Emanuel

Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery)

Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M.

Short, Alfred (Wednesbury)

Batey, Joseph

Lansbury, George

Smillie, Robert

Brotherton, J.

Lawson, John James

Snell, Harry

Buchanan, G.

Leach, W.

Spencer, George A. (Broxtowe)

Burgess, S.

Lowth, T.

Stewart, J. (St. Rollox)

Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton)

Lunn, William

Sullivan, J.

Davison, J. E. (Smethwick)

Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan)

Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow)

Ede, James Chuter

March, S.

Turner, Ben

Gosling, Harry

Muir, John W.

Wallhead, Richard C.

Greenall, T.

Murnin, H.

Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince)

Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan)

Paling, W.

Warne, G. H.

Groves, T.

Potts, John S.

Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline)

Grundy, T. W.

Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

Welsh, J. C.

Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton)

Riley, Ben

Westwood, J.

Hardie, George D.

Ritson, J.

Williams, David (Swansea, E.)

Hay, Captain J. P. (Cathcart)

Robertson, J. (Lanark, Bothwell)

Williams, T. (York, Don Valley)

Henderson, T. (Glasgow)

Robinson, W. C. (York, Elland)

Wright, W.

Hirst, G. H.

Saklatvala, S.

John, William (Rhondda, West)

Salter, Dr. A.

TELLERS FOR THE NOES. —Mr. Johnston and Mr. Duncan Graham.—Mr. Johnston and Mr. Duncan Graham.

Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown)

Scrymgeour, E.

The hon. Member will please withdraw from the House.

The hon. Member for the Camlachie Division withdrew accordingly from the House .

Supply

Again considered in Committee.

[Mr. JAMES HOPE in the Chair.]

Question again proposed, "That a sum, not exceeding £1,773,630, be granted for the said Service."

On a point of Order. Are you putting that now as a Question on which the Committee is to divide?

May I call attention to the earlier proceedings that have taken place, and to the suspension of certain hon. Members?

No. I have no concern with the earlier proceedings. My concern is to continue the Debate on the Vote for the Scottish Board of Health. If any hon. Member wishes to speak on that Vote he will be in order.

I want to resume the discussion at the point at which we left it prior to the interlude that has just occurred. I want to remind the Committee that the interruption was largely attributable to the demeanour and action of the right hon. Baronet the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury). Although, on occasion, expressions are used from this quarter of the Committee which, in the opinion of the Chair, may be regarded as unseemly—as to that I express no opinion—those expressions are very largely due to the inspiration of right hon. and hon. Gentlemen on the opposite benches.

Is it in order for an hon. Gentleman opposite to interrupt a speech with such an expression?

I am trying to bring myself within the rulings of this House. When I was speaking an hon. Gentleman opposite indulged in an expression which I regard as extremely unparliamentary, although personally I am not offended by it.

If my hon. Friends will leave the matter to myself I shall be grateful. The hon. Gentleman opposite made a reference to the race to which I belong and of which I am proud to be a member. The Prime Minister of this House, when he accepted office some weeks ago, pledged himself to adopt the policy laid down by a Jew, namely, Disraeli. Why, then, should hon. Members on the other side seek to hurl what they regard as insults at me for being a Jew?

If any hon. Member made a remark of the kind stated it is very much to be deprecated.

He is no Chairman who differentiates between one Member and another. He expels our people for one thing, and does not expel the others. That is partisanship, and it does not entitle him to respect at all. That kind of thing is only worthy of contempt.

I am not going to be ordered by you. You are no Chairman to take sides. A Chairman ought to be impartial, but you refuse to be impartial. That is the worst type of chairmanship. You are no Chairman. You are a disgrace to stand there. I am not going to sit down.

If the hon. Member does not resume his seat, I shall have to report him as disregarding the authority of the Chair.

I have, with regret, to inform you, Mr. Speaker, that under Standing Order No. 20 I have had to name the hon. Member for the Gorbals Division, of Glasgow for persistently disregarding the authority of the Chair.

I have to name to the House Mr. Buchanan, the Member for the Gorbals Division.

I beg to move, "That Mr. Buchanan, the Member for the Gorbals Division of Glasgow, be suspended from the service of the House."

Question put.

The House divided: Ayes, 280; Noes, 58

Division No. 251.]

AYES.

[7.0 p.m.

Acland, Rt. Hon. Francis Dyke

Doyle, N. Grattan

Howard, Capt. D. (Cumberland, N.)

Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte

Dudgeon, Major C. R.

Hume, G. H.

Ainsworth, Captain Charles

Du Pre, Colonel William Baring

Hurd, Percy A.

Alexander, E. E. (Leyton, East)

Edge, Captain Sir William

Hurst, Lt.-Col. Gerald Berkeley

Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S.

Edmonds, G.

Hutchison, G. A. C. (Midlothian, N.)

Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin

Edmondson, Major A. J.

Hutchison, Sir R. (Kirkcaldy)

Ashley, Lt.-Col. Wilfrid W.

Ednam, Viscount

Hutchison, W. (Kelvingrove)

Asquith, Rt. Hon. Herbert Henry

Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark)

Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H.

Astor, J. J. (Kent, Dover)

Ellis, R. G.

Jarrett, G. W. S.

Astor, Viscountess

Emlyn-Jones, J. E. (Dorset, N.)

Jenkins, W. A. (Brecon and Radnor)

Baird, Rt. Hon. Sir John Lawrence

Entwistle, Major C. F.

Jephcott, A. R.

Balfour, George (Hampstead)

Erskine, Lord (Weston-super-Mare)

Johnson, Sir L. (Walthamstow, E.)

Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G.

Erskine-Bolst, Captain C.

Johnstone, Harcourt (Willesden, East)

Barlow, Rt. Hon. Sir Montague

Evans, Ernest (Cardigan)

Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington)

Barnett, Major Richard W.

Fairbairn, R. R.

Joynson-Hicks, Sir William

Barnston, Major Harry

Falcon, Captain Michael

Kelley, Major Fred (Rotherham)

Barrie, Sir Charles Coupar (Banff)

Falconer, J.

Kennedy, Captain M. S. Nigel

Becker, Harry

Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray

Kenyon, Barnet

Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W.

Fawkes, Major F. H.

King, Captain Henry Douglas

Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith)

Fermor-Hesketh, Major T.

Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement

Bennett, A. J. (Mansfield)

Flanagan, W. H.

Lamb, J. Q.

Berry, Sir George

Ford, Patrick Johnston

Lane-Fox, Lieut.-Colonel G. R.

Betterton, Henry B.

Foreman, Sir Henry

Linfield, F. C.

Birchall, Major J. Dearman

Forestier-Walker, L.

Lloyd, Cyril E (Dudley)

Blundell, F. N.

Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot

Lloyd-Greame, Rt. Hon. Sir Philip

Bonwick. A.

Fraser, Major Sir Keith

Locker-Lampson, G. (Wood Green)

Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W.

Frece, Sir Walter de

Lorden, John William

Boyd-Carpenter, Major A.

Furness, G. J.

Lorimer, H. D.

Brass, Captain W.

Galbraith, J. F. W.

Lort-Williams, J.

Briant, Frank

Ganzoni, Sir John

Lougher, L.

Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive

Gardiner, James

Loyd, Arthur Thomas (Abingdon)

Brown, Brig.-Gen. Clifton (Newbury)

Garland, C. S.

Lumley, L. R.

Brown, J. W. (Middlesbrough, E.)

Gates, Percy

Lyle-Samuel, Alexander

Bruford, R.

Gilbert, James Daniel

Lynn, R. J.

Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A.

Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John

M'Connell, Thomas E.

Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James

Goff, Sir R. Park

Macdonald, Sir Murdoch (Inverness)

Burn, Colonel Sir Charles Rosdew

Greaves-Lord, Walter

Macnaghten, Hon. Sir Malcolm

Burnie, Major J. (Bootle)

Greene, Lt.-Col. Sir W. (Hack'y, N.)

Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I.

Butcher, Sir John George

Greenwood, William (Stockport)

Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.)

Button, H. S.

Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E.

Manville, Edward

Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R.

Guthrie, Thomas Maule

Margesson, H. D. R.

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Sir Evelyn (Aston)

Gwynne, Rupert S.

Marshall, Sir Arthur H.

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord R. (Hitchin)

Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

Martin, A. E. (Essex, Romford)

Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton

Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich)

Martin, F. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, E.)

Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood)

Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W. (Liv'p'I, W. D'by)

Millar, J. D.

Chapman, Sir S.

Halstead, Major D.

Milne, J. S. Wardlaw

Chapple, W. A.

Hamilton, Sir George C. (Altrincham)

Mitchell, W. F. (Saffron Walden)

Chilcott, Sir Warden

Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland)

Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham)

Churchman, Sir Arthur

Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry

Moles, Thomas

Clayton, G. C.

Harbord, Arthur

Molloy, Major L. G. S.

Cobb, Sir Cyril

Harmsworth, Hon. E. C. (Kent)

Morden, Col. W. Grant

Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K.

Harris, Percy A.

Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. (Honiton)

Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips

Harrison, F. C.

Murchison, C. K.

Collie, Sir John

Harvey, Major S. E.

Nall, Major Joseph

Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beate

Hawke, John Anthony

Nesbitt, Robert C.

Conway, Sir W. Martin

Henderson, Sir T. (Roxburgh)

Newman, Colonel J. R. P. (Finchley)

Cope, Major William

Henn, Sir Sydney H.

Newton, Sir D. G. C. (Cambridge)

Cotts, Sir William Dingwall Mitchell

Hennessy, Major J. R. G.

Nicholson, Brig.-Gen. J. (Westminster)

Courthope, Lieut.-Col. George L.

Herbert, S. (Scarborough)

Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield)

Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities)

Hewett, Sir J. P.

Nield, Sir Herbert

Craig, Captain C. C. (Antrim, South)

Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank

Norton-Griffiths, Lieut.-Col. Sir John

Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry

Hiley, Sir Ernest

O'Neill, Rt. Hon. Hugh

Croft, Lieut.-Colonel Henry Page

Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (St. Marylebone)

Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William

Crook, C. W. (East Ham, North)

Hogge, James Myles

Parker, Owen (Kettering)

Crooke, J. Smedley (Deritend)

Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy

Parry, Lieut-Colonel Thomas Henry

Davidson, Ma|or-General Sir J. H.

Hopkins, John W. W.

Pennefather, De Fonblanque

Davies, Thomas (Cirencester)

Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead)

Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings)

Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.)

Houfton, John Plowright

Perring, William George

Philipson, Mabel

Sanderson, Sir Frank B.

Wallace, Captain E.

Phillipps, Vivian

Sandon, Lord

Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull)

Pielou, D. P.

Shaw, Hon. Alex. (Kilmarnock)

Ward, Col. J. (Stoke upon Trent)

Pilditch, Sir Philip

Sheffield, Sir Berkeley

Waring, Major Walter

Preston, Sir W. R.

Shepperson, E. W.

Watson, Capt. J. (Stockton-on-Tees)

Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G.

Simpson-Hinchcliffe, W. A.

Watts, Dr. T. (Man., Withington)

Pringle, W. M. R.

Sinclair, Sir A.

Wells, S. R.

Privett, F. J.

Singleton, J. E.

Weston, Colonel John Wakefield

Rae, Sir Henry N.

Skelton, A. N.

Wheler, Col. Granville C. H.

Raeburn, Sir William H.

Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South)

White, Lt.-Col. G. D. (Southport)

Raine, W.

Smith, Sir Harold (Wavertree)

Whitia, Sir William

Rankin, Captain James Stuart

Somerville, A. A. (Windsor)

Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George

Rees, Sir Beddoe

Spears, Brig.-Gen. E. L.

Winterton, Earl

Reid, D. D. (County Down)

Spender-Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H.

Wintringham, Margaret

Rentoul, G. S.

Steel, Major S. Strang

Wise, Frederick

Richardson, Sir Alex. (Gravesend)

Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K.

Wolmer, Viscount

Richardson, Lt.-Col. Sir P. (Chertsey)

Stewart, Gershom (Wirral)

Wood, Rt. Hn. Edward F. L. (Ripon)

Roberts, C. H. (Derby)

Stockton, Sir Edwin Forsyth

Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West)

Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford)

Stott, Lt.-Col. W. H.

Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.)

Robertson-Despencer, Major (Isl'gt'n W)

Strauss, Edward Anthony

Wood, Maj. Sir S. Hill (High Peak)

Robinson, Sir T. (Lancs., Stretford)

Stuart, Lord C. Crichton-

Woodcock, Colonel H. C.

Rogerson, Capt. J. E.

Sugden, Sir Wilfrid H.

Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L.

Roundell, Colonel R F.

Sutherland, Rt. Hon. Sir William

Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward

Ruggles-Brise, Major E.

Sykes, Major-Gen. Sir Frederick H.

Yerburgh, R. D. T.

Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth)

Thompson, Luke (Sunderland)

Russell, William (Bolton)

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

TELLERS FOR THE AYES. —Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs.—Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs.

Russell-Wells, Sir Sydney

Titchfield, Marquess of

Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney)

Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement

Sanders, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert A.

Tubbs, S. W.

NOES.

Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock)

Jowett, F. W. (Bradford, East)

Snell, Harry

Attlee, C. R.

Lansbury, George

Spencer, George A. (Broxtowe)

Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery)

Leach, W.

Stewart, J. (St. Rollox)

Batey, Joseph

Lowth, T.

Sullivan, J.

Brotherton, J.

Lunn, William

Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow)

Burgess, S.

Maclean, Nell (Glasgow, Govan)

Turner, Ben

Cape, Thomas

March, S.

Wallhead, Richard C.

Ede, James Chuter

Muir, John W.

Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince)

Gosling, Harry

Murnin, H.

Warne, G. H.

Greenall, T.

Paling, W.

Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline)

Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne)

Potts, John S.

Weir, L. M.

Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan)

Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

Welsh, J. C.

Groves, T.

Ritson, J.

Westwood, J.

Grundy, T. W.

Robertson, J. (Lanark, Bothwell)

Whiteley, W.

Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton)

Robinson, W. C. (York, Elland)

Williams, David (Swansea, E.)

Hardie, George D.

Saklatvala, S.

Williams, T. (York, Don Valley)

Hay, Captain J. P. (Cathcart)

Salter, Dr. A.

Henderson, T. (Glasgow)

Scrymgeour, E.

TELLERS FOR THE NOES. —Mr. Johnston and Mr. Duncan Graham.—Mr. Johnston and Mr. Duncan Graham.

Herriotts, J.

Shinwell, Emanuel

Hirst, G. H.

Short, Alfred (Wednesbury)

Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown)

Smillie, Robert

In accordance with the decision of the House, I must ask the hon. Member for the Gorbals Division to withdraw from the House.

The hon. Member for the Gorbals Division of Glasgow withdrew accordingly from the House .

Supply

Again considered in Committee.

[Mr. JAMES HOPE in the Chair.]

Question again proposed, "That a sum, not exceeding £1,773,630, be granted for the said Service."

It is all right for you to talk like that. It is not good enough. You can wave your hand at me.

I understand that an offensive expression has been used by an hon. Member on the Government side of the House. The expression did not reach my ear, but if it is as suggested, it is much to be deprecated, and I am sure that on reflection the hon. Member will be prepared to withdraw it.

I withdraw the expression. The hon. Member for Linlithgow (Mr. Shinwell) said something was due to something. I repeated it in a very rude manner. I apologise and withdraw.

If the matter were one which entirely concerned myself, I would not regard the expression as offensive. I am rather proud of it, and since there are other hon. Members in this House who come under the same category, I share with them whatever offence may have been contained in that statement. Since hon. Members on this side of the Committee, and very properly, regarded the expression as offensive, and as it has been withdrawn, I unreservedly accept. Am I in order now in proceeding to the Debate?

May I ask the Leader of the House, considering the needless suspension of an hon. Member, now shown to have been due to something said from the other side of the House, will he take into consideration the circumstances of this latter suspension, so that the hon. Member, who has been suspended because he expressed his indignation at what was said, may return to the House at the earliest moment?

I will take that into consideration. I am not quite sure what the procedure should be.

The matter should be raised in the House. It is not a matter for the Committee of Supply to deal with.

I propose to resume the discussion. The atmosphere is hardly conducive to calm and unimpassioned discussion, but I propose as far as it is compatible with my temperament to pursue that line. I am bound at the same time to say I will endeavour to keep myself within the four corners of relevancy, but the frequent interjections and interruptions are not confined to one corner or quarter of the House, and in my judgment, and I make this statement with precision and definiteness, it is as wicked and guilty to provoke disorder as it is to participate in disorder. When hon. and right hon. Gentlemen on the other side of the House seek, perhaps in a tactful and cultured manner, sometimes the Oxford and Cambridge manner, to provoke hon. Members on this side by their expressions or demeanour we cannot expect that hon. Members on this side of the House shall bear these expressions and interjections without indulging in reciprocity. So much for that. We were pursuing a line of thought in the discussion with regard to the attitude of the Scottish Board of Health in relation to the withdrawal of finance for the purposes of providing milk for young children. It was quite properly stated by an hon. Member on this side, that the attitude of the Scottish Board of Health was to be deplored. I think even the hon. and gallant Member the Under-Secretary had some difficulty in making out a case for the Scottish Board of Health, because in the course of his speech he said he deplored what he described as the appalling industrial and social conditions north of the Tweed. All that we on these benches wish to say with regard to that matter is this. If hon. and right hon. Gentlemen on the opposite benches revoke their patent obligations to the child life of this country and particularly of Scotland by withdrawing the necessary finance, then if they cannot be described as murderers at all events they must be regarded as persons who in the end reach the same objective. Well, it does appear to me it is not merely a question of terms. One may deprecate expressions of that kind, but what are the facts? Here are the children of Scotland, accustomed for a brief period to the provision of a substantial supply of milk, and the necessary nutrition, and because of the policy of the Coalition Government, with which right hon. and hon. Gentlemen on the Treasury Bench were associated, because they withdraw the necessary finance, there is an immediate increase in the infantile mortality. Hon. and right hon. Gentlemen may seek to evade the consequences of that act, but I am constrained to say, with very great respect to them, that if a single child in Scotland dies as the result of the withdrawal of the necessary nutrition arising from that policy, then they assuredly are guilty of criminal negligence so far as the death of that child goes. I think that is not putting it too high.

It is a question of policy. I was a member of the Glasgow Town Council for some years, round about seven years, and during the latter part of my tenure of office we had a good deal to do with the question of child welfare. I can remember vividly the acrimonious controversy in the Scottish Board of Health, before the hon. and gallant Gentleman the present Parliamentary Under-Secretary was associated with that body, regarding the question of the provision of milk for young children. The Scottish Board of Health is the most hidebound Department in this country. I had occasion recently to remonstrate with the hon. and gallant Gentleman in regard to the dilatory methods of the Scottish Office in general, and the Scottish Board of Health in particular, in regard to the acknowledgment of communications sent by hon. Members of this House. Generally speaking the traditions which seem to inspire and guide the activities of the Departmental officials associated with the Scottish Board of Health are such as must be deplored by all Members of this House. I do not know whether hon. Members on the opposite side of the House have had occasion to deal with this Department, but, if so, their experience must have been something like my own. We on this side of the House, we who represent Scotland, say that in Scotland, to say the least, there is ample room for complaint, discontent and dissatisfaction in regard to the attitude of the Board. The hon. and gallant Gentleman had a very extensive knowledge of medical affairs. Surely he must appreciate the importance of the necessary supply of foodstuffs to the children of Scotland and to expectant mothers.

It has been truly said on this side, and it has been responded to by the other side, that this is not a party question. There is no party question when we seek to save the child life of the nation. It is a grave, national, moral—one might almost call it—a religious question, and one on which all parties can be united. What stands in the way? We have been told that the hon. and gallant Gentleman's Department does many things; but one thing is not to supply the necessary finance. I presume the hon. and gallant Gentleman the Parliamentary Under-Secretary will seek to escape from his difficulty by telling the Committee that this is a matter for the Treasury. But he has got to tell the Treasury—we tell him that he has to tell the Treasury—that in the interests of the children of Scotland the Treasury must supply the necessary finance.

I challenge him, with the knowledge he possesses of the social conditions of Scotland within some parts of his own constituency at all events, to say to the Treasury: "Either we get the money in order to reduce our activities so far as child welfare is concerned, or I must resign office." That may appear to be a very drastic thing. Quite frankly I say this: The hon. and gallant Gentleman is one of the chief ornaments of the Treasury Bench. He appears to compare very favourably with the hon. Gentlemen beside him. [ Laughter. ] Well, certainly very favourably with those below the Gangway—and I should never have thought of mentioning that, I thought it was beyond dispute. However, Mr. Hope, I have no desire to inspire a domestic quarrel on the Treasury Bench—though I have no doubt there is some friction of that kind already, but I do say this: With the knowledge and capacity of the hon. and gallant Gentleman, with his potentialities, and his undoubted influence, if not in the Cabinet, at all events in Cabinet circles, he ought to be able to obtain from the Treasury the money that Scotland desires. I hope the hon. and gallant Gentleman will not turn a deaf ear to what I am saying.

I want to say just one word on another matter, and to say that Scotland has a legitimate grievance on several points to which the hon. and gallant Gentleman made reference in his opening remarks. Also I hope he will not seek to do what he did yesterday. We had yesterday a most unusual spectacle, which, I am quite sure, was unprecedented in this House, of the representative of the Scottish Office initiating a Debate in the course of which he occupied nearly an hour of our time, and then towards the end when many questions had been put to him, he simply ignored them, made a very few brief remarks in reply to the preceding discussion, and let it go at that. That is not good enough. When we put points to the hon. and gallant Gentleman we expect proper replies, otherwise we shall say much more to those who represent the Scottish Office. I hope to-night, in view of the importance of the questions raised even on questions of child welfare, tuberculosis, housing, etc., that he is going to give us a proper reply.

Finally, I must say that I deprecate as much as anybody the scenes which take place in this House, but I do say this—and I speak as one who does not often take part in that sort of thing—although I understand the natural indignation of my hon. Friends on this side having regard to the conditions which exist in their constituencies—when all is said and done, when you have hon. Members on this side addressing the Committee or the House and meditating perhaps on the conditions in their own constituencies, and the horrible and appalling housing conditions, conditions which affect the child life, unemployment, and so on and, when hon. and right hon. Gentlemen on the opposite benches begin to say rude things, perhaps in a cultured way, hon. Members on that side cannot blame hon. Members on this side from forgetting the subject under discussion and concentrating on the object on the benches opposite! Therefore they must not be blamed entirely. One thing is essential if we are to have proper controversy in this House, and that is for hon. Members on the opposite side to comport themselves as they expect hon. Members on this side to do.

I scarcely see what the observations of the hon. Gentleman have to do with the Vote for the Board of Health.

Nothing could be more unhealthy than a state of affairs of that sort. In the course of the discussion on the Scottish Estimates I have made my protest and made one which is bound to be responded to in all quarters of the House, because everybody recognises that what I have stated are facts. In particular I demand from the Scottish Board of Health that they shall pay some attention to the claims made from hon. Members on this side to the extent of the capacity and capability of the Board.

I listened to the opening speech of my hon. and gallant Friend the Parliamentary Under-Secretary with the very greatest interest, but I regretted to hear nothing at all about the interests of the Highlands of Scotland which are also under his charge. As regards the health services which occupied the greater part of the speech of my hon. and gallant Friend, I think the Highlands of Scotland have good reason to be grateful for the exer- tions he has made through the Scottish Board of Health. These services are of very great service, and have greatly improved matters; but there is one thing, and that is the necessity for encouraging the expansion of telegraphic communications in certain areas. This has already been done in three cases in my constituency in the County of Sutherlandshire, but there are other urgent needs in the County of Sutherland, at Elphin and Knorkan and in the island of Stroma in Caithness, there is an urgent need for a telegraphic station, for health and other reasons. As to the question of housing in the rural areas of Scotland I will not go into all the arguments which I used on the Housing Bill to show that the new housing proposals of the Government will undoubtedly be still-born in the Northern Counties of Scotland. That contention was not contested by the Minister of Health. All he said was that he had a Bill which he believed would do good in the urban areas.

It is not in order in Committee of Supply for the hon. Member to discuss legislation.

I am very sorry Mr. Hope that I transgressed the limits of debate, but I would refer to the housing conditions of the Highlands as they exist at the present time, and also the methods by which I think the hon. and gallant Gentleman, by the exercise of his existing powers can do good. The problem of housing in the rural areas in Sutherland and like places is not less urgent than is the problem in the cities. The present situation is not due to the Lloyd-George Budget, but to causes which have arisen out of the War. Men are now being driven to emigrate by bad housing. That was mentioned by several speakers that I know at the meeting which the Secretary for Scotland with the Scottish Council of Agriculture in Edinburgh the other day. One well-known Sutherland farmer declared that the best men were being driven into the towns from the land because of the bad housing. The irony of the situation is that a great deal of money has been spent on housing by the Scottish Board of Health. In the northern counties £50,000 has been spent upon housing in the County of Caithness, and it has been wasted on the provision of some 35 or 40 houses, many of which are now standing empty because tenants cannot be found for them. These houses were put up in places where they were not required. We want houses on the land for the crofters and for the farm servants. These are the things we want in the Northern Counties. This £50,000, used as it was, was wasted. If the advice of the local authorities had been taken, and the money had been spent with their advice, the benefit would have been spread over 300 or 400 families in the county. I press upon the Under-Secretary that the true policy is to enlarge and improve the existing houses. In many cases you have houses which are too small, and the true policy would be to act upon the advice of the local authorities in improving those houses. The scheme of the Scottish Board of Health, which has been referred to as one providing financial assistance to the crofters, has not worked successfully in the Highland counties. Only 137 houses have been erected under this scheme, and only three of them in the whole county of Caithness. There is a flat rate of interest on the loans which all smallholders have to pay at the same rate, and that is very unsatisfactory. Instead of spending all the money which has been granted on building new houses, I think it would be a better policy if the existing structures were re-conditioned and improved on the advice and with the co-operation of the local authorities.

When we are discussing the administration of the Scottish Board of Health, our criticisms are not directed so much against the Board as against the Government which is responsible for the Estimates being cut down, and for the policy which is dictated. The hon. and gallant Member in charge of the Estimates and representing the Scottish Office is placed in the unfortunate position of having to deal with matters over which he himself has no actual authority. It is an ironical situation that yesterday, when Scottish questions were being debated, the Secretary for Scotland, who is not a Member of this House, had to find a seat in the Gallery upstairs, looking down on the scene, and hearing the criticisms, although he is not in a position to make any reply. That is a most unsatisfactory state of things, and it is not surprising that hon. Members on these benches should feel a considerable degree of heat on matters relating to housing in Scotland where the conditions are worse than in any other part of the country.

In Scotland the grants for houses are stinted, the housing conditions make for bad health and weaknesses which induce disease, and yet while the Government are not prepared to tackle the rebuilding of the houses and the rehousing of the people of Scotland on adequate lines, they are not prepared to adopt the palliative measures which are necessary to combat the results. Hon. Members opposite think that we merely come here after having gained votes by misleading the people, and that we merely speak here for the purpose of strengthening our position as Members of this House. They forget that we are in quite a different position as compared with them. We have come from those conditions, having lived under them ourselves. We have had to suffer under those conditions in Scotland, and our children and relatives are suffering under them to-day. Therefore we speak with sincerity and not with the sympathy which is born from a far vision, but from actual contact with the evil itself. We are on a level with it, living with it all the time. Hon. Members and right hon. Members opposite sit and sneer and make provocative remarks deliberately intended to rouse hon. Members on these Benches. It is all very well for them, because they are not living under the same conditions in which the children of the workers are living. If they had their children forced to live in the slums, and forced to go to school without food, they would be on this side of the House, and I am sure some of them would be much more noisy than we have been.

It is not an accident that legislation affecting Scotland has been so bad in the past. During this week English Members of this House have been saying repeatedly to one another, "Scottish Estimates do not matter, and they do not interest us." That accounts for the bad legislation, and we are going to make it plain to the Government that Scottish Estimates do count, and they must receive attention, and you are going to have more scenes in the House if this kind of treatment goes on. I have not taken part in any scenes, and I have not spoken very much in this House. I have sat on the back benches and I was not called upon to speak, although I have sat through Debate after Debate. There is a limit reached when men representing constituencies where the children die off like flies, are sneered at and refused an opportunity of stating their case. If we speak harshly it is because we are the victims ourselves, and we are speaking harshly to those who are in some measure responsible for our present position.

Is it not justifiable that we should do so when the Board of Health issues Circulars to local authorities notifying them that the grants which they had been previously receiving for a supply of milk to necessitous children and for food for nursing and expectant mothers are cut off or reduced to about five per cent., and we see a corresponding increase in child mortality; when we see a corresponding increase in the number of still-born children, and when we see children coming into the world destined to die in thousands before they reach the age of one year? Does anyone think we can tolerate rude and sneering remarks and jeers from those who have been responsible for all that? That is all right for the comfortable people, but for those who represent constituencies like my own, where in one portion of it we have slums as bad as any that can be found in Glasgow or any part of the country, it is quite a different matter. I have lived in touch with these people. I am not so much concerned about being a Member of this House, and I do not regard it as any particular credit. I am not speaking for votes, but I am looking for something to be done.

During the War period we could have plenty of appeals to local authorities to go in for child welfare schemes. Then the parish councils and the town councils and the education authorities were appealed to, and asked to do their best in the matter of child welfare, because the death rate in the Army was appalling and it was said that the population would go down unless we looked after the children. Once the War had finished, then you had finished with all the child welfare schemes. I know the Under-Secretary is not solely responsible, and he has not the authority. The hon. Gentleman's office has not the authority to do it, and Scottish Estimates do not matter to the majority of hon. Members because they happen to be English Members. I want it to be understood that if there is one man in this House who cannot be accused of having any anti-English feeling, I am that man, but I say that if English Members in any part of the House are going to say that Scottish Estimates and Scottish conditions and Scottish Debates do not matter, then they will have to take what they get, and all the hard names they get, and I do not think they will have any right to complain.

These things do matter. The state of the House during the last two days has shown the kind of interest that is taken when Scottish questions are being considered, although on other occasions at this hour the House is quite full. The House is empty at this time because English Members believe that Scottish Estimates do not count and do not matter. It is all very well to take up that attitude while you are in power, and while you are in the position of saying that Scotland shall not have the right to control its own affairs, neither shall it get anything in the way of adequate treatment in regard to the matters which do concern us. It follows quite naturally that Members of this House, representing Scotland, who are doing what they can to improve the conditions of Scottish working people, when they find themselves sneered at and provoked, use language which, if not absolutely true, is, as the hon. Member for Linlithgow (Mr. Shinwell) said, only a matter of terms. Those responsible for the policy which condemns to death tens of thousands of children of the working classes before they reach the age of five years, those responsible for a policy which creates that state of affairs, must accept all the consequences and the responsibility for those deaths, and they are just as responsible as if they took those children by the throat and strangled them. You cannot escape your responsibility. For these reasons I appeal to the Under-Secretary to use all his power and energy to get more attention given to the child welfare schemes that are still in existence. I know the hon. and gallant Gentleman has not, himself, the authority, and all he can do is to use his voice in the councils of the Government, but it rests with this House, and if we are refused greater facilities than have been given us up to the present, this House must accept the responsibility for the deaths which are occurring amongst the children of Scotland.

I propose to address myself to one question only in connection with this Report. I am glad to think that my remarks, such as they are, will be in the nature of praise. I think anybody who has taken the trouble to read the Report will conclude that the part dealing with the work of the Islands and Highlands Medical Service reads like a romance. My colleagues and I, who represent the North of Scotland, feel it to be our duty to acknowledge the value of the services of the Board of Health in connection with the Islands and Highlands. Anyone who knows those remote districts will be impressed, particularly with two or three facts. One fact that has always impressed itself upon my mind has been the heroism, the gallantry, the kindness, and the self-sacrifice of the Highland doctor. Alone there, in a wide area, at every season of the year, he has to overcome difficulties, with nobody to consult. He is there, the friend of the rich man and the friend of the poor; and I shall very gladly see the Board of Health continue that good work and, if possible, where the district is remote and difficult, increase what is called the mileage to the Highland doctor.

The same praise can, in my judgment, be meted out to the nursing staff. I think the Highlands, so far as the poorer classes of the community are concerned, have been transformed by the good work performed by the Highlands and Islands Nursing Service. My hon. Friend has spoken about the housing conditions. I am not going to dwell upon that, but I want to speak about the housing of the doctors. The Report, to which I have referred, has dealt with it. I think the State should see to it that every doctor in the Highlands should have a house provided for him from the funds of the Board of Health. I know the Board have been doing all that is in their power, and I think I am right in saying that it is only in the case of two or three doctors that such houses have not been provided. There is difficulty—I know it has been attracting the attention of the Board of Health—in regard to medical and nursing assistance to isolated com- munities. The British taxpayer can very well say that he cannot be expected to provide medical and nursing service for remote islands, but I think these remote islands and districts require very special consideration. I should like my hon. and gallant Friend to consider whether, on the lines of their own Report, the Scottish Board of Health cannot do something to give more certain and adequate medical and nursing services to these isolated communities. You are placing on the doctor a burden and duty which is almost impossible for him to undertake, and I think it would be wisdom on the part of the Board of Health to attempt to perfect their system in the North and to give these isolated communities the chance of having good nurses and doctors. The question of telephones has been referred to. It may be that that was not within this Vote, but in view of the fact that the districts are isolated, and that the doctor has to be summoned when there is no railway and telephone for that purpose, I think it is part of the duty of the Board of Health in Scotland to do everything they can to assist transport facilities and telephonic communication.

Unfortunately, in my constituency last year there was an outbreak of a disease which has now become famous—botulism I am not going to attempt to describe that disease, except to say that it is a very terrifying and horrible one, which has dire results. Unfortunately eight people in my constituency died within 48 hours. I should like to say this, because the Board of Health has been criticised to-day, and I am limiting my remarks to this part of their work alone. Nothing could have exceeded the care with which they undertook their investigations, and nothing could have excelled the promptitude with which they were on the spot. I can speak, I think, for my respected and esteemed constituent who was most directly concerned, when I say that everything that time, sacrifice, and kindness could do was done by the Board of Health. I hope that these remarks of mine, short and desultory as they have been, will be brought by my hon and gallant Friend to the attention of the Board of Health. I say, as I said at the beginning of my speech, that I personally am satisfied, and so are my colleagues, with this part of their good work which they are performing in the North. I hope they will attempt, during the year that is to come, to perfect that work by agreeing to the suggestion I have made.

I notice in the Report of the Scottish Board of Health the following occurs:

Now, at the very time when we are discussing these questions, the whole Press of the country is ringing with the news of a most extraordinary expansion which has been felt necessary to institute in the interests of home defence, in regard to the Air Service. It is a most incongruous thing that when the Government has instituted such a proposal for the defence of our country and the protection of its interests, it will have to be repre- sented by an hon. Gentleman who will have to stand here and endeavour to defend this most anomalous situation, that whereas child life has been proved, by concrete facts and figures, to be obtaining immense advantages from this comparatively small expenditure of money, yet that very expenditure has been seized upon in order to drop this particular form of sustenance. We do not hear much of baby-killers, but I certainly had that in mind when this took place, and when we heard the awful fact that child life was being decimated. Yet here it is suggested that child life is of no consequence at all, and that it is quite a simple matter, and if we want to economise, we can seize on the question of child life, and economise there. I felt very strongly on this at the time of the Government's decision. I felt, as I am sure everyone else did, when I listened this afternoon to the speech of the hon. Member for Bridgeton (Mr. Maxton), which first of all caused the trouble, that he was speaking with intense anxiety. I could see that every hon. Member was deeply impressed with what he was saying, as he gave some facts from his personal experience. I know he was deeply imbued with a sense of the seriousness of the situation as it had faced him in Glasgow, and as it faces us in industrial constituencies such as my own. I felt that what he wanted to bring home to everyone of us was that, whether it was the unconscious result or was seriously meditated, the outcome of that policy had undoubtedly a murderous result.

With all due deference, I think, when we are handling a question altogether different from that which usually confronts parties in the House—looking at it especially from the standpoint of hon. Members opposite—when it is a question in regard to which there is no financial difficulty, and nothing that can in any way circumscribe the action of hon. Members who are supporting the Government, then each hon. Member could quite well, even in face of the Whips, have said, "This is a mere question of humanity; we are not in any difficulty on this, and when we have splendid testimony from every part of the country and all sections of society as to this work, we are not going to wreck it." I cannot conceive how the Government ever arrived at such a decision as they have.

When you look at the other great fact of the situation—allowing for a little improvement in regard to pulmonary tuberculosis, and so on—you find that in the sanatoria there are 3,700 beds, while the deaths amount to between 4,000 to 5,000. If the sanatoria are really, as I believe they are to a very considerable extent, helping these cases, surely every encouragement ought to be given to them in a thorough-going manner. The great difficulty is after the treatment has been given, and the patients are brought back to such dwellings as we have in these industrial constituencies. If they do anything at all to get work in the factories, the likelihood is that they will go back to the position in which they were before.

If you turn to the question of venereal disease, appalling figures are presented. In the different municipalities schemes are in operation. In our own at Dundee there is a joint scheme with the Royal Infirmary. The work that is being attempted is having a beneficial result. There is a reference in the Report to what is called preventive work. It is preventive in a sense, but here, as in other factors which are dealt with in the Report, you have the responsibility acknowledged of a close relationship between agencies that are dealing with this appalling disease, which is so horrible that you cannot properly deal with it in a general public audience. If you take the conditions as they are in this Report, they present Scotland in a predicament which calls for far more radical action on the part of the Government.

8.0 P.M.

At the same time you have to face responsibility for these things, and seriously and earnestly to reflect when you are asked, as very probably you will be, to erect squadrons of aroplanes, alleged to be in defence of the country. I say it is a huge mockery to say that you are out for the defence of the country, when you have to acknowledge by your own Government Report that these poor people are being driven on to the parish council. I have a recollection that a Minister of State, not so long ago, had to confess that he did not know that Scotland had not the same rights as England in the matter of parish council or parochial relief, and, as the outcome of his acknowledgment, he had to get the Government to move in that direction, for the purpose of making, even a temporary arrangement, whereby Scotland could get relief paid on the same conditions as England. I submit that the question of parochial relief in Scotland ought to be on the same footing as in England. There is not an official, or a man who sits on the Government Benches, who could possibly occupy that position without knowing perfectly well that, whatever may be the figures, you are sustaining a system which produces financial results for the benefit only of certain people while others are suffering.

I only intend to detain the Committee for a few moments, to call the attention of my hon. and gallant Friend to a matter which is causing a certain amount of vexation to a number of the smaller and rural local authorities in Scotland in regard to housing. Under the Housing Act of 1919 a number of smaller authorities were urged—this applies more to the rural authorities—to formulate schemes. They were rather loath in many cases to proceed with housing, owing to the high cost of materials then obtaining, but the Board of Health in Scotland insisted on these schemes being submitted, and in many cases they were approved. Then the question of national economy came along, and, after a very large amount of trouble and very considerable expense had been incurred by these local authorities in formulating their schemes, they were vetoed from carrying them out by the Board of Health. A number of these authorities will have to rate four-fifths of a penny to meet the preliminary expense they have incurred. I know that quite a number of authorities in Scotland feel bitterly on this question. They are going to call upon their ratepayers to pay for a number of years this charge that has been accumulating under all the schemes which have been finally vetoed by the Scottish Board of Health. I would like to ask my hon. and gallant Friend if it is not possible to alleviate part of the burden thrown on these authorities. I would suggest a contribution from them of four-fifths of a penny for one year, and a contribution from the State that would wipe out the rest. That would make these local authorities feel that they are not going to be in an inferior position to those authorities who, perhaps, have half a dozen houses to show, while they have nothing to show for the money that they have had to pay.

I feel a diffidence in intervening again in the Debate, and, in reply to the appeals made by hon. Members opposite, I must say that my answer to them can only be brief. Owing, unfortunately, to circumstances, which we all deplore, the Debate was interrupted for a considerable time, and I fully agree with every word spoken by the hon. Member for Dundee (Mr. Scrymgeour) as to the subject upon which the hon. Member for Bridgeton (Mr. Maxton) was speaking before he left the House. We know the hon. Member's close interest, stimulated by personal circumstances, in these matters, his close interest in the children and in the struggle of the mothers of Scotland to preserve them, and, consequently, the bitterness of feeling, which he expressed, may have made him use expressions which, to my mind, he would not wish, on proper reflection, to substantiate. I do not wish to go further into the case, but, as to the original speaker, we all recognise that he is one of the most sincere, sympathetic, and one of the finest characters in the House. It is a matter of regret that the disturbances should have cut short his remarks, for I was anxious to discuss with him the matter and point out certain things, which would have the effect of moving the judgment which he had formed. I doubt if he had taken into sufficient account all the factors which I tried to lay before the Committee, as to the actual fall in infantile mortality in Scotland. The actual fact is that it is much lower now than in pre-War years, and it is the interesting fact that it was not increased by the transfer of the relief of mothers and children from the infant welfare centres to the relief centres. As a matter of fact, mortality fell considerably after that action, and has not reached the same high level at which it was running before.

May I point out that what the hon. Member said was that if this policy had been maintained, there would have been a still greater reduction.

What would happen in a particular case, if a certain policy had not been effected, is a matter for argument and is not a matter for the confident assertion, which was made, that hon. Members on this side of the House who supported the State action were doing so with the wilful intention of taking the lives of children. That accusation was serious, and one which I think hon. Members on the other side of the House would resent if it were levelled against them. The hon. Member for Dundee himself has very strong views on a particular aspect of a social problem, namely, social welfare in relation to the consumption of liquor; and he considers that those favouring a continuance of alcohol are surely guilty of conduct extremely prejudicial to the lives of all sections of the community, but—

I do wish to point out that the effect of the order was not to increase child mortality. This point I wish to stress. The point that the hon. Member was actually dealing with was that the stopping of the grant was leading to the high death rate, and that it was throwing a further burden on to local resources, and was not in any way ensuring the treatment patients were needing. But not one single case has been refused hospital treatment. The simple dispute is whether by that action the Government are increasing the undue strain upon the local authorities, apart from material resources, but that is an administrative action which we must debate when I come to the general position. I have dealt with all the matters which have been raised shortly and, I hope, completely. It is said by the hon. Member for Maryhill (Mr. Muir), who is not now in his place, that proper attention is not being paid to Scottish Estimates, and that Scotland is not getting fair treatment. In all these statements there has been no differentiation alleged as against one part of the country or another, and in connection with these servicese we in Scotland are getting our full share.

I have practically concluded all I have to say except upon one point. I am sorry that of the Glasgow Members who have taken part in this Debate there is not one here at this moment when I am replying on behalf of the Government. I have to say that the mortality for Glasgow is lower than that for the average of Scotland. It is distinctly lower. It is 7 per cent, lower than the average for the whole of Scotland, and I think it is justifiable to point that out when we are engaged in a discussion of this kind. I wish some of the hon. Members had been here to hear the reply, seeing that they have gone to such lengths in their accusations. The hon. Member for Galloway (Major Dudgeon) pointed to the grievances of localities which had produced schemes under the Act, but had eventually found no houses allotted to them. That is a very practical grievance, and I feel it the more since in my own constituency I have more than one community in that position. I certainly think that of the small balance of houses which still remain to be allocated we should find it possible to make some allocation to those localities which have produced schemes, so that the ratepayers should not feel that money has been wasted in the production of paper schemes which have no result. We hone to find along that line a solution of the undoubted grievance referred to by the hon. Member.

Then the hon. Member for Caithness and Sutherland (Sir A. Sinclair) and the right hon. Member for Ross and Cromarty (Mr. Macpherson) both referred to the position in the Highlands, and I was gratified to hear the reference made by the right hon. Gentleman to the work which the Board is doing there. I think that work is good, and the knowledge of it should be spread wider. I was particularly gratified at the right hon. Gentleman's reference to the people in my own allied profession who carry out a lonely watch in these districts under great difficulties, and render services which, in other spheres of life, are often rewarded by crosses and decorations. In

their case no more is ever heard of them. I wish to give one example of this because I think the House might well know of it. It is an acknowledgment of the work of one of the devoted nurses in that service which has been put forward by the medical officer, himself no less deserving of praise. This medical officer, dealing with a recent epidemic of typhus in an outlying part of the Highlands, paid this tribute to the work done by one of the nurses. He writes:

"Lastly, but by no means least, I desire to place on record an acknowledgment of the valuable assistance of Nurse C. A. MacCorkindale. Living under canvas in various conditions of weather in circumstances of personal inconvenience and frequently of unavoidable discomfort, situated for many weeks in social isolation, confronted by daily provocation through the hostility and resentment of a section of the community, and occupied besides with the nursing of one of the most serious of epidemic diseases—that is typhus which kills more of its attendants than any other disease—she discharged her duties with an efficiency and courage and with a tact and discretion which was unfailing and which rendered her services of a very high order."

On no more fitting note could one wish to close this Debate. Such services are given in all parts of the country and constitute, on the part of the profession, and of the Board, an expression of their attitude towards the community. When we are led into heat, which is no doubt unavoidable, we should reflect that this is the attitude and these are the acts of people who are far more in touch with these things than any hon. Member can be, and who pay for their devotion very frequently with their lives.

Question put, "That a sum, not exceeding £1,773,630, be granted for the said Service."

The Committee divided: Ayes, 118; Noes, 209.

Division No. 252.]

AYES.

[8.20 p.m.

Acland, Rt. Hon. Francis Dyke

Buxton, Charles (Accrington)

Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central)

Adams, D.

Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, North)

Greenall, T.

Adamson, Rt. Hon. William

Cape, Thomas

Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne)

Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock)

Clarke, Sir E. C.

Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan)

Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro')

Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R.

Groves, T.

Ammon, Charles George

Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities)

Grundy, T. W.

Attlee, C. R.

Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale)

Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton)

Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery)

Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton)

Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil)

Batey, Joseph

Davison, J. E. (Smethwick)

Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland)

Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith)

Duncan, C.

Harbord, Arthur

Bonwick, A.

Ede, James Chuter

Hardie, George D.

Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W.

Edmonds, G.

Hay, Captain J. P. (Cathcart)

Broad, F. A.

Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty)

Hayday, Arthur

Bromfield, William

Entwistle, Major C. F.

Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (N'castle, E.)

Brotherton, J.

Foot, Isaac

Henderson, T. (Glasgow)

Burgess, S.

Gosling, Harry

Herriotts, J.

Burnie, Major J. (Bootle)

Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton)

Hill, A.

Hodge, Rt. Hon. John

Paling, W.

Tillett, Benjamin

Hogge, James Myles

Parker, H. (Hanley)

Tout, W. J.

Irving, Dan

Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan)

Trevelyan, C. P.

Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath)

Phillipps, Vivian

Turner, Ben

John, William (Rhondda, West)

Ponsonby, Arthur

Wallhead, Richard C.

Johnston, Thomas (Stirling)

Potts, John S.

Warne, G. H.

Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown)

Pringle, W. M. R.

Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline)

Jowett, F. W. (Bradford, East)

Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

Wedgwood, Colonel Josiah C.

Jowitt, W. A. (The Hartlepools)

Riley, Ben

Weir, L. M.

Kenyon, Barnet

Ritson, J.

Welsh, J. C.

Lansbury, George

Robertson, J. (Lanark, Bothwell)

Westwood J.

Leach, W.

Robinson, W. C. (York, Elland)

White, Charles F. (Derby, Western)

Lee, F.

Rose, Frank H.

Whiteley, W.

Linfield, F. C.

Saklatvala, S.

Williams, David (Swansea, E.)

Lunn, William

Scrymgeour, E.

Williams, T. (York, Don Valley)

MacDonald, J. R. (Aberavon)

Sexton, James

Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe)

March, S.

Shinwell, Emanuel

Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.)

Martin, F. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, E.)

Short, Alfred (Wednesbury)

Wright, W.

Middleton, G.

Smillie, Robert

Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

Millar, J. D.

Smith, T. (Pontefract)

Morel, E. D.

Snell, Harry

TELLERS FOR THE AYES. —Mr. Morgan Jones and Mr. Neil Maclean.—Mr. Morgan Jones and Mr. Neil Maclean.

Muir, John W.

Spencer, George A. (Broxtowe)

Murnin, H.

Stewart, J. (St. Rollox)

O'Grady, Captain James

Sullivan, J.

NOES.

Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte

Evans, Capt. H. Arthur (Leicester, E.)

Lort-Williams, J.

Ainsworth, Captain Charles

Falcon, Captain Michael

Lowe, Sir Francis William

Ashley, Lt.-Col. Wilfrid W.

Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray

Loyd, Arthur Thomas (Abingdon)

Astor, J. J. (Kent, Dover)

Fawkes, Major F. H.

Lumley, L. R.

Baird, Rt. Hon. Sir John Lawrence

Flanagan, W. H.

Lynn, R. J.

Balfour, George (Hampstead)

Ford, Patrick Johnston

M'Connell, Thomas E.

Barnston, Major Harry

Foreman, Sir Henry

McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury)

Barrie, Sir Charles Coupar (Banff)

Forestier-Walker, L.

Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.)

Becker, Harry

Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot

Manville, Edward

Bell, Lieut.-Col W C. H. (Devizes)

Fraser, Major Sir Keith

Martin, A. E. (Essex, Romford)

Bennett, Sir T. J. (Sevenoaks)

Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E.

Milne, J. S. Wardlaw

Berry, Sir George

Furness, G. J.

Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham)

Betterton, Henry B.

Galbraith, J. F. W.

Moles, Thomas

Birchall, Major J. Dearman

Ganzoni, Sir John

Molloy, Major L. G. S.

Blundell, F. N.

Gardiner, James

Morden, Col. W. Grant

Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W.

Garland, C S.

Murchison, C. K.

Boyd-Carpenter, Major A.

Gates, Percy

Nall, Major Joseph

Brass, Captain W.

Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John

Nesbitt, Robert C.

Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive

Goff, Sir R. Park

Newton, Sir D. G. C. (Cambridge)

Brown, Brig.-Gen. Clifton (Newbury)

Greaves-Lord, Walter

Nicholson, Brig.-Gen. J. (Westminster)

Brown, J. W. (Middlesbrough, E.)

Greene, Lt.-Col. Sir W. (Hack'y, N.)

Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield)

Bruford, R.

Greenwood, William (Stockport)

Nield, Sir Herbert

Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A.

Grenfell, Edward C. (City of London)

Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William

Burn, Colonel Sir Charles Rosdew

Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E.

Parker, Owen (Kettering)

Butler, H. M. (Leeds, North)

Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry

Button, H. S.

Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich)

Pennefather, De Fonblanque

Cadogan, Major Edward

Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W. (Llv'p'l, W. D'by)

Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings)

Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R.

Halstead, Major D.

Phillpson, Mabel

Cautley, Henry Strother

Hamilton, Sir George C. (Altrincham)

Pielou, D. P.

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord R. (Hitchin)

Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry

Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton

Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton

Harrison, F. C.

Privett, F. J.

Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood)

Harvey, Major S. E.

Rae, Sir Henry N.

Chapman, Sir S.

Hawke, John Anthony

Raeburn, Sir William H.

Churchman, Sir Arthur

Henderson, Sir T. (Roxburgh)

Raine, W.

Clayton, G. C.

Henn, Sir Sydney H.

Rees, Sir Beddoe

Cobb, Sir Cyril

Hennessy, Major J. R. G

Reid, Capt. A. S. C. (Warrington)

Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K.

Herbert, Col. Hon. A. (Yeovil)

Remer, J. R.

Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips

Herbert, S. (Scarborough)

Rentoul, G. S.

Collie, Sir John

Hewett, Sir J. P.

Richardson, Sir Alex. (Gravesend)

Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale

Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank

Richardson, Lt.-Col. Sir P. (Chertsey)

Conway, Sir W. Martin

Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (St. Marylebone)

Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford)

Cope, Major William

Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy

Roberts, Rt. Hon. Sir S. (Ecclesall)

Courthope, Lieut-Col. George L.

Hopkins, John W. W.

Robertson-Despencer, Major (lsl'gt'nW)

Craig, Captain C. C. (Antrim, South)

Howard, Capt. D. (Cumberland, N.)

Robinson, Sir T. (Lancs., Stretford)

Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry

Hume, G. H.

Rogerson, Capt. J. E.

Croft, Lieut.-Colonel Henry Page

Hutchison, G. A. C. (Midlothian, N.)

Roundell, Colonel R F.

Crook, C. W. (East Ham, North)

Hutchison, W. (Kelvingrove)

Ruggles-Brise, Major E.

Crooke, J. Smedley (Deritend)

Jephcott, A. R.

Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth)

Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H.

Jodrell, Sir Neville Paul

Russell, William (Bolton)

Davies, Thomas (Cirencester)

Johnson, Sir L. (Walthamstow, E.)

Russell-Wells, Sir Sydney

Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.)

Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington)

Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham)

Doyle, N. Grattan

Kennedy, Captain M. S. Nigel

Sanders, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert A.

Dudgeon, Major C. R.

King, Captain Henry Douglas

Sanderson, Sir Frank B.

Edge, Captain Sir William

Lamb, J. Q.

Shepperson, E. W.

Edmondsoh, Major A. J.

Lane-Fox, Lieut.-Colonel G. R.

Simpson-Hinchcliffe, W. A.

Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark)

Lloyd, Cyril E. (Dudley)

Skelton, A. N.

Ellis, R. G.

Lloyd-Greame, Rt. Hon. Sir Philip

Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South)

England, Lieut.-Colonel A.

Lorden, John William

Somerville, A. A. (Windsor)

Erskine, Lord (Weston-super-Mare)

Lorimer, H. D.

Somerville, Daniel (Barrow-in-Furness)

Spears, Brig.-Gen. E. L.

Tubbs, S. W.

Winterton, Earl

Stanley, Lord

Turton, Edmund Russborough

Wise, Frederick

Stewart, Gershom (Wirral)

Wallace, Captain E.

Wolmer, Viscount

Stockton, Sir Edwin Forsyth

Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull)

Wood, Rt. Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon)

Stott, Lt.-Col. W. H.

Watson, Capt. J. (Stockton-on-Tees)

Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West)

Stuart, Lord C. Crichton-

Watts, Dr. T. (Man., Withington)

Woodcock, Colonel H. C.

Sugden, Sir Wilfrid H.

Wells, S. R.

Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L.

Sutherland, Rt. Hon. Sir William

Wheler, Col. Granville C. H.

Yerburgh, R. D. T.

Thompson, Luke (Sunderland)

White, Lt.-Col. G. D. (Southport)

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Whitla, Sir William

TELLERS FOR THE NOES. —Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs.—Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs.

Titchfield, Marquess of

Wilson, Col. M. J. (Richmond)

Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement

Windsor-Clive, Lleut.-Colonel George

Original Question put, and agreed to.

Class IV

Public Education, Scotland

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a sum, not exceeding £3,422,995, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1924, for Public Education in Scotland, and for Science and Art in Scotland, including a Grant-in-Aid."—[NOTE: £2,500,000 has been voted on account.]

Although the time left for discussion on the various Scottish Votes is not very long, yet, in view of the importance and interest of a number of the questions which are being canvassed in the educational world in Scotland at the present time, it is, I think, right that I should make something in the nature of an opening statement dealing with certain of the main points that are likely to be raised. I shall endeavour to be as brief as I can, though there is a certain amount of ground to be covered. I need hardly touch upon the work of the year which has recently closed, but I might just recall to the mind of the Committee that it is now half a century since the Scottish Education Department was set up, after the passing of the Education Act of 1872, and it is a pleasure to see in this Committee the right hon. Gentleman the Member for the Scottish Universities (Sir H. Craik), who took a very prominent part in educational work, and did very great service to the educational interests of Scotland for a long period.

The Report for the year, which has been in the hands of hon. Members for some time, is, considering the difficulties of the time and the difficulties of the country in the shape of high taxation and, necessarily, a certain curtailment of effort, fairly encouraging. It shows that, despite somewhat adverse financial conditions, the education authorities of Scotland have made strenuous efforts to maintain the high traditions of which all Scotsmen have very just reason to be proud. When means are straitened, activities inevitably suffer some curtailment, but I think it is abundantly clear, from the terms of the Report, that, where economy has had to be exercised, the authorities have proceeded in their task with great judiciousness, and have made wise selections of the items upon which it was necessary to effect some saving. It is, I think, a matter for congratulation that, despite the fall in the amount of the Imperial Grant, there has been no accompanying rise in rates, as was once feared. On the contrary, taking Scotland as a whole, one may say that the reduction in grant actually had as its concomitant a reduction in the amount of the local rates. It is too early to speak with confidence of the year that is immediately in front of us, but the omens, in the circumstances, are not unfavourable.

I have spoken of the fall in the Imperial Grant, which has been considerable, and it is not possible to be certain that we have yet reached the lowest point, but there is one matter on which I should like to say a word or two, and that is the question of the calculation of the Scottish grant. There has been, as hon. Members from Scotland are aware, a good deal of criticism on this matter, and we have been asked why Scotland is tied, as one speaker picturesquely put it, to the chariot-wheels of England. Let me just look at this matter shortly. There are two alternatives. One is that we should receive our grant, as was the case before 1918, on exactly the same conditions as England. That, of course, had disadvantages, as hon. Members interested in education will remember. Additional grants were given from time to time for services in England. Representations were made that money was wanted for a particular service, and money was forthcoming. Scotland had then to put in an application for her relative share of the grant, and it might be that this particular service was not one on which Scottish education authorities would be so keen, and that they would desire to spend the money in another way, but the Treasury, not unnaturally in these conditions, when they were giving a grant to England for a particular purpose and Scotland was getting her rateable share, were apt to insist that it should be applied in Scotland to the same purpose and under the same conditions as in the case of England.

As hon. Members are aware, conditions in the two countries being different, that was not a method that worked for the advantage of Scottish education. Under the Act of 1918, Section 21, a system was set up which provides that Scotland should first of all get the expenditure which had been incurred on education in Scotland in what was called the standard year, 1913–14, and, in addition to that, eleven-eightieths of the amount of the excess estimated to be expended in England and Wales over the standard year 1913–14. I would remind hon. Members that that calculation, on the standard year, was very favourable for Scotland, because owing to the advanced position of Scotland in education in 1913–14, we received more money from the Imperial funds at that time than our rateable share. If what we get on the standard year calculation was regarded strictly from the eleven-eightieths point of view, it would be less by about £500,000 than it is. So we start, it is fair to observe, with that advantage. By the calculation of the standard year we get, as regards more than one-third of our total Imperial Grant, more than eleven-eightieths.

Is it not a question of regulating what we are to get by reference to what it is estimated will be spent in England while we in Scotland go on another system and have higher ideals?

I think that under the existing system we get more than our share. Both we and England draw from a common purse, and drafts from a common purse must be regulated by the same principles. In the time when Supplementary Estimates were fairly common we got our eleven-eightieths as a matter of course. It is difficult for us to claim eleven-eightieths of what England is spending and also eleven-eightieths of what England fails to spend. The present system ensures to us the full amount of money to which we are entitled, and it ensures to us more, because, owing to the calculation of the standard year being favourable to Scotland, we score by some £500,000. It ensures us that, and in the second place it ensures to us complete control of expenditure. The money paid for Scottish education is handed over to the local education authorities to spend exactly as they please. That is a point of great advantage. Keeping in needs the special needs of Scottish education, the local education authorities are able to spend the money on exactly those points on which they lay stress.

If another system were to be hammered out, it could not be more favourable, financially, to us. It would not give us more than our eleven-eightieths, and in arriving at that result we should have lost the advantage of the standard year which I have endeavoured to point out. Of course, in the good years automatically we got our eleven-eightieths of any money spent in excess of the standard year. I admit the drawback that under Section 21 our sum is calculated on the amount of money which England expects to spend, and England may spend more or less, and, consequently, there has to be an adjustment two years later. The accounts are presented in the year following the Estimates to which they apply, and it is from that that the balance has to be struck. But in the golden days of Supplementary Estimates no murmur as to the fairness of the arrangement was ever heard, because our money was automatically augmented. Now when there is a temporary ebb in the tide and subtraction has taken the place of addition, naturally people in Scotland feel a difficulty.

But we cannot have it both ways. We cannot get both the eleven-eightieths of what England spends and also of what she fails to spend. The equity of the matter is beyond dispute. Its inconvenience is admitted, but it is not easy to see a way of escape. It would, of course, be possible to amend Section 21 of the Education Act of 1918 in such a way that the share of Scotland would be calculated not upon the coming year's estimates but on the expiring year's expenditure. That might mean greater stability, but hon. Members will see that in the event of assistance being necessary the Exchequer would be a full year late in coming to Scotland's assistance. There would be this drawback, and it is felt it would be very much better for education in Scotland on the whole, and that probably it would be found easier for us, to bear the ills we have, bringing with them a great deal of good, until such time as financial equilibrium is obtained. It is certain that the extreme fluctuations will not be continued indefinitely, and, meantime, I would suggest that it would be wise for us in Scotland to leave the matter where it is.

One word must suffice as to the distribution among education authorities of the total sum available for grants. As hon. Members may know, the Minute, designed to regulate this distribution, is at the moment on the Table of the House. It may be that hon. Members will have some things to say later as to this. The most that I can say in Committee is to give an assurance that in framing this Regulation the Department had only one object in view, that is even-handed justice between the different education authorities. They have only a certain amount of money to spend, and desire to spend the money in a way that will give most satisfaction. Furthermore, they are satisfied that, in the opinion of the great majority of education authorities, they have achieved a reasonable measure of success. The problem before us was to determine how the "cut" was to be applied. The factors which go to make up the grant are three; first, the number of scholars in the authority's area; second, the number of teachers which the authority employs; and third, the gross valuation of the area. Speaking broadly, one may describe the scholar factor as favouring the more populous districts with big schools, and the teacher factor as favouring the country districts with their larger number of small schools and relatively higher number of teachers, while the valuation is generally regarded as a rough-and-ready index of comparative ability to pay. In the Minute as laid, reduction has been obtained by decreasing the teacher grant and slightly emphasising the importance of valuation. The scholar grant remains untouched. I draw the attention of hon. Members who may think that in the present difficult times the large burgh authorities require and should receive very special consideration, to the fact that such consideration is theirs already. The very fact that the scholar grant is left untouched tells heavily in their favour, and leaves an ample margin from which to supply the special services which the peculiar conditions of their areas may demand.

On the other hand, the Department exists to serve the interests of all parts of Scotland, and if education authorities have objections and further proposals to make the Department will be prepared to go closely into them and consider them as against next year. Our one desire is to do even-handed justice among the different authorities. There is a certain amount of money to be spent and we have to use our best judgment in its allocation We think that in leaving the scholar factor untouched, we are giving the large populous places a considerable advantage, and, as I have said, any other consideration that can be put forward will be gone into very carefully. In this matter the great bulk of the education authorities in Scotland cordially approve of the action of the Department. One of the benefits which has accrued to Scotland from the 1918 Act and the reduction of the 1,100 school boards to 37 education authorities, is the formation of a body such as the Association of Education Authorities. From the labours of their committee the Scottish Education Department have derived the greatest advantage. It is obviously a great advantage for them to have this body, representative of education authorities, to consult with and hear their views. It is always the desire of the Department, as I am sure my right hon. Friend the senior Member for the Scottish Universities (Sir H. Craik) will remember, to be in as close touch as possible with the education authorities of Scotland.

If I may correct my hon. and learned Friend, our consultative body was not any association, but the people of Scotland.

The right hon. Gentleman does not know what the Solicitor-General for Scotland is talking about or he would not make that interruption.

My hon. Friend the junior Member for the Scottish Universities (Mr. D. M. Cowan) knows very well that the chiefs of Departments are always able to consult with and enter into full and free conversation with and hear the views of the profession with which he is intimately associated. Let me come to another matter which is engaging a great deal of attention in Scotland at the moment, and that is the code and the regulations for secondary schools. As hon. Members are aware, the code of the day schools and the regulations of the secondary schools were issued in draft form some six or eight weeks ago to education authorities for their observation. Most of the authorities have replied with criticisms, but as I have said, criticism is heartily welcomed, because without criticism there can be no progress, and these criticisms afford evidence of a keen interest in matters educational.

It is only fair to the Department to say that they have received not only criticism but commendation, and several authorities, while registering more or less decided disagreement on particular points, have gone out of their way to express the opinion that the code and regulations indicate a substantial educational advance. The various suggestions which have been received have been tabulated, and are now being considered, and when this consideration is complete, such of them as can be accepted, will be incorporated in an amended code and set of Regulations, which will be duly laid on the Table of the House, where of course they will have to lie for a month. Some of the criticisms are mutually destructive, but there are certain main features of the draft documents against which objections have been directed, and I will ask the indulgence of the Committee to touch very briefly upon these. I cannot refrain from observing that a good many of the criticisms are almost identical in language, suggesting a certain identity of inspiration, and they do not possess perhaps in every case complete spontaneity. None the less, they are very serious and are receiving the most serious consideration—all the more so, because when closely examined, they can be found to rest rather upon misapprehension. That is clearly the case with the first group of criticisms which I shall mention—those which are directed against the supposed increase in the size of the classes. No such increase is anywhere suggested. [HON. MEMBERS: "Glasgow!"] What happens is that the maximum of 60 unfortunately remains as before. I say "unfortunately," because it has long been the desire of the Department to see an appreciable reduction. Their attitude in this matter has been the same for a considerable period. In 1910 they gave notice that they had under consideration the possibility of a further reduction in the size of the classes, and a year later new Regulations, which would have made 50 the standard number, were actually formulated, but the facts of the situation then and now were too strong.

It is not a matter of the additional teachers who have to be provided. The difficulty is really structural. There are a large number of old schools which were built for classes of 60 and 70. That difficulty remains. The Department, however, have reduction steadily in view, and the education authorities know what their aim and ideal in the matter is. The Department always encourage in new buildings the construction of classrooms to hold not more than 50. The structural difficulty has been aggravated by the War, and, as hon. Members from the West of Scotland will know, in a good many cases the voluntary schools taken over under the 1918 Act were old schools with large classrooms to accommodate classes of from 60 to 70. Though the Department regard 60 as a large number, it would be little good laying down a hard and fast rule which is not possible of immediate attainment. It must be realised that 60 is a maximum which very few places exceed and not many places approach. The education authorities, like the Department, are keeping the matter steadily in view, when considering the building of new schools and the reconstructing of old ones. Everything ought to be done in diminishing the burden of large classes through improved classification of pupils. Of course, it is obvious that it is easier to teach a homogeneous class of 60 than to handle a heterogenous one of 40, so that classification is an important point which requires to be steadily kept in view.

It seems to be imagined in some quarters that, in dealing with two groups of schools in two separate documents, the Department is making a sudden break with tradition. That is not so. The only innovation is that the two documents have been issued simultaneously. To carry the combination further and make them into one, as various authorities suggest, is for technical reasons impracticable. We have in Scotland a group of most important secondary schools which receive State aid, such as the Merchant Company's Schools in Edinburgh and the Hutcheson's Trust Schools in Glasgow, to whose managers the stringent requirements of the code and the stipulations as to non-payment of fees have never been and could not be applied. Separate Regulations to deal with such schools are essential. So long as grants to the authorities were payable on the old system, no approach to combination was possible, but when in 1920 the financial shackles were removed from the authorities the Department lifted all the higher-grade schools with a five years' course clean out of the code and placed them on the same level as the old-established secondary schools, and has since administered them under the secondary school Regulations. The justification for this step, which even the severest critics of the Department will hardly describe as undemocratic, was simply that the educational conditions should be identical for all. That the primary schools should have been left behind in this matter was inevitable. You cannot impose upon them such Regulations as those which require the employment of specialists for special subjects, and unless you are going to have three documents instead of two they must remain where they have always been. But if we are unable to satisfy our critics on the point of combination, we can nevertheless, I fell certain, meet fully the demand, to use words which have been used a great deal in the correspondence, that the documents—

The words I have quoted are the main duty of education authorities as far as the ordinary scholars are concerned. For all alike a sound basis of primary education is indispensable But apart from that, the authorities have to cater for many types of pupils. I may, for convenience, reduce them to three. In the first place, there is that distressingly large number who never reach the full qualifying stage at all. Twenty thousand are left without attaining that comparatively humble goal. Perhaps on the whole it is not surprising that there are a great many people who do very well in after life to whom the ordinary school curriculum makes a small appeal. It must be a commonplace in the experience of everyone that in a time like the War a good many people who could make very little success in the ordinary school curricula were the most valuable citizens the country could have. There are many qualities of initiative and talents of hand which are not by any means always found with gifts of brain and aptitude for purely literary work.

There are varying aptitudes and it should be the aim of authorities in education to cater as widely as they can for differing aptitudes. That is the end of education—to interest people and to awaken in the pupil an interest in the school and in the work. If you have your curriculum on too narrow lines it is a commonplace that there are many to whom you make little appeal and who get very little out of school life, whereas with a broadening of the curriculum and a widening of interest you make an appeal to the boy or girl and their faculties are awakened and their interests aroused and they get a great deal out of their school life, and it is towards that widening of the curriculum that this new code and Regulations are directed. It is in order to give a better chance and to give it more widely that these Regulations have been drafted.

At the opposite extreme are the pupils of the second type who have the capacity and the desire to follow the full five years' post-qualifying course. Their natural home is in the secondary school, and as many of them as can will be expected to make their way there as soon as then primary education is completed, and it will be for the education authorities and the Department's officers to co-operate in securing that no pupil, however belated his development or however adverse his early circumstances, is debarred by mistake or accident from a career to which his natural talents entitle him. There must be no unnecessary artificial barriers and that is one among several reasons why the code lays it down that vocational instruction should be postponed to the very latest stage at which it can be profitably given. What the Department is anxious to secure is the best possible general education for all. So far as the secondary school itself is concerned, the only alteration worth mentioning is the introduction of a few words which make it easier for the authorities to develop varying types of curricula. In dealing with the children who fail to qualify, Article 15 of the draft code recommends not only that they should be provided for at 13, but that they should be specially considered throughout their intermediate course. I believe that article will meet with universal approval.

We are looking to the future and it is with the desire of giving a better chance to those who have got little out of school training in the past to develop their faculties and give them an interest in education and in their school that this article is directed. I think it is a very hopeful provision, and I am sure it will be looked upon by hon. Members with every sympathy.

Between these two groups, the boys who pass naturally into the secondary school for the full five-years' course and the boys who are less gifted from the school curriculum point of view, there is a multitude whose numbers render them in some ways the most important group of all. One of the chief objects of the draft code is to leave the authorities a perfectly free hand in dealing with them. Up to now they have not received such a chance as they will get in future. The existing intermediate course, well devised for the purpose for which it was designed to serve, has for some time—I think those interested in education will agree—been felt to have two disadvantages. Experienced head masters complain that it tends to hamper the curricula of the secondary school proper, and, without any doubt, it has overshadowed and enfeebled the curricula followed by the great majority of those who take the supplementary courses. The existing intermediate curricula will, no doubt, still continue to be followed by a certain proportion, most of whom, or many of whom, will find their way into secondary schools, and a stop, it is hoped, will be put on the dilution of such intermediate courses by pupils who lack the ability for the particular type of study, or who are not prepared to persist in it for the full three years. That, at the present time, is a most serious obstacle to progress. What is more, it represents a gross waste of teaching power, and, therefore, of money. When it is found that in one of the largest schools only 12 per cent. of those who entered originally at the beginning of the courses carry the curricula to a successful conclusion, it is high time to seek for a remedy. That may be an extreme case, but it is one that is very typical.

I now come to a question of very great moment, and that is, where is the intermediate education which the Education Act contemplates to be provided? In the intermediate schools, our critics say. The answer seems obvious enough. It is true that those schools will go on as before, but the Department desire to go further. There must be ample opportunity of giving this kind of education elsewhere. Not merely the relatively few, but the great body of children must be trained on lines suitable to their capacity and interests, and few nowadays will be found to maintain that these are contained in the existing intermediate curricula. One of the chief ends of education is to teach the right use of leisure. We want to train the man for the business of life and to educate him in order that he can enjoy and make profitable use of his leisure. If schools are to educate and turn out people fitted for life, and with the capacity to enjoy their leisure, they must attract. The pupils of the primary school must be given a broader educational outlook, but that will never be done if intermediate education is limited to the intermediate schools. There is here a phase of work which has escaped the notice of many of those who take a special interest in these schools. Let me indicate the various avenues which the Code and the Regulations open up. The existing inter- mediate schools, that is, the three years higher grade schools of the former Code, will carry on as before, but their curricula will be widened, broadened and varied. Then there are the advanced divisions, and if hon. Members look, as no doubt those interested in education have looked, at the first appendix of the Code, they will see that the course of study there outlined is far wider in scope and infinitely more flexible than that which it replaces. Even its critics admit that it contains every essential of what has been known as the intermediate curricula. Beyond that, it contains a great deal more.

I ask hon. Members, What is the alternative to that policy? If the Department were to insist that intermediate education should not be given except in a special class of schools such action, it is obvious, would only be justifiable if special obligations were laid on these schools as regards building, equipment and qualification of staff. Otherwise, the selection of those schools would have the appearance of being dictated by caprice or special favour. That being so, it is clear that the special schools would inevitably be expensive to conduct, and for the greater portion of the area of Scotland they would be bound to be few and far apart. Thus, if these were to be the schools to which children were to go if they were to receive more than the barest elements of primary education it would involve a great deal of travelling and lodging away from home over wide stretches of Scotland. Under the previous Grant Regulations, a considerable amount of concentration was inevitable, as this was the only way of getting the money by which something more than the elements should be provided; but now that the financial limitations in the application for grants have been removed the time has come when we should allow every pupil to whom a central school is not easily accessible to go as far in his own school as the education authority of his own area can give him the opportunity of going. By removing all avoidable restrictions such as the merely technical qualification of teachers, and by suggesting a curricula in which no upper limit is set, the Department have sought to maintain and to widen the diffusion of higher education throughout all parts of Scotland. That is a continuation of the ideal which has been pursued by Scottish educationists ever since the time of Knox, and which was carried on in many instances so splendidly under the old system. Wherever a teacher of sufficient knowledge, energy and ability and a pupil of sufficient capacity and industry are brought together, no artificial barrier need hinder the pupil from learning all that that teacher can give to him and from getting the credit for all that he has learned.

I submit that the draft code is conceived solely in the interest of the pupil and of all pupils. There is not a single sentence in it which can be fairly said to promote class distinctions. It is not surprising, when one studies its provisions, that it has received a cordial welcome from the primary teachers of Scotland, or that their President, Councillor Young of Edinburgh, formerly head master of the Canongate School, should have expressed himself in these terms: I do not think the Department has any objection to the use of that term. Their desire for what is termed recognition is intelligible. Clearly it is a matter for a little give and take. Recognition is a meaningless term nowadays. It had a clear meaning when it carried with it the privilege of earning higher grants, but to-day it makes no whit of difference to the authorities or, what is more important, to the pupils. So long as there is reasonable compliance with the conditions laid down in the secondary regulations, the Department will not be disposed to scrutinise too closely the title which a school may take, but what they have set their faces against is the creation of a privileged group of schools in which alone education beyond the primary stage may be given. To yield to that demand would be throwing away the golden opportunity which has been offered by the removal of the financial restrictions.

If one looks at it, this name "intermediate" is far from being a happy designation, either for the type of education that we all have in view or for any particular group of schools. It was appropriate enough when applied to the old intermediate curriculum and corresponding certificate, originally a milestone between the qualifying examination and the leaving certificate proper. It is true that the report of the Advisory Council, referred to the other day in a question, recommended a different scheme. They make a lot of criticisms which have been generally very helpful, and of which note has been taken in considering the draft code. But, after all, the Department had to make up its own mind in the matter, and after full deliberation it was resolved to take another line. The Advisory Council would cease to be an Advisory Council if it were necessary for the Department to follow its advice in all cases, grateful as the Department is to it for much valuable assistance. But if the Department is free to set the advice of the Council aside, as it is, it is only fair that it should be prepared to give reasons for so doing. What those reasons are would be evident from what I have endeavoured to point out. The name "intermediate" seems unsuitable and misleading, and the setting up of a special group of schools could not but be a serious hindrance to the development of higher education in the country districts.

If the object of the code had been merely to legislate for the large towns, the matter might have been different. I happen to represent a division in a great city which has always been in the forefront of educational advance in Scotland. But one must look at the interests of Scotland as a whole. The divisions of the code are conceived in the interests, very notably, of rural Scotland, and will do much to promote a diffusion of higher education there. The lad or girl of capacity will be able to go as far as a teacher can take him or her, and it will be the special duty of the Department's inspectors, working with the teachers, to see that any child who has the capacity is promoted to the secondary school. The inspectors of the Department, owing to the cessation of the qualifying examination, will be able to spend more time on other parts of the work. It is the special intention, under the new scheme, that they should work hand in hand with the teachers, that when they go round to the schools their attention shall be drawn to those who are promising, those who are looking to go later to secondary schools and on to a University, and that they should do everything to promote a promising pupil's career. I do not think that the way of education from the primary school right up to the University was ever clearer in Scotland than it is to-day. I do not think that there is any country in the world where the children have a better chance of education than in Scotland. If my hon. Friends can think of any—

I have not been in Denmark, and I dare say my hon. and gallant Friend has, but I think that the educational opportunity in Scotland will be found to compare most favourably with that of any country in the world. If a single article was placed in the draft code which meant that the road to the higher forms of education was to be impeded, or that it would be more difficult for any boy to get that higher education, hon. Members would be justified in offering the most strenuous opposition. Putting the claim at its lowest, children will have as good a chance in Scotland of securing a good education as children in any country in the world. Let me come to the question which has excited a good deal of interest, the question of intermediate certificates. The intermediate certificate was the creation of the Scottish Education Department, and very largely of the present distinguished secretary, who has given the labours of a lifetime to it, amongst other branches of educational work. He would not be likely to desire to bring it to an end if he thought that a good educational purpose was served by its retention. Some among those who are now its stoutest defenders were 20 years ago, on its introduction, most doubtful as to the wisdom of establishing anything of the kind. Had it been possible to continue the existing system and to extend it to the newer types of course which are knocking so loudly at the door for admission, that plan might well have been adopted. As it is, however, even with the present restricted curriculum, the work has become very difficult and well-nigh impossible. To supervise the marking of 100,000 papers and to weigh the claims of about 11,000 candidates would tax the administrative resources of any Department.

The degree of success which has been achieved up to date has been solely due to the fact that, large as the numbers are, they have not been so large as to make it impossible for a single hand to keep a firm hold on the threads of the organisation. But if three times as many candidates came forward with a great multiplication of subjects co-ordination would be impossible. It is on the outcome of this co-ordination that the whole value of the intermediate certificate depends. It is only because it has been possible, up to date, to co-ordinate the work and to have a uniform standard, that the certificate has had its value. But with a vastly increased number of entrants and a wide extension of the courses for which the certificate could be given, co-ordination would be impossible. Moreover, there is another weighty element which must not be lost sight of. It has been the deliberate policy of the Scottish Department of Education to give increasing weight to the teachers' judgment in assessing individual results, and I think hon. Members will agree with me when I say that a decentralising policy of that sort is one of the highest value, and that it is a point of view that will be increasingly appreciated by the teachers of the country. It is quite certain that it does not require the stimulus of an examination to make teachers in Scotland enthusiastic and keen in forwarding the interests of their pupils, and of their most promising pupils, to the highest degree.

The great remedy is to get teachers to accept an increasing sense of responsibility and to make the examination largely dependent upon their report of the boy or girl. The great body of Scottish teachers are in every way worthy of the trust that will be imposed upon them. The whole history of education proves the advantage of freedom from rigid standards. Nor is it necessary at this juncture to commit oneself to the advocacy of any particular solution. The whole question is now being discussed between a Committee of the Association of Education Authorities and the Education Department. Many issues have been raised—whether the Department shall grant the certificate or merely endorse it; what action is to be taken with regard to continuation class work; to what extent, if any, will written tests still be required; and what provision is to be made for early-leavers in secondary schools. Until further discussion has taken place, it would be premature for me to give an opinion upon these points. The Committee of the Education Authorities' Association are considering a memorandum which one of their number has prepared, and which the Department has provisionally accepted as a basis for further negotiations. When it is put into what they think is a workable shape, it will be further discussed with the Department. We are most anxious to have a concordat, and are prepared to our best to bring about that happy result. The Department cannot at present see why it should not be practicable, using the school records of the pupils, and with the active assistance of their inspecting staff, to provide in place of the existing certificate some sort of equivalent, imposing more trust on the teacher and leaving him freer to develop his work in his own way. These matters are under consideration at present. It is common knowledge that the scheme has been the work of Professor Darroch, and I beg to pay a tribute to the unfailing and unwearied work he has rendered to the cause of Scottish education, and to express the hope that his health which has suffered owing to his labours will be restored at an early date. I regret that I have taken up such a long time, but the matter is of some importance, and I hope I have given hon. Members sufficient time to put the points they want and to give me an opportunity to reply to such points.

I beg to move to reduce the Vote by £100.

It is due to the unsatisfactory situation created by the speech just delivered by the Solicitor-General that I have to move this reduction. May I point out that the devastating hand of alleged economy is now coming upon education in Scotland, and with the inevitable result, that whilst economy has been starving the children physically, alleged economy in education is going to starve the children mentally and intellectually. There are three public services which we cannot possibly afford to save money on—the building of houses for the housing of the people, the attending to the health of the people, and the educating of the children of our race who, ultimately, have to be the citizens of the Empire. Unfortunately for Scotland we are dragged at the heels, not at the chariot wheels but at the heels, of expenditure in connection with education in England. The result has been that Scotland has lost almost a million and a half of money, as compared with two years ago. Two years ago we suffered a reduction of, approximately, £820,000. This year we are suffering another reduction of, approximately, £730,000. I beg to suggest to the Solicitor-General that if an Amendment to the 1918 Act could allow a retrospective payment in connection with education in Scotland it is equally sound logic for me to suggest that an Amendment to the 1918 Education Act could allow Scotland to work out its own educational policy without being dragged at the heels of England. I desire to point out that we who represent Scottish constituencies are proud of the educational traditions belonging to Scotland. We are proud of the fact that Scotland to-day can hold its own with any country, but it is not good enough merely to live on traditions. We desire to live up to traditions. You are seeking by the new Act to drag us down to the level of England instead of seeking to raise England up to the level of Scotland. All the tendency to-day is to bring Scottish education down to the English level. I am saying that not in an offensive way. Everybody who has studied Scottish educational conditions will agree with my claim that up to the present we have been ahead in educational organisation and position in Scotland. We desire to see that level maintained.

The denial to many of us on these benches of educational opportunity has made us jealously watch every movement of the Education Department, and of the State, which is seeking to limit the opportunity to those of our class in particular who require to get all opportunities possible for education. We feel that is the case in the proposal of the Scottish Education Department, which will allow educational opportunities gradually to be reduced so far as Scottish children are concerned. There ought only to be one test for entrance and for all opportunities to rise to intermediate and secondary education, and that should be the ability of the child to benefit by the education which would be provided. Unfortunately to-day we are not in the position of getting equal opportunities for our children. There are local authorities in Scotland that refuse to provide for absolutely free education. Time and again the matter has been raised in this House. We have asked for the 1918 Act to be applied, as the law lays it down that it should be applied, to those reactionary authorities in Scotland that are not prepared to allow free education to the children of the working classes. The Education Department has drafted a new code. I hope I understood the Solicitor-General aright when he said that that code is going to be amended. Unfortunately he has not said in what direction it will be amended. No later than yesterday, in answer to a question which I put, I was promised I should get a reply in this Debate on the Scottish Estimates to-day. I have not received it so far. I am waiting to the end of the Debate to know whether the Department, which is so anxious to apply the Statute in many directions with regard to expenditure, is equally interested in applying the Act to compel educational authorities to provide free intermediate and secondary education.

I was rather interested in hearing the Solicitor-General suggest that there seemed to be a wonderful resemblance between the many objections to the Code that had been sent in. It is practically the unanimous opinion of the Scottish Administrative Body, certainly of the Advisory Body in connection with Scottish education, that the terms of the 1918 Act ought to be included in any Code which has to deal with Scottish education. May I give a list? The educational institutes of Scotland are unanimously in favour of primary, intermediate, and secondary education. The Association of Scottish Directors of Education unanimously demand the application of the 1918 Education Act. The Headmasters' Association of Glasgow is unanimously in favour of the terms, primary, intermediate, and secondary education laid down by the 1918 Act, and having been a member of the Committee to which the Solicitor-General has referred, I hold in my hand their unanimously opinion of the Circular 44 Committee. That Committee of the Education Authorities' Executive is also unanimously in favour of the provision of primary, intermediate, and secondary education. Circular 44 lays down a clear dividing line as between secondary and non-secondary schools. Representing the working classes as I do, and as most on these benches do, may I assure hon. Members that we are going to do everything possible to oppose any dividing line between secondary and non-secondary schools. There are enough obstacles in the way of the education of our children without beginning to segregate them into secondary and non-secondary schools.

The new Regulations, if they happen to relate to a secondary school, will apply to different children who are receiving the same form of education, because there can be children in the primary department of the secondary school and there is no need to be anything like sixty which is laid down for the classes under the new Code. Therefore I suggest that the Department should agree to at least conform to what is the unanimous demand of Scottish educational administrators. In an answer to a question put by me yesterday, the Solicitor-General could not name a single authority in Scotland that had approved of the suggestions contained in the Draft Code. On the other hand, he admitted to this House that there were 19 authorities that had objected. I do suggest in deference to the expressed and unanimous opinion, so far as Scottish education is concerned, there should at least allow the new Code to conform to the Act of 1918.

There is another point to which I wish to refer in the Code—because I can promise the Solicitor-General that I shall not follow in his footsteps and take up so much of the time of the House, seeing there are other hon. Members who are definitely anxious to take part in this discussion on Scottish education. May I point out that since 1910 the Department have not, to my knowledge—and I think I can claim as much knowledge on this matter as any hon. Member—allowed a single school to be built and to be fitted for more than 50 children in each class? In the new Code the Department are going to allow the schools to be built with class rooms to accommodate 60 children. Surely Scottish education has progressed to the extent of not allowing the old conditions in the old Code to exist, and for a teacher to attempt to teach 60 children! The time has arrived for Labour's policy to be applied to a very drastic reduction in the number of children in classes such as we find at the present time. Therefore that portion of the Code ought to be withdrawn and conditions should at least be allowed which have operated since 1910.

Now as to the famous Circular 51, a Circular which in its application is unjust, and which, I submit to the House, in its application is also illogical. It is rather remarkable that the same Department in August, 1914, issued Circular 461, which dealt with the feeding of necessitous schoolchildren. The danger in connection with the War is over. They issue their famous Circular 51. You do not get the word "necessitous" in the whole of the Circular. It deals only with neglected children, and it has taken away the power from the education authority to deal with the feeding of necessitous schoolchildren, and has placed us in an unfair position. Consequently, I would appeal to the Department or to the Solicitor-General to at least withdraw that Circular 51, and allow the education authorities that desire to fulfil their obligations to the hungry and starving children to do so, so that the children may be physically fitted to receive the education which the teachers are prepared to give at school. I submit that is the only way you can get the opportunity for better education for our children, and to the extent, so far as the children of Scotland are concerned, no barriers of any description ought to be placed in the way of the progress of any child. We require more schools for the purpose of providing for intermediate and secondary education.

I now come to the point to which the Solicitor-General referred. May I answer his query Scottish fashion, coming, as I do, from a Scottish constituency? Why in the new code have all the elaborate details in connection with registration, unless you mean in the very near future to apply the old method so far as Scottish education is concerned? Why waste the time of the teachers and the headmasters in filling up this long string of figures and details which lead us nowhere so far as education of the children is concerned? If you are anxious to help in the cause of education I should suggest to the Department that they should withdraw these regulations which they seek to impose upon the authorities and that they allow the authorities greater freedom to deal with questions like that of the payment of travelling expenses for the children to the central school which they have agreed with the education authorities to set up. So far as Members on this side of the House are concerned, the Government may rest assured that what we can do to help in the sacred cause of education will be done. I will place no obstacle in the way of doing everything possible for that cause, because, knowing the difficulty of getting on in life for lack of education, as representing the party here and my own constituency, I am going to make those difficulties as few as possible for those who come after me, and require an education such as I have not got.

I think I may be allowed to say without offence that the length of the apologia by the Solicitor-General is ample evidence that the conduct of his Department during the past year has at least laid itself open to a very large measure of criticism. I cannot help thinking that that apologia was defective in two respects because, in the first place, it failed to give a full and adequate answer to the criticism; and, in the second place, it omitted altogether some very serious questions which should have had the considered attention of the Department. The Solicitor-General devoted the first part of his speech to a defence of the basis of the allocation of grants as between England and Scotland. I am not going into that question now, because it is too largely a matter of opinion whether that allocation is an advantage to Scotland or not. At the same time I would suggest to the Department that they ought not to make up their minds completely on this subject.

Scotsmen are proverbially fond of money, but, at the same time, he is a poor Scotsman who will sell a principle for money. Therefore I hope we shall keep an open mind on this subject. It certainly is not a matter for congratulation to Scotland that, when there is a dispute in England between an authority and its teachers and the grant from the Exchequer is reduced, Scotland should be made to suffer in the same way. As it is, we are not concerned here to consider so much the matter of the Exchequer grant as the method in which it is allocated after it has been received by Scotland, I think the Solicitor-General made out a fairly satisfactory case, from the point of view of the Department, as to the method of allocation which has been adopted, but on this matter I venture to think that the Department have resigned one of their most important functions, and they have lost altogether the power of encouraging progressive authorities and of penalising backward authorities, which is one of the most important functions to be performed by a Government Department. The Solicitor-General said that in the methods of economy the authorities had exercised a very wise discretion. That I question entirely. When you think of the things which have been neglected and the removal of opportunities for evening class education and things of that sort, I think on second thoughts, as a good Scotsman, the Solicitor-General will question his own statement.

I wish to refer to the issue of the two documents which have already been dealt with. I consider that the explanation given by the Solicitor-General is wholly inadequate to meet the criticisms which have been passed upon those two documents. Those documents are going to draw a class distinction between the children in the schools of Scotland. Of that there is very little doubt, and on this point I speak after a long experience. We are told that in the ordinary primary school the pupil is receiving intermediate education. Let us consider the conditions under which it is to be given. In the primary schools the advanced divisions are to have classes of 40, as against 30 in the corresponding stage of the secondary school. In the secondary school there is to be ample provision to ensure that the teachers are highly qualified for the work, but there is no such provision as that with regard to the teachers in the primary schools.

With regard to the size of the classes, of which we have had a not very definite defence, the provision was said to be based on the structure of certain schools. It should have been provided that 60 will only be allowed until the proper structural alterations can be made. The Solicitor-General's argument on this point was weak. I should think, as a distinguished lawyer, that he is not responsible for the arguments which he has used on this question; at least, I hope not. We have often on our lips the expression "the equality of opportunity," and a phrase of that sort is a mockery so long as the present condition of things exists. Where is the equality of opportunity between children who, on the one hand, are taught in masses of 60, and sometimes more, and often by an underpaid and very poorly qualified teachers, and children whose education takes place under one or two governesses or where the maximum in a class is 20 or 30. In this matter I cansider the code is a retrograde step, and that the Department have clearly departed from the declared policy of 1911.

I ask that when they are taking this maximum of 60 they should remember the terms which were laid down in 1911 in regard to the school boards; those terms were framed to make the teaching in our ordinary primary schools something more humane than it is at the present time. There are many things which might be dealt with, but I would first point out that I do not question the good faith or the honesty of purpose of the Education Department, although I question the wisdom of their policy, and I would ask whether before they issued those two documents they took into fair considera- tion all the recommendations that were made to them. The Solicitor-General quoted with perhaps justifiable pride, because it was the only recommendation in favour of the Department's policy, that a class of teachers had sent a strong approval of this code. The Solicitor-General, of course, was quite entitled to make as much as he could of his one ewe lamb in this case, but we have, on the other side, a quotation of a very strong body of opinion entirely opposed to this policy, as laid down. It seems to me that the division of our schools again into primary courses with an advanced division is simply a reversion to the discarded policy of the supplementary courses. They began with a great flourish, something about 20 years ago, and it seemed then, from the explanation of the Department as to the purpose they were attempting to serve, that at last a way had been found to solve our educational problem. The Department themselves said in regard to these supplementary courses, which are now being revived under a different name—you can take it from one who knows something about this matter that we are only having here the same dog with a different collar—that

Perhaps the most surprising thing in the statement of the Solicitor-General is that he omitted entirely to deal with the all-important question of the training of teachers. Some years ago, inducements were held out to boys and girls of ability to enter the teaching profession. That invitation was responded to, with the result that our training colleges were filled. Now, in the sacred name of economy, which we hear so lauded, we shall find at the end of the Session, two months hence, that 500 fully-equipped teachers in Scotland will be out of employment. That is allowed to go on alongside of these inflated classes of which we have heard so much. It will be the worst thing in every possible way; in the idleness of the teacher and in the unfairness to the pupil, who is being taught as he is now.

10.0 P.M.

Besides that, it has been, as the Department well know, the well-considered and long-held opinion of practically every educationist in Scotland that the whole question of the training of teachers should be taken into consideration, with a view to lengthening the course by at least another year. We might have had that put forward to-night as one of the main things engaging the attention of the Department. Instead of that, the speech of the Solicitor-General was taken up very largely with a mass of detail. In saying that the training of teachers should be extended by at least another year, I am not giving a mere personal or professional view, but the enlightened opinion in Scotland as expressed in the public Press. I quote from one of our leading newspapers, in its leading article of Monday last—two days ago—on this subject. If I take this particular paper—the "Glasgow Herald"—it is not that it stands alone in the advocacy of this reform, but that it is the latest pronouncement on the subject It says:

There is only one other topic on which I want to touch, and that is a matter of finance. We have, in Scotland, a body of teachers who retired before the Pensions Scheme of 1919 came into effect. I may be allowed to explain to hon. Members who do not represent Scottish constituencies—though the same thing holds very largely in regard to England—that teachers who retired prior to 1st April, 1919, receive a pension under the old pensions scheme. Those who retire after 30th March, 1919, receive pensions under the new scheme, which was a very considerable improvement on that which had preceded it. The older teachers had taught for many years, and during the lean times, when admittedly the salaries of the profession were at a low ebb, and the pensions were calculated upon those low ebb figures. It ought to be the duty of the State to see that these older teachers are not penalised as they have been. We gratefully recognise that the Scottish Education Department did something for those teachers, but that something was not enough. I would appeal to the Department either on its own initiative, as it can, or in conjunction with the education authorities, to make some provision which would relieve the last years of those teachers' lives of a haunting anxiety. It would not, at the most, take very much, and would only be a small charge for a small number of years, but it would enable Scotland to pay a debt which it owes to a very deserving class of the community.

There are many other aspects of the education question to which I will not refer, for I am a believer in short speeches. I do not think we should be uncharitable in saying that we have in this country, both in England and in Scotland, reactionary elements so far as education is concerned. It is for us to see to it that reactionary tendency is combated. No democracy can be safe without education. The words of Samuel Johnson are as true to-day as they were when he uttered them, that criticising to-night and, more than that, I trust we shall have from the Department, in a very short time, some definite pronouncement with regard to policy in connection with the training of teachers. My hon. Friend, who spoke with such admirable clarity and generous brevity, said that Scotland had a great tradition in education, but what he added was equally true, that you cannot live upon a tradition and many a country has died upon a tradition. It is for Scotland to see that her children do not suffer from limits imposed by a somewhat unprogressive England.

I thoroughly agree with one of the last remarks made, that the teachers who have retired with such small pensions should be better treated by the education authorities than they are. The education authority of which I happen to be a member has fairly treated its own teachers, but there are authorities in Scotland who have done nothing, and I think the Department should exercise its powers to make some reasonable arrangement for them in their old age. The only other point I wish to mention is this. The Solicitor-General asserted that the grants which we in Scotland were receiving were in fair proportion to that which England receives. We are not quite sure about that. We want to be certain. There are two authorities in Scotland, experts upon education. There is the Teachers' Institute. They say quite distinctly they are convinced that Scotland does not receive its fair share of State aid in education, and they give certain figures for that reason. On the other hand, Sir Henry Keith, who is also an expert, and a great public servant who has done immense work, in a detailed statement, which I have at the moment, says that Scotland—

If the hon. Member will allow me, I was just coming to that. I am saying there are only two opinions. The second opinion is that of a well known public man and an expert on education, Sir Henry Keith. He says:

"There is no ground up to the present time for the suggestion that the method of allocating education grants since 1919 has been disadvantageous to Scotland and Scottish education."

He goes on to say:

"In Scotland we are receiving £7 9s. 8¼d. per pupil, while in England it is £7 2s. 7½d."

What I want to ask the Solicitor-General and the Department is this: Let us know the truth. We on this side are just as rampant to get the proper share which Scotland deserves. A friend of mine said to me on Monday, "Oh, the Imperial Government is to blame." I do not know the truth myself, but I should like to know the truth, and I want the Government to give us a proper statement showing who is right, Sir Henry Keith or the Teachers' Institute. All we want is fair play. The other point is this: None of us like—the phrase was used during the evening—to be dragged at the heels of England." I see an hon. Friend here who sits for one of the sporting Divisions of England, and he is sporting enough to support us. All we want is, that when these grants are going to be allocated Scotland should have a conversation on the matter before England comes to a conclusion. That is the only thing I venture to suggest—before anything is done, let the Scottish Department be consulted and arrange matters fairly and squarely all together, so that we may get our rights. I am sure our Friends on the Government Benches mean to see that we get fair play, and if they do not we will be out against them.

Let me begin by expressing as strongly as I can the hope that the Solicitor-General will do all that he can, and more than he can, to see that justice is done to the pre-1919 teachers who retired under the old pensions scheme. I merely wish to repeat what was so well put by an hon. Member on this side below the Gangway, that the opportunity of doing justice to these men is getting shorter and smaller, day by day, that they are a quickly diminishing band; and that, if we are going to help them, our help must be very speedy unless we are going to lose the opportunity altogether. I want to hark back to one of the basic things said in this Debate. The largest subvention that comes to Scottish education from the Imperial Parliament is 11/80ths of the corresponding estimated English expenditure. The first injustice is this. This 11/80ths is on the estimated expenditure, so that when Scotland goes ahead on estimated expenditure she is liable to find she is in debt in the year following, that is to say, if our English brethren do not use all the money they have estimated for, and Scotland does use her 11/80ths, then it is cut off the estimate for the ensuing year. If she goes in for any restricted expenditure, whether it be £1, £10, £10,000, or £1,000,000, Scotland automatically loses 11/80ths of that.

In Scotland 99 per cent, of teachers are certificated. In England there are 30,000 unqualified teachers, ranging from motherly persons at 30s. per week to supplementary teachers paid at the discretion of the education authorities. In Scotland 99·5 per cent. are certificated, and the point there is quite clear, that if England goes in more and more for un-certificated teachers, automatically Scotland sheers forward, because five 11/80ths of the saving on that part of England automatically comes off the Scottish Grant. I do not think that the hon. Member on the other side will find anything there is untrue. He admits the 11/80ths. In the years since the War we know quite well the English Estimates for education have been going down surely. When they are discussed in this House not a Scottish Member is allowed to speak upon them. I suppose the idea was that it is an English subject. But surely Scotland ought to have a voice. As the hon. Member opposite suggested, Scotland should speak before England speaks. We cannot do that on the Vote for English education. If Scotland had been allowed a voice she would have been able to show how we were interested in this 11/80ths, but we were kept out, and now the damage is done so far as we are concerned, and we can only raise our voices. I hope that next year we will be allowed to speak in the Debate. So much for the 11/80ths.

We of the Labour Party say that there ought to be and that there must be a Supplementary Education Grant for Scotland to bring us up to a certain basis, and for this reason, that, in all previous expenditure, 50 per cent. of the English expenditure has been guaranteed from Imperial sources. That is a very important figure. There is no such guarantee in the case of Scotland, and I would like to bring out the result by quoting some actual figures. If Glasgow received State aid for education on the same basis as Sheffield, there would be a saving to the Glasgow ratepayers of £394,000—a sum equal to 10d. in the £ on the rates. The unfairness is that Scotland gets her eleven-eightieths and if she brings her education up to the proper pitch she has to fall back on the local rates, and, in the case of Glasgow, this means the ratepayers paying 10d. in the £ more than they would have to do if Scotland were guaranteed the 50 per cent. from Imperial sources. That bears hardly in other ways. Some people imagine that Scotland pays very high wages to her teachers. In that matter Scotland is hit very hard, for while London can pay £600 per year, and Liverpool, Manchester and Birmingham can pay £550 per year to their most highly-qualified secondary masters, the expenditure in Glasgow in such cases is only £450 per year. I say these things for the benefit of the hon. Member below the Gangway on the other side, who was asking for the truth. There, at least, is one side of the truth. Truth has many sides, but the fact remains that, while London can pay £600 per annum for the highest type of teacher, Glasgow can only pay £450. We, then, in Scotland, have to levy a heavier local rate, so that, while the English education authorities are guaranteed 50 per cent, of their expenditure from Imperial sources, in Scotland it runs well down into the 40's.

This is the only opportunity we have in the year of discussing Scottish education, and the Solicitor-General's song has been that all is well. Like his colleague, the Minister of Pensions, he repeats that in varying cadences, hoping that he will be heard and believed for his much speaking. But is all well in Scottish education? I should like to ask the Solicitor-General if he has ever himself wandered through Glasgow on one of the typical murky days in that city, to see the dark, dirty schools, their wretched equipment, their dirty ceilings, their dirty floors, their noisy classrooms—I mean noisy for the reason that there is a heavy traffic outside. I wonder if the hon. and learned Gentleman has ever done those things, or if, before he comes back to the House of Commons to sing "All is well" again, he will go himself and pay a visit to some of the Glasgow schools—not a personally conducted tour, but go on his own account and seek out those which are not on the main road, but in the byways and alleys and among the slums.

With regard to staffs, I think the Solicitor-General has not done well when he has tried to defend his Department for there being 60 on the roll for a class, on account of the fact that the rooms were once built for classes of 60 and 70. If that is his plea, then I say, get on with the structural alterations, or, better still, even supposing that I were to concede that many of the older schools are built for classes of 70, then the schools ought to be staffed on the basis of 50 per teacher. What would happen would be that you would have the teachers helping one another, and, if the classes were unduly large, at least there would be help and relief for the teachers.

In reference to advanced courses in primary schools, the Solicitor-General has tried to make out that an advanced course in a primary school is the equal of an intermediate course in an intermediate school. I wish to repeat what has been said already, because it must be said. That is not true, because the number of scholars per teacher differs in each case. While in the one case there will be 30 scholars per teacher, in the other case there will be 40, and that in itself brings in the question of social distinctions. The equipment in primary schools for advanced courses will be poor, because the equipment for science is not in the schools, and, instead of there being two intermediate courses under different names, it is going to reduce itself to this, that intermediate schools will carry on, if they are not snuffed out, and the old supplementary will carry on under the name of advanced.

I am sorry it has fallen to my lot to-night to speak on this subject. There are teachers in the House more qualified to speak than I am on the technique of the business. I have, however, tried to say one or two new things, and to strengthen one or two things that have been said by hon. Members below the Gangway. Once more may I simply say that there are three points which we want attended to. One is the Scottish grant-to get rid of this wretched eleven-eightieths, or to give us a supplementary grant. The second is to have a new system of allocation for the special services. There must be some inducement for all education authorities to do the best they can for special schools. Then there is the question of the Scottish code. We do not know yet what those changes are going to be, but, as I see it as a practical teacher, there ought to be but one Scottish code. The moment there are two or three codes Scottish education ceases to be a unity. Therefore, before it is too late, I hope that we may get one Scottish education comprised under the same code.

I wish to draw attention to two points, one general and the other special. One is the system under which the education grants for Scotland come, and the unbusinesslike manner in which they are dealt with. The eleven-eightieth is based on English estimates, but on actual expenditure in Scotland, and the expenditure cannot be discovered until from one-and-a-half to two years after the Scottish people have estimated the expenditure in their schools. No business man would accept such an arrangement, and no education authority is in a position to say what it would be allowed to do during the year following because of the period which must elapse before it knows the amount. The result is that there is no inducement to education authorities in any way to endeavour to engage in anything new, because of the fear that our proportion of the grant from Imperial sources may not be sufficient. At present Scotland is suffering severely from that. £500,000 less is given to Scotland this year because of the reduction in English estimates.

The reduction in English estimates comes from peculiar reasons. In England and Wales they have, contrary to the Scottish practice, uncertificated teachers at small salaries. For instance, England has a reduced expenditure because 28·7 per cent. of the teachers are uncertificated, and in Wales the percentage is 44·2, while for both in combination the figure is 35·3. In Scotland, on the other hand, there is no recognition of uncertificated teachers. The consequent result is that the English education system has got a reduced amount of expenditure because of the employment of uncertificated teachers. That is a most unfair position for Scotland.

My second point is in connection with those special services. They have got to do with the payments of grants for medical treatment, feeding and clothing of children, and special schools for defective children. In England, when the vote is taken, a particular sum is ear-marked for the special services. For Scotland the whole grant is paid and nothing is ear-marked, with the result that each education authority has a certain sum, part of which it may or may not spend on these particular special services. This is unfair to Scotland. May I take two districts around the city, a division of which I have the honour to represent? In Lanarkshire they provide for 86 defective children, in Renfrew for 500, and in Glasgow for 5,000. Glasgow alone deals with special services for defective children to the extent of 66 per cent. of the whole population of Scotland, whereas the population of Glasgow is only 22½ per cent. of the whole population of Scotland, which means that in some districts in Scotland these special services are not carried out. I am not attaching any blame to any county authority, but if these special services were ear-marked and compulsory, we should have much better results. For the treatment of defective children the teacher is paid £20 instead of £12, and the other expenses are £4 per head in excess of the expenses incurred in respect of ordinary children. Therefore the question of the defective children is a very large and important one and should be specially dealt with. I ask the Solicitor-General for Scotland to give us a promise that the whole question of ear-marking for special services will be looked into before another year has passed in order that we may know where we are.

Like those hon. Members who preceded me, I desire to put my remarks into the smallest possible compass, and I will confine myself to one point, upon which I have recently addressed a number of questions to the Solicitor-General for Scotland and other members of the Government. When the 1918 Act was passed we understood we were going to have something in the nature of free secondary education for Scotland; that we were going to have something approximating to a national system of education, and that we were going to have in the South of Scotland, what many counties in the North already had, namely, absolutely free secondary education up to the entrance to the University. I have recently had correspondence, to which I drew the attention of the Solicitor-General for Scotland, from parents in different parts of Scotland complaining that what the Act said they should get had not been meted out to them. I shall read an extract from one of the many letters received by me which puts the point very shortly:

"In this county—Dumfriesshire—there is only one secondary school, Dumfries Academy and five intermediate schools. Fees are charged only in the case of Dumfries Academy, the intermediate schools being free and providing free books. Fees are charged in Dumfries Academy for all grades of pupils, primary, intermediate and secondary. Those who live either in or near Dumfries are those forced to pay fees for intermediate education and those parents in the county who send their children to Dumfries Academy for secondary education are forced to pay. The fees amount to £8 per year per pupil, although this is the only secondary school in the county, and many of us believe that the Education (Scotland) Act, 1918, indicated that free secondary education should be provided in at least one school in each area."

That was also my understanding of the Act, and I have put questions on the subject to try to get the Government's idea as to what was actually meant. Section 6 of the Act says that a scheme is to be provided by each authority, for the adequate provision throughout the area of the authority of primary, intermediate and secondary education in day schools, without the payment of fees. That seems to lay down clearly that in each area there should be at least one school giving free secondary education. If I had any doubt about it, that doubt would be removed by the fact that last year the Government themselves, in the Economy Provisions Bill, sought to amend this very provision in order that they might do what so many authorities are doing at the present time, because in the Economy Provisions Bill, which was never passed, it was proposed to amend that Clause I have read by putting in this proviso:

"Provided that in any such scheme the condition that adequate provision shall he made for education without payment of fees shall, with respect to education, other than primary, be deemed to be fulfilled by the reasonable exercise of the authority's powers to grant assistance to individual children and young persons."

For the moment I am not discussing as to whether that is expedient or not. I am merely dealing with the legal aspect of the question. It is obvious that if last year the Government thought it necessary to include this proviso, they were satisfied that they were not carrying out the law as it was laid down in the Act of 1918. I want to ask the hon. and learned Gentleman whether he considers that the Government at present are carrying out their statutory obligations, or compelling the authorities to carry out their statutory obligations as laid down in Section 6 (1) of the Act of 1918. In my opinion they are not, and I am interested to see that one authority at any rate has issued summonses to compel parents to pay fees, which they have refused to do on the ground that there is a statutory obligation upon the authorities to provide secondary education free. I hope these parents will see that their case is properly presented to the Court and the question argued, because it seems to me the authorities are not carrying out their obligations, and if the Department will not compel the authorities to carry out the law, at any rate the Law Courts will step in and see that parents are not in any way punished if they refuse to pay fees which they are not bound to pay. The question is exciting a great deal of interest throughout Scotland.

I rise to urge the Education Department to reconsider the code it is bringing into force. I am convinced that it is, under the guise of improving primary education, really injuring intermediate education and, if I may put it in terms of university education, striking a blow at honours education. It seems to me quite unnecessary that this should be done. I am in the very fullest agreement with the idea that primary education should be very greatly improved, and there is no doubt the advanced course of which the hon. Gentleman has spoken will improve primary education. But why not develop your advanced course and yet leave untouched, unless perhaps improved, the system of intermediate schools, which are fully appreciated and fully understood, and the value of which is undoubted? Further, I would like to urge that the crown and apex, if I may so describe it, of the intermediate school, namely, the intermediate certificate, should not be done away with. The im- portance of the intermediate certificate is that it makes it clear that the boy or girl who has attained it, although they are only 15 years of age when they do so, have attained a reasonable standard of education, and on that account the intermediate certificate has got what I may call an appointment value—a value for getting jobs for those children who have got the certificate.

It is thoroughly understood in Scotland. It is a testimonial and a hall-mark, and to assume that with the largely increased number of intermediate scholars it is impossible to continue the certificate, shows a want of administrative resource on the part of the Scottish Education Authority. I can quite believe that it is impossible for the Department to conduct the examinations. It is beyond the power of any one man to go through all the doubtful papers, but it is perfectly easy—and I make the suggestion in all seriousness—for the education authority, while laying down a standard of intermediate examination, to make a rosta of educationists in Scotland who could conduct the examinations. I see that one of the greatest experts on education the right hon. Member for the Scottish Universities (Sir H. Craik) thinks that is impossible, but anyone who has any knowledge of university examinations—I have some slight knowledge, having had the honour of examining in Edinburgh University for some time—knows that they are conducted by dons and professors from other universities who are, roughly speaking, on a rosta, and there is absolutely no reason why selected boards of the schoolmasters' profession in Scotland, drawn from the secondary schools, should not conduct the intermediate examinations and give there by the intermediate certificate, which would have a national character and would be really a national passport for appointments. It is useless to say that the advanced course will take the place of the intermediate schools in the country districts. I have the greatest respect for the primary schoolmasters of Scotland—I have many good friends among them—but I do not think, with all respect to them, that the country schoolmaster giving a boy or a girl an advanced course in his school could possibly give the same degree of education as if that boy or girl went to a proper intermediate school.

I am very glad to be corrected, and if education experts—I do not pretend to be an education expert—tell me that I am wrong—

I think it is a very wrong thing to say. You talk about being an expert, when you are not.

I will not pursue that topic further. I am glad to find that my anxiety on that score is unnecessary. I would conclude by again urging the Government not to take any step that may injure intermediate education, in intermediate schools, on behalf of the improvement of primary education. Primary education should be improved, and I believe the advanced course will improve it. Above all, do not do away with the national intermediate certificate.

I want to draw attention to the fact that in all the discussion so far the child has been left out of account. When we find in a city like Glasgow that the child of the East end weighs 7½1bs. less than the child of the West end, and that it measures 3½ inches less than the child of the West end, we have to ask those who are responsible what they intend to do about it. I understand that to-day some hon. Members were suspended for using the word "murderer." Men who by cool, calculating method deprive a child of sustenance in the school to the extent that a short time ago, in a school in Stirling, a boy fell from his seat through sheer hunger, unable to absorb the education provided—for men who in their cool calculation, whether as a Government or individually, make it possible for children to fall off their seats through lack of food, the name of murderer is moderate, for the man who is a murderer generally does his action in anger, but those who sit quietly by and either in criminal ignorance or because of their supposed superiority and their theory that the child of the working class is something less—for them the name of murderer is a sweet name. I pass from that to the question of the child itself and its relation to education in cash. To-day we are not discussing education at all. We have been discussing cash. We are told that the only thing which prevents the educational ideal from being carried out is cash. Yet the Germans, whom we are supposed to have beaten, the Germans who are supposed to be "on the rocks," with the mark going down and down, are spending more on and doing more for education, because, stupid as some may like to think the Germans are, they are not stupid in the educational business. The nation that wants to claim the front place in the world can do so only on the basis of a sound education, not an education that will say to the mass of the children: "If you can read and write and work my machines, that is enough." You cannot build up a nation on that kind of thing. While you refuse to spend money on education and sink millions at Singapore in the interests of death, you should not be the men to take umbrage at the name of murderer. If the Gentleman who introduced the subject to-day had given some thought to concentration, if he had been able to cut what he had to say in half, it would have been better. Judged by his speech to-day, he is a poor representative of the product of any university, whether in Scotland or not.

I am sorry that in my earlier speech I took up a good deal of time, but there was much ground to be covered and I thought that I condensed my remarks rather too much. I am afraid my hon. Friend regards me as having taken up too much time. If so, I apologise. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] But the importance of the subject was great and the topics to be dealt with were numerous. Let me deal with certain of the points raised in the various speeches.

With regard to the points raised by the hon. Member for the Scottish Universities (Mr. D. M. Cowan), as to the retired teachers, the Secretary for Scotland recently received a deputation on this question, and immediately thereafter the Prime Minister set up a Committee to go into the whole question of pre-War pensions and the Department awaits the Report.

This is a matter which can be done with purely Scottish moneys and will cost the Treasury nothing. This should be done from the Scottish Education Fund and not from national finances. There is no need to await the Report.

The case of the teachers is one that has had my sympathy, but the Scottish Education Fund is limited in amount and anything taken off it for one purpose reduces the amount available for other purposes. There are numerous other cases of pre-War pensioners in the same position as the teachers. Hon. Members in all parts of the House profoundly sympathise, but there are difficulties in the way of taking money from that Fund, because it is used otherwise, and we may rely on the matter being gone into very fully and sympathetically by the Committee. The hon. and gallant Member for Central Aberdeen (Major M. Wood) raised the question of the payment of fees at secondary schools. I do wish he had provided us previously with the particulars which he gave of the case to-night. I have asked him, on more than one occasion, to supply particulars of any case of which he knew, but I could never get him to give me any information at all. I am not conversant with the details of the case that at long last he has raised in Debate. In the great majority of cases the secondary schools are not fee-paying. There is a small number of fee-paying secondary schools, but, in those cases, exemption from fees is granted on application, if it is established that the child would profit by the education. We have had no complaints, except in one case, of the carrying out of this provision. The Act is working perfectly well.

Would the hon. and learned Gentleman say whether the Government accept the position that the Act lays down, that every authority must provide free secondary schools, and whether they are doing that?

They are providing free secondary education in the Vast majority of cases by non-fee-paying schools, and in a small number of cases by free places in fee-paying schools. They are carrying out the Act. The point put by the hon. Member for Cath-cart (Captain Hay) as to grants for special services, is a point we will consider very carefully as against another year. He knows that in the matter of money the Scottish Education Fund is limited in amount, and more money given to one particular field restricts the amount for another. We are very sensible of the work done by the Glasgow authorities on this social service, and we would like to help in every way. The matter will be most carefully considered. I do not wish to go into the matter of the Scottish Grant again—whether we are getting our fair share. I endeavoured to deal with that earlier in the evening, and I have shown that under the existing arrangement we are getting fully our fair share. The hon. Member for Kelvingrove (Mr. W. Hutchison), who raised that point, knows that under the 1918 Act the Scottish Education fund receives the amount expended in Scotland in the year 1913–14, which was called the standard year, and in addition eleven-eightieths of the amount which it is estimated will be expended in England and Wales over and above their expenditure for the standard year. We are in a period of great fluctuation. We heard little about Supplementary Estimates when Scotland automatically got the benefit of any extra expenditure. In view of this fluctuation let us be content with the system that we have which enables Scotland to operate in exactly that way she thinks best for the educational interests of Scotland. These are two points of supreme importance. I agree with what has been said as to the importance of education. No Member of the Government would take up an attitude other than that of enthusiasm for education and educational progress. Our country has been built up by education. I regret the limit of 60 in the classes; we have been endeavouring to reduce it to 50. We deplore so large a limit, but 60 is reached in very few cases, and not approched in very many. It is too big. Let me point out that the last year for which figures were available, 1921–22, Scotland received 61 per cent. of her education expenditure from Imperial grants and 39 per cent. from local rates, so that in the last year for which figures are available, a higher percentage than ever before of educational expenditure was reached from Imperial sources Educational opinions have been given by hon. Members, but let me give as against what has been adduced the unanimous opinion of the Association of Primary Schoolmasters—

I could not say offhand, but it is

an important body. There are other points with which I should like to deal, but my time has gone, and I ask the Committee to give us the Vote.

Question put, "That a sum, not exceeding £3,422,895, be granted for the said Service."

The Committee divided: Ayes, 131; Noes, 227.

Division No. 253.]

AYES.

[11.0 p.m.

Acland, Rt. Hon. Francis Dyke

Guthrie, Thomas Maule

Pringle, W. M. R.

Adams, D.

Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton)

Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

Adamson, Rt. Hon. William

Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil)

Riley, Ben

Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock)

Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland)

Ritson, J.

Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro')

Harbord, Arthur

Robinson, W. C. (York, Elland)

Ammon, Charles George

Hardie, George D.

Rose, Frank H.

Attlee, C. R.

Hay, Captain J. P. (Cathcart)

Saklatvala, S.

Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery)

Hayday, Arthur

Scrymgeour, E.

Barrie, Sir Charles Coupar (Banff)

Henderson, Sir T. (Roxburgh)

Sexton, James

Batey, Joseph

Henderson, T. (Glasgow)

Shakespeare, G. H.

Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith)

Herriotts, J.

Shaw, Hon. Alex. (Kilmarnock

Bonwick, A.

Hill, A.

Shaw, Thomas (Preston)

Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W.

Hutchison, Sir R. (Kirkcaldy)

Short, Alfred (Wednesbury)

Broad, F. A.

Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath)

Simpson, J. Hope

Bromfield, William

John, William (Rhondda, West)

Sinclair, Sir A.

Brotherton, J.

Johnston, Thomas (Stirling)

Smith, T. (Pontefract)

Burnie, Major J. (Bootle)

Jones, R. T. (Carnarvon)

Snell, Harry

Buxton, Charles (Accrington)

Jowett, F. W. (Bradford, East)

Spencer, George A. (Broxtowe)

Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, North)

Jowitt, W. A. (The Hartlepools)

Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K.

Chapple, W. A.

Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M.

Stewart, J. (St. Rollox)

Charleton, H. C.

Lansbury, George

Sullivan, J.

Clarke, Sir E. C.

Lawson, John James

Sutherland, Rt. Hon. Sir William

Cotts, Sir William Dingwall Mitchell

Leach, W.

Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West)

Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities)

Lee, F.

Tout, W. J.

Darbishire, C. W.

Linfield, F. C.

Trevelyan, C. P.

Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale)

Lunn, William

Turner, Ben

Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton)

McCurdy, Rt. Hon. Charles A.

Wallhead, Richard C.

Davison, J. E. (Smethwick)

MacDonald, J. R. (Aberavon)

Warne, G. H.

Dudgeon, Major C. R.

Macdonald, Sir Murdoch (Inverness)

Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline)

Duncan, C.

McLaren, Andrew

Weir, L. M.

Ede, James Chuter

Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I.

Welsh, J. C.

Edge, Captain Sir William

March, S.

Westwood J.

Edmonds, G.

Marshall, Sir Arthur H.

Whiteley, W.

Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty)

Martin, F. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, E.)

Williams, David (Swansea, E.)

Emlyn-Jones, J. E. (Dorset, N.)

Millar, J. D.

Williams, Dr. J. H. (Llanelly)

Entwistle, Major C. F.

Morel, E. D.

Williams, T. (York, Don Valley)

Falconer, J.

Muir, John W.

Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe)

Foot, Isaac

Murnin, H.

Wintringham, Margaret

Gosling, Harry

O'Grady, Captain James

Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.)

Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton)

Paling, W.

Wright, W.

Greenall, T.

Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan)

Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne)

Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry

Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan)

Phillipps, Vivian

TELLERS FOR THE AYES. —Mr. Neil Maclean and Mr. J. Robertson.—Mr. Neil Maclean and Mr. J. Robertson.

Groves, T.

Ponsonby, Arthur

Grundy, T. W.

Potts, John S.

NOES.

Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte

Berry, Sir George

Cautley, Henry Strother

Ainsworth, Captain Charles

Betterton, Henry B.

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Sir Evelyn (Aston)

Alexander, E. E. (Leyton, East)

Birchall, Major J. Dearman

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord R. (Hitchin)

Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S.

Blundell, F. N.

Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton

Ashley, Lt.-Col. Wilfrid W.

Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W.

Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood)

Astor, J. J. (Kent, Dover)

Boyd-Carpenter, Major A.

Chapman, Sir S.

Baird, Rt. Hon. Sir John Lawrence

Brass, Captain W.

Churchman, Sir Arthur

Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive

Clayton, G. C.

Balfour, George (Hampstead)

Brown, Brig.-Gen. Clifton (Newbury)

Cobb, Sir Cyril

Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G.

Brown, J. W. (Middlesbrough, E.)

Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K.

Barlow, Rt. Hon. Sir Montague

Bruford, R.

Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips

Barnston, Major Harry

Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A.

Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale

Becker, Harry

Burn, Colonel Sir Charles Rosdew

Conway, Sir W. Martin

Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes)

Butcher, Sir John George

Cope, Major William

Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W.

Button, H. S.

Courthope, Lieut.-Col. George L.

Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake)

Cadogan, Major Edward

Craig, Captain C. C. (Antrim, South)

Bennett, Sir T. J. (Sevenoaks)

Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R.

Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry

Croft, Lieut.-Colonel Henry Page

Hutchison, W. (Kelvingrove)

Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich)

Crook, C. W. (East Ham, North)

Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H.

Roberts. Samuel (Hereford, Hereford)

Crooke, J. Smedley (Deritend)

Jephcott, A. R.

Robertson-Despencer, Major (lsl'gt'nW)

Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead)

Jodrell, Sir Neville Paul

Robinson, Sir T. (Lancs, Stretford)

Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln)

Johnson, Sir L. (Walthamstow, E.)

Rogerson, Capt. J. E.

Davies, Thomas (Cirencester)

Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington)

Roundell, Colonel R. F.

Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.)

Kennedy, Captain M. S. Nigel

Ruggles-Brise, Major E.

Dawson, Sir Philip

King, Captain Henry Douglas

Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth)

Doyle, N. Grattan

Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement

Russell, William (Bolton)

Edmondson, Major A. J.

Lamb, J. Q.

Russell-Wells, Sir Sydney

Ednam, Viscount

Lane-Fox, Lieut.-Colonel G. R.

Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham)

Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark)

Leigh, Sir John (Clapham)

Sanders, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert A.

Ellis, R. G.

Lloyd, Cyril E. (Dudley)

Sanderson, Sir Frank B.

England, Lieut.-Colonel A.

Lloyd-Greame, Rt. Hon. Sir Philip

Shepperson, E. W.

Erskine, Lord (Weston-super-Mare)

Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (Handsw'th)

Simpson-Hinchcliffe, W. A.

Falcon, Captain Michael

Lorden, John William

Singleton, J. E.

Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray

Lorlmer, H. D.

Skelton, A. N.

Fawkes, Major F. H.

Lort-Williams, J.

Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South)

Ford, Patrick Johnston

Lougher, L.

Somerville, A. A. (Windsor)

Foreman, Sir Henry

Loyd, Arthur Thomas (Abingdon)

Somerville, Daniel (Barrow-in-Furness)

Forestier-Walker, L.

Lumley, L. R.

Spears, Brig.-Gen. E. L.

Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot

Lynn, R. J.

Stanley, Lord

Fraser, Major Sir Keith

M'Connell, Thomas E.

Steel, Major S. Strang

Frece, Sir Walter de

McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury)

Stewart, Gershom (Wirral)

Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E.

Manville, Edward

Stockton, Sir Edwin Forsyth

Furness, G. J.

Margesson, H. D. R.

Stott, Lt.-Col. W. H.

Galbraith, J. F. W.

Middleton, G.

Stuart, Lord C. Crichton-

Ganzoni, Sir John

Milne, J. S. Wardlaw

Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser

Garland, C. S.

Mitchell, W. F. (Saffron Walden)

Sugden, Sir Wilfrid H.

Gates, Percy

Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham)

Sykes, Major-Gen. Sir Frederick H.

Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John

Moles, Thomas

Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley)

Goff, Sir R. Park

Molloy, Major L. G. S.

Thompson, Luke (Sunderland)

Greaves-Lord, Walter

Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C.

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Greenwood, William (Stockport)

Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. (Honiton)

Titchfield, Marquess of

Grenfell, Edward C. (City of London)

Murchison, C. K.

Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement

Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E.

Nail, Major Joseph

Tubbs, S. W.

Gwynne, Rupert S.

Nesbitt, Robert C.

Turton, Edmund Russborough

Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

Wallace, Captain E.

Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich)

Newton, Sir D. G. C. (Cambridge)

Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull)

Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W.(Liv'p'l, W. D'by)

Nicholson, Brig.-Gen. J. (Westminster)

Watts, Dr. T. (Man., Withington)

Halstead, Major D.

Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield)

Wells, S. R.

Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry

Nield, Sir Herbert

Wheler, Col. Granville C. H.

Harrison, F. C.

O'Neill, Rt. Hon. Hugh

White, Lt.-Col. G. D. (Southport)

Harvey, Major S. E.

Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William

Whitla, Sir William

Hawke, John Anthony

Parker, Owen (Kettering)

Wilson, Col. M. J. (Richmond)

Henn, Sir Sydney H.

Pennefather, De Fonblanque

Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George

Hennessy, Major J. R. G

Penny, Frederick George

Winterton, Earl

Herbert, Col. Hon. A. (Yeovil)

Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings)

Wise, Frederick

Herbert, S. (Scarborough)

Plelou, D. P.

Wolmer, Viscount

Hewett, Sir J. P.

Pollock, Rt. Hon. Sir Ernest Murray

Wood, Rt. Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon)

Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank

Privett, F. J.

Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West)

Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (St. Marylebone)

Raeburn, Sir William H.

Wood, Maj. Sir S. Hill (High Peak)

Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy

Raine, W.

Woodcock, Colonel H. C.

Hood, Sir Joseph

Rawson, Lieut.-Commander A. C.

Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L.

Hopkins, John W. W.

Reld, D. D. (County Down)

Yerburgh, R. D. T.

Houfton, John Plowright

Remer, J. R.

Howard, Capt. D. (Cumberland, N.)

Remnant, Sir James

TELLERS FOR THE NOES. —Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs.—Colonel Leslie Wilson and Colonel Gibbs.

Hume, G. H.

Rentoul, G. S.

Hurd, Percy A.

Richardson, Sir Alex. (Gravesend)

Hurst, Lt.-Col. Gerald Berkeley

Richardson, Lt.-Col. Sir P. (Chertsey)

Original Question put, and agreed to.

Resolutions to be reported To-morrow.

Committee to sit again To-morrow.

Salmon and Freshwater Fisheries Bill

Order for Consideration of Lords Amendments read.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Lords Amendments he now considered"—[ Sir R. Sanders. ]

Be fore we decide on this Question, may I ask you, Mr. Speaker, whether I am entitled to address a question to the Government on the matter? I think the House is entitled to know whether there is any point of great substance in these Amendments.

Am I not entitled to get an assurance as to whether they are going to proceed with them?

The Amendments which have been made in this Bill since it left the House affect only 10 Clauses of the 94 Clauses in the Bill, and, with two exceptions, are purely drafting Amendments. The only two Amendments which require any comment are in connection with Clause 84, which hon. Members will recollect is a Clause inserted in the Bill to deal with the question of fishing in the Solway Firth. The first Amendment on page 58, line 44, is merely to provide that the Minister and the Fishery Board for Scotland shall act jointly in connection with question arising out of matters affecting the Solway. The Scottish interests involved pressed strongly for them, and I cannot see any administrative difficulty and can therefore see no objection to the Amendment.

The second Amendment, on page 59, line 23, provides that the amount of the contributions to be paid by the Fishery Boards and District Boards towards the expenses of the Solway Board shall be subject to the sanction of the Minister and the Fishery Board for Scotland acting jointly. The reason for this Amendment is that it was felt by some of the parties interested that there ought to be some check on the amount of expenditure which could reasonably be incurred and that the amount to be settled by some outside tribunal, and it has been agreed that the Minister and the Fishery Board for Scotland form the most suitable tribunal to assess such amount. The remainder of the Amendments, as I have already stated are purely drafting. After this explanation, I hope the House will be prepared to accept the Amendments as they stand.

Question put, and agreed to.

Lords Amendments considered accordingly.

CLAUSE 20.—(Power for fishery board to construct and alter fish passes.)

(7) For the purposes of this Section a fishery board may purchase so much of the bank adjoining a dam as may be necessary for making a fish pass, and may for the purpose of such purchase take the like proceedings as are prescribed by this Act in the case of the compulsory purchase by a fishery board of a dam or obstruction, and those provisions shall apply accordingly.

Lords Amendment:

In Sub-section (7), after the word "making" insert "or maintaining."

Agreed to.

CLAUSE 24.—(Power for fishery boards to place gratings in watercourses.)

(5) If any person,—

( d ) permits any such grating or other device to be injured, or removed, except as aforesaid, or improperly opened,

he shall be guilty of an offence against this Act.

Lords Amendment:

At end of Sub-section (

"or ( e ) Obstructs any person legally authorised whilst doing any act authorised by this Section."

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment.

I would like to know whether there is any point of substance in this Amendment. The words seem to me to have some importance, and I really think we ought to hear something on the point.

There is really nothing in this Amendment.

Question put, and agreed to.

CLAUSE 38.—(Contents of the Order.)

(1) An order under this Part of this Act may provide for—

( i ) the payment out of any funds in the hands of the fishery board constituted by the order of the costs of the applicants in obtaining the order, and where the order requires confirmation by Parliament the costs of obtaining such confirmation.

Lords Amendment:

At end of Sub-section (1,

"( j ) amending or revoking any previous order made under this Act or any Act repealed by this Act."

Agreed to.

CLAUSE 47.—(Representative members of net fishermen.)

(1) In every fishery district in which there are any public rights of fishing, and such rights are exercised by fishermen duly licensed to fish for salmon otherwise than with rod and line, there shall in each year be elected such number of representative members of the fishery board for that district as hereinafter mentioned; (that is to say)—

Lords Amendments:

In Sub-section (1): Leave out the word "representative" ["such number of representative members"].

Leave out the word "of" ["members of the fishery board"], and insert

"representative of the holders of such licences on."

Agreed to.

CLAUSE 48.—(Representative members of rod fishermen for fish other than salmon.)

(1) In every fishery district in which duties are payable for licences for fishing with rod and line for fish other than salmon there shall be appointed or elected such number of members representative of the holders of such licences on the fishery board for that district as is hereinafter mentioned, that is to say;

Lords Amendment:

In Sub-section (1), after the word "district" ["fishery board for that district"] insert:

"as may be provided by an order made under Part IV of this Act and in default of and subject to any such provision."

Agreed to.

CLAUSE 60.—(Rules for making, confirming, and publishing byelaws.)

(4) The Minister, if he considers that the revocation of a byelaw is necessary or desirable for the maintenance or improvement of the fisheries in any district, may, after giving notice to the fishery board and considering any objections raised by the board, revoke the byelaw.

Lords Amendment:

In Sub-section (4), after the word "board" ["objections raised by that board"] insert:

"and if so required by that board, holding a local public inquiry."

Agreed to.

CLAUSE 84.—(Special provisions as to the Solway Firth)

(3) An Order made under this Section—

( c ) shall not prejudice or affect any existing private right of fishing or any existing right or title of an owner of salmon fishings or the exercise of such right in any way whether by haaf net, poke net, stake net, fixed engine or otherwise which would have been lawful if the Order had not been made, and shall contain such prohibition or restriction of fishing within a prescribed distance of any such stake net or fixed engine as may be reasonably necessary for the protection of the interests of the persons entitled to use such nets or engines.

(4) So much of Part VII of this Act as requires or authorises a fishery board to grant licences shall not apply to the Solway District Board.

Licences granted by a fishery board or district board of any fishery district abutting on the Solway district for use in its district shall be available for use in the Solway district, but not so as to confer any right to fish in any place or at any time in or at which the licensee is not otherwise entitled to fish or any right to fish within the Solway district in any manner or with any instrument in or with which it is not otherwise lawful to fish therein.

(6) The expenditure incurred by the Solway District Board shall be defrayed out of contributions to be paid by the several fishery boards or district boards of the fishery districts abutting on the Solway district in such proportions and with such remedies for enforcement thereof as may be prescribed by Order made under this Section.

Lords Amendment:

At end of Sub-section (3), insert: "and

( d ) shall provide that any reference in this Act to the Minister shall, in relation to the Solway district except insofar as otherwise provided in the Order, be construed as a reference to the Minister and the Fishery Board for Scotland acting jointly."

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."

This is one of the Solway Amendments, which the Minister said was of importance. I heard what he said about Scotland, but I did not hear anything else, as there was a certain amount of disorder going on. There has been a great deal of trouble about the Solway Firth fisheries, and I hope the matter has now been satisfactorily settled. I can only say, in passing, that I hope the extraordinary proposition made, that the local fishermen on the Solway Firth should be armed, does not mean that we are going to allow unauthorised persons to do what they are pleased to term the policing of their own water, because the fishermen in my own constituency would claim the same privilege. One might refer, in this connection, to the historical case when the English fleet was assembled to resist the onslaught of the French, when, instead of fighting the French, the Yarmouth men fought the Plymouth men all day long, and then had to go home; I understand there is some substance in these Solway Firth Amendments, and I would ask for some explanation from the Minister.

I am glad to assure my hon. and gallant Friend that these Amendments are not likely to result in any sort of fighting. The Bill, as originally framed, referred certain matters to the Minister of Agriculture and Fisheries, but it was considered by the representatives of Scotland that the Fishery Board for Scotland should be called in to act jointly with the Minister, and they are, therefore, to be associated with me in dealing with any case that may arise. That is all there is in it.

Question put, and agreed to.

Lords Amendment:

In Sub-section (4), leave out the words "or district board".

Agreed to.

Lords Amendment:

In Sub-section (6), after the word "Board" insert:

"up to such amount as may be sanctioned by the Minister and the Fishery Board for Scotland acting jointly after consultation with the fishery boards and district boards affected."

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House doth agree with the said Amendment."—[ Sir It. Sanders. ]

Does the expenditure under this Sub-section refer to any expenditure on the purchase of rights in the Solway District, or is it merely current expenditure? The question as to what rights should be purchased might give rise to a good deal of controversy.

This refers to all expenditure. In the Bill the expenditure was left to the local boards, but it has been suggested that there should be a check on the local boards, and it is pro-proposed that that check shall be that the sanction of the Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries in England, and the Fishery Board in Scotland, acting jointly, shall be required.

Question put, and agreed to.

Lords Amendment:

In Sub-section (6), leave out the word "several."

Agreed to.

CLAUSE 93.—(Repeals.)

(2) Nothing in this repeal shall affect any order, warrant, appointment, certificate, notice, byelaw, licence or licence duty made, granted, issued, or payable under any enactment repealed by this Act, and in force at the commencement of this Act, but all such orders, warrants, appointments, certificates, notices, byelaws, licences and duties shall have effect as if made, granted, issued, or payable under this Act:

Provided that—

(i) the penalties for breaches of byelaws imposed by this Act shall be substituted for any penalties imposed by such byelaws in respect of breaches thereof; and

Lords Amendments:

In Sub-section (2, i). Leave out the words "penalties for breaches of byelaws imposed by," and insert "maximum penalties for offences against."

After the word "any" insert "maximum."

After the word "such" insert "order or."

Agreed to.

Fourth Schedule

Part II

Enactments Which Are to Cease to Apply Within the Solway District

The local Act of the Session of the forty-fourth year of the reign of His Majesty King George the Third, chapter forty-five, intituled "An Act for the better regulating and improving the fisheries in the arm of the sea between the county of Cumberland and the counties of Dumfries-shire and Wigton and the stewartry of Kircudbright, and also the fisheries in the several streams and waters which run into or communicate with the said arm of the sea," except Section nine thereof.

Lords Amendment:

Leave out the words "except Section nine thereof."

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."—[ Sir R. Sanders .]

I should much like to know what "Section nine thereof" is. I do not propose to vote on this blindly, without one word of explanation either from the Minister of Health or his several assistants, or the rest of the galaxy of talent that is congregated on the Government Bench.

I am informed that the legal officers of Scotland advised that there was no reason for Section 9, and so we are leaving it out.

Might we have Section 9, and know what it is about? I do not take the word of these legal luminaries. We are here to decide these things by our own brains.

As a new Member, may I be permitted to express my astonishment at the way in which business is done in this House at this hour of the night? I am anxious, as is, I am sure, my hon. and gallant Friend, to promote harmony between the two Houses, and I should not like to disagree with the Amendments proposed in another place, but I do think that an assembly like this, the House of Commons of England—

and Scotland—is entitled to ask that whoever is in charge of the Bill should be prepared to explain to the House a matter of such importance as my hon. and gallant Friend has referred to. When it is proposed to repeal a Section of what may be a very important Act of Parliament, without any Member of the House knowing what is enacted in that Section, I say, as a new Member, that I am astonished to find that this great Empire is governed in this extraordinary way. This could not happen in the Worcester City Council.

Question, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment," put, and agreed to.

Forestry (Transfer of Woods) Bill

Not amended ( in the Standing Committee ), considered.

Schedule

PROVISIONS RELATING TO THE TRANSFER OF PROPERTY, &c

1. All Acts, including local Acts, relating to any property transferred under this Act I shall continue of full force and effect, subject however to such necessary adaptations as may be made by Order in Council under this Act.

I beg to move, in paragraph (1), after the word "Act" ["transferred under this Act shall continue"], to insert the words

"or to any estate, interest, rights, powers, or liabilities affected by the transfer."

This is merely a verbal Amendment to make clear, in accordance with the criticisms of the Commons and Footpaths Preservation Society what are the intentions of the Bill. The Society has accepted the interpretation which is now expressed in the Amendment to the Schedule. Everybody is agreeable to the passage of the Bill in this form.

I would like to know what is the meaning of these new words. I imagine that they have something to do with public rights of way. But how do they affect them? Will they have the effect of preventing access by the public to woods and forests for the purposes of pleasure or picnicing? If so I shall oppose them. The unfortunate pedestrian is nowadays in imminent danger on the roads from the ever-growing stream of motor vehicles, and we ought to oppose anything that prevents him getting off the roads into the woods and copses. The Paymaster-General has not made it clear in which direction we are legislating. Is it for the liberty of the people to wander at will in the still remaining sylvan districts of England or Scotland, or of still further hampering them in the enjoyment of their own country?

As a matter of fact, nothing is implied in these verbal alterations such as the hon. and gallant Member has mentioned, and they refer to none of his points. The alterations merely deal with the requirements and requests of this particular society to make very definite and clear—as indeed the Government were quite willing to do—the effect of this paragraph. It has nothing to do with what the hon. and gallant Member spoke about. If he will read the alterations in conjunction with the paragraph, he will see that I am correct. If, as I imagine, the hon. and gallant Member was referring to any possible infringements of rights in the New Forest or elsewhere, I can assure him there are specific safeguards under the terms of the Bill as it is now reported to the House. There can be under this Bill no infringement of any rights as to commons and forests; they are specifically secured against any infringement. I hope with this explanation, and as the hour is late, we may proceed.

Amendment agreed to.

I beg to move in paragraph I to leave out the words

"however to such necessary adaptations as may be made by Order in Council under this Act"

and to insert instead thereof the words

"only to such adaptations as may be necessary in order to give effect to the transfer."

The hon. and gallant Gentleman referred to the late hour, but that is not my fault. I am glad to join him in protesting against legislation at this hour, and I hope the Parliamentary Secretary to the Treasury will take a note of those words. May we not, however, have a few words to elucidate this Amendment? The last explanation satisfied me completely, and I ask that this should also be explained, on the principle that we should not legislate in the dark—however late at night it may be.

I am glad the hon. and gallant Member, in referring to this Amendment, expressed himself satisfied with the explanation of the last Amendment, because the reasons for this Amendment are exactly identical with those I have already given. There was a possible misinterpretation of words, a possible loophole, which might agitate the minds of super-conscientious people, and it was decided that the words should be made more definite. They relate to the powers of the Forestry Commissioners, and the alteration is purely verbal and has no administrative effect.

Amendment agreed to.

King's consent signified .

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read the Third time."

This Bill should not pass without some explanation from the Treasury Bench. Its object is to transfer certain privileges, now enjoyed by the Commissioners of Woods and Forests, to the Forestry Commissioners, and it is, broadly speaking, a very insignificant contribution to the great forestry problem of these islands. It might go very much further. I do not want to deal with afforestation in this country. Anyone who has travelled in Europe must have had borne in upon him how neglected, in this country, the whole practice of forestry is.

I do not see how that can be raised on this Bill, which deals only with the transfer of woods from one authority to another.

I was only devoting a few words to that aspect of it. I will pass on at once. The first question I wish to address to the Government is exactly what is the meaning of Clause 3. This deals with hereditary revenue under Section 1 of the Civil List Act, 1910, by which apparently there is to be paid out of the Consolidated Fund for the growing produce thereof to the land revenue of the Crown an amount by way of compensation for any transfer effected under this Act. After all, is this only a book-keeping entry? This is the transfer of the Crown forests from one Government Department to another. Why should payment be made, and what are the sums involved? The next matter I wish to raise is what is the position in regard to the areas suitable for the planting of trees and for general afforestation work in the catchment areas, which are being almost every month added to for the purpose of collecting water for the corporaions of our great cities. Do they come under this Bill? When an area is taken for water catchment purposes that should he a very good opportunity for utilising some of the area which is suitable for afforestation purposes.

I thought I should be in order in drawing attention to omissions from the Bill.

On the Third Reading it is possible to deal only with what is in the Bill.

Then I am afraid my speech cannot be given. I will confine myself to the, I hope, very reasonable request I have made for some explanation of the rather complicated Clause 3, what is involved in it and why it is necessary.

It is purely a question of bookkeeping.

Question put, and agreed to.

Bill read the Third time, and passed.

Cotton Industry Bill

As amended ( in the Standing Committee ) considered.

CLAUSE 2.—(Contributions by Cotton Spinners.)

(3) Every cotton spinner shall from time to time, on being so required by notice in writing given by the Corporation, render to the Corporation within the time specified in the notice, not being lees than thirty days from the date on which the notice is given, such full and accurate accounts as are necessary to show the amounts from time to time payable by him by way of contributions under this Act, and if any cotton spinner fails to comply with the requirements of any such notice within the time therein specified, he shall be liable on summary conviction to a fine not exceeding ten pounds for every day during which the default continues, and any fine imposed under this Section shall be payable to the Corporation:

Provided that proceedings for the recovery of any such fine shall not be brought except by the Corporation.

I beg to move in Sub-section (3) to leave out the words

I move this Amendment because I object to busy men being called upon by the will of this Corporation to render accounts at more frequent periods than half-yearly.

Is the hon. and gallant Member aware that all concerned, both workers and masters, are unanimously in favour of this, and agree?

I am not in the least impressed by the hon. Member's statement. If it is unanimous, why pass legislation to make this levy and these returns compulsory? The remarks of the hon. Member were therefore irrelevant, and I will deal with him on Third Reading. I do strongly object to this constant demand for the filling up of all sorts of forms and returns, and it is in order to protect busy men that I move that they should not be required to present a return oftener than half-yearly. I suppose I may not get a Seconder. I was very interested to find that the right hon. Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury) had put his name down to this Amendment. I had not asked him. I should have been pleased to see him in his place.

Amendment not seconded .

Does the hon. and gallant Member move his next Amendment—to leave out the words

"and if any cotton spinner fails to comply with the requirements of any such notice within the time therein specified, he shall be liable on summary conviction to a fine not exceeding ten pounds for every day during which the default continues and any fine imposed under this Section shall be payable to the Corporation."

No, Sir,

CLAUSE 5.—(Short title and duration.)

This Act may be cited as the Cotton Industry Act, 1923, and Sections one to four of this Act both inclusive shall remain in force for a period of five years from the commencement of this Act and no longer.

Amendment made: Leave out the word "four," and insert instead thereof the word "three."—[ Sir P. Lloyd-Greame .]

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read the Third time."

I do not understand all that is contained in this Bill. My attention has been drawn to Clause 2. I am amazed to find that there are attached to the Bill the names of three or four hon. Members on the other side who, under the ten minutes' rule, have introduced into this House Bills which condemn compulsory levies in trade unions. Yet this Bill seeks to exert compulsion among the Master Cotton Spinners. This is an indication either that hon. Members have no regard what- ever for principle or that they have raised the bogey of compulsory levies only because those levies are paid by working men to their own trade union funds. A very great deal of feeling has been engendered on one or two occasions because hon. Members repudiated, lock, stock and barrel, any attempt to force working men to pay levies to a trade union. In this Bill, however, if the Master Cotton Spinners belonging to a trade union refuse to contribute a levy, hon. Members ask the assistance of the House to compel those Master Spinners to pay what, from the remarks made in Committee, appears to be an unwilling contribution. If this Bill is right in principle, it is an admission on the part of the hon. Members referred to that they have gone into the Lobby in the past to support Bills that are absolutely wrong.

The answer to the hon. Gentleman is very simple. In the case of the trade union the fund was raised for a political object. Under this Bill it is raised as a levy entirely for a trade purpose.

This Bill has no more resemblance to the Trade Union Act or to a political levy than it has to the differential calculus of the Copernican theory. The Bill is an attempt on the part of almost the whole of the cotton trade to deal with a very grave danger. The danger is that what was the largest exporting industry in the country before the War may be crippled in the immediate future by lack of raw material. It is, as a matter of fact, now suffering very severely from restriction of the product of its raw material and the too great concentration of its sources of supply in one country. In order to meet that very great difficulty, both employers and employed have tried their best to develop cotton-growing in different parts of the Empire and all over the world. The scheme that is laid down under the Bill and for which statutory power is sought, is a scheme which will put a burden upon the whole of the trade for the purpose of developing the growth of cotton wherever cotton can be grown, preferably within the Empire, without Protection of any kind, as a commercial proposition, in order to guarantee that the industry shall not be starved of its raw material. It is mere playing with words; it is showing an absolute lack of knowledge of the subject, to attempt to compare this Bill with either a trade union levy or the Trade Union Act. It has no resemblance in any sense whatever.

The position of the workers in Lancashire is perhaps better known to myself than to the hon. Member for Broxtowe (Mr. G. Spencer), and he will pardon me for saying that, as I accept him as an authority on mining matters, I hope he will pay some tribute to my superior knowledge of the industry of cotton-weaving. So far as the organisation of workers in the cotton trades in Lancashire is concerned, there is no doubt whatever as to their attitude. Over and over again, in meeting and in conference and in congress, they have disclosed their opinions quite freely and quite openly, and their opinions are, as are the opinions of everybody concerned in the cotton trade, that there is the gravest possible danger to the industry; that this is one of the means of safeguarding the industry and of giving it a chance of getting its raw material. The overwhelming proportion of the trade is quite prepared to meet this eventuality, but just as there are people who refuse to pay Income Tax and have to be forced to do so, so there are one or two individuals in the cotton trade who adopt that attitude. The compulsion is intended, not to compel a whole body of unwilling people, but to make certain that the scheme shall not fail from one or two refusing, and the thing spreading like a dry rot. That is why compulsion is inserted. For my part, I have not the slightest objection to compelling anybody in the State to do anything that is necessary for the good government and security of the State and its inhabitants. Compulsion is a thing that exists all through life. We are compelled to refrain from taking certain things at certain hours of the day.

Right hon. and hon. Gentlemen on the other side know the names better than I do. I am sure their vocabulary is wider. We are compelled to pay taxes. The fact that there is compulsion in the Bill is, I think, a mere detail in comparison with the aim of the Bill. The aim of the Bill is to guarantee that the greatest exporting industry of our country shall be secured, so far as it is humanly possible to secure it, a supply of raw material. We are all agreed—workers' organisations like employers' organisations—that our people, if they have to work, must have raw cotton. This is one of the means of securing a supply of raw cotton and I ask the House not to be led away by theories about Trade Union Acts and political levies. The Bill has nothing to do with them. It is a common-sense effort on the part of Lancashire to solve the problem, and we ask for legislative action to prevent a few people from setting up an opposition which would start a dry rot and stop the whole thing.

I should like to protest against the suggestion that there is anything inconsistent between the action of Lancashire Conservatives in objecting to trade union levies for political purposes, and in supporting this Bill. There is no analogy whatever between a levy upon trade unionists for party purposes, and a levy upon cotton spinners for essentially national purposes, and with the object of safeguarding the future well-being of the community in which these cotton spinners live. I do not think the hon. Gentleman who raised this point, and made this charge, realises in the least how vital to the whole cotton industry in Lancashire and everybody engaged in it, is the safeguarding of the future of their raw cotton supplies. I think he must have forgotten the experience which the country went through during the Lancashire cotton famine when, owing to the shortage of supplies in our cotton, terrible unemployment raged in Lancashire, and the greatest misery was inflicted upon the people. If in those days the conditions of those engaged in the cotton industry were precarious, they are infinitely more precarious now, when people have become more and more divorced from life on the land and are more and more absorbed in the great urban industry of cotton manufacture.

The well-being of millions of people in Lancashire, directly or indirectly, is bound up with the cotton trade, and the cotton trade would starve if raw materials ceased to be available in due abundance; and during the last few years, owing to the increased absorption of the American cotton by the American mills, owing to the devastation of the boll weavil in the American cotton crops, and to the baneful influence of politics and speculation in America, there has been a steady and dangerous diminution in the supply of American raw cotton. There is no other available source of cotton supply from which we can draw anything like a countervailing supply to meet this diminution. Even in Egypt, where the type of cotton is different, the yield per acre is less than it was before the War. That means that the future of this industry is in danger. It is our greatest exporting industry, and upon the success of this not only does the well-being of Lancashire depend, but the whole welfare of the country. It is only by keeping up our cotton exports that we can hope to be able to get raw materials and food supplies from abroad; therefore its security is not only a local need; it is a national need

Something has been said about the disadvantage of compulsion. The only reason why the levy has been made compulsory is that a large number of those willing to pay are unwilling to continue their payments unless everybody comes in. They do not see why they should pay for benefits for those who do not bear their share of the burden. That is the sole reason for compulsion. As a matter of fact, this is in reality a vindication and a triumph of the voluntary principle, because this is, in substance, a self-denying ordinance. It is unique in the history, not only of England, but of the world, for a body or section of the population to come forward and ask Parliament to impose a financial burden upon them. There is no parallel in history, and, I imagine, there can be no parallel in any other country at the present time. They come forward absolutely of their own volition and initiative with the proposal that this voluntary levy should have compulsory sanction given it by Imperial Parliament. They are placing this burden upon their own shoulders in order to safeguard themselves and their families against the great calamity of unemployment. I believe that this Measure—[HON. MEMBERS: "Divide, divide," and "Agreed!"]—I am glad it is agreed, and I will leave it at that.

12 M.

This Bill went through the Second reading without a word of discussion. In the last Parliament I voted for it, and that is some proof that I am not opposed to the principle of the Bill. We have been told that this Measure is necessary for essentially national purposes. I agree, and I think it is rather fitting that we have had this Bill brought forward by a public-spirited section of the community in the form of a private Member's Bill which the Government have starred. We all agree that there should be ample supplies of cotton for one of our great basic industries, but I would prefer Government assistance being given direct to the Empire Cotton Growing Corporation. I know that that Corporation is composed of very admirable gentlemen, but what I want to point out is that if the Government gave assistance to this Corporation, and it afterwards became hide-bound or reactionary we could then criticise its policy in this House, whereas now it will be a private corporation making a special levy on a section industrial of industry in this country and it will only be open to the criticisms of its own associates and shareholders. I know it will be said that if the Government are allowed to become connected with this corporation there will be too much red tape about it, but that course, at any rate, would give us some power of criticism which, when properly exercised, often does something to ginger up Governments. [HON. MEMBERS: "Agreed, agreed!"] The hon. and learned Member for Moss Side (Mr. Hurst) said the United States of America were the only available source of our cotton supply in large quantities, and that there was no other source open to us which could supply us with cotton in sufficient quantities. That statement is not true. The hon. and learned Gentleman mentioned Egypt, but there is also the Sudan. I know it is said that the Sudanese cotton is not suitable because it is too short in the staple. [HON. MEMBERS: "It is too long" and "No."] There is some question as to its suitability. The Under-Secretary for the Colonies takes upon himself to say "No." I quoted the opinion of very able Egyptian agriculturists who know the cotton growing industry very well, in the memorable Debate in this House on the Sudanese Guarantee, and the Under-Secretary then was not prepared to repudiate my statement. I shall be very glad to hear him do so later on. There is a part of the world where cotton is available. It is that part of Asia Minor comprised within the boundaries of Turkestan, Bokhara and Ferghana.

I challenge the hon. and gallant Gentleman to give any figures whatever to prove that there is enough cotton there to keep one Lancashire mill going for one week. The time required for growth would mean starvation to our Lancashire mills.

Perhaps the two hon. Members will prove it outside. Where the cotton is to be grown has no relevance to this Debate.

I bow to your ruling, Mr. Speaker, but I understood you to allow the hon. and gallant Member for Moss Side to describe the Egyptian and American cotton-growing areas, and I was adding to his list. If I am not in order, I will not pursue it. The Empire Cotton Growing Corporation is mentioned in the Bill. The hon. Member for Preston (Mr. T. Shaw) told us that it was not solely paying attention to the Empire, and I was very glad to hear that. I hope the textile industry in Manchester is not so narrow-minded as to think that only the Empire can grow—

If the hon. and gallant Gentleman will permit me to say so, I am afraid his lack of technical knowledge has led him into error. There is a cotton-growing association that has shares. Its seat is in Manchester. This is the Empire Corporation, which has no shares at all. Consequently, if he will keep in mind the difference between the association and the corporation he may attain greater accuracy than he has achieved up to now.

The hon. Member for Preston accuses me of a lack of technical knowledge, and quite justly, but I would remind him that experts sometimes disagree—[HON. MEMBERS: "Oh!"]—and we in this House have sometimes to judge between them.

The fact remains—I think I am in orderhere—that the cotton-growing industry in those parts of the world in Asia which I have mentioned can be and should be of the greatest importance. I do not, want to reply to the irrelevant interruption of the hon. Member opposite—[HON. MEMBERS: "Because you cannot!"] I am able to do so, but I do not want to go against the ruling of Mr. Speaker. There are tremendous cotton-growing possibilities outside Egypt and the United States of America, and I only hope that this corporation, and the other body associated with it, will not confine their efforts to the Empire, but will look widely, and without prejudice, over all parts of the world where cotton can be grown. This is the only opportunity there has been for hon. Members who were not on the Committee upstairs to say one word about this Bill, which is of some importance, and I therefore offer no apology whatever for the few remarks I have made.

This Bill has been detained by the House for many weeks. [HON. MEMBERS: "Divide!"] There is only one point to which I wish to call attention. I gather that the real objection to the Bill is on the ground of compulsion. We have sometimes been challenged that in the cotton-spinning industry the employers in the trade do not pay as much attention to research as they ought to do. The minority of the cotton trade, who are, in my opinion, selfishly opposed to this, are those from whom the cotton trade, which is now carrying on research, better than any cotton trade in the world—[HON. MEMBERS: "Divide!"] I will only take two minutes if hon. Members will allow me to proceed. I say that this minority, who are now objecting to what ought to be a self-imposed levy, is the same minority that has objected to pay any part of the cost of that research now being carried on.

Question, "That the Bill be now read the Third time," put, and agreed to.

Bill accordingly read the Third time, and passed.

East India Loans [Railways and Irrigation]

Considered in Committee.

[Mr. JAMES HOPE in the Chair.]

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That it is expedient to authorise the Secretary of State in Council of India to raise in Great Britain, on the security of the revenues of India, by the creation and issue of capital stock, bonds, debentures, or bills—

I would like to explain in a few words the meaning of this Resolution. Under a Statute which has been in existence for a great many years, the Secretary of State for India can only borrow money in the United Kingdom on behalf of the Government of India for its requirements to such an extent as is authorised by Act of Parliament. There have been a long series of such Acts, known as the East India Loan Acts, and it has been the recent practice of such Acts to authorise separately for borrowing for specific productive purposes, such as irrigation and railway works, and, secondly, for general purposes. In the Resolution permission is sought, as the Committee will see, to raise fifty million pounds for productive purposes and fifteen million pounds for general purposes. As regards pararaph (1, a ), the House last year passed a Bill to authorise the raising of fifty millions for productive purposes. I did not anticipate, at the time I came to the House to ask permission, that it would be necessary to come to the House for fresh powers for some time, but during the last 12 months conditions for borrowing in this country have been far more favourable since last April, and, therefore, these conditions have enabled the Government of India to push on with their productive railway programme. As the question was raised last year, and will no doubt be raised again this year, I would like to mention that of the orders required, no less than 25 per cent. have been placed in the United Kingdom.

As regards general powers, the last occasion on which Parliament granted them was in the year 1908. In 1908 the amount was nine millions and previous to that, in the year 1898, it was 10 millions. To-day the outstanding balance is something less than three millions, which in the opinion of my Noble Friend is too small for contingencies, especially in a country situated as India is. I should say here that, as the Committee is aware, the Indian Budget has been balanced, and the Secretary of State does not contemplate having to use these powers for the purpose of financing further deficits. It may prove advantageous, as it has done on previous occasions in the history of India, to utilise these powers for carrying part of the Indian short term debt. But quite apart from that, it is always necessary in the case of India to have a small margin for general purposes, such as the failure of the monsoon and things of that kind.

This Resolution will not require any lengthy remarks from me. In the first place, a very large portion of the amount required under paragraph ( a ) will be utilised for the extension and improvement of the railways. Under the old conditions the railways in India have first been started by private companies, and after the operation of a certain number of years they have been taken over by the Government of India on behalf of the people of India. After being taken over and in spite of that there are still railways which are managed by the Government through the agency of private companies. The Noble Lord might give us some indication as to whether he is going to give any consideration to the almost unanimous opinion in India on this matter—

On a point of Order. Is this in order on a Financial Resolution? I understood that the only point to be raised was as to the money required. This question of the distribution or application of the moneys after the Resolution has been allowed would, surely, be a matter of amendment on the Bill.

On that point of Order. May I put it to you, Mr. Hope, that the hon. and learned Member is quite beside the point? There is no money passing here. This is really more in the nature of a Bill. It is a question of allowing the Secretary of State to do certain things. No actual money is being authorised by the House, no Bill is printed, no Bill has been brought in, and, therefore, are we not in order in discussing the matter widely?

This is a Resolution on which a Bill will be founded, and one of the provisions of the Resolution is the construction, etc., of railways by State agency or through the agency of companies. If the hon. Member is arguing that the money provided by the Bill shall only go to State-managed railways, or to railways owned by companies, he would, so far, be in order; but, of course, a general discussion on nationalisation would not be in order.

I will follow the procedure you have been good enough to suggest. The position is that, if the Government of India are permitted to raise funds for the benefit of certain railways, which are then to be managed by private companies, then the people of India, who have ultimately got to bear the brunt, will feel that they are not being treated properly—that the money raised on their behalf and responsibility is utilised and managed, not by the Government that raises the money, but by private companies who have secured that money, which they feel to be very wrong. With the people of India it is not a question of nationalisation versus private enterprise, but, if the railroad is taken up with the money of the people of India, and the Government feel that it ought to be managed by private corporations, they ought first to make an attempt to find such private corporations in India, composed of Indians, to run these railways. The native population of India are almost unanimous in their opinion that it would be far better if the railroads were all managed by the Government through one Department. Probably the expense, by the present pro- cess, is much higher, and the money, therefore, that it is required to raise, is unnecessarily higher than it ought to have been. Had the management of the railways been given, on behalf of the Government, to one competent and well-tried agency, there would have been some advantage, some uniformity of policy and of specification, some standardisation, and consequent economy; but here each railroad, started, as it was, by a separate company, is handed over to a private corporation, not in India, but in England. Hence you may have, say, 1,000 miles of roalroad managed by two companies, one managing it from one end and the other from the other. It would be better to hand over the railroads to one competent company than to three or four boards of directors managing them from here.

Again, the position is undergoing a certain amount of alteration, to which the present Bill does not respond. When the railways were handed over to private corporations, that was done by the Government of India in order to introduce a certain element of popular control through some firm of merchants. Since then it is claimed that a change has come about through the creation of Councils, giving popular control, and, in view of that, the people's demand for absolutely State-managed railways gains force from a new argument which formerly did not exist. Moreover, last year the Government of India voted large sums of money for the High Commissioner's office here, which is now competent to effect purchases on a commercial basis, with the commercial knowledge and financial experience which the India Office, a purely official and political Department, may have lacked. I submit that the time has now arrived when these considerations, owing to the alterations in the conditions, might be taken into account. As regards the loan that is to be raised in this country, we have no indication as to the terms and rate of interest. Last time, as I suppose the Noble Lord is aware, when a similar loan was raised here under what we may term the double guarantee of the Indian Government, and at least the moral protection of the British Government, it was raised at a high rate, namely, 7 per cent.

Not the last one, but one of these loans was a 7 per cent. We do not know the amount of interest that would be fixed here. When the Government of India is raising a loan partly in India and partly in England, the rate of interest should be the same in each case. One may be a rupee loan and the other in sterling, but the rate of interest in equity should be equal in each case. The Government of India were asked to consider the question whether raising too many loans drew too much money away from industrial life to Government investments, and they put forward the suggestion that the loans themselves may be deposited with the banks and act as security to keep the industrial concerns going. But when the Government raise two loans, one at 5 per cent. in India and another at 6 or 7 per cent. in Great Britain, the loan with the higher interest naturally depreciates the money-raising value of the loan with lower interest in India, and that affects the trading position. I trust that the Noble Lord, in matters affecting these loans, will bear in mind these particular points which we submit from past experience.

The Noble Lord has no reason to be satisfied with the time at which he has to bring forward this proposal. Half past twelve o'clock is not a time at which the Committee can deal properly with the large amount of £50,000,000 comprised in this proposal, but it seems to be always the fate of India to have her position considered in very unfortunate circumstances. I would ask the Noble Lord if the Government of India have yet come to any decision as to how far State management should be introduced into the railway system of India, because we are asked to assent to the raising of loans which should be applied to the construction and improvement of railways by State agency or through the agency of companies. The hon. Gentleman who has just spoken seems to be of opinion that State management is a sort of Heaven-sent system of control of railways. One would infer from what he said that India was unanimous in asking for State railways. That is scarcely the fact. I know of eminent Indian economists and publicists who strongly favour the conduct of railways affairs in India through the agency of companies. Whether the companies are located in England or India I need not discuss, but eminent authorities still hold that company management is better.

I mentioned that native Indian opinion is almost unanimous, while European opinion is on the other side.

I would like to add just this, that we may congratulate the India Office upon the remarkable success which has attended the issue of an Indian loan in this country since the recent balancing of the Budget. The improvement in Indian securities generally has been very remarkable. An hon. Member opposite spoke just now of nothing being said as to how the money was to be applied. We are following precedent in this matter. There is no variation, so far as I can remember, from our past procedure. Powers have been given to the Secretary of State, and these powers have been used as the need arises. I would only say on that matter that I think we can trust the advisers of the India Office on matters of finance that they will be careful and deliberate in the exercise of their powers. There has been a very considerable issue of Indian loans in this country of late, and I think the people of India would look forward with a certain amount of anxiety if they thought that the Secretary of State were at all likely to be too hasty in using the Bowers which are to be given him in this Bill.

There are two rather curious things to notice. The first is that this matter, which, whatever our views on other things may be, it will be agreed is of a great importance, should be taken at this time of the morning, and I am very glad that the hon. Baronet opposite voiced the same view. The other matter is that it should be necessary for this House to give permission to the Secretary of State in Council to raise loans in Great Britain for railways and irrigation works when in the last few days we have had the Government of the Dutch East Indies floating loans successfully on the London market, and to-day we have the closing of the lists for the Tokyo Electric Light Company which, I understand, was over-subscribed. It is remarkable that we should have to authorise these powers to the Secretary of State in Council. Before we leave this matter the Noble Lord should explain why this should be necessary.

It is laid down in a Statute which has been in existence for 60 years.

I see, but now that India has some measure of self-government it is time that that Statute was repealed. It would be a step on the road to Indian Home Rule. The next point I want to raise is this. I do not want to go into the merits of whether railways in India should be run by the Indian Government or by private companies, but I think I am on safe ground in saying that the railway position in India, in comparison with other great countries of a much less population, is scandalous. The mileage per million of the population in India, compared, say, with the United States, or even with Russia, is very poor indeed, and it does not reflect much credit on our long rule in that country that the railways have made so little progress. I therefore welcome this Resolution. I would like to address another question to the Noble Lord. Is a Bill to be introduced to implement this Resolution?

Where is the Bill. There is no knowledge of it in the Vote Office?

We cannot introduce the Bill under the Standing Orders until we have got this Resolution.

I am much obliged, but why is that? There is no money involved. This Resolution simply authorises the Government of India to raise money in England. What is to prevent the Bill being brought in? I think we ought to be allowed to see the Bill if that is at all possible.

I am not responsible for the Standing Orders. We are simply carrying out the ordinary rules of the House.

I am much obliged. The only other point I wish to make is to reinforce what the hon. Member for North Battersea (Mr. Saklatvala) said. Is the Government going to exercise any powers over the rates at which loans are to be raised by the Government of India, as to the issue price and the rate of interest? I think that is of great importance. The Government ought to watch very carefully in order to see that the money is raised as cheaply as possible, and that we do not have a repetition of what happened the other day with regard to the Austrian loan, when the "stags" got busy and the whole business was most unfortunate. I do not suggest that anything of that kind can be done with regard to these loans in India, but I think this House should have some control over the price paid for money by that country.

I think a protest should be uttered by some of us about this Resolution. It is nothing more than an empty form. The Noble Lord has come down to ask for this permission because there is a Statute in existence. I need hardly say that I am in complete agreement that money should be raised, and with the purpose to which the money is to be devoted. But we know that this House is not responsible for the capital or interest on this loan. The taxpayer of Great Britain is not responsible if anything goes wrong with the service of the loan. Asking for permission to issue this loan here is really misleading the British public. The public has got it into its mind that permission being asked here implies a guarantee. We have no control over the Indian Budget. What good purpose is served by asking for this authority? The Statute by which the Under-Secretary is bound has now become like the appendix in the human body—quite useless, and it may be very harmful. The money could be raised by the Bank of England at the best price possible. The only thing that may happen by this is that some trustees may subscribe, thinking the loan has the sanction and the guarantee of this Parliament. It has no guarantee of any kind on the Consolidated Fund. There is no doubt about that. I am aware that the Secretary of State is helpless, but it is merely an empy form, and the time has come when this Statute should be repealed, so that the Government of India can borrow money here in England if it thinks proper, just as it borrows money in India at as cheap a rate as it can.

I would like to get a definite assurance from the Noble Lord on one point. Under this Financial Resolution I see authority is sought by the Secretary of State in Council for India to raise in Great Britain a sum of £50,000,000 for various purposes. Under paragraph ( a ) it says for

"The construction, extension, equipment, and improvement of railways in India by State agency or through the agency of companies."

The Noble Lord, in his remarks, referred to the amount of orders which have been placed in this country. I did not quite catch what he said, but if this money is to be raised in Great Britain and it is British capital, I would like to have an assurance from him that that money will be spent in England, so that the workers of this country should benefit and the orders are not placed on the Continent.

This is a most important Motion, and we really become partly responsible for 65 million pounds. Although we do not guarantee that amount in any way, at the same time, under this Statute, there is some sort of responsibility. We have advanced large sums to India quite recently. We alvanced 20 million pounds last month and a further 20 million pounds about four or five mouths ago. That is 40 million pounds. Besides these, there is a rupee loan at the present time, the interest being 1 per cent. less than the interest that is charged on the London loan, and that is a benefit to India. You also have the Provinces of India borrowing money. An internal debt is all right, for India can deal with it, but India is getting this immense amount of external debt. I am in favour of India having this loan, but at the same time you may over-develop a country like India, and great caution should be exercised in advancing another 65 million pounds before some of the development has fructified and produced some commodities which would enable India to pay this large amount. Then in regard to the prospectuses issued by the Indian Government, they give you no details of India at all. They are issued by the Bank of England, and I suggest that the Bank of England should continue to issue these prospectuses, but I do suggest that in the prospectuses you should put something about India, mention the exports and imports, and the important benefit India is to this country, also that India is, as I think, the largest buyer of cotton goods.

I will reply very breifly to the points made, and take them in chronological order. First of all, as regards the Member for North Battersea (Mr. Saklatvala), I think it is very doubtful whether it would be in order on this Resolution to deal with the question of State-managed versus company-managed railways, and I do not propose to run the risk. It would not be possible to discuss nationalisation, therefore I must ask to be excused from dealing with this matter. It is proposed to carry out by this Resolution a perfectly equitable distribution as between the two railway systems in the matter of spending the money. The hon. Member asked a further question as to the conditions under which the loan shall be issued. It is obviously impossible to give in advance the conditions under which a loan is to be issued, and that is my main answer also to the hon. Member for Sevenoaks (Sir T. Bennett). The hon. and gallant Gentleman the Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy) was anxious to know how information could be obtained as to the forms of issue of Indian Loans. If he cannot obtain the information from reading the ordinary stock exchange news, will he put down a question and I will answer it to the best of my ability.

Have we any sort of control as to the conditions of the issue, and any means of giving advice to the Government in Council, or offer criticism if the money is being bought too dearly?

Of course hon. Members have the right to question the Secretary of State.

The hon. Member has control over that, because the Government has control over it. The House cannot have control over anything except through the Government. My hon. Friend the Member for Farnham (Mr. A. M. Samuel) gave a speech to which I listened with great interest, and I think he agrees with a great deal of the policy of the Government. I hope he will not think me discourteous if I say that we cannot go into the question as to whether the Statute can be repealed.

I wanted to know what was the responsibility of this House in respect of the guaranteeing of the capital. If we have no responsibility whatever why ask for permission in this Resolution.

The difficulty I am in is that it is not possible on a Financial Resolution of this kind to discuss why a certain Act of Parliament should or should not be in existence. It has been in existence for a great many years. If the hon. Gentleman will raise the matter on the Second Reading of the Bill I should be very glad on that occasion to give him a very full answer. I think he is very much mistaken in his views. The hon. Member for Ilford (Mr. Wise) raised one matter of importance. He said, as I understand him, that he was averse to giving the Secretary of State in Council or the Government of India the advance of a further 65 millions until it was known how their present powers of productive borrowing had been carried out. I can assure him that the money is authorised for productive purposes. Every penny has been spent to the best advantage. The condition of the works on which it has been spent has certainly been greatly improved. The reports have been quite in favour of carrying out the scheme.

I tried to explain that in my opening remarks, that the Government of India have always had these powers from time immemorial. They must have a balance in time of emergency. Every Government must have such a balance. The only other question was a very important question raised by the hon. Member for Henley (Captain Terrell). The same question was raised by a relative of his formerly in the House last year. On that occasion I pointed out that the British Government generally—not any particular Government—is bound by the fact that the late Government and the Secretary of State accepted the Resolution which was passed by the Legislative Assembly in these terms:

"This Assembly recommends to the Governor-General in Council that the High Commissioner for India in London should be instructed by the Government of India to buy ordinarily the stores required for India in the cheapest market consistently with quality and delivery and every case where this rule has not been followed should be communicated to the Government of India with full reasons for the information of the Legislative Assembly."

That Resolution was accepted. May I say what the practical result of carrying out this policy has been. I think it should be placed on record as the greatest possible tribute to the healthy state of British trade. As a result of carrying out that Resolution out of a very large sum of money spent for railway purposes, 95 per cent. has been spent in this country. My hon. and gallant Friend, having heard those figures, will not, I am sure, ask me for any further assurance on this matter, and I have every confidence the position will be equally good in the future.

But can the Noble Lord get the prospectuses improved? I feel certain it would improve the credit of India at least half per cent.

Such a suggestion from such an authority will receive careful attention, and I will mention it myself to my Noble Friend. The favourable manner in which we were able to borrow money recently does not show that we ought to have much fear.

Will the Noble Lord consider the advisability of making a representation to the Indian Government, if sanction be given that the money be raised, that it should be spent in this country? After all it is British money. A representation would do no harm.

I have explained already the history of the Resolution by which we are bound. It is British money, but so is money borrowed here by Brazil, South Africa or any other country. The result of carrying out that Resolution is that 95 per cent. of the money is spent in this country. It is not helping the interests he is anxious to help by endeavouring to stress the fact where no stress is necessary.

Question put, and agreed to.

Resolution to be reported To-morrow.

Gas Regulation Act, 1920

Resolved,

"That the draft of a Special Order proposed to be made by the Board of Trade under Section 10 of the Gas Regulation Act, 1920, on the application of the Ipswich Gas Light Company, which was presented on the 6th June and published, be approved."—[ Viscount Wolmer .]

The remaining Orders were read, and postponed .

It being after half-past Eleven of the Clock upon Wednesday evening Mr. DEPUTY-SPEAKER adjourned the House, without Question put, pursuant to the Standing Order .

Adjourned at Two Minutes before One o'Clock a.m.