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Commons Chamber

Volume 171: debated on Wednesday 26 March 1924

House of Commons

Wednesday, March 26, 1924

The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.

Oral Answers to Questions

Questions

Russia and Italy

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he can now give any information as to the terms regarding the Russian-Italian Treaty; and whether the text of that Treaty will be published in England?

The text of the Treaty has now been received, and will be published in the Board of Trade Journal as soon as it has been translated. It is a long document, which I cannot summarise within the limits of an answer to a Parliamentary question.

Persia

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether a Republic or other change in the Government has been proclaimed in Persia; and what is the attitude of His Majesty's Government towards the new Persian Government?

So far as I am aware, the answer to the first part of the question is in the negative. The second part does not, therefore, arise.

Can the hon. Gentleman tell us if the Shah has been deposed, as stated in the papers?

I am afraid that I cannot add anything to the answer which I have given.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he is in a position to make any statement with regard to existing political conditions in Persia?

The political situation in Persia is somewhat obscure, and no statement on the subject can be made for the present.

Wei-Hai-Wei

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he is in a position to inform the House when effect will be given to the promise made by Lord Balfour, on behalf of the British Government, that Wei-hai-Wei would be restored to China?

This question was put by the hon. Member for Ashton-under-Lyne (Sir W. de Frece) on 18th March, and I have nothing to report in addition to the answer I then gave.

Peace Treaties

Military Forces, Germany

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs what steps are at present being taken by the Allies to enforce the observance by Germany of the provisions of the Versailles Treaty with regard to the upkeep of military forces; and whether he has received any information as to the recent prosecution by the German Government of Professor Quidde, the president of the German Pacifist Society, for calling attention to the widespread military training now going on in all parts of Germany under the supervision of the Reichswehr?

Owing to abnormal events at the beginning of 1923, full military control was suspended. The Allies now propose to resume control, to which they are entitled by Treaty. Negotiations are at present in progress with the German Government on future proceedings. As regards the last part of the question, the answer is in the affirmative. Papers have only just reached us, and the matter is now under consideration.

Austria (Railway Bonds)

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether British residents who prior to the War held bonds in Austrian railways, guaranteed as to principal and interest by the late Austrian Imperial Government, have any remedy against the confiscation of their property through these railways having passed into the hands of friendly Governments, maintained or created with the acquiescence of His Majesty's Government by the Treaty of St. Germain-en-Laye, signed by the present Austrian Government on 10th September, 1919?

The Reparation Commission has allocated the secured debt among the States concerned in accordance with Article 203 of the Treaty of St. Germain, and these obligations have been accepted except in the case of the "Iron Gates" loan and a railway loan assigned to Roumania. The States concerned are now considering the best technical arrangement for meeting their obligations. If the hon. and gallant Member is interested in any particular case and will give me details, I shall be happy to have inquiries made.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that I have in my hand a letter from the Department for the administration of the Austrian property, in which it is stated that so far no admission of liability on the bonds under Article 248 of the Treaty of St. Germain-en-Laye has been received through the Austrian clearing office?

League of Nations

Saar Commission

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether the question of the appointment of members of the Saar Governing Commission was on the agenda of the Council of the League of Nations last December; whether, though the actual appointment was postponed till the March meeting of the Council, any agreement was then reached as to the candidature of Herr Rossmann as Saarois member of the Com- mission; and, if so, whether documents recording the fact have been deposited in the Foreign Office?

The answer to all three parts of the question is in the affirmative. In the report which will be issued this matter will be dealt with.

In view of that reply, which shows that this information has been in the possession of the Foreign Office for two months, would the Foreign Secretary be prepared to qualify the statement he made last Friday as regards the Lord President of the Council having had to "struggle with commitments undisclosed"?

Outstanding Questions

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the successful handling of the Memel question by the League of Nations, His Majesty's Government proposes to suggest the reference of other outstanding questions to the League?

His Majesty's Government is very gratified by the settlement of this trouble. To answer the hon. and gallant Member's question a general statement of the policy of the Government in regard to matters of an unspecified and hypothetical character would be required. I cannot usefully add to the announcements already made regarding the attitude of the Government towards the League.

Will the right hon. Gentleman consider the question of referring the quarrels in the Liberal party to the League? [HON. MEMBERS: "And the quarrels in the Tory party?"]

Floating Mines (European Waters)

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether his attention has been called to the fact that 15 lives were lost last week by the explosion of a mine off Aboukir; if, seeing that there is an international arrangement for sweeping and destruction of mines in the Mediterranean Sea and in European waters, he can say how many live mines have been found and destroyed in European waters during the past 12 months; how many vessels have been damaged or lost in consequence of striking mines during the same period; and whether there has been any loss of life as a result?

I have been asked to reply, and as the answer is somewhat long, I will, with the hon. Member's permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Following is the answer:

No details of this accident other than those which have appeared in the Press have yet been received. The cause was presumably a drifting mine. For some years to come a few floating mines may drift about the seas and oceans of the world. Past experience has proved that the danger from these to merchant shipping is very slight indeed. When practicable, His Majesty's ships search for and destroy drifting mines of which reliable reports have been received. The international arrangement for sweeping mines refers to moored mines only. According to reports received, all European waters and the Mediterranean Sea are clear of moored mines, with the exception of certain areas in the Black Sea and Gulf of Finland, the details of which are contained in mine warnings to mariners. Reports of the destruction of a total of 36 drifting mines or mines that have been washed ashore have been received during the past 12 months. Others may have been destroyed and not reported. The numbers of moored mines destroyed are not available. The s.s. "Dayton" was damaged in the Gulf of Finland, by what was assumed to have been a moored mine, last September. As far as it is known, one man was killed. No other casualties from mines have been reported in European waters during the past 12 months.

Cadets (Foreign Navies)

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty what fees are charged for naval cadets or naval students under training for the officers' corps of the French, American, and Japanese Navies, respectively, reduced to sterling?

As regards the United States and Japan, no fees are charged. In the case of France, the cost of board and lodging, amounting to £28 per annum at the par rate of exchange, has to be defrayed by the cadets' parents or guardian, but this cost is covered by scholarships in certain exceptional cases.

Why should we lag behind these other friendly Navies and not open Dartmouth's gates to all candidates?

I think I promised my hon. and gallant Friend on the Estimates that I was going to look into this question and see whether anything could be done.

China Station (Piracy)

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty whether, in view of the fact that piracies are being carried out upon British mercantile vessels in Chinese waters, he will issue instructions to His Majesty's ships at present lying in Hong Kong to patrol the coast with a view to preventing similar occurrences in future?

His Majesty's vessels on the China Station are continually patrolling with the principal object of checking piracy. I should, however, emphasise that the usual method adopted in these piracies or robberies is for men to come on board the ships as passengers and wait an opportunity of holding up the officers and crew at a lonely spot, usually at night. A stricter supervision of passengers at the port of departure is the only effective method of stopping this form of outrage, and I understand that my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for the Colonies is now awaiting a report from the Governor of Hong Kong as to the steps that can be taken.

Royal Navy

Welfare Conference

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty whether, in view of the fact that the last Welfare Conference took place in May, 1922, and that it was proposed to convene similar meetings every alternate year, he can now state the date of calling of the next Conference?

This matter is under consideration, and an announcement will shortly be made in Fleet Orders.

Aircraft Carriers

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty how many aircraft carriers are now completed for service in the Royal Navy; what is the flying equipment of each carrier; and whether each carrier completed and in full commission has her full flying equipment?

Three aircraft carriers are now completed for service, and these are in commission. The equipment of each carrier varies as occasion may require, both as to type and number of machines. The answer to the last part of the question is in the affirmative.

Clerical Class

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty if he is aware that regulations regarding examination for entry into the Departmental clerical class of the Admiralty, which includes His Majesty's naval establishments, have been issued which will cause great hardship to certain naval pensioners now employed as temporary clerks; and if he will assist the operation of resettlement of pensioners of ex-naval accountant branch ratings by continuing the present system of entering temporary clerks and writers into His Majesty's naval establishments with the prospect of being placed on the established lists?

The departmental clerical examination will not affect the position of pensioner's employed as temporary clerks, unless they are serving in Departments, etc., other than those normally staffed by pensioner clerks. Such clerks are normally employed in the cash and secretarial staffs of the dockyards, etc., in the naval hospitals and colleges, and as clerks to district intelligence officers abroad. It has been open to any pensioners employed as temporary clerks in Departments, etc., not normally staffed by pensioner clerks, if qualified by age and service, to take the departmental clerical examination with a view to appointment as departmental third grade clerks. Moreover, such pensioners are eligible for consideration for transfer to Departments normally staffed by pensioner clerks. As regards pensioners already employed in Departments so staffed, there is no intention of altering the existing arrangements indicated in the second part of the question.

Vocational Training

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty if, in view of the regulations regarding vocational training promulgated to the Fleet in Admiralty Fleet Order No. 498/24, he will consider the desirability of stimulating this policy by fixing a definite percentage of vacancies in His Majesty's naval establishments to be filled by ex-naval and marine ratings?

The general question of reserving a proportion of vacancies in Government employment for ex-service men is still under the consideration of an inter-Departmental Committee. I will, with the hon. Member's permission, circulate in the OFFICIAL REPORT the orders issued in February, 1923, in regard to filling vacancies in Admiralty establishments which are still in force.

The orders are as follow:

In filling vacancies for workmen in Admiralty establishments, in addition to the general preference given to ex-service men, special preference is to be given to ex-Naval men (including ex-Royal Marines), always provided that the men selected are in no way less qualified to fill the vacancies than other ex-service or non-service candidates. In order that in particularly deserving cases men may not be debarred from employment, it has been decided that during the next two years the existing rule, requiring that the proportion of Army and Navy reservists employed in His Majesty's dockyards should not exceed 15 per cent. of the total numbers borne, may be relaxed at the discretion of the Admiral Superintendent (A.F.O. 432 of 16th February, 1923).

Dockyard Officers and Clerks (Duties)

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty if he is aware that certain dockyard officers and clerks in the Supply and Accountancy Department of His Majesty's dockyards were called upon to perform duties in higher grades pending settlement of post-War complements; will he recommend the award of a gratuity for such service; and if he is aware that difference of pay is authorised in the Naval Service for duties performed in higher grades where the authorised complement is not borne?

As the reply is somewhat long, I will, with the hon. Member's permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT

Following is the reply:

The statement in the first part of the question is substantially correct. The cases concerned comprise two classes, namely, (1) those of officers who carried out higher duties during the period from the 1st April, 1922, when the post-War complements were approved, to the 31st October, 1922, when the post-War complements were brought into effect, and acting appointments in excess of approved post-War numbers were terminated, and (2) those who carried out such duties after the 31st October, 1922, owing to delays in the arrival of their reliefs, etc. The case of those comprised in the second category has already been fully considered, and it has been decided that it is not practicable either to grant acting appointments on the post-War scales or to award gratuities. The position of the remainder is at present under consideration. The conditions of service applicable to Naval personnel are so materially different from those applicable to civilian staff that the practice adopted in regard to the former could not be accepted as appropriate to the latter.

Inventors (Rights)

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty if a decision has been arrived at on Item 52 of the 1922 welfare requests concerning the rights of naval inventors?

I would refer the hon. Member to the reply of 27th February to the Noble Lady the Member for Sutton (Viscountess Astor).

Singapore Naval Base

asked the Prime Minister whether the Government, before deciding to abandon the Singapore scheme, communicated with any and, if so, which foreign countries on the subject, or whether they received assurances from any and, if so, which foreign country promising a corresponding reduction in armaments, either actual or contemplated?

Unemployment

Benefit

asked the Minister of Labour whether his attention has been called to the case of Alexander Fraser, seaman, of Stromness, who became entitled to unemployment benefit from 30th June to 15th August, 1921, but in respect of whose claim 17 days only of benefit were allowed; whether this penalisation was due to an alteration in the regulations for the registration of seamen's claims as between Kirkwall and Aberdeen; and whether, in view of the fact that the man claimed at Aberdeen on instructions given him at Kirkwall, he can now be allowed benefit for the full period to which he is entitled?

Under the procedure operative up to 20th July, 1921, a claim from Fraser, who was a seaman residing at Stromness, could not be admitted at Kirkwall. Fraser attempted to claim at Kirkwall on 9th July and was referred to Aberdeen, where he lodged a claim on 30th July. This claim has been ante-dated to 20th July, the earliest date at which a claim could have been accepted from him at Kirkwall, and this is the utmost concession which it is possible to make.

asked the Minister of Labour whether he is aware that a heavy additional burden will be thrown on the Poor Rates of many local authorities on and after the 16th of next month owing to the exhaustion of unemployment benefit under the existing Act; is he prepared to take the necessary steps to secure the passing into law at once of a measure extending the payment of unemployed benefit so that there shall be no gap occurring on 17th April; and, if so, when does he propose to introduce the same?

I am aware of the facts mentioned, and hope to introduce a Bill next week to deal with the subject.

asked the Minister of Labour if employment exchange officials are instructed to inform persons receiving unemployment pay how many hours' work on how many days in any week insured persons may be employed without becoming disqualified for the receipt of unemployment benefit; and will he state what these instructions are?

The required information is contained in an explanatory leaflet (U.I.L. 8), copies of which may be obtained on application at any local office. In addition there is exhibited at all local offices a poster calling attention to the general rule that the unemployed register must not be signed by an applicant on any day on which he follows any occupation from which he derives remuneration or profit. Further, local officers are instructed to explain the position whenever necessary.

Could the right hon. Gentleman kindly say how many hours of work an unemployed person receiving unemployment pay may do during one week?

That information is contained in the leaflet, which can easily be obtained. I will send the hon. Member a copy.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the poster is not always exhibited, and that many men have suffered very seriously in pocket through unwittingly taking employment while enjoying benefit?

I am not aware of that, but wherever it can be proved that a man has suffered through lack of exhibition of the poster I will look into it at once.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that I brought a case of this kind before the Ministry of Labour and received no satisfaction?

Government Schemes and Expenditure

asked the Minister of Labour whether he can now provide the figures of the amounts actually spent during the last winter in providing employment for the unemployed of the some 50 millions provided last autumn in cash or credit by the last Government; whether any money is now being spent in providing work in addition to that 50 millions; and whether any part of the original amount still unexpended will have to go back automatically to the Treasury on the 31st of March next?

The sum of £50 millions was made up of

As regards roads, bridges and the Unemployment Grants Committee schemes, various commitments have been entered into which will involve payments in future years A statement detailing the various schemes and the money now being spent apart from the £50 millions spoken of has been prepared, and will be circulated in the OFFICIAL REPORT. The local authorities and companies to whom grants have been promised or credit granted are proceeding with their schemes. No moneys have, however, yet been paid out of the Exchequer in respect of these schemes. About £250,000 will have been paid out of the Road Fund (which, however, is derived from motor taxes and not from voted moneys) by 31st March, 1924.

No part of the moneys involved in the schemes referred to in the £50 millions programme will revert to the Exchequer at 31st March.

While thanking the right hon. Gentleman for promising to circulate further information, may I ask if he has not omitted the £7,750,000 which was voted, and which his predecessor said definitely would actually be spent before 31st March, in addition to the £14,000,000 he has mentioned in connection with road schemes; is it not the case that there is a special fund from the Exchequer to supplement the Road Board Fund, and has he spent any of that fund before 31st March?

There were several statements made about millions. One was made by my predecessor, to which I am referring; a second was made by, I forget which Cabinet Minister; and the third was made in the country by the right hon. Gentleman the ex-Minister of Health (Sir W. Joynson-Hicks). I have taken the one. They varied in statement from £50,000,000 to £100,000,000.

Is there any doubt that there was £7,750,000 which was going to be spent before 31st March on roads, quite apart from the additional £14,000,000, and has the right hon. Gentleman spent that money or has he not?

May I call the right hon. Gentleman's attention to the fact that I said I was circulating a statement in the OFFICIAL REPORT? I have given a very long answer, and if the right hon. Gentleman does not find his information, and will ask again, I shall be glad to endeavour to give it.

Will the statement which the right hon. Gentleman is going to circulate make it clear that no less than £20,000,000 worth of work was approved in addition by the late Government?

Can the right hon. Gentleman say if the Government have any fresh proposals for the relief of unemployment?

Am I to understand from the right hon. Gentleman's reply that, of the £50,000,000 voted by the last Government for the relief of unemployment, absolutely none has been spent during the last year?

I will willingly circulate any information that I have at my disposal. With regard to the last supplementary question, I cannot trace any part of this £50,000,000 as having been spent by the Treasury.

Will the right hon. Gentleman add, to the statement he is going to circulate, the number of men employed on work provided by the present Government?

If the right hon. Baronet will put a question down, I will do my best to give him an answer.

Is it not a most extraordinary state of affairs. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] I do not see any reason why hon. Members on the other side should applaud that. Seeing that we are so close to the end of the financial year, the House ought to have an opportunity of discussing this statement, and I should like to ask leave to move the Adjournment of the House to discuss the question.

Any question of administration will be open for discussion to-day or to-morrow.

Following is the statement promised:

1. The Right Hon. Member is, I think, under a misapprehension when he speaks of the sum of £50,000,000 as having been provided in cash or credit by the last Government for this purpose. The sum of £50,000,000 was, I believe, mentioned by the late Minister of Labour in a speech at Stationers' Hall on 16th October, 1923, as the "new expenditure now being initiated and as far as possible put in hand immediately."

This sum was made up of

£14,000,000, Road and Bridge programme.

£10,000,000, Extension of Unemployment Grants Committees schemes.

£12,000,000, Trade Facilities guarantees.

£10,000,000 to £15,000,000, Railway Companies' expenditure.

( a ) The cost of the £14,000,000 road and bridge programme, which is financed partly by local authorities and partly by grants out of the Road Fund and not from Voted Moneys, will fall largely on future years, and the actual disbursements up to 31st March, 1924, will be relatively small, say £250,000. Unexpended grants from the Road Fund are not surrenderable to the Exchequer, as the fund is derived from motor taxes and not from Voted Moneys. I should add that although no progress has been made in regard to the Liverpool-Manchester road (the estimated cost of which, namely, £3,000,000, is included in the figures), negotiations for the Glasgow-Edinburgh road (£2,000,000) are, it is hoped, on the point of completion. It is proposed that the Government should contribute about £1,500,000 to this latter scheme, and to the remainder of the programme (£9,000,000) a Road Fund contribution of approximately £6,500,000 is contemplated. The whole of this sum has been allocated to specific works.

( b ) Government assistance towards the £10,000,000 extension of Unemployment Grants Committee schemes takes the form of grants over a period of years towards interest and sinking fund charges or interest only on approved expenditure out of loans approved for grant. The initial grant is not normally paid till some six months after the loans have been raised. Accordingly, no payments out of the Exchequer in respect of the extension of the Unemployment Grants Committee schemes referred to will fall to be made before 31st March, 1924. The necessary provision will, however, be made in succeeding Estimates and the question of surrender, accordingly, has no significance. The amount of loan approved for grant on this programme up to the end of February, 1924, is approximately £5,000,000.

( c ) The third item was the amount of the guarantees given under the Trade Facilities Act between June and October; no money has actually been paid out of the Exchequer in respect of them, as they will only involve cash disbursements if and when losses to be borne by the Exchequer materialise.

( d ) The fourth item does not involve Government expenditure.

2. In reply to the second part of the question, the Right Hon. Member will appreciate that the money now being disbursed by the Government on unemployment relief schemes is mainly, if not wholly, in respect of work done some time ago. Work has, however, been provided during this winter under a number of schemes other than those mentioned above, and I give below some particulars together with details of the estimated expenditure by the Government during the financial year 1923–24.

(a) Road and Bridge Programmes.

The cost to completion as at the beginning of this financial year of programmes, other than the £14,000,000 mentioned above, was approximately £17,000,000. Towards this the Government will provide about £9,500,000, of which approximately £3,350,000 will fall to be disbursed by 31st March, 1924.

(b) Unemployment Grants Committee Loan Schemes.

Excluding the £10,000,000 programme referred to earlier, the Unemployment Grants Committee have this financial year approved for grant loans to the extent of over £12,500,000 in respect of relief works schemes. The Government contribution in this case is towards loan charges as they accrue and will be spread over a number of years. The capitalised Exchequer liability in respect of loans approved this financial year is approximately £3,900,000. During the financial year, Exchequer payments in respect of loan schemes will amount to £475,000, of which £40,000 is in respect of schemes sanctioned during the year.

(c) Unemployment Grants Committee Schemes assisted by Grants made on the basis of 60 per cent. of the Wages Cost.

Schemes costing £2,000,000 have been approved by the Unemployment Grants Committee for grant towards expenditure on wages during the financial year. Payments of Government grants during the year have amounted to £450,000.

(d) Drainage, Afforestation, etc., Schemes.

The provision for the winter of 1923–24 amounted to approximately £800,000, towards which the Exchequer will contribute approximately £400,000 by 31st March, 1924.

(e) Advancement of Government works; expedition of Contracts, etc.

£3,000,000 has been set aside during the current financial year. Particulars of the expenditure under this head are not at present available, but I will endeavour to obtain them if the right hon. Member so desires.

3. Guarantees under the Trade Facilities Acts to the extent of £38,000,000 in the aggregate and under the Export Credits Scheme to the extent of £8,000,000 are in operation at the present time to assist trade.

4.—( a ) The right hon. Member will realise that, however strenuously the necessary preliminaries are expedited, some interval must inevitably elapse between the initiation of relief works plans and the progress of work on any appreciable scale. The present Government was not called upon to take office before the worst of the winter months had passed and until it was too late to initiate new works which would affect this winter's unemployment.

( b ) The Government has, however, taken the following steps:

(i) The Unemployment Grants Committee has been authorised to exceed by £2,000,000 the limit on loan schemes which may be approved during the present financial year and to assist further schemes to the maximum value of £20,000,000 during 1924–25. The policy of confining schemes to winter months is to be discontinued.

(ii) The Ministry of Transport has been authorised to proceed with certain road and bridge schemes for which no financial provision had hitherto been made and has been requested to prepare a programme of works for the ensuing year, and to impress on local authorities the importance of proceeding with certain electricity schemes.

(iii) Further expenditure on drainage and afforestation schemes to the extent of £100,000 during this winter has been authorised.

(iv) The Trade Facilities Acts are, it is proposed, to be supplemented by a Bill now before the House increasing the sum for which guarantees may be given by £15,000,000 and making available the sum of £12,000,000 in guarantees, the power to grant which had been allowed to lapse by the late Government, and extending the time of operation to 31st March, 1925.

(v) The export Credits Scheme is being examined with a view to possible removal of restrictive rules.

(iv) The Secretary of State for the Colonies has been requested to submit proposals regarding Empire development work additional to the Kenya Uganda Railway Scheme.

Mining Industry (Contributions and Payments)

asked the Minister of Labour the amount paid into the Unemployed Insurance Fund as workmen's contributions, employers' contributions, and State contributions in the coal-mining industry for the year 1923; and the amount paid out to unemployed miners for the same year?

Separate accounts are not kept of the contributions and benefit for each industry. The total amount of contributions in respect of the coal-mining industry to the Unemployment Insurance Fund in 1923, however, may be roughly estimated as follows:

Insurance Fund

asked the Minister of Labour whether the insurance funds of his Department are subject to frequent valuation; whether he can say that the contributions are more than adequate to meet the claims for unemployment benefit; if so, whether he can either increase the scale of benefits or reduce the scale of contributions; and whether he will consider fixing the scale of benefits to be commensurate with the general standard of wages instead of the scale obtaining, even if it involved an increase in the contributions?

As the reply is somewhat long, I will if I may circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Following is the reply:

There is no specific provision for the periodical valuation of the Unemployment Fund. Section 16 of the Unemployment Insurance Act, 1920, permits a revision of the rates of contribution in certain circumstances at intervals of seven years, but Section 2 of the Unemployment Insurance (No. 2) Act, 1921, provides that the present rates of contribution are to be maintained during the deficiency period of the Unemployment Fund as defined by Section 16 of that Act.

The revenue of the fund during the past year has been more than sufficient to cover the expenditure, but, as the debt of the fund is still between 10 and 11 millions, no question yet arises of altering the rates of contribution on financial grounds.

Exchanges (Cumberland)

asked the Minister of Labour whether he is aware that at Nenthead, in Cumberland, there is no Employment Exchange, and that in the district there is a considerable number of people out of work who have to walk many miles to draw their out-of-work pay, which causes them, particularly in winter, very great hardship; and, under the circumstances, will he consider opening an Employment Exchange at Nenthead?

I am informed that 28 Nenthead claimants are attending the Alston Employment Office, 4½ miles distant, once weekly. I am afraid the circumstances do not warrant the opening of an office at Nenthead. I am, however, making inquiry as to the possibility of an improvement on present arrangements.

Relief Works

asked the Minister of Labour whether he is aware that, as on relief works towards which a Government grant has been made 75 per cent. of the men employed must be ex-service men, men who were not of military age during the War are now therefore excluded; whether he is aware also that large numbers of men now unemployed were not demanded for military service because of disability or the nature of their employment; and, if so, will he consider the advisability of making poverty and domestic hardship the test of employment on such schemes?

As stated in the reply to the hon. Member for Epping (Sir L. Lyle) on 12th March, the grant-making Departments have discretion to allow less than the ordinary minimum of 75 per cent. of ex-service men to be employed in special circumstances. I think this discretion sufficently meets cases such as those referred to in the question.

asked the Minister of Labour if the Regulation removing the restriction of wages on relief works aided by the Unemployment Grants Committee to 75 per cent. of the district rate is permissive only; and if there are any difficulties which prevent it from being applied in all cases?

It is not one of the conditions of a grant that the local authority should pay any particular rate, provided that they do not exceed the rate paid to their own workmen on similar classes of work or the district rate for this class of work if this is lower. Within this limit, I do not think it would be advisable to interfere with the discretion of the authority.

Tramcar Cleaners and Pointsmen

asked the Minister of Labour whether tramcar cleaners and pointsmen who have had to stop work because of the strike of the drivers and conductors of tramcars in the county of London are entitled to unemployment pay; and, if not, will he state the reason why these men are not to be paid?

The decision on this point lies with the chief insurance officer, subject to a right of appeal to the Court of Referees, and in certain cases to the umpire. I understand that the chief insurance officer has not yet received any claims made by tramcar cleaners and pointsmen. As a matter of fact, I understand that these grades are directly concerned in the dispute.

Juvenile Centres

asked the Prime Minister whether he can give any indication of the policy which the Government intend to pursue towards juvenile unemployment centres when the period for which the present grants were made comes to an end in April?

I have been asked to reply. It is the policy of the Government to give all possible encouragement to these centres. The period of grant has been extended to 31st March, 1925, and the rate of grant as from 1st April next is to be 100 per cent. of approved out-of-pocket expenditure so long as unemployment among boys and girls remains at its present level.

Does not the right hon. Gentleman think that one of the best ways of dealing with this matter of juvenile unemployment is for the Government to raise the school age to 15?

Government Publications

21, 22 and 23.

asked the Minister of Labour (1) whether he will resume the publication of the Report on Trade Unions;

(2) whether he will arrange for the regular issue of the Industrial Directory;

(3) whether he will resume the publication of changes in rates of wages and hours of labour during the year, also covering the period since publication was stopped?

I would refer my hon. Friend to my reply to his question of 7th March. I am considering the possibility of resuming publication of the three volumes in question.

Turkish Baths (Attendants' Pay)

asked the Minister of Labour if he is aware of the long hours and the low rates of pay of the men and women massagers and attendants at the various Turkish baths in the different parts of the country; that the business is one of the greatest sweating businesses there is in the country; and whether it will be possible to bring them under the Trade Boards Act?

I have no information as to the hours and rates of pay of the workers mentioned in the question, and I should be glad to receive any particulars in the possession of my hon. Friend. I am aware that there is a good deal of sweating in Turkish baths, but I have no information as to whether the business is a "sweated" one. I am taking advice whether this business falls within the scope of the Trade Boards Act.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that I am a frequenter of Turkish baths, that I have made personal inquiries into this matter, and that the attendants' rates of pay are exceedingly low; and will he, later on, give me more information on the matter?

Ex-Service Men

Training Scheme

asked the Minister of Labour whether the Government's training scheme for unemployed ex-service men is about to be closed down; and, if so, whether, in view of the fact that there are 300,000 ex-service men under 30 years of age who are still unemployed, many of whom owing to their war service lost the opportunity of being trained, he will reconsider this decision?

There are at present about 10,000 disabled ex-service men in Great Britain and Ireland in training under the Industrial Training Scheme, and about 4,000 awaiting training. These are men who are prevented by a war disability from resuming their pre-War occupation. I should doubt whether the number of unemployed ex-service men under 30 years of age is so large as is stated in the question; and, in any case, I fear that the openings at present available in most skilled trades are not sufficient to justify the Government in embarking upon any more extended scheme of training.

Would the right hon. Gentleman consider the opening of training centres for non-disabled out-of-work ex-service men, with a. view to satisfying the fierce demand in the building industry for men to build houses for the people of this country?

Instructional Factory, Norwich

asked the Minister of Labour whether, in view of the good work that is being done in training ex-service men in the Government instructional factory, St. James's, Norwich, it is his intention to keep open this factory; and, if not, why not?

The decline in the number of men in training at the Norwich instructional factory, and the large amount of accommodation vacant elsewhere, will make it necessary to close this centre about the end of May and transfer the remaining trainees elsewhere.

Are we to understand there are no more men in the Norwich area who are prejudicially affected by the late War?

I ask the Noble Lord to take the answer I have given, that the decline in the number of men is so great as to make it unnecessary to keep this factory going.

asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware that the Government instructional factory, St. James's, Norwich, contains departments suitable for training men in plastering and bricklaying; and if, in view of the shortage of labour in the building trade, he will urge the Minister of Labour to re-open these departments, which were closed by the last Government?

I have been asked to reply. The plastering class at the Government instructional factory, Norwich, closed in November, 1922, and the bricklayers' class closed last October. Their equipment has been dispersed. The question of the supply of additional skilled labour for the building trade is under consideration by a committee of employers' and operatives' organisations in that industry.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the last Minister of Health was unable to sanction a number of houses which were required to be built by the local authority at Norwich because of the very serious shortage of building labour in that district?

Do not the terms of the answer to the original question indicate that the late Minister of Health, or someone very near to him, sanctioned the closing of this instructional centre?

Would the right hon. Gentleman inform us that in reference to this crucial question he will give information at an early date as to the negotiations in progress?

All questions regarding the negotiations that are in progress should be directed to my right hon. Friend the Minister of Health.

Is it the policy of the Government to open instructional factories in the building trade?

If suggestions are made to me of a practical character, whereby I can set up an instructional factory in a reasonable way so as to help ex-service men, I will fairly consider the subject.

Would the trade union officials allow these men to work? Is not that the crux of the matter?

Will the right hon. Gentleman try to obtain their consent?

Poor Law Relief

asked the Minister of Health if he has received representations from the Thetford Board of Guardians with respect to ex-service men being compelled to resort to Poor Law assistance; and what steps the Government propose to take to give adequate treatment to ex-service men and their dependants without resort to the Poor Law?

The answer to the first part of the question is "Yes." As regards the second part, I am taking steps to obtain information as to the number of ex-service men in receipt of poor relief, and when that information has been collected, the situation will be considered.

asked the Minister of Health if he will prepare a return of ex-service men with their dependants receiving outdoor relief, those residents of workhouses, and those charged to local rates who are in mental institutions?

Ministry of Health

asked the Minister of Health if he will refuse to discharge any competent temporary ex-service civil servants from his Department until the Southborough Committee has issued its report?

I am happy to inform the hon. Member that so far as the Ministry of Health is concerned there has been no reduction in the body of ex-service temporary clerks except by resignation or through misconduct since the 1st April, 1923, and, so far as can be foreseen, no reduction of this staff will be necessary in the immediate future.

asked the Minister of Health if he will recommend that in his Department competent temporary ex-service civil servants shall be absorbed into the permanent staff as occasion demands without the necessity of passing competitive examinations?

While desirous of assisting the ex-service temporary civil servants to the utmost of my power, it would not be proper for me to express an opinion on a matter which is being considered as a general service question.

Is it not a fact that these people have been performing their duties for many years past, and if they have done so and have proved their competence, cannot the right hon. Gentleman put a great many of them on the establishment list?

As these men are the lowest paid people in the Civil Service, can the right hon. Gentleman allow them to go on with the work that they are doing, on a permanent basis, if they have proved themselves efficient?

Due consideration of that point will be given as part of the general question.

Are the Government going to make any statement on this question in the course of the Debate to-morrow?

Grocery and Provision Trades

asked the Minister of Labour if it is his intention to establish a Trade Board for the wholesale grocery provision and distributive trades?

I would refer the hon. Member to the replies given on 12th March to the hon. Member for Newport (Mr. Clarry) and on 5th March to the Noble Lord the Member for Nottingham South (Lord H. Cavendish-Bentinck), respectively.

Woolworth's Stores, Swansea

asked the Minister of Labour whether his attention has been drawn to a lock-out which has occurred at Woolworth's Stores, Swansea, a firm of foreign origin, where, owing to the method of dividing the girls into three categories, full-time, half-time, and Saturdays only, and irrespective of length of service putting them on half-time, the girls made an attempt to remedy this method of casualising work, but men and girls were introduced from Cardiff and the girls originally employed locked out; and will he make inquiries into the whole position?

I am aware of the circumstances of the dispute at Messrs. Wool- worth's, Swansea. An officer of my Department has held a conference of the parties, but I regret that a settlement was not reached. The Department is remaining in touch with the parties.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that there are many complaints against this firm of sweating their employés, and has he any powers to deal with them?

I am not aware officially of the complaints mentioned. If the hon. and gallant Gentleman will give me details of these things occurring I will do what I can in the matter. There are no specific powers to compel employers to pay special wages.

Ministry of Labour (Staff)

asked the Minister of Labour what is the present number of the staff employed by his Department; how many are males and how many of these are ex-service men; if any are only employed temporarily; whether any females are employed in the Department, and, if so, how many; and how the total figures compare with a year ago?

As the reply contains a number of figures I will, with the hon. Member's permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Following are the figures:

1st March, 1923.

1st March, 1924.

Total Staff*

Permanent

6,331

6,516

Temporary

8,398

7,023

Total

14,729

13,539

Male Staff

Permanent

4,293

4,516

Temporary

6,595

5,234

Total

10,888

9,750

Ex - Service Male Staff.

Permanent

2,823

3,089

Temporary

6,565

5,213

Total

9,388

8,302

Female Staff

Permanent

2,038

2,000

Temporary

1,803

1,789

Total

3,841

3,789

*Excluding Part-time Staff (Cleaners and Branch Managers) and Industrial Staff.

Vaccination

asked the Minister of Health how many infants were born in 1922 and 1923 in Great Britain; how many parents secured exemption certificates from vaccination in both years; how many deaths occurred from small-pox during the same periods; and how many deaths were certified as being due to vaccination?

With the hon. Member's permission, I will circulate the figures in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

The following are the required particulars for

England and Wales:

1922.

1923.

Births registered

780,124

758,131

Number of parents who secured exemption certificates from vaccination

Figures not yet available.

Number of deaths from small-pox

27

7*

Number of deaths classified to vaccinia

4*

8*

Number of deaths not classified to vaccinia, but associated there with

3*

4*†

* Provisional figures.

† This figure differs from that given in the reply to the hon. Member for Central Bradford on 21st January, 1924, the reason being that one death provisionally classified as associated with vaccination was found, on reference to the certifying medical practitioner, not to have been associated therewith.

Agriculture (Rating and Taxation)

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the acute agricultural distress now prevailing and of the fact that all corn and foodstuffs grown in this country have to bear taxation under Schedules A, B and D, and in rates, from which foreign imported produce is free, and that the Chancellor of the Exchequer is unable to state the total amount of such taxation and the acreage of land on which it is levied, he will cause an inquiry to be held with a view to ascertaining the average total sum annually levied in rates and taxes during the last five years upon agricultural land, the acreage upon which this sum was levied, and the produce of that acreage as furnished in Returns to the Ministry of Agriculture, so that the people of this country may know the amount of the food taxes at present imposed on home-grown food?

Accurate information of the kind desired could not be obtained, and such information as could be obtained would be of doubtful value and require an immensely disproportionate expenditure of time and labour. Further, if the information could be obtained it would not serve the purpose which the Noble Lord has in view, since I cannot agree that Income Tax and rates are food taxes.

Does not the right hon. Gentleman agree that accurate information as to the amount of taxes on agriculture at present is essential to appreciation of the agricultural position, and will he not refer this specific question to the Committee of economists who are now considering agriculture?

As far as this can be done it will be, I think, within the scope of the terms of reference to the Committee.

Mexico

asked the Prime Minister why His Majesty's Government still refuses to recognise the Government of Mexico; and if he is aware that the Government of the United States has recognised the Government of Mexico?

In reply to the first part of the question, I can only refer to the reply given to the hon. and gallant Member for the Bilston Division of Wolverhampton on the 19th March. The reply to the second part of the question is in the affirmative.

Members of Parliament (Railway Passes)

asked the Prime Minister if he is now in a position to add anything to his previous announcement regarding his negotiations with the railway companies on the question of travelling facilities for Members of Parliament visiting their constituencies?

I have been making inquiries of the railway companies and have also had estimates of the cost made by the Ministry of Transport. To provide first-class season tickets for a year for every Member of Parliament between London and a town in his constituency which he names, by one route only, will amount approximately to £70,000; third - class, approximately £47,000. The House of Commons must itself take further action if it so desires.

Will my right hon. Friend provide facilities for the House to discuss this subject at an early date, and will he make inquiries as to what the cost would be of third-class seasons with provision of sleeping carriages?

Does not the right hon. Gentleman think it desirable that the country should have an opportunity of expressing its opinion on this matter?

I assume the House of Commons for this purpose is the country. With reference to the question of facilities, perhaps hon. Members will set the usual machinery in motion, and approach me later.

Is there any hope of this discussion taking place, with an arrangements made for first-class passes and sleeping cars, before the Easter Recess?

Housing

Evictions

asked the Minister of Health whether he will state the number of eviction orders issued by the Courts during the months of January and February, 1924, throughout the country?

I regret that I have not got this information, but I am in communication with the Lord Chancellor about it.

Will the right hon. Gentleman inquire from the Lord Chancellor and ask him to distinguish the number of eviction orders made in respect of non-payment of rent and other matters?

Will the right hon. Gentleman ascertain also how many of these cases are adjourned pending legislation?

Is it not a fact that the information asked for by my hon. Friend is not available?

Of course, if it is not available, I shall not be able to present it to the House.

Will the right hon. Gentleman take steps to see that the records are kept in such a way that the information may be available in future?

Of course, I could not say how much labour would be involved in that. I will make inquiries.

Is my right hon Friend aware that in many cases where evictions take place the houses become vacant and are decontrolled, and the landlords increase the rents?

asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware that Mrs. Deacon and her family, of 9, Upper Nicholl Street, Desborough, are under notice to quit, and find it impossible to secure other accommodation at Desborough; whether he is aware that Mrs. Deacon, an aged lady, has an invalid husband, had three sons killed in the War, and is in receipt of a pension of 12s. per week; whether he will consider what steps can be taken to avoid her being evicted from her home; and whether, in view of the increasing number of these cases, he will consider the desirability of introducing a short Measure in the House of Commons, to prevent these evictions taking place?

I am not aware of the case to which the hon. Member refers, and I have no power to intervene. As regards the last part of the question, I would refer the hon. Member to the answer given by the Prime Minister on Monday in reply to questions on this subject.

asked the Minister of Health whether, having regard to the improbability of the Rent Restrictions Bill passing into law at an early date, the Government will introduce forthwith a single-clause Bill in order to prevent the evictions now taking place due to the conflicting decisions which have been given in the Courts on the 1923 Act?

I would refer the hon. Member to the answer given by the Prime Minister on Monday in reply to similar questions.

In view of the delay in introducing the Government Bill, will the right hon. Gentleman give facilities for the Bill which my hon. Friend the Member for Withington (Mr. Simon) is introducing to-day to deal with this most pressing question?

Overcrowding

asked the Minister of Health how many houses there are in Great Britain which are overcrowded to the extent of having more than two occupants per room average; what steps he is taking to compel local authorities to provide the necessary housing accommodation in areas where builders are not fully occupied with work; and whether he will undertake to provide the present subsidy to all private builders of standard houses until such time as the present shortage is minimised?

According to the 1921 Census, the number of private families living at a rate in excess of two occupants per room in England and Wales was, approximately, 495,000. As regards Scotland, I would suggest that the hon. Member should address a similar question to my right hon. Friend the Secretary for Scotland. As regards the other questions, I suggest the hon. Member should await the proposals of the Government for dealing generally with the housing situation.

Slum Areas

asked the Minister of Health if it is intended that those living in slum areas will get the first houses built and those slum areas be then demolished; and, if such are unable to pay the rents of the new houses, who will do so?

I suggest that the hon. Member should raise his question on the general statement of the Government's proposals which I shall have to make.

Building Trade (Dilution)

asked the Minister of Health if he can now make an announcement as to the progress of the negotiations with the building trade on the question of the dilution of building labour?

Kettering Rural District Council

asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware of the urgent need of housing accommodation in the village of Weldon, Kettering, Northants, and that the Kettering Rural District Council, who are responsible for the administration in the village of Weldon, have expressed the opinion that the subsidy payable under the Housing Act of 1923 is quite inadequate to meet the circumstances in the rural districts where local building materials are not available and the cost of transit of such materials renders building impossible; and if it is the intention of the Ministry of Health to assist the erection of houses in rural districts by increased subsidies to meet the exceptional circumstances?

In submitting proposals under the Housing, Etc., Act, 1923, the Kettering Rural District Council referred to a general need for houses throughout the district. As I have stated, in reply to previous questions, the needs of rural areas are being borne in mind in connection with the Government s general proposals for dealing with the housing shortage.

Buckinghamshire

asked the Minister of Health if he will give the number of houses built in the rural and agricultural areas of the county of Buckingham under the Addison Act, and the number now sanctioned under the 1923 Act?

Under the Housing, Town Planning, Etc. Act, 1919, 806 houses were erected by local authorities and public utility societies in the areas of rural district councils in the county of Buckingham, and under the Housing (Additional Powers) Act, 1919, 543 houses were erected by private builders. 533 houses are included in schemes of rural district councils in the county in question which have been authorised under the Housing, Etc. Act, 1923.

Can the right hon. Gentleman state the relative cost to the State of the two schemes, and is it not a fact that under the Addison scheme the houses cost about twenty times as much as they do now?

asked the Minister of Health whether he will give the number of houses needed in rural and agricultural areas in the county of Buckingham or estimated by the D 89 Returns made under the Addison building scheme?

According to the returns in question, which were obtained from local authorities in 1919, 2,770 houses were stated to be required during the three subsequent years in the areas of rural district councils in the county of Buckingham to meet unsatisfied demands and to provide for overcrowding, replacement of unfit houses, etc.

Building Societies (Loan Guarantees)

asked the Minister of Health if he has considered how far there is a public demand for facilities to purchase houses or to build houses between the value of £500 and £1,000; whether he has considered the incentive that would thereby be given to the building trade if the Trade Facilities Act could be made available for guarantees for loans through accredited building societies up to 90 per cent. of the purchase price; and whether he can give the House any indication that such a policy will be adopted?

Provision is already made in Section 5 of the Housing, Etc., Act, 1923, for the giving of guarantees on lines similar to those suggested by the hon. Member, and there would appear to be no necessity to extend the scope of the Trade Facilities Act in this direction.

Building Materials (Cost)

asked the Minister of Health whether his attention has been drawn to the Report of the Inter-Departmental Committee appointed to inquire into the costs of building materials; and what he is prepared to do to stop the increases in prices continuing?

I have seen the Report in question, and the matters referred to therein are at present under consideration.

asked the Minister of Health what action he proposes to take with regard to the recent advances in the price of bricks, lead, and slates?

Steps are being taken by the Committee on Prices of Building Materials to investigate this matter.

Is the right hon. Gentleman satisfied that the steps which this Committee are taking are adequate?

I have every confidence in the Committee, and I will await the result of their statement.

When the result is published, shall we be informed exactly how all the rises in price have taken place, including labour?

Government Programme

asked the Minister of Health if he has formed any estimate of the number of working-class houses that can be built annually during the remainder of the years 1924–31 without inflating costs in the building industry; if, so, what is the number; and on what basis has it been estimated?

The Government's housing programme is still under consideration, and I am unable to make any statement in anticipation of the submission of the proposals to this House.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that, as there is a number of people besides the Government working on constructive schemes for housing, these estimates will be of great service to them in framing their plans in order to overcome the shortage?

Does the right hon. Gentleman say that he has formed no estimate of the number of houses proposed to be built under his scheme?

No. I merely stated that I am not in a position to make any general report until I submit my proposals.

If the right hon. Gentleman does not know how many houses are going to be built, how can he give the estimates which he gave a fortnight ago?

It is only reasonable for hon. Members to assume that, as I am considering the problem, I have certain things in my mind which I have not explained as yet.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that his right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer has got £50,000,000 which he does not require?

Survey

asked the Minister of Health whether the Government have under consideration bringing to an end the present incertitude concerning the extent and character of national housing needs by making provision in the Housing Bill for the compilation by local authorities of a well-ordered housing survey recording the actual conditions, in town and country, under which people are at present living?

Small Houses

asked the Minister of Health the number of houses erected under the Housing Act, 1923, in respect of which the average rent is 9s. weekly or under?

Statistics are not available bearing on the point raised by the hon. Member.

Public Utility Societies

asked the Minister of Health the number of houses built during each of the last five years and in 1913 by public utility societies?

I will, with the permission of the hon. and gallant Member, circulate in the OFFICIAL REPORT a statement giving the figures asked for, as far as they are available.

The statement is as follows:

No information is available as to the number of houses erected by public utility societies and housing trusts in 1913 or without State assistance during the years 1919–1923. The number of houses built with State aid in England and Wales by public utility societies and housing trusts during each of the five years 1919–1923 was as follows:

1919

17

1920

971

1921

2,266

1922

1,153

1923

132

4,539

Rents

asked the Minister of Health if there is any record in his Department as to the rents actually charged for the houses built by State aid since the War; if so, will he lay a complete statement upon the Table of this House showing the amounts of such rents; and whether he is able to give this House any information as to the rents of working-class houses built without State aid since 1918?

I am circulating in the OFFICIAL REPORT a summarised statement of the rents charged by local authorities for houses erected under the Housing, Town Planning, etc., Act, 1919. I have no information as to the rents charged for other working-class houses built since 1918.

As several attempts have been made to get this information, what is the reason that it cannot be obtained for this House?

I take it from the question that in one case the hon. Member requires information regarding houses controlled by the Government and in the other case regarding houses which are outside the jurisdiction of the Government.

HOUSING ACT, 1919.—RETURN OF WEEKLY RENTS agreed by the Minister of Health or awarded by the Rents Tribunal in respect of Houses erected under Assisted Housing Schemes. (The figures shown are exclusive of rates, taxes and water charges.)

Scale of Weekly Rents.

Type of House.

Type of Local Authority.

22/- to 22/11.

21/- to 21/11.

20/- to 20/11.

19/- to 19/11.

18/- to 18/11.

17/- to 17/11.

16/- to 16/11.

15/- to 15/11.

14/- to 14/11

13/- to 13/11.

12/- to 12/11

11/- to 11/11.

10/- to 10/11.

9/- to 9/11.

8/- to 8/11.

7/- to 7/11

6/- to 6/11.

5/- to 5/11.

4/- to 4/11

3/- to 3/11.

A. 2, — Livingroom, scullery and 2 bedrooms.

No. of Boroughs Urban Districts Rural Districts

1

2

3

1

2

4

6

9

16

5

1

4

1

2

4

14

9

3

3

3

2

Totals

1

2

3

1

6

5

8

16

33

14

6

A. 3.—Livingroom, scullery and 3 bedrooms.

No. of Boroughs Urban Districts Rural Districts

2

4

6

9

13

15

24

53

89

69

20

5

1

4

2

11

14

35

51

114

168

16

6

2

6

2

28

29

91

148

126

74

24

3

Totals

2

5

10

11

30

31

87

133

294

376

192

85

26

3

A. 4.—Livingroom, scullery and 4 bedrooms.

No. of Boroughs Urban Districts Rural Districts

1

1

1

5

2

2

1

1

1

3

2

3

2

1

1

1

2

1

1

1

Totals

1

1

1

4

1

6

5

7

4

1

1

1

B. 2.—Parlour, living-room, scullery and 2 bedrooms.

No. of Boroughs Urban Districts Rural Districts

2

1

2

2

3

2

1

3

1

1

1

1

3

2

4

1

1

Totals

2

1

2

3

3

3

1

5

5

5

1

B. 3.—Parlour, living-room, scullery and 3 bedrooms.

No. of Boroughs Urban Districts Rural Districts

1

4

6

9

15

6

21

32

53

98

75

34

10

1

2

2

3

11

10

24

42

64

117

123

113

39

11

3

1

3

4

10

17

32

92

87

105

108

59

27

11

Totals

1

6

9

12

29

26

55

91

149

307

285

252

157

71

30

11

B. 4.—Parlour, living-room, scullery to and 4 bedrooms.

No. of Boroughs Urban Districts Rural Districts

1

2

3

2

1

8

9

9

27

24

20

3

3

2

2

5

2

7

6

7

11

22

13

23

20

11

1

1

1

2

3

7

4

9

3

5

1

1

Totals

1

2

4

8

5

9

14

18

23

56

41

52

26

19

2

1

The above statement relates to the schemes of 1,208 Local Authorities who have erected houses under the 1919 Act.

Builders' Wages

asked the Minister of Health if he will state the estimated effect on his housing proposals of the concession of the demand for an advance of 2d. per hour on the basic rate of builders' wages?

I would suggest that the hon. Member should reserve his point until I am in a position to make a statement on the Government's proposals in regard to housing.

Building Loans (Societies)

asked the Minister of Health the number of houses built during each of the last five years and in 1913 in respect of which loans were made by building societies, friendly societies, and co-operative societies, respectively, and the aggregate amount of such loans in each year?

Statistics are not available giving the information desired by the hon. and gallant Member.

If I put down another question, can the right hon. Gentleman give me some kind of statement giving illustrative statistics, as obviously this is a matter of great importance?

If the hon. and gallant Gentleman will put down a question, I will give him all the information that is available.

Cornwall (Rural Areas)

asked the Minister of Health whether he will give the number of houses needed in rural and agricultural areas in the county of Cornwall or estimated by the D 89 Returns made under the Addison building scheme?

According to the returns in question which were obtained from local authorities in 1919, 1,070 houses were stated to be required during the three subsequent years in the areas of rural district councils in the County of Cornwall to meet unsatisfied demands. Under the Housing, Town Planning, Etc., Act, 1919, 526 houses were erected by such authorities and 191 by private builders under the Housing (Additional Powers) Act, 1919; 257 houses are included in schemes of rural district councils in the county which have been authorised to date under the Housing, Etc., Act, 1923.

Cubic Capacity of Houses

asked the Minister of Health if he is willing to consider the removal of the present limit of 950 superficial feet now fixed in the Regulations appertaining to the erection of houses under the subsidy scheme?

Small Dwellings (Blocks)

asked the Minister of Health whether he has received any applications from municipal bodies or others to be allowed to build small dwellings in blocks of six or more; and, if so, what is the attitude of the Ministry to such applications?

I do not require local authorities to submit to me their proposals for housing schemes under the Housing, etc., Act, 1923, in such detail as the hon. Member indicates. The numbers of houses which it is desirable to include in a block will depend on the nature of the site and the lay-out, but I am advised that continuous blocks of more than six or eight are not ordinarily desirable.

State Subsidy

asked the Minister of Health how many houses have been built to date on which the subsidy of £100 has actually been paid or agreed to for such subsidy; and what is the percentage of subsidy approved houses to the total number of houses built since the subsidy scheme came into into operation?

Under the Housing Act, 1923, the state subsidy is equivalent to about £75 per house and provision is made for further subsidy by local authorities. Up to the 1st March, 2,552 houses had been completed by private enterprise with the aid of subsidies under the Housing, etc., Act, 1923, and a further 13,737 were in course of construction. In addition, local authorities had issued certificates on approval of plans as eligible for subsidy for a further 24,771 houses. No statistics are available on the point mentioned in the last part of the hon. Member's question.

When will the right hon. Gentleman be in a position to circulate in the OFFICIAL REPORT the statistical statement of the progress of work under the Act of 1923, which he will remember he promised me about a, fortnight ago?

If the Noble Lord will remind me of that privately, I will see that it is done without delay.

Town Planning (Mining Areas)

asked the Minister of Health whether, in view of the sinking of proposed new pits and the need for the erection of new houses in connection therewith, he will in those districts ensure, so far as possible, that town-planning on garden-city lines are adopted by the authorities concerned in passing the plans for these structures?

If the hon. Member will inform me of the districts he has in mind, I shall be glad to look into the matter. I am anxious to encourage town planning schemes in areas of the kind mentioned, and this is being done in a number of cases.

Solicitor-General

asked the Prime Minister whether he is yet able to announce the date when the House may have the legal assistance in its deliberations of Mr. Solicitor-General; and whether the latter is drawing the full salary of his office?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative, as it will depend to some extent on what is technically known as "an act of God"—that is, a vacancy; and to the second part, in the affirmative, for which there are ample precedents.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the Attorney-General this morning complained in the Standing Committee on the Rent Restrictions Bill of the undue burden that is now being placed upon him?

Ex-Ranker Officers Committee

Terms of Reference

asked the Prime Minister whether he is now in a position to state the composition of, and terms of reference to, the Committee to consider the case of ex-ranker officers?

The following are the Terms of Reference:

"To consider the claims of Army pensioners for increase of pension in respect of service during the War with particular reference to the claim put forward by professional ex-ranker officers, having regard to the general conditions of service in the Army during the War, and to report."

The composition of the Committee will be announced immediately I receive replies from the gentlemen whom I have asked to serve.

Do not the Terms of Reference rule out any evidence concerning analogous cases in the Navy and any evidence concerning special and not general conditions in the Army; and, if so, is the right hon. Gentleman clearly fulfilling the promise which he made to the House, considering that these were dealt with in the War Office Minute, which was circulated to the House before we had a Vote on the subject?

Do not these Terms of Reference rule out the case that was made very prominently in the Debate as to the status of ranker officers who are not permitted by the War Office to become commissioned officers in regard to the signing of pension papers, etc.?

On the last point, I should say, after a hurried examination, that it is not ruled out. With regard to the question put by my right hon. Friend the Member for Rusholme (Mr. Masterman), I understand that, after about a week's circulation, these Terms of Reference were agreed to.

That is quite untrue so far as anyone who has any right to speak for my party was concerned. I would ask the Prime Minister whether he cannot see his way at least, to allow evidence to be given on these points which did influence, in the War Office circular, Members of this House.

I can only repeat what I have said, that the Terms of Reference came back to me as having been agreed.

Will the Prime Minister consider the point as to requiring the Committee to report within a specified time?

I am perfectly certain that this Committee will know, when it sets out to consider the matter, that it is not to delay in presenting its Report.

Turco-Iraq Frontier

asked the Prime Minister whether he can state when the pourparlers with Turkey over the question of the Mosul frontier are to take place; where are they going to be held; and who are the British representatives?

I can add nothing to the reply given to the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull on the 17th instant on the subject of the forthcoming discussions of the Turco-Iraq frontier, except that His Majesty's Government have selected Sir Percy Cox to represent them.

Attack on British Troops, Queenstown

asked +he Prime Minister whether the victims of the recent Queenstown outrage will receive full compensation for their injuries; and, if so, by whom this compensation will be payable?

I have been asked to answer this question. With Mr. Speaker's permission, I propose, at the end of Questions, to read to the House a letter which the President of the Executive Council of the Irish Free State has addressed to my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister.

White Lead (Geneva Convention)

asked the Prime Minister if His Majesty's Government have come to any decision as to the ratification, or otherwise, of the Geneva Draft Convention on the use of white lead; and, if so, what is its nature?

I have been asked to reply. I regret that I am unable to add anything to the reply which I gave on the 27th February to the Noble Lord the Member for Nottingham South.

Conscientious Objectors (Military Service)

asked the Prime Minister whether it is the view of the Government that men holding conscientious objections to military service should have the right of exemption from such service; if he is aware that a large proportion of the recruits to the military forces are youths at the time of their enlistment and, as a consequence, have no mature views on the nature of military service; if, therefore, it is the intention of the Government to introduce into the Manual of Military Law and the Manual of Air Force Law the necessary changes in order to confer upon such of these recruits as may develop conscientious objections to military service the right of exemption from such service?

In view of the fact that there is now no compulsory military service, my hon. Friend's reference to the "right of exemption" in the first part of his question is not quite accurate. As regards the remainder of the question, the Government are not prepared to introduce legislation on the lines suggested in the case of men who voluntarily offer themselves for military service.

Does the Prime Minister seriously believe that youths of 16 have any real understanding of the obligation they are taking when they enlist in the Army or the Air Force?

National Health Insurance (Medical Benefit)

asked the Minister of Health if he will consider the need for medical benefit to be extended to members of approved societies whose service conditions entitle them to a pension at the age of 60 years, and thereby take them out of employment and the provisions of the National Health Insurance Act?

The hon. Member's suggestion would require legislation, and the matter is one which will, no doubt, be considered by the Royal Commission.

Poplar Borough Council (Surcharge)

asked the Minister of Health whether he can now state whether he has come to any decision concerning the application of a council to contribute to the costs of the Poplar Borough Council in their appeal to quash certain recent surcharges of the district auditor?

I am informing the council referred to that I am not prepared to give a sanction which would have the effect of withdrawing the suggested contribution from review at the audit.

Diphtheria

asked the Minister of Health the number of cases of diphtheria in each of the London Poor Law schools for the years 1921, 1922 and 1923; the number of deaths from this complaint in the same years; and what I the percentage of deaths is to the total number of children boarded in each school for the same years?

I regret that this information is not at present available, but I will see whether it can be obtained.

Wolverhampton Union (Task Work)

asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware that unemployed applicants for Poor Law relief to the Wolverhampton Union have been required to perform task work which is controlled by the borough and urban council authorities; whether he has information that the conditions imposed have led to a dispute, consequent upon which relief payments have been stopped in a number of cases; and whether his Department will intervene in the matter to bring about a settlement?

I am aware of the difficulty which has arisen in the Wolverhampton Union and I understand that the guardians are taking steps to avoid the occurrence of any serious hardship. I am keeping in touch with the situation.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that this board of guardians refused to meet a deputation on the subject?

Will the right hon. Gentleman take the larger view, in connection with this question of test work by unemployed men, that the general opinion is that it interferes with the opportunities of men seeking employment?

My general view with regard to administration is that it is right to leave as much freedom to local authorities as possible. If it appeared to me that they were abusing that freedom I should of course use whatever powers are necessary.

Flour (Adulteration)

asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware that some 90,000 sacks of flour per week are milled in London alone from poor quality wheats chemically treated to have the appearance and baking possibilities of flour milled from good and more expensive wheat; and if such facts have come to the knowledge of the Ministry what, if any, steps have been taken, either under the Bread Acts of 1822 and 1836 or the Statutes relating to the adulteration of food, to prosecute the persons responsible for this adulteration?

I am well aware that the practice of chemically treating flour is not uncommon, and the whole subject has been inquired into by my Department. Unfortunately, the nature of the processes used is such as to make it difficult for local authorities to institute successful proceedings under the statutes referred to.

Will the right hon. Gentleman take care that his Department, being the only medium strong enough to deal with the matter, will take steps forthwith?

Yes; I have discussed this matter with the officials of my Department, and they are working very energetically, as far as they have power to do so.

British Exports, 1923

asked the President of the Board of Trade what was the total value of exports of manufactured goods in 1923 to the British Empire and the rest of the world?

The answer is somewhat long, and perhaps the hon. and gallant Member will allow me to have it circulated in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

( later ): On a point of Order, in reference to question No. 99, addressed by me to the President of the Board of Trade. It concerns only two figures, and I wish to ask whether a Member is not entitled to have an oral answer to such a question, instead of having a written statement circulated?

I cannot go back to question 99. We have passed it, and are now dealing with a special question.

As a matter of principle, Sir, is a Member not entitled to have a reply to a question on the Paper in a case where it involves only two figures?

I presume it is a long answer

Following is the answer:

The value of exports to all countries of United Kingdom produce and manufacture classed as "wholly or mainly manufactured" amounted to £580,020,000 in 1923. It is not yet possible to state the proportions of those exports which were consigned to British Possessions and to foreign countries respectively. The corresponding total for the year 1922 was £568,524,000, of which £251,976,000, or 44 per cent., was the value of exports consigned to British Possessions, and £316,548,000, or 56 per cent., the value consigned to foreign countries.

Enemy Action Claims (J. and a. Wilson)

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that a claim for air-raid compensation standing in the name of Josiah Wilson and Arthur Wilson for the destruction of their premises in the City of London in September, 1915, during an air-raid has been refused by the Treasury; whether he is aware that the damage was sworn to before a justice of the peace and assessed by a city surveyor of repute; and whether he will cause inquiry to be made into this case, with a view to the hardship being redressed and compensation awarded?

As to the first two parts of the question, the answer is in the affirmative. As to the last part of the question, the Royal Commission have recommended that no ex-gratia payment should be made in this case, and I would refer to the observations of the Royal Commission in paragraph 21 of their First Report (Cmd. 1798) and paragraph 11 of their Second Report (Cmd. 2066) with regard to the provision made by the Government for insurance against damage by aircraft. The Commission have presented, their final Report as to the distribution of the £5,000,000 compensation fund; it has been accepted; and I am afraid that their recommendations, cannot be reviewed.

Tramways and Omnibus Strike

Emergency Measures

( by Private Notice ) asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware that the negotiations in the traffic dispute have broken down; whether he is aware that it is reported that the Tube railwaymen are preparing to withdraw. their labour in sympathy with the tramwaymen and the omnibus men; and whether in the circumstances the Government will state what steps they are taking to meet the situation; and whether they are prepared to organise an emergency service of chars-a-banc and lorries in order to minimise the intolerable suffering and hardship with which workers who have to depend on transport to earn their daily bread are deliberately subjected, owing to the continuance of the dispute?

I regret that I have to answer the first two parts of the question in the affirmative. As regards the third and fourth parts, the Government recognise their responsibility to consider the needs of the London public, and in view of the threatened extension of the dispute the Emergency Committee which deals with these matters is meeting at once to present proposals. I still hope, however, that it will be unnecessary for any action to be taken, particularly as I understand that the points in dispute have been reduced by a very considerable extent.

Can the right hon. Gentleman state exactly what the proposals of the Government are?

The hon. Member evidently did not appreciate what I said. The Emergency Committee provided by law has been set up to make proposals to the Government of that character.

Does the right hon. Gentleman appreciate that it will take time for this reply to come from the Emergency Committee? Will he take steps at once to organise transport on the lines referred to by the Noble Lord?

Will part of the reference to the Committee be that, owing to the inevitable chaos existing in the traffic conditions of London, the Committee themselves should consider whether they would advise this House to take full control of the traffic supplies of London and operate them in the interests of the community?

Will the Government give protection to any capable man able to drive a tram, and allow him to: drive it during this strike?

The law has provided for certain things to be done, and we are doing those things.

Seeing that the demand of the men concerned in the dispute is only for a reasonable wage for themselves and food for their dependants, will the Prime Minister see that, in order to end the dispute, these men will be rewarded with that which they need, and so end the dispute in the best way possible?

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman, in reference to the Committee on the traffic dispute, whether it means that there will be no undue delay, and can he give an assurance that the Committee will report forthwith, and that their recommendations will, if possible, be put into force forthwith, because of the suffering which is being caused daily and hourly?

What steps is the right hon. Gentleman taking himself to settle the strike?

What is the law to which the right hon. Gentleman refers, under which this Committee is to function?

( by Private Notice ) asked the Minister of Transport whether his attention has been called to the discomfort and possible injury to the health of out-patients at the London Hospital as a result of the prolongation of the transport strike; and if he can take any measures, either by arranging with the War Office for the provision of R.A.M.C. lorries or ambulances, or in any other way, to alleviate the position?

As soon as I received the question of the Noble Lord, I commenced inquiries, and I will ascertain whether any steps can be taken.

May I, as Chairman of the London Hospital, ask the right hon. Gentleman if he is aware that the situation is really most critical? Already great discomfort and possibly serious injury to the health of these people has been caused. The strike has now lasted three days and the Government have done nothing whatever.

As I say, immediately I received this question I got into communication with the London Hospital, whose authorities did not wholly confirm what the Noble Lord says. If the Noble Lord will see me, I will discuss what steps can be taken.

Would it not be possible to ask for a volunteer fleet of cars in this particular connection?

Do I understand, from the reply of the hon. Gentleman, that he asserts that the out-patients of the London Hospital have not suffered any discomfort from this strike? The vast majority of them in normal times proceed to the hospital by 'bus; they cannot now do so, and it is impossible for them to travel by tube owing to the crowds.

I did not say that; I said, immediately I received this question I communicated with the London Hospital, whose authorities did not wholly confirm the statement, and that I am ascertaining what steps can he taken.

May I ask the Prime Minister if, under the Emergency Powers Act, the Government cannot take over the whole transport of the Metropolis and work it, and so put an end to all these intolerable inconveniences?

Bird Sanctuaries, Public Parks

asked the First Commissioner of Works whether, following the gifts which have been received by his Department, and gratefully acknowledged, for the furtherance of bird sanctuaries in the public parks, any additional gifts or other help by bird lovers in this direction would be acceptable?

I am grateful for those gifts which have already been received for the bird sanctuaries, and, if any further gifts are forthcoming, I need hardly say that they will also be very acceptable.

Will the right hon. Gentleman say where this proposed sanctuary is to be placed in Hyde Park?

London Traffic Bill

( by Private Notice ) asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware that at 11 o'clock last night no copies of the London Traffic Bill were available in the Vote Office although the details of the Bill appeared upon the tape as early as eight minutes after 10 o'clock; and whether he can give the House any explanation of the circumstances in which the Press were informed of the contents of the Bill before the Members of this House?

I regret this occurrence. The explanation is that it was felt, in view of the bearing of this Bill upon the present traffic dispute, it was desirable that the public in general should have the provisions of the Bill before it this morning, at the same time as the Bill itself was in the hands of Members of Parliament. Apparently it was not made clear to the Press that the copy communicated to it last night should not be used for any messages circulated before this morning. Tape news was forgotten, and I am informed that a little after 10 o'clock the contents of the Bill appeared on the tape.

Since the dispute has been mentioned, will the Prime Minister tell us whether, having regard to the Bill under discussion, the employers are endeavouring to use this dispute, which is a wage dispute, for a political project?

May I ask the Prime Minister whether he agrees with that statement made by one of his own backbench supporters?

Outrage on British Soldiers at Queenstown

Letter from Irish Free State

I think the House would wish to hear the following letter which my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister (Mr. J. Ramsay Mac-Donald) has received from the President of the Executive Council of the Irish Free State:

In reply to this letter my right hon. Friend proposes to say, as regards compensation, that His Majesty's Government appreciates the decision of the Government of the Irish Free State in this matter, and agrees that these cases should be referred at the earliest possible moment to the Wood-Renton Commission.

"I regret to inform the Dail that on last Friday evening an outrage unparalleled in our history was committed at Cobh. Four men dressed in the uniform of the Army drove in a powerful touring car through Cobh and pulled up at the landing stage a minute or two prior to the arrival of a launch carrying a number of unarmed British soldiers of the Spike Island garrison, who were coming on shore leave to Cobh. These soldiers were accompanied by civilian friends. Immediately that the occupants of the launch disembarked, two machine-guns opened fire on them from the car, with the result that one soldier was mortally wounded, an officer and 17 soldiers were wounded, some dangerously and others seriously. Five other persons, including two women, were also wounded.

The occupants of the car then drove back towards Cork at a furious pace, having opened fire on H.M.S. 'Scythe' when they had proceeded about 400 yards on their journey. Fortunately no casualties occurred as a result of this latter firing. It is impossible to find words to describe this dastardly outrage. In its deliberation and in its savagery it has no parallel.

The soldiers were unarmed and defencelees. They were on the most friendly terms with the people of Cobh. They have been stationed at Spike Island for a considerable time and have earned the goodwill of all the inhabitants of the neighbourhood. And when they come ashore to spend their few hours' leave amongst our people they are mown down by machine-gun fire from four murderous ruffians wearing Army uniform. It is almost inconceivable that any civilised country could produce even four men who could plot and carry out a deed so foul and so callous. The annals of savagery may be searched but I doubt if any worse instance of murderous cowardice can be found. It is a stain upon the honour of our country which had made our people at home and our friends abroad hang their heads in shame. This terrible crime has evoked universal reprobation.

All parties and all creeds in Ireland have given expression to their horror at the infamy. The one consolation we have is the knowledge that outside the murderers themselves there is no citizen who does not realise and abhor the enormity of the crime. In the name of the Irish people I have tendered sympathy to the victims of the outrage and to the British nation. The Government will leave no stone unturned to bring the criminals to justice. A reward of £10,000 for their detection has been offered, but I am confident that our people do not require any such incentive to induce them to give their wholehearted co-operation in the hunt for the murderers. Every possible step is being taken and the personal attention of the highest officers of the State is being given to secure that they will not go unpunished. The Irish nation is bound to do all in its power to alleviate the sufferings of the victims of this horrible crime committed on Irish soil and the Government will see that such reparation as is possible will be made to the sufferers. The murderers could only have had one motive in their murderous minds that of embroiling our people in a struggle with Great Britain. The generosity of the British nation in their references both in the Press and in Parliament to the crime and their sympathy to our country in the disgrace and humiliation which this abominable outrage has cast upon us is a comforting assurance of the strength of the friendship between our peoples which has followed the Treaty between the nations. I realise that no remarks of mine could adequately represent the feelings of the Government and of the Dail on this occasion.

I can only ask the House to join with me in expressing its abhorrence of the foul deed, and in tendering to the relatives of the dead, to the victims and their relatives, the sympathy of the Irish nation in this wanton and murderous outrage. I move that the House do now adjourn, as an expression of that sympathy, and as an evidence to the British nation and to the civilised world of the regret and humiliation which we feel that such a crime should be committed in our territory."

Evictions (Prevention)

I beg to move, clauses, is being evicted simply because the landlord requires possession of his house. Not only are these good tenants being evicted, but they are having to pay costs on an extraordinarily high scale, amounting to £15, £20, and even £25.

The serious matter is not the number of evictions, which the Minister of Health says he cannot give, but the number of cases in which tenants are frightened, knowing the dangers of legal action and the costs that they will have to pay in any action brought against them for eviction. We have, therefore, all over the country cases where so-called "voluntary" arrangements are being made. Those arrangements are not really "voluntary" at all; they are arrangements made in cases where the tenant is frightened by the threat of these enormous costs into giving up possession, selling or storing his furniture, and going into lodgings and thus increasing the overcrowding which already exists. That is the position. I do not dwell on it, because I am sure that all Members realise and agree how serious the matter is.

What have the Government done during the last two months to meet this case? They have given a half-hearted support to a Bill to which this House has given a Second Reading. I venture to say that it would be difficult to produce a much worse Bill for the purpose of getting a quick decision on this particular point. The 1923 Act, as I have tried to show, is unfair to tenants. The Bill to which we have given a Second Reading is a very complex Bill and a Bill which is equally unfair to landlords. We voted for its principle on Second Reading, hoping and intending to get serious Amendments made in the course of the Committee stage. That Bill is very biassed against the landlords. The best proof of that is the spirit which actuated the remark of an hon. Member, who said that the great majority of landlords were vultures, sucking the blood of poor tenants. That remark was made by the hon. Gentleman in charge of the Bill. It is not likely that a Bill dealt with in that spirit is going to have an easy or a rapid passage. The Bill has been before the Committee no less than five days, and this morning, after hard work, we succeeded in rejecting the first Amendment. There are 28 other Amendments down to the first Clause, and it must be perfectly obvious that that Bill is not going to get through very quickly; in fact, the Attorney-General this morning said he did not know whether it was ever going to become law at all.

That is the reason we are introducing to-day a very short Bill to deal with these evictions. We propose simply to repeal two obnoxious Sub-clauses—Sub-clauses 4 and 5 of Clause 5—of the Act of 1923, and to replace them by two Clauses, providing as follows. Under the first Clause, landlords who owned their houses before the date of the last Act—before July, 1923—will have the right to have the tenant evicted if he can prove that there would be greater hardship to himself in not obtaining possession that there would be to the tenant in being evicted. There will be certain words introduced to make sure that all conditions, and especially the condition with regard to alternative accommodation for the tenant, are borne in mind, because certain Courts, apparently, have not given very fair consideration to the tenants' needs under that head. Then, in the other Clause, we propose that landlords who bought their houses at any time after July, 1923, shall not be able to obtain possession at all without providing alternative accommodation. That will prevent a man buying a house to-day, and a few days later going to the Court and getting the tenant evicted as is now possible. That is all that this very short and simple Bill contains.

There is another very strong reason why we should introduce a Bill of this sort and get this question of evictions out of the way at the earliest possible moment. Many of the very contentious Clauses in the Bill, now being considered by the Standing Committee, are by no means urgent, and there are questions which cannot very well be settled until we know definitely whether the Government really mean to build a large number of houses at an average cost of £500, and to be let at rents of 9s. per week. If they are going to do that, and are going to alter fundamentally the whole basis on which rents have been fixed, surely the House ought to have the information before it before it settles some of the other questions raised in the Rent Restrictions Bill now being considered upstairs. That is a very strong reason for proceeding with a Bill of this sort and leaving over the other questions till the House has the information before it. I am sure that there would be a majority in this House for a Bill of this sort to-day. It is a Bill simply and solely for the purpose of getting rid of that one point and dealing as fairly as possible between the two classes of landlords and tenants. We all agree that you cannot have absolute fairness until you provide a sufficient number of houses. In the meantime, we want to get the fairest possible arrangement and the least possible hardship to members of both classes. This is why I have ventured to introduce this Bill to-day. I hope that the House will give it a First Reading, and that the Government will give immediate facilities for its passage into-law—not in six months' time but either this week or next week—or introduce a Bill of their own, with the same effect, and pass it immediately.

Question put, and agreed to.

Bill ordered to be brought in by Mr. Ernest Simon, Captain Wedgwood Benn, Mr. Ernest Brown, Mr. Harcourt Johnstone, Mr. Foot, Mr. Masterman, and Mr. Trevelyan Thomson.

Prevention of Eviction Bill

"to prevent unreasonable eviction of tenants," presented accordingly, and read the first time; to be read a Second time upon Monday next, and to be printed. [Bill 87.]

Safeguarding of Industries Act (1921) Amendment

I beg to move, used, as usual with the hon. Member, were very obscure, almost as obscure as the independence which he professes. He based his argument why a First Reading should not be given to that Bill on the ground that the Washington Labour Conference proposals had not been ratified. I am not quite sure on what ground the hon. Member based his argument that that would help industry in this country, because it is perfectly obvious, if such a proposal were made, it would increase very materially the cost of production in this country, unless he argues that if we ratified those proposals every other country would immediately follow our example. In that case, I think the hon. Member is something in the nature of a Richard Cobden come to judgment, and that he will go down to posterity as a disciple of unfulfilled prophecies. Prophecies are very easy to make, but up to the moment no other country has shown any inclination whatever either to ratify these proposals or to carry them into effect.

The Minister of Labour was speaking in his constituency during last week-end, and he announced that the Government were proposing very shortly to ratify the Washington Labour Conference proposals. He did not say when these proposals were going to come before the House. Doubtless, if we put a question to him, we shall receive, the usual answer since this Government came into office, that they are going to be brought forward in due course, that they are receiving early consideration, and that possibly they might see the light of day very shortly. Apparently, the ratification of these Washington Labour Conference proposals is one of the rabbits which exist in the top hat. I can imagine the Minister of Labour appearing at the despatch box with his coat sleeves turned up assuring us that the quickness of the hand deceives the eye, telling us that there is no deception whatever, and, having borrowed the top hat of the hon. Member for Penistone (Mr. Pringle), producing a fine buck rabbit in the shape of the Washington Labour Conference proposals; and, having done that, he will tell us that there is the solution of all our industrial troubles.

Is it in order for the hon. Gentleman opposite to suggest that there are animals in my hat?

I am suggesting that the Minister of Labour might find one by one of those conjuring tricks of his. The object of the Bill, which I am asking leave to introduce, is to help the Government, because no country in the world has ratified these proposals or is carrying them out. It is therefore proposed in this Bill that if countries do not ratify to the full the Washington Labour Conference proposals, these goods shall immediately come under the provisions of the Safeguarding of Industries Act, as amended. This Bill, and this Bill alone, makes it possible for the Government to come to this House and propose the ratification of the Washington Labour Conference proposals.

Is it not the rule that the Proposer of a Bill should explain its provisions to the House?

I rise, not only to oppose the introduction of the Bill, but to congratulate the hon. Member who moved it upon his perseverance. This Bill is Protection pure and simple. The hon. Member could not get Protection at the General Election, and he is now trying to get it under the Ten Minutes' Rule, although I do not think he will. My hon. Friend represents the silk trade, which has always been noted for its incompetence and its habit of coming to this House for favours. It is an old and j exploded idea that we have anything to do in this House with labour conditions so far as our imports are concerned.

If we were to prevent the importation of all goods which are made under worse conditions of labour than our own, then we should have to cut out the whole of our imports from India, and where would our raw materials then be? We might also destroy in that way the timber trade in which my hon. Friend is interested. I have never heard my hon. Friend ask this House for protection against the importation of foreign timber. People are generally Free Traders 'when they want their own raw material protected, but when manufacturers are a little behind in competition with foreigners then they come here for favours. I think at the back of his mind the hon. Member is thinking about the silk manufacturers of Italy, about whom he asked a question yesterday.

Let me point out a better way, and also do a bit of boasting about my own town and my own trade. I am in the wool manufacturing trade, and I represent a wool manufacturing town. Let me say that we are not asking for any favours, but we are asking to be let alone. The only thing we ask for is that you should take off the Safeguarding of Industries Act so far as dyestuffs apply to industries. We are asking for no favours, and I may say that we have succeeded in recapturing 94 per cent. of our pre-War export trade, and if the rest of the industries of this country had done that we should hear very little about unemployment. We are paying in the dyeing and wool-combing trade the highest wages for unskilled labour in the country. In our dye wares trade the wages run up to £4, £5 and £6 a week,

and in the wool-combing trade the wages are from 2½ to 3 times more than what they were before the War. I should think the average wage in our trade is 67s. per week, and that is a relatively good figure for an unskilled trade. I will tell the House how we have done it. We fought a strike for collective piece work, and the abolition of the limit on output. We have achieved all this by using the best brains we have from the capitalistic and employing side, and the best qualities and capacities of the labourers. For these reasons I oppose the introduction of this Measure.

Question put,

"That leave be given to amend the Safeguarding of Industries Act, 1921, in respect of goods imported into this country manufactured under conditions contrary to the Washington Labour Conference proposals."

The House divided: Ayes, 122; Noes, 241.

Division No 33.]

AYES.

[4.20 p.m.

Beckett, Sir Gervase

Greenwood, William (Stockport)

Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton

Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W.

Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Rt. Hon. W. E.

Raine, W.

Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake)

Gwynne, Rupert S.

Rawlinson, Rt. Hon. John Fredk. Peel

Betterton, Henry B.

Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

Rawson, Alfred Cooper

Bowater, Sir T. Vansittart

Harland, A.

Remnant, Sir James

Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W.

Harmsworth, Hon. E. C. (Kent)

Rhys, Hon. C. A. U.

Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive

Hartington, Marquess of

Richardson, Lt.-Col. Sir P. (Chertsey)

Briscoe, Captain Richard George

Harvey, C. M. B.(Aberd'n & Kincardne)

Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford)

Brittain, Sir Harry

Hope, Rt. Hon. J. F. (Sheffield, C.)

Ropner, Major L.

Buckingham, Sir H.

Howard-Bury, Lieut.-Col. C. K.

Roundell, Colonel R. F.

Burney, Lieut.-Com. Charles D.

Hughes, Collingwood

Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth)

Butler, Sir Geoffrey

Huntingfield, Lord

Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham)

Caine, Gordon Hall

Hutchison, W. (Kelvingrove)

Sandeman, A. Stewart

Cautley, Sir Henry S.

Iliffe, Sir Edward M.

Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D.

Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City)

Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S.

Savery, S. S.

Clarry, Reginald George

James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert

Shepperson, E. W.

Clayton, G. C.

Jephcott, A. R.

Smith-Carington, Neville W.

Cobb, Sir Cyril

Joynson-Hicks, Rt. Hon. Sir William

Somerville, A. A. (Windsor)

Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K.

Kindersley, Major G. M.

Somerville, Daniel (Barrow-in-Furness)

Cope, Major William

King, Capt. Henry Douglas

Stuart, Hon. J. (Moray and Nairn)

Courthope, Lieut.-Col. George L.

Lamb, J. Q.

Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser

Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry

Lumley, L. R.

Sutcliffe, T.

Croft, Lieut.-Colonel Sir Henry Page

McLean, Major A.

Sykes, Major-Gen. Sir Frederick H.

Crooke, J. Smedley (Deritend)

Makins, Brigadier-General E.

Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley)

Curzon, Captain Viscount

Marriott, Sir J. A. R.

Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell-(Croydon, S.)

Dalkeith, Earl of

Meller, R. J.

Tichfield, Major the Marquess of

Davies, Sir Thomas (Cirencester)

Milne, J. S. Wardlaw

Turton, Edmund Russborough

Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.)

Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C.

Vaughan-Morgan, Col. K. P.

Dawson, Sir Philip

Morden, Colonel Walter Grant

Watson, Sir F. (Pudsey and Otley)

Dixey, A. C.

Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. (Honiton)

Wells, S. R.

Doyle, Sir N. Grattan

Nall, Lieut.-Colonel Sir Joseph

Wilson, Sir C. H. (Leeds, Central)

Eden, Captain Anthony

Newton, Sir D. G. C. (Cambridge)

Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George

Edmondson, Major A. J.

Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield)

Winterton, Rt. Hon. Earl

Ednam, Viscount

Nield, Rt. Hon. Sir Herbert

Wise, Sir Fredric

Elveden, Viscount

Oman, Sir Charles William C.

Wolmer, Viscount

Eyres-Monsell, Com. Rt. Hon. B. M.

Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William

Wood, Major Rt. Hon. Edward F. L.

Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray

Pennefather, Sir John

Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L.

Ferguson, H.

Penny, Frederick George

Yerburgh, Major Robert D. T.

FitzRoy, Capt. Hon. Edward. A.

Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings)

Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E.

Perkins, Colonel E. K.

TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—

Gibbs, Col. Rt. Hon. George Abraham

Philipson, Mabel

Mr. Remer and Mr. Lorimer.

Greene, W. P. Crawford

Pielou, D. P.

NOES.

Ackroyd, T. R.

Harris, John (Hackney, North)

Rendall, A.

Adamson, Rt. Hon. William

Haycock, A. W.

Richards, R.

Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock)

Hayes, John Henry

Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

Ainsworth, Captain Charles

Healy, Cahir

Ritson, J.

Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro')

Henderson, A. (Cardiff, South)

Robertson, J. (Lanark, Bothwell)

Allen, R. Wilberforce (Leicester, S.)

Henderson, T. (Glasgow)

Robertson, T. A.

Alstead, R.

Henderson, W. W.(Middlesex, Enfield)

Robinson, Sir T. (Lancs., Stretford)

Asquith, Rt. Hon. Herbert Henry

Hindle, F.

Robinson, W. E. (Burslem)

Attlee, Major Clement R.

Hirst, G. H.

Romeril, H. G.

Ayles, W. H.

Hobhouse, A. L.

Rose, Frank H.

Baker, W. J.

Hodges, Frank

Royce, William Stapleton

Banton, G.

Hoffman, P. C.

Royle, C.

Barclay, R. Noton

Hogge, James Myles

Samuel, H. Walter (Swansea, West)

Barnes, A.

Hudson, J. H.

Scrymgeour, E.

Batey, Joseph

Jackson, R. F. (Ipswich)

Seely, H. M. (Norfolk, Eastern)

Berkeley, Captain Reginald

Jewson, Dorothea

Shaw, Rt. Hon. Thomas (Preston)

Black, J. W.

Johnstone, Harcourt (Willesden, East)

Sherwood, George Henry

Bondfield, Margaret

Jones, C. Sydney (Liverpool, W. Derby)

Shinwell, Emanuel

Bonwick, A.

Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth)

Short, Alfred (Wednesbury)

Bramsdon, Sir Thomas

Jones, Rt. Hon. Leif (Camborne)

Simon, E. D. (Manchester, Withington)

Briant, Frank

Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd)

Simon, Rt. Hon. Sir John

Broad, F. A.

Jowett, Rt. Hon. F. W. (Bradford, E.)

Sinclair, Major Sir A. (Caithness)

Bromfield, William

Kay, Sir R. Newbald

Sitch, Charles H.

Brown, A. E. (Warwick, Rugby)

Kennedy, T.

Smillie, Robert

Brown, James (Ayr and Bute)

Kenworthy, Lt.-Com. Hon. Joseph M.

Smith, Ben (Bermondsey, Rotherhithe)

Brunner, Sir J.

Kenyon, Barnet

Smith, T. (Pontefract)

Buchanan, G.

Lansbury, George

Smith, W. R. (Norwich)

Buckle, J.

Laverack, F. J.

Snell, Harry

Buxton, Rt. Hon. Noel

Lawrence, Susan (East Ham, North)

Snowden, Rt. Hon. Philip

Chapple, Dr. William A.

Leach, W.

Spears, Brig.-Gen. E. L.

Charleton, H. C.

Lessing, E.

Spence, R.

Church, Major A. G.

Lindley, F. W.

Spero, Dr. G. E.

Climie, R.

Linfield, F. C.

Spoor, B. G.

Cluse, W. S.

Lowth, T.

Stamford, T. W.

Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R.

McCrae, Sir George

Stewart, J. (St. Rollox)

Compton, Joseph

MacDonald, R.

Stewart, Maj. R. S. (Stockton-on-Tees)

Comyns-Carr, A. S.

M'Entee, V. L.

Sturrock, J. Leng

Costello, L. W. J.

Mackinder, W.

Sunlight, J.

Cove, W. G.

Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I.

Tattersall, J. L.

Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities)

Maden, H.

Terrington, Lady

Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton)

Mansel, Sir Courtenay

Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby)

Davison, J. E. (Smethwick)

March, S.

Thomson, Trevelyan (Middlesbro. W.)

Dodds, S. R.

Marks, Sir George Croydon

Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow)

Dudgeon, Major C. R.

Martin, F. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, E.)

Thornton, Maxwell R.

Dukes, C.

Martin, W. H. (Dumbarton)

Thurtle, E.

Dunn, J. Freeman

Masterman, Rt. Hon. C. F. G.

Tillett, Benjamin

Dunnico, H.

Maxton, James

Toole, J.

Edwards, G. (Norfolk, Southern)

Middleton, G.

Tout, W. J.

Edwards, John H. (Accrington)

Mills, J. E.

Turner-Samuels, M.

Egan, W. H.

Mond, H.

Viant, S. P.

Emlyn-Jones, J. E. (Dorset, N.)

Morris, R. H.

Vivian, H.

England, Colonel A.

Morrison, Herbert (Hackney, South)

Walsh, Rt. Hon. Stephen

Falconer, J.

Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.)

Ward, G. (Leicester, Bosworth)

Finney, V. H.

Morse, W. E.

Ward, Lt.-Col. A. L. (Kingston-on-Hull)

Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L.

Moulton, Major Fletcher

Watson, W. M. (Dunfermilne)

Fletcher, Lieut.-Com. R. T. H.

Murray, Robert

Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda)

Foot, Isaac

Murrell, Frank

Webb, Rt. Hon. Sidney

Franklin, L. B.

Naylor, T. E.

Wedgwood, Col. Rt. Hon. Josiah C.

Gardner, B. W. (West Ham, Upton)

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

Weir, L. M.

Gardner, J. P. (Hammersmith, North)

Nixon, H.

Westwood, J.

Gavan-Duffy, Thomas

O'Grady, Captain James

White, H. G. (Birkenhead, E.)

George, Major G. L. (Pembroke)

Oliver, George Harold

Whiteley, W.

Gilbert, James Daniel

Owen, Major G.

Wignall, James

Gillett, George M.

Paling, W.

Williams, A. (York, W. R., Sowerby)

Gorman, William

Palmer, E. T.

Williams, David (Swansea, E.)

Gosling, Harry

Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan)

Williams, Dr. J. H. (Llanelly)

Gould, Frederick (Somerset, Frome)

Parry, Thomas Henry

Williams, Lt.-Col. T. S. B. (Kennington)

Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton)

Pattinson, S. (Horncastle)

Williams, Maj. A. S. (Kent, Sevenoaks)

Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central)

Perry, S. F.

Williams, T. (York, Don Valley)

Gray, Frank (Oxford)

Pethick-Lawrence, F. W.

Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow)

Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne)

Phillipps, Vivian

Windsor, Walter

Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan)

Pilkington, R. R.

Winfrey, Sir Richard

Griffith, Rt. Hon. Sir Ellis

Ponsonby, Arthur

Wintringham, Margaret

Groves, T.

Potts, John S.

Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.)

Grundy, T. W.

Pringle, W. M. R.

Woodwark, Lieut.-Colonel G. G.

Guest, J. (York, Hemsworth)

Raffan, P. W.

Wright, W.

Guest, Dr. L. Haden (Southwark, N.)

Raffety, F. W.

Young, Andrew (Glasgow, Partick)

Hall, F. (York. W. R., Normanton)

Ramage, Captain Cecil Beresford

Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvill

Rathbone, Hugh H.

TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—

Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland)

Raynes, W. R.

Mr. H. H. Spencer and Mr. P. Oliver.

Harbord, Arthur

Rea, W. Russell

Hardie, George D.

Rees, Capt. J. T. (Devon, Barnstaple)

Notices of Motion

Smallholdings, Scotland

On this day fortnight, to call attention to the resumption of smallholdings in Scotland, and to move a Resolution.—[ Major McKenzie Wood. ]

Iron and Steel Trades

On this day fortnight, to call attention to the depressed condition of the iron and steel trades and the low wages paid, and to move a Resolution.—[ Mr. Ferguson. ]

Export Trade

On this day fortnight, to call attention to certain aspects of export trade, and to move a Resolution.—[ Sir John Baird. ]

Bills Reported

Kingston-upon-Hull Corporation Bill,

Reported, with Amendments, from the Local Legislation Committee; Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.

Ministry of Health Provisional Orders (No. 1) Bill,

Reported, without Amendment [Provisional Orders confirmed]; Report to lie upon the Table.

Bill, as amended, to be considered To-morrow.

Ministry of Health Provisional Orders (No. 2) Bill,

Reported, without Amendment [Provisional Orders confirmed]; Report to lie upon the Table.

Bill to be read the Third time Tomorrow.

Chatham and District Light Railways Company Bill [ Lords ],

Reported, without Amendment; Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.

City of London (Various Powers) Bill,

Reported, with Amendments [Title amended]; Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.

Stroud Water Bill,

Reported, with Amendments; Report to lie upon the Table.

Message from the Lords

That they have passed a Bill, intituled "An Act to amend the Law relating to children born out of wedlock." [Legitimacy Bill [ Lords. ]

Standing Orders

Resolution reported from the Select Committee:

"That, in the case of the London, Midland, and Scottish Railway (Superannuation Fund), Petition for leave to deposit a Petition for Bill, the Standing Orders ought to be dispensed with:—That the parties be permitted to deposit their Petition for a Bill."

Resolution agreed to.

Chairmen's Panel

Mr. WILLIAM NICHOLSON reported from the Chairmen's Panel; That they had appointed Mr. Royce to act as Chairman of Standing Committee B (in respect of the Legitimacy Bill and in respect of the Summary Jurisdiction (Separation and Maintenance) Bill).

Report to lie upon the Table.

Selection (Standing Committees)

Standing Committee B

Mr. WILLIAM NICHOLSON reported from the Committee of Selection; That they had discharged the following Member from Standing Committe B (added in respect of the Legitimacy Bill and the Summary Jurisdiction (Separation and Maintenance) Bill): Mr. Tillett; and had appointed in substitution: Mr. Rhys Davies.

Report to lie upon the Table.

Orders of the Day

Consolidated Fund (No. 2) Bill

Order for Second Reading read.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read a Second time."

Industrial Disputes

It is not in any spirit of captious criticism that I want to ask the House to consider the position of the general public during the period of unceasing stoppages of labour which We seem to have embarked upon at the present time; still less do I wish to embarrass the Government in the very difficult negotiations which must be occupying at present a great deal of their time. But we are rather in the habit, I take it, of fixing our eyes upon the protagonists in these disputes and forgetting the position of the general public, of the ordinary citizen, who is the usual victim of any kind of stoppage of work. After all, the majority of our constituents represent not one side or the other in a dispute, but the general public. It is our duty to them, I think—or it should be—at any rate in this House—to see that their grievances are heard, and we should endeavour to impress upon the Government that it is their duty to do all they can to redress those grievances.

When the Labour party came into office, there were very many high hopes entertained that blessings would shower upon this country from that moment onwards. Some of us expected more and some less. I think, however, that even among the most sceptical there were many that thought that, at any rate, with a Labour Government in office, we should not be bothered with so many industrial disputes. Certainly I had that hope. I am sorry that it has not been realised. There has been one dispute after another, stoppage follows stoppage; when we have finished one, another begins, and they go in a series of most disquieting regularity, to the great detriment of the people and the trade of this country. It would be foolish not to take count of another factor at the present time, and that is the effect of the propaganda of the Third Inter- national, and their missionaries. Anybody who buries his head in the sand, whether a Member of the Government, or of those who support it, is not doing very good service to his country. It is well-known from the speeches of those who lead the Third International in Russia, as well as from the experience of some people at home, that the missionaries of the Moscow Thesis, which is their Bible, are working very hard in certain places in this country to foment trouble wherever they can, to encourage unrest and dissatisfaction, and anyone who is blind to it is doing very poor service to his country—if he is in favour of it I have nothing more to say—in not calling attention to it if he is against it.

This propaganda is carried out with the object of sowing the seeds of discord wherever they think the soil is favourable. They are working hard. One of their objects is to undermine the regular authority of our trade unions, and those who lead them. They are not doing it to help the present Government. They are the greatest enemies the present Government have got. Their object is to try and show that constitutional practices which the Government follow are no use, and that the only way is to have recourse to violence and revolution. I mention this, not because I imagine that the Government are not aware of it, but because I do not think they are sufficiently alive, perhaps, to the evil, and I mention it, too, as merely one of the factors which makes us rather less hopeful that any better spirit is likely to come over the industrial world in this country.

We are up against a situation which cannot be allowed to go on longer without some effort to deal with it. There are three kinds of strikes and stoppages The one is merely a local affair, concerning the fortune of an isolated trade which is linked up with many other industries. That is not of great importance. The second deals with industries like coal or engineering, in which the prosperity of many other industries is involved. That is usually a much more serious problem for the members of the general public. The third is the stoppage of what is either actually a public service, or something very closely approaching it, such as the stoppage now going on in the tram and omnibus services. The general public suffers wherever strikes or lockouts come under the second or third of the categories I have mentioned. First of all, it impedes the revival of trade. We were grateful that there were some signs of revival in trade. This unrest takes away from us that hope, and makes a revival much less probable than it was before.

In the "Labour Gazette" I find the number of days lost by disputes for January was—I do not know whether the right hon. Gentleman the Minister of Labour has got later figures—but this shows that 629,000 days were lost in work owing to disputes. That, in itself, is a serious thing, but it does not represent anything like the total loss incurred because there are so many industries which are either put on short time or work under great difficulties by the stoppage of one of the others. Therefore these 629,000 days cannot represent anything like the wages paid or the work done, or anything like the total harm that is being done.

There is another thing which is still more serious, and that is so long as this state of uncertainty and unrest goes on, so long does it continue to be very difficult for manufacturers to obtain orders, and so keep their works going. Therefore the general public suffers, because this impedes the revival of trade. Very often, too, when the cause for which the strike has taken place has been gained, those who have gained it have probably lost as much during the days or weeks they have been off work as they are likely to make up in two or three years by the extra shilling or two they have got in wages. There is the inconvenience, too, to which the public are subjected by a stoppage like the tramway and omnibus services from which we are suffering to-day. It is a pitiful thing that hundreds of thousands of hard-worked clerks and typists, not to mention manual labourers, who perhaps are more capable of walking long distances, should have to add to their day's fatigue a tramp in the rain or the mud in the oppressive weather which we have been having during the past few days. What does it mean? It means that some man or woman who is worked as hard as he or she can work has just that extra strain put on to the fatigue which leads to breakdown, and to their having themselves to stop work.

I do not want to dwell long on that, because the discomfort and hardship to which the public are put are obvious to everybody.

I do not want to dwell on other instances of it, but there is one instance to which I do want to refer, which was raised by my Noble Friend the Member for Horsham (Earl Winterton) at Question Time to-day, and that is the case of the out-patients wanting to go to the hospitals. It is quite obvious that if an out-patient was in the habit of going in an omnibus to a hospital and cannot do so now, he has either to go without the hospital treatment at all, or walk there, or go some other way which is inconvenient to him, and the effort of going some other way is, perhaps, very likely to retard his progress in the same way as if he did not attend the treatment. Although the right hon. Gentleman the Minister of Transport, who answered this question, said he was very sympathetic with the idea expressed, it did not seem to have occurred to him to do anything, and I was very much surprised to hear him say that the hospitals he had consulted did not confirm the view put forward by my Noble Friend. I wonder what hospitals he did consult? [An HON. MEMBER: "The London Hospital."] Naturally he would consult the London Hospital, but that is close to a tube, and, therefore, not nearly so inconveniently placed as many other hospitals. My information is that the other hospitals find it very difficult to get their patients brought to them for attention and treatment, and I do hope the right hon. Gentleman will not lose any time in making the necessary arrangements for the treatment of every out-patient in every hospital in the area, and that he will be able to tell us, as we shall certainly want to know to-morrow, what the arrangements are, and how far they extend.

There is another question which was dealt with at Question time to-day, which rather alters the position. It has always been held, I think, by all Governments that when a stoppage endangers the distribution of the necessaries of life, it is the duty of the Government to provide facilities for their transport. I gathered from what the Prime Minister said at Question time to-day that he also considered it was the duty of the Govern- ment to provide transport, if he could, for those who wish to go to and from their work, but, perhaps the right hon. Gentleman opposite will explain a little further exactly what it is that the Government are doing to meet this difficulty. When the Prime Minister said he was acting under the Emergency Powers Act, I did not understand quite whether he was going to ask for a Royal Proclamation declaring a state of emergency, whether he had actually done it, or exactly what the position was. He said that a Committee had been set up to watch the proceedings, and so far we are very grateful to feel that he is doing what he can to meet the situation. Perhaps the right hon. Gentleman will be kind enough to tell us whether a Proclamation is being issued, or whether it is going to be issued, or exactly what the position is. If he can do that, then the ordinary man-in-the-street, if he can get transport, will certainly get a good deal of relief. But in some of these stoppages he cannot help regarding himself—to use an expression very often in the mouths of hon. Gentlemen opposite—as being exploited by those who are engaged in industrial disputes. It does not seem to him to be justifiable that someone should say, "Here is an industry which cannot pay more than such a sum, but I and my friends insist on their paying more, and we are going to hold up the public until they are miserable enough to sanction it." That does not seem to be fair to the ordinary man-in-the-street, and when we are told that somebody else, not in the least affected by the dispute, is to join in a sympathetic strike, the man-in-the-street, who is the victim of all this trouble, says, "No sympathy is shown with me."

I do not think I have ever allowed the merits of trade disputes to be discussed on the Floor of the House—the parties are not here—but only what the Ministers have done or left undone in the interests of the public.

I hope I shall not transgress your ruling, Sir. I was not entering into the merits of the dispute, but only trying to put the position of the public. The position of the man-in-the-street is exactly the same whether the dispute, in his opinion, is caused by the employer or the worker. What I am trying to call the attention of the Govern- ment to is that the position of affairs now is so serious that the present machinery for dealing with disputes and conciliation is inadequate, and the Government, I hope, will take some steps to strengthen it in the very near future, because I do not think at present their handling has had the effect it should have had. Therefore I say whoever is responsible for a dispute, the public suffer. A man who is getting 4 per cent. on his money does not think it is fair that he should be exploited in order that some company or group of companies should raise their dividends from 9 to 10 per cent. A man who has got 40s. a week wages does not think it is fair that he should be made to suffer because somebody else wants to raise his wages from 60s. to 65s. I do not want in any way to take a side in the dispute. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh!"] I have not taken a side. Whoever is at fault, it is the public who suffer. What I want to ask the Government is this: Will they be prepared to consider the overhauling of our existing machinery of conciliation? Is there no way out of this terrible position which would bring us peace where we now have war? There are many ways in which certain social organisations are doing good work. The Industrial League and the Industrial Christian Fellowship are doing what they can to promote better feeling and to allay suspicion on one side or the other. I often wish that some of the political representatives of the Labour party would do a little more to try and create good will between employers and employed, and to encourage the work of such bodies as the Industrial League and the Industrial Christian Fellowship, and all those bodies which are trying to get a better feeling, and not to widen the differences which already exist too much between employers and workmen.

5.0 p.m.

There is another way in which slowly, but, I think, steadily, some good is being done in reducing the disputes which come to serious issues. That is where the employers have adopted profit-sharing schemes. I am firmly convinced that the extension of that system would be of immense benefit in bringing peace in industry, where the employers are prepared to take the workmen into their confidence, to show what profits they actually are making, and to allow their men to share in those profits, though, of course, when the bad time comes, there is the other side, and sharing in losses as well. I am sure all that is in the right direction, but it is a plant of slow growth, and I think the present circumstances require something move to be done, and that something should be done quickly. I do not think I am speaking, when I am speaking to the benches opposite, to unsympathetic ears. I have read many of their speeches. I know that many of them have a very honourable history in industrial disputes, and have done an immense amount of work to bring about peace, where it is not very easy to do it. I am quite aware of that, and I think many of them agree that something better in our conciliation methods could be devised. The present Home Secretary, in a communication to the "Clarion," said: No one can say that the Prime Minister, at any rate, is not prepared to go a long way to promote more arbitration than we are getting at the present moment. We were all hoping that after the War we should find some better way to settle disputes. I remember when I was at the Ministry of Labour in those days going with the present Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Health and trying to form the Whitley Councils, with which your name, Sir, is so honourably connected all over the country. We hoped for great things from these Whitley Councils. No doubt they have done well, but we are still suffering from almost as many, if not more, big industrial disputes than we were before. I hope the Prime Minister and those who think with him will translate their ideals into action. What we want is more deliberation and more investigation before matters reach the extreme stage. We want that the public should have an opportunity of getting an impartial report of the dispute, and will not merely have to depend on the ex parte statements of one side or the other. After all, the public ought to be the arbitrator instead of the victim in these matters. At present the man in the street is in the position of a football, where he ought to be the referee. The referee does not have a very good time, I admit, but, if he were under Government protection, he would be all right. At any rate, it is better than being the football. In order to bring his influence to bear either in Parliament or through the Press, he wants and ought to have an impartial report, wherever it is possible, by an industrial court or some body of that kind on which he can make up his mind. I do not want to say much to-night about the present difficulty in the mining industry. I have very great hopes that a settlement will be forthcoming.

I had a great deal to do with industrial disputes, especially in the coal trade, during the last few years. One thing I did admire, both on the part of the owners and of the men in the coal industry; they faced a most terrible depression with very great public spirit and with a great desire to do something which would revive the general trade in the country. I hope the same public spirit will lead them into being able to settle the present dispute. If matters do come to a deadlock, it will be a great benefit to the public if they have a Report of an Industrial Court on the dispute, on the claims of the men and on the offer of the owners before matters are taken to the extremity of a forcible stoppage of work. I think the Government might explore the different methods that have been tried in other countries for avoiding stoppages of work. I might refer to what is known as the Lemieux Act of 1907 in Canada. The Industrial Disputes Investigation Act is its proper name. This Act says that where there is a probability of a stoppage of work Boards should sit and make a report, and, until they have reported under that Act, a stoppage of work would be illegal. I do not say that that is applicable entirely to the conditions in this country, but, at any rate, it has had some good effect in Canada, because in 1919 or 1920 Mr. Lemieux was able to say that a great number of disputes had been dealt with by the Board, and the number of cases in which strikes were averted was 30. That is something to the good. I would ask the Government to explore any of the methods in force in other countries with a view to giving more time for investigation and giving the public time to make up their minds. If they could do anything to bring about conciliation, they would receive the blessings of many people, men and women, who are not only members of the general public but who are unwillingly dragged into strikes which they would be only too glad to avoid if their views could be heard. They would get the support, I think, of every party in this House, and when we are paying so loud a tribute day by day to the work of the League of Nations, we might spare a little of our pacific enthusiasm for setting up some Industrial League at home which would have the effect of stopping warfare between one industry and another. The object of the League of Nations is said to be to prevent international war. Its secondary object, and one we are always talking about, is that it should promote trade and prosperity in the different countries because war is avoided. Exactly the same problem presents itself to us in our industrial conditions at home. I do hope that the Government, who, I think, have an exceptional opportunity of doing something, will overhaul the present machinery and consider the experiments made in other countries, and, if neces- sary, call together all those men of goodwill who want to see here an Industrial League bringing about peace instead of war in industry, just in the same way as the League of Nations is intended to bring about international peace and international prosperity.

I rise to a point of Order. Mr. Speaker, in reference to your ruling when my right hon. Friend was speaking, I understood you to say that, in view of the absence of the parties to this dispute, it would not be open to the House to discuss the questions involved in the present strike, and I gathered that that would include any reference to the action of persons who may be controlling the parties to the dispute. May I respectfully remind you that in 1920, when you were in the Chair, this House had a long discussion as to the merits of the coal strike in which right hon. Gentlemen on both sides of the House took part; that in 1911, on the railway strike, there was a long discussion on the merits of the dispute? I respectfully ask you whether, in view of those two precedents, it is not open to us on this and other occasions to discuss the merits of a strike and the behaviour of persons who may be holding up the Government and country to ransom?

Were those discussions on the Consolidated Fund Bill? Were they not on the Adjournment of the House or on some occasions specifically made for the purpose?

I made inquiry. On both occasions they were on the Adjournment of the House, but I would respectfully remind you that the reason you gave for refusing to allow us to discuss the merits of the strike was that the parties to the dispute were not present on the Floor of the House, and that in their absence we could not discuss it. I understood that was the reason for your decision, and not the question of the Motion which was before the House.

I am obliged to the right hon. and learned Member. Perhaps I was incautious. The reason on the Consolidated Fund Bill is that here we are discussing the salary of the Minister. Therefore, anything raised must be something that touches his responsibility and must be related to something he has done or left undone. I do not wish to carry it further than that.

Will it be appropriate on the Adjournment of the House, if not to-day, to discuss the strike, notwithstanding that the parties are absent?

I will certainly withdraw what I said about the absence of the parties to the dispute. The other matter I will look into on the precedents quoted to me.

I am sure every Member in the House will admit that the criticism of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Oswestry (Mr. Bridgeman) was not captious, was very, very fair and, if I may say so, was reasoned well out in speaking as to what is taking place and what the Government have done and are doing at the present moment. I agree absolutely with the right hon. Gentleman when he says that we ought not so much to consider the protagonists in a dispute as that we ought to consider the citizens in general, of whom we are the representatives. That principle I accept wholly in my own individual case. I agree that this House ought to look at all these questions from the point of view of the general public, and act in the public interest so that the best results may be given to the greatest number of our people. We were told, in a general criticism, that it was thought that when the Labour party came into power blessings would shower on the nation and that peace would reign. I shall have occasion to say something about when these disputes originated, in order to show what has taken place, and, if I may, to draw a moral from the negotiations that have gone on. I think the right hon. Gentleman was scarcely accurate when he ascribed to the Third International some great and malign influence in this country. The Third International, to speak the truth, is powerless in this country. Again, may I say, as I have just said, that I shall have to show the development of these disputes, which will prove conclusively to the House that they are not sudden disputes brought about by revolutionary action. They are disputes that have arisen after months and months of fruitless negotiations, so that the theory of violent revolutionary movements, that suddenly commence in a strike, may be a beautiful theory to think of, but in this connection it has no basis in fact.

We admit, and I think it is axiomatic, what the right hon. Gentleman said about the three kinds of strikes. A local strike may have little effect beyond the confines of the persons immediately interested, but in the case of the third category of strikes, involving a great public service, I, with him, believe that the public have a right to know the facts of the case. Since the present Government took office they have tried to do what I am now suggesting ought to be done. They have tried to secure for the public the facts of the case, so that the public might base its judgment not on ex parte statements, but on a judicial statement made after a judicial inquiry. I hope that the right hon. Gentleman is unduly pessimistic when he thinks that this dispute, or the disputes that have preceded it, are going to have a very serious effect on the revival of trade.

I am rather more optimistic myself, and I believe that the more the searchlight of public opinion is turned on these disputes, and the more the public get the facts, the more will both sides recognise—for there are two sides in these negotiations—that the country is greater than any side whatever, and that the country ought to be considered in any action that any individual part of the country may take. We are told that it is often the case that, when workers have been on strike, they find that the advances they have got have been more than balanced by the expenditure they have made. That is perfectly true. It is also perfectly true that the employer himself, by refusing to make a concession, often loses more than he would If he made the concession, so that, if there be folly, let that folly be fairly apportioned between the two sides, because I hope to prove that neither side can always be right, or is always right, and that both sides must take their fair share of the responsibility.

My right hon. Friend spoke of the last figures he had with regard to days of work lost, and he asked if we had any further figures. Yes, the "Labour Gazette" for this month is just out, and I can give the right hon. Gentleman the information for which he asks. In February, 1924, 699,000 working days were lost through industrial disputes. I admit that it is a formidable total, I admit that it is a regrettable total, and I hope that the future will show less of this loss and a great deal more of common sense and reason than have been shown in the past. I also know that in any case of lock-out or strike, the people who suffer are always the poorest of the poor. It does not matter whether the employers lock out or whether the workers strike, the greatest sufferers are invariably those who are the poorest, and the present dispute is no exception to the rule. Neither the employers nor the men on strike are the chief sufferers. The chief sufferers are, as they always are, those who have to live a long way from their work and cannot afford other means of conveyance. Upon that, I think we shall all agree.

I think the right hon. Gentleman, if I may say so, was scarcely fair to the Minister of Transport. I think the Minister of Transport indicated very clearly that, as soon as a whisper of hindrance to the out-patients of the London Hospital reached him, he at once communicated with the authorities. I think he said, quite definitely, and very emphatically, in fact, that everything he could do to help patients of hospitals would immediately be done, and I think it can be taken for granted that what the Government can do to alleviate suffering—the suffering of patients, either prospective in- or out-patients, of hospitals—will be done. We are told that under the present law the Government can act, and the Government must act, when there is a danger that necessities will not be distributed. I think we can leave the future to look after itself. The Prime Minister has made a very definite statement to-day, in answer to a question, and I must leave the Government policy with the Prime Minister's statement, merely saying that, as far as I know, the Committee is actually sitting now to decide what it is necessary to do if circumstances arise that necessitate special action.

What I asked was whether a proclamation has actually been issued. I should also like to know what is the Committee to which the right hon. Gentleman has just referred.

The Committee is a Committee that is set up by the Cabinet to decide what methods are necessary in the public interest if certain eventualities arise. The Committee itself will decide as to whether a proclamation is necessary, but I venture to suggest to the House that the worst of all possible things is either for the House or the Government to get rattled. There is nothing worse than scare, there is nothing worse than nerves, and if we treat this matter as calmly as we can, we are likely to get better results than if we get rattled and propose a lot of special measures that might be quite unnecessary. I do not want—in fact, it would be wrong for me—even to discuss or to attempt to discuss the merits of this dispute.

I do not want to be misunderstood, and I only asked for information. I understand from what the right hon. Gentleman has said that a proclamation has not yet been issued. I was not arguing whether it ought or ought not to be issued. I quite agree that the Government ought not to get rattled. I was only asking for information, and, as I understand that the proclamation has not been issued, that answers my question.

Very well, then, we can get along. As I have said, I do not want to say one word about the merits of this dispute. It will be understood by the House that, apart altogether from the advisability of discussing the merits of the dispute, it would be unwise in the highest degree for a Minister, who may be called upon at any moment to act as an impartial chairman for the parties, to express any opinion whatever, so the House will not expect that I should give utterance to any opinion that might endanger future negotiations. With regard to the present machinery being inadequate, I wonder if the House knows exactly what is the present machinery. Perhaps I may be forgiven if I state, in plain language, just what powers are possessed or lacked by the Ministry of Labour. When the Labour Department have a threatened stoppage, they can approach the parties and offer to act either in an advisory capacity or as an impartial chairman. They can offer to submit the dispute to arbitration. They have no power, even if that power were advisable, to enforce arbitration in any way. They have the power by law to set up a court of inquiry to ascertain the facts regarding a dispute, and I make no bones about saying in the House that, in my opinion, in every dispute that threatens a public service, or that threatens great public inconvenience, there ought to be a court of inquiry, so that the public may judge as to the facts.

But the greatest power of all possessed by the Ministry is not a power of infliction on anybody, but a power of conciliation. That conciliation in the years past has been, and at present is, the most valuable weapon in the hands of the Ministry of Labour, and my information is to the effect that under every Minister of Labour, without respect to party, literally thousands of impending disputes have been settled without recourse to warfare. That, after all, is the biggest record that the Ministry, as such, could have. As I said a moment ago, we have to be careful not to take sides in any particular dispute or in any particular matter. It is impossible not to form opinions, but it is possible to try to keep those opinions from the parties interested and appear to act, and to act, in fact, as impartial conciliators and advisers.

Let me turn now, if I may, to the three big disputes of recent times, and try to draw, from the experience of those disputes, a moral which, I hope, may be accepted by both sides. Take the railway dispute, which unfortunately broke out on 20th January, and lasted for some nine or ten days. The first meeting regarding the matters in dispute on the railways was actually in October, 1922. The matter was referred to a national wages board in November, 1923—thirteen months, apparently, afterwards—and the strike did not begin until January. May I venture to suggest to both employers and employed that, if employers would make the offers they can make quickly, and if workmen would state what they can accept quickly, there might be settlements in nearly every case where a dispute would otherwise break out. Take the history of a dispute. I happen to know from personal experience of what I am speaking. Here is a demand made for an advance of wages. If that demand be not quickly dealt with, and the weeks elapse, the members are continually asking their trade union officials what is being done, feeling is roused, and bitterness is roused, until finally the point comes when the men will not accept a fraction less than their original demand. They feel that they have been put off and put off in a way that is quite unreasonable, high feeling takes the place of calm reason, and there is a dispute. The same is true in regard to employers when they demand a reduction. Again it is essential not to protract the negotiations, but to come as quickly as possible to what the two sides are prepared to give in the one case and to accept in the other, rather than allow bitterness to creep in, because of what one side considers the unnecessary postponing of a decision. I believe myself that in the three last disputes there would have been a fair chance of settlement if offers had been made quickly instead of slowly, and if a solution could have been arrived at before feelings and passions had been aroused.

The same kind of Story can be told of the dockers' dispute. There, again, last November there was the decision of the men to ask for an increase. In December there was a definite application. The negotiations were protracted, and no offer was made until the strike was imminent. It was too late. The result was a strike which was completed quickly, but which might never have arisen if this passion had never been allowed to grow up. And what is true of the dock labour dispute is true of the present dispute. This dispute is not of yesterday. It is not violent revolutionary propaganda that has suddenly inflamed men's minds. These negotiations have been proceeding since September last. I venture to appeal to both employers and workers, in cases of this kind, quickly to come to conclusions, and then, before passions are aroused, to give conciliation or arbitration an opportunity before a dispute takes place. I believe that, if the suggestions I am now making were followed, it might be possible to avoid many of the disastrous disputes that occur. I find myself at one with the right hon. Gentleman when he calls attention to the need of the same spirit in home affairs that we expect to have in international affairs. There may be occasions on which a fight is inevitable. I suppose it is in the nature of most of us to fight occasionally. All the Labour party are men of peace, but, taking the country by and large, we have rather the tendency to seek occasionally a bit of a struggle, rather than to put our affairs under the calm light of reason. That may be good for the individual, but it is thoroughly bad for the nation. I can give the House this assurance, that, so far as the present Government is concerned, it will do what it can by conciliation to avoid disputes, and to apply advice and help to stop disputes once they have started. It possesses no other power. To ask for the power of compulsion would be a request that would need the most careful consideration. I have heard references to an Act which is now in operation in Canada—

I know fairly well what it is. I believe that our own methods in this country, bad as they may be considered to be, are slightly better than the methods adopted in Canada. There is at the present moment, I think, or will be shortly, before the country a suggestion for the avoidance of disputes before the matter has been thoroughly considered. All these things may be considered, but it is impossible for the Government, without consideration, because a strike exists, to submit to Parliament legislation that might seriously interfere with the liberty of the subject. It is only by careful consideration that a solid policy can be settled, and we are certainly not going to lose our nerve, even with this serious dispute, but are going carefully to consider anything before we submit it to the House.

May I say, in conclusion, how much the country owes to those gentlemen, high in qualifications, high in sense of national service, who place their time and their capabilities at the disposal of the Ministry of Labour whenever a dispute takes place? I think no one can estimate what the country owes to the gentlemen who constituted the Court of Inquiry in the dock dispute, or to the right hon. Gentleman who has promised to preside over what will be known commonly, I suppose, as the Decasualisation Committee. All these gentlemen, without exception, who give their time and their services to the nation, are worthy of the thanks of the nation, and I am sure the House will be with me in my final word when I publicly tender the thanks of the House to the gentlemen who have helped us in our difficulties and have helped us through our dangers.

I am sure we shall all agree that the speech which the right hon. Gentleman has just made is unexceptionable in tone, and no one can withhold from him the utmost sympathy in the difficulties with which he has to cope in view of these recurrent strikes. Nevertheless, the fact is that these strikes do recur, and they seem, unfortunately, to have recurred with a little greater frequency even than before since the advent to power of the Socialist Government. [ Interruption. ] It is quite useless, and, I think, possibly, unnecessary, for hon. Members opposite to deny the truth of the fact which I have stated. It may be an accident, or there may be a cause, but the fact is undoubted that, since this present Government came into power, we have been faced with the recurrence of a number of strikes of undoubted gravity. The right hon. Gentleman, in words which were, no doubt, quite wise, advised the House, as he would counsel his own Government, not to become rattled. That is all Very well up to a point, but the advice seems to me to bear an ominous similarity to the famous advice which was given to this country when the air raids from Germany were not met by any counter measures—the advice to employ darkness and composure, and the attacks would not be dangerous. It is all very well to preserve calmness of mind up to a point, but there does come a time when it is desirable to consider whether these recurring strikes are merely incidental, or whether they are symptomatic of some deeper disturbance. I hear an hon. Member opposite say something about the Federation of British Industries, but he must know that, I at any rate, and most hon. Members on this side of the House, have no connection in the world with the Federation of British Industries and have nothing to do with its action.

The Minister of Labour goes on to say that he is not pessimistic about the effects of these strikes. I was a little surprised to hear him say that, because I did think that hon. Members on both sides of the House were agreed at any rate in this, that these strikes are lamentable in their effect upon the prosperity of the nation, and that, if they have no effect upon the prosperity of the trader, they at any rate have a great effect upon the prosperity of the wage-earner. All these strikes, and the results which they produce, have disastrous effects upon the community, and if the right hon. Gentleman says he is an optimist as against a pessimist, I think it can only be because he shuts his eyes, perhaps even against his better judgment, to the disastrous effects of these strikes. The right hon. Gentleman, it is quite true, went on to say that the more light that is thrown on the causes of these strikes the better for the country, and in that I respectfully agree with him. There are many people on this side of the House, as, no doubt, on the other side also, who have long been of the opinion that one of the best ways of avoiding industrial disputes in the future will be to encourage employers to consent to a greater disclosure of the facts of the industry, as regards the capital that is employed, the wages that are paid, the subsidiary companies that may control a particular field of industry, and the profits that are made out of the industry in which both workmen and employers are engaged. [An HON. MEMBER: "Over-capitalisation!"] If hon. Members opposite could refrain from some of these interruptions, which I cannot hear, and to which I am unable to attend, I shall be able to say what I have to say with greater brevity.

We shall all agree that, the more light that is thrown upon the causes of this unrest, the more likely we are to find a remedy. It is, however, an unfortunate fact that, unless we can check these strikes, we are likely to find that one strike or one lock-out leads to another. There was a connection, in the 1919 railway strike, between the high wages which the 'busmen received and the wages which the railwaymen desired to receive. The right hon. Gentleman the present Secretary of State for the Colonies was insistent that the railwaymen had no choice but to strike, or no one could expect them not to strike, when they found that their wages were so much below the wages which the 'busmen were receiving. Now we find that the 'busmen are striking, not because their wages are not high enough, but because the tramwaymen's wages are not high enough. There is a connection—and this is my point for the moment—between a dispute in one industry and a potential dispute in another industry; and even when the one dispute has been settled, possibly by conceding higher wages than the industry can afford, you are likely, if you are dealing with a key industry, to produce industrial difficulties in another industry, which, in turn, will produce a strike in that connection. We may, for instance, if we are dealing with the transport industry or the coal-mining industry, find that a concession by good-hearted employers, if there are any to be met with—[HON. MEMBERS: "Oh, oh!"]— I put that in as a concession to hon. Members opposite; one has to be very tender with their prejudices, because they are so touchy about some of these matters. If we find, in any particular dispute, that an employer concedes a wage which is, perhaps, higher than the industry will bear, it is quite likely, if it is a key industry, that the effects may be disastrous upon the subsidiary industries which depend upon it.

Whether the right hon. Gentleman is optimistic or pessimistic about these strikes, I think we shall all agree that sooner or later these strikes, if they do recur with the frequency with which they have recurred during the last six or eight weeks, will have the result that the recovery to which we all so ardently look will be indefinitely postponed. I remember, in the discussion that took place in this House on the Industrial Courts Bill, the opinions that were expressed upon the question of compulsion. The right hon. Gentleman the Leader of the House, who may possibly remember those Debates, expressed, I think, the greatest objection to any form of compulsion, and a great many other Members of the House, not belonging to his party, agreed with him. The main ground of his objection to any compulsory powers to enforce against a trade union the decision of the Court that inquired into a dispute, was that it would deprive the strikers or the trade union of the privileges given by the Trade Disputes Act, particularly in relation to what is called peaceful picketing. Peaceful persuasion, as it ought to be called, has become peaceful picketing, and peaceful picketing has become something which is anything but peaceful. I hear one of my hon. Friends say that it has become terrorism. Hon. Members opposite know as well as I do that the peacefulness of the persuasion is distinguished by its absence, and that it is terrorism. Though blows may not be struck, blows are feared, and interference with personal liberty is feared, in consequence of what is called peaceful persuasion. It is this engine of oppression which is the means by which the community is held up to ransom and is exploited. Without that power some of these strikes—I am not speaking of the present strike—would be impossible for a single day or week. It may be too late to deprive the workmen of the power or the right of what is called peaceful persuasion, but it may be well open to consideration as to whether that privilege—for it is a privilege—as against the rest of the community ought not to be enjoyed only upon the reasonable behaviour of those who are exercising the privilege, and what is more unreasonable than that when we have the Industrial Courts Act, and when the Minister of Labour thinks fit to submit a dispute to an impartial tribunal, it shall be open to a trade union, probably dominated by a powerful personality, to reject the award and to exercise the privileges which this House has given him to prolong the dispute against the public interest?

I have spoken of a powerful personality. We are all increasingly aware of the fact that the prolongation of these disputes to a large extent depends upon the powerful personalities who are obtaining the control or the leadership of trade unions. One is almost shocked to read the announcement that a gentleman who was thought to be, and no doubt is, an able and powerful advocate, has made himself, or sought to make himself, the arbiter of the present dispute that is holding up London. He does not submit his arguments to the tribunal, or to the country, or to the employers, but he says, "The arguments which I present are conclusive, and I will pass judgment and I will have nothing less than my pound of flesh." These gentlemen who control these industrial disputes very largely are holding up the community to ransom, not because they are unable to receive that which an impartial tribunal will award, but because they are not able to get that which they demand from the community or from the employer. My right hon. Friend spoke just now about preventing any interference with the liberty of the subject, looking at the matter from the point of view of the trade unionist or striker. There is a liberty of the subject which concerns persons who are not members of trade unions. If the liberty of the subject is to be maintained impartially, it is the person who is affected by the strike against his will who, perhaps, ought to receive greater sympathy than those who submit themselves to the leadership which compels a strike. I am quite aware of the difficulties of compulsion. I know what has happened in Canada since 1907, since the Act which is there in force has been in operation, that strikes, which by the Act were declared illegal, continued to come into existence and continued to be illegal, and no one can stop them. Perhaps the experience in Australia has not been very happy, but it may well be worth while considering—and I suggest this to the right hon. Gentleman—whether this country, having regard to its ultimate prosperity, can any longer tolerate the terrorism which is employed to prolong these strikes with the permission of this House, that is to say, under powers given by this House, or whether or not it ought not to be stated that if a trade union will not abide by the award of an impartial tribunal, it shall no longer exercise those powers which, so long as they behave reasonably, the House is prepared to allow them.

I am referring—the hon. Member is no doubt as familiar as others are with it—to the tribunal established by Section 2, I think, of the Industrial Courts Act, to which the settlement of these disputes may be referred if both parties consent. At present that is a comparative nullity because the trade unions and the employers rarely consent in both cases, but if the Minister had power to enforce reference to this impartial tribunal and, upon conditions, to say, "The trade union or the employers shall not have the privileges which the Act of Parliament gave them to carry on and fight these disputes if they will not observe the award," I think compulsion might probably be applied by the community to those persons who ex hypothesi are acting unreasonably. We are told, both by employers and workmen, that these strikes or lock-outs are necessary. Necessity is the tyrant's plea. Let us get rid of this plea of necessity and see that the community is the referee, in a position to express an impartial opinion, and if that reasonable opinion, which quite likely may not commend itself to one or other or both parties, is not accepted, the employers or the workmen shall tem- porarily, at any rate, be outlaws, that is to say, deprived of the privileges which this House has given them, and should have some compulsion brought to bear upon them to behave reasonably. Then, and then only, are we likely to find them behaving reasonably.

I hope the House will extend to me the indulgence which it invariably does extend to a new Member speaking for the first time. The question of strikes has been raised by the right hon. Member for Oswestry this afternoon, and in the course of the Session we have had more than one discussion on the question of unemployment. The questions are really one and the same. There can be no doubt that industrial unrest, and all the loss and uncertainty which it means, is a very important cause of lack of markets, which lack of markets is one of the main causes of the unemployment we are suffering from. I am not quite sure that the actual amount of wages alone is the main reason of industrial unrest. Of course, it counts very much, but I believe the questions of confidence and trust and the status of the workers are also very important factors indeed. I believe the majority of hon. Members on this side, at any rate, will agree that the workers in an industry are entitled to a full and fair share of the proceeds of their industry. That is to say, they are entitled to their share of the profits in good times, just as they have to suffer from low wages and unemployment in bad times. I am not quite sure, especially after what we heard to-day, whether that view would be shared by hon. Members below the Gangway. Their doctrine, or that of those who still cling to the old cruel Cobdenite doctrine, would be that labour is entitled to whatever it can command in the open market and to no more. If you can get goods cheaper get them cheaper. The Chinese slave or the sweated German—they do not care who he may be; as long as the goods are cheap he is the man for their money. I hope hon. Members opposite are more nearly in agreement. They will forgive me for saying it is somewhat hard to ascertain exactly what their views are. Right hon. Gentlemen on the Front Bench, especially, seem to be endowed with no less than three separate and well-defined personalities. They are Ministers of the Crown, they are private Members of Parliament, and they are individuals, and we, on this side, bring down a perfect storm of indignation on our heads if we identify the political propagandist of Saturday, or even Sunday, afternoon with the Cabinet Minister of the following Monday. It may be within the knowledge of hon. Members that there is at no great distance from this House a particularly striking and brilliant electric advertisement, I think of some new kind of soap, which appears to revolve with tremendous rapidity, and every part of it changes colour so quickly that no man can possibly say what was the colour of any part of it at any given moment. I hope hon. Members will forgive me for saying there is some likeness between that electric sign and the Socialist new broom.

I hope, anyhow, the majority of hon. Members opposite will agree that no industry can really pay more than it is earning. The country cannot carry on on the basis of making up the difference between what an industry can afford and what the workers in that industry want out of the rates or taxes. You may have, as a matter of necessity, to do it in one or two instances, but as a general principle it is impossible. It is essential that industry should be economically sound, and that wages should be on an economic basis. I hope they will also agree that wages ought to be as high as the industry can possibly afford. It ought to be a very full share of the proceeds and the profits of the industry. I hope they will also agree that if labour can be certain of commanding that full and fair share of the proceeds of industry and the profits they have helped to earn, one of the main causes of strikes and industrial unrest generally will have been removed, and I hope with it one of their main objections to the capitalist system. But I do not believe wages by themselves are the whole thing. Status comes in, and I believe the time has come when we might take a step forward in the direction of co-partnership. Industrial unrest is partly a legacy of the bad old days when the Manchester school still went unchallenged, when little girls were sent into the pit to drag tubs on their hands and knees for 10 or 12 hours at a stretch in the name of Free Trade. It is partly the result of a deep seated suspicion and feeling that labour is not getting a fair do—that something is being kept back. We hear dark stories of manufacturing companies who turn over their output at a very small profit to a distributing company which makes a very large profit, the two companies really being one and the same. Of course, nothing in this world can really be kept secret. Those things always leak out, and they poison the whole industrial atmosphere 6.0 P.M.

When I referred to co-partnership, I did not mean merely profit sharing, but I believe the time has come when the workers should be entitled to a definite share in the direction of the industry in which they work, and to a full knowledge of the conditions under which the industry works. I believe that this would act as a check on the dishonest employer and an assurance and a protection for the honest employer, who, I believe, is in a very large majority, against unjust suspicions which create difficulties in the industry with which he is connected. I know the whole subject bristles with difficulty. It is enormously difficult. I know very many employers are afraid of this policy of co-partnership. They think it might mean a leakage of necessary trade secrets. They think it might mean revolutionary changes. They also object to giving up what men value more than wealth or health or anything they have—that is, power. I am also aware that it is opposed by people on the other side, who fear that it might mean an interruption and interference with existing trade union arrangements. I believe that a policy of closer co-operation between employers and employed does hold out tremendous hope of getting more confidence in industry and enabling us to go ahead to our full capacity in regard to increased production. It is really the only means by which we can get increased production. I fully agree with the weighty words of my right hon. Friend that we do not want hasty legislation. I do not want to suggest anything of that kind, but I do earnestly urge the Government to explore the possibilities of bringing about better relations of this kind between capital and labour. I thank the House for the indulgence which it has granted to me.

It falls to my lot, before I come to the subject I wish to bring before the House, to congratulate my Noble Friend—who is also my Noble relative, which, I believe, is the correct Parliamentary way of describing the relation of cousinship—on the very successful maiden speech which he has just delivered. I wish him all the success which has fallen in past years to other members of his family in this House.

I wish to ask the Deputy-Leader of the House to devote his attention to one aspect of strikes, and particularly the present strike from which the City of London is suffering, and that is, the aspect which I raised at Question Time. Before coming to this matter as to the provision which the Government is prepared to make for the benefit of out-patients at hospitals, I should like, by way of preliminary observation, to say that I do not think, having listened to the majority of the Debates which have taken place in recent years upon trade disputes, that the House as a whole has given sufficient attention to what seems to me to be one of the most vital aspects of this question so far as the public is concerned. I may say, in passing, that the majority of speakers in this House, when questions of trade disputes have arisen, have been those who, without any offence or without any breach of rule, may be described as representatives of one side or the other side in the contest. There have been those who now sit on the benches opposite, representing Labour, and those who sit on the benches below the Gangway opposite, who have been representatives of what may be called the employers. The views of the general public, whether they have been voiced from a back bench or the Front Bench, have not been sufficiently heard.

I am very sorry that we have not heard someone from the benches below the Gangway opposite, but I am sure that the hon. Member for Penistone (Mr. Pringle) will recognise the fact that no one in our Debates in the last ten years has been more frequently heard than himself. Little as my poor words may affect the House, I am sure that the House will be quite willing to wait a little longer before we hear the hon. Member's customary contribution.

On a point of Order. May I ask you, Mr. Deputy-Speaker, upon what basis you call hon. Members to speak? This point has been raised before, from the seat now occupied by the hon. Member for Penistone (Mr. Pringle), when Mr. Speaker Lowther was in the Chair, and he said that the rule which guided him was to call on someone from the Front Government Bench first, and then on someone from the Front Opposition Bench, and then on the leaders of any parties in the House, and, alternatively and finally, on any hon. Members whom he thought the House might wish to hear. May I point out that there have been three speakers in succession from the Tory Benches, out of four speakers in the Debate? I would like to know whether you are following the rule laid down by Mr. Speaker Lowther?

Before you reply, Sir, may I ask if your decision was come to having regard to the fact that three hon. Members from the opposite benches who were opposed to the Singapore scheme were called upon successively yesterday?

I would point out to the hon. Member for Dumfries (Dr. Chapple) that the conditions in this House are not the same as they were when Mr. Speaker Lowther was in the Chair. There are now three parties very nearly equal as far as numbers are concerned. The second point is that I made the mistake, if it be a mistake, of calling on three hon. Members from the Government side last night.

Dealing with the point of Order, if I had known that the hon. Member for Penistone (Mr. Pringle) took exception to three speakers from this side being called, I would have been willing to give way to him, had he risen.

Then I can only say that I regret that anything I may have said should have awakened the hon. Member.

On the point of Order. I want to know if the old Rule is being departed from. If the Rule laid down by Mr. Speaker Lowther has been departed from to-day in calling three Members of the Tory party in succession, is Mr. Deputy-Speaker going to call on three Liberal Members in succession and then on three Labour Members in succession?

Before these points of Order were raised, I was saying that, in my opinion, in the Debates that we have had in the past regarding trade disputes, insufficient attention has been paid by the House, as a whole, to what I may call the two main divisions into which trade disputes fall. In the first place, we have disputes in trades the continuance of which, on any given day or for any given period, are not essential to the health and the ordinary everyday wellbeing of each individual in the country. Into such a category fall disputes in such trades as the iron and steel trade, shipbuilding, and other great industries of the kind, industries which, important as they are to the financial and economic position of the country, do not affect from the very day of their inception the wellbeing, comfort and health of each individual in the community. The second class of dispute comes in connection with the transport industry. From the first day of such a dispute it is true to say that almost every individual in the area in which the dispute takes place is personally affected by the discomfort and, possibly, the danger to health caused by that dispute. It is most certainly the case that the dispute, from which this great city is at the present time suffering so grievously, falls within this second category. Not merely this Government but all Governments should at the very outset of a dispute of this kind take steps to safeguard the minimum necessary services of the public.

I should like to ask the Deputy-Leader of the House in what way the present Government have applied what I have laid down as the necessary steps that every Government should take. In what way has the present Government applied that desideratum? We have just heard from the Minister of Labour a speech which contained the most admirable sentiments. Those sentiments might have been delivered from any quarter of the House and have evoked support from all quarters. He said that it was very desirable, when you have a trade dispute of this kind, that nothing should be done which would be likely further to exasperate the parties concerned. He deprecated that anybody should be rattled by anything said in this House. I heard nothing in the speech of my right hon. Friend who opened the Debate that should rattle anybody, and I see no signs of anyone having been rattled. Nor have I seen any indication in the proceedings of this House, or in the questions which have been asked during the last few days, that anybody in this House has been rattled.

I make this general observation, in which I shall get the assent of a good many hon. Members in this House, though not the assent of a good many hon. Members opposite, that this Government in this dispute, and in other disputes since they have been in office, have had an extraordinarily easy time in this House. Owing to the peculiar situation in the present House, owing to its composition and the general uncertainty of the political situation and owing, perhaps more largely, to the good sense which is inherent in the British constitution of always giving the fairest of chances to a weak side which is in the minority, I think this Government have been more immune from criticism on matters of this kind than I have ever remembered in connection with any other Government in my fairly long Parliamentary career. I could point to many trade disputes of a far less grave nature than the present dispute where the Adjournment of the House would have been moved on the second day of the dispute, and where Ministers would not have been left as much to themselves as they have been in this dispute.

The Minister of Labour spoke in terms to which no one on this side of the House could take exception, but the question which we want to put, and which the public will increasingly want to put to him as this disastrous strike continues is this—what is he and his Government doing to deal with the strike? The Minister of Labour spoke, and so did the Prime Minister in answer to a question put to him by private notice to-day, of the emergency organisation which they were going to bring into operation, if necessary, to deal with the transport of workers to their work in London. I would like to ask the Deputy Leader of the House whether there is no emergency now? Is there not emergency in the case of the hundreds of thousands of people who are having to walk to their work every day in London? Why do not you put your emergency organisation into operation now? Are people who are not accustomed to walking, women, girls and others, long distances to their work, to go on walking to their work, when they are quite unfitted for this unexpected and arduous task, simply because in the opinion of the Government no emergency has arisen? [ Interruption. ] One hon. Member on the other side makes an interruption which was not fully audible, but in which I understood him to say, "Do not say anything to make the position worse." Could anything make the position worse more than this action of the Government?

What I said was that if you lent your cars the position would be very much easier.

I am the possessor of a comparatively humble and inexpensive car, and I should be perfectly willing to lend it for that purpose, but if the whole of the private cars in London were lent for the purpose of transporting people who normally travel up to business, they would be hopelessly insufficient. After all, that is a curious suggestion to be made by an hon. Gentleman, who I understand is a supporter of the Labour party, that private enterprise should come to the assistance of the State in a matter of this kind. It will be very interesting to hear what the right hon. Gentleman, when he comes to reply, will say to a suggestion that a solution of the problem is to be found in the loan of private motor cars by the motor car owners of London. I do not think that the problem will be settled in that way. On the general matter I would ask this final question, which I hope will be answered by the Leader of the House. Does he say that at this very moment there is no discomfort and no risk to the health of the great army of the workers of London who, as a result of the strike, are compelled to walk to their work? If there is, why does he not set up his emergency organisation at once?

I rose for the particular purpose of calling attention, as one who has been connected for many years with hospital work, to the very serious situation in which the out-patients of London find themselves as a result of this strike. In normal times, the vast majority of out-patients of London hospitals pro- ceed to the out-patients' departments of those hospitals either by omnibus or tram or underground railway of some sort. In the case of some hospitals, such as the London Hospital, there is an underground railway station closely adjacent to the hospital, but in the case of many other hospitals, as, for instance, St. Thomas', the biggest hospital in London, there is no accommodation, alternative to omnibuses and trams, available.

I must say that it was with some surprise that I heard the hon. Gentleman at Question Time to-day, when I asked him, say clearly and specifically that his information was different from the information which I conveyed to the House in my question—that is, that there was very serious discomfort and possible danger to the health of put-patients of London hospitals. Therefore, I asked my hon. and gallant Friend behind me (Viscount Ednam), who is chairman of the Royal Northern Hospital, to communicate by telephone with the secretary of that hospital, and ask whether his opinion coincided with the opinion of the Minister of Transport, as a result of the insufficient information which he had received from his Department. The reply received from the Royal Northern Hospital was exactly contrary to the information given by the Minister of Transport. It was to the effect that grave discomfort was being caused to the out-patients of that hospital by the continuance of the strike. The hon. Gentleman said that, as soon as his attention had been called, as it was called by me, to this question at Question Time to-day, he immediately took steps to get into touch with the hospitals, and he gave me the result of those investigations, and he said that he would, if necessary, provide an emergency service for the hospitals.

Why should it be left to a Member on this side of the House to call the attention of the hon. Gentleman to what seems to be a plain part of the duty which he is called upon to perform by Parliament. We have had this strike going on for three days, though to judge by the apparent want of interest in the House one would think that everything was entirely normal in London. It is very distressing that these unfortunate outpatients of London hospitals have not been able to get to and from the hospitals, and the hon. Gentleman to-day said, when asked a question, that now that his attention has been called to the matter he is investigating it, and the Government talk of the admirable service of the Minister of Labour and the emergency organisation. Why is it not in operation now? I am not concerned with the merits of this dispute. Even if it were in order to do so I would not think of discussing them, because I agree that nothing should be said on either side of the House to exasperate further a very difficult situation, but the question arises, in reference to these current trade disputes of workers, why invalids and the poor people attending hospitals should be made to suffer without the responsible Government taking any action, and giving any assistance to save the lives of these people. The hon. Gentleman opposite may smile at my remarks, but the public as a whole do not smile at these unfortunate people who are suffering through the failure of the Government.

The right hon. Gentleman has not brought forward one tittle of evidence as to the suffering which he has put before the House, and he is now relying on shifting his argument to the hospitals.

I say definitely not only have I brought forward arguments, but I have quoted the case of the Royal Northern Hospital, and as an ordinary Member of this House I assert—and I expect that the hon. Member will do me the courtesy to believe me when I make a statement as a Member of this House to another Member of the House—as one who is himself connected with hospital work, that there is at present grave discomfort and grave risk to the health of out-patients of hospitals as a result of the strike which the Government are doing nothing to meet. We are always being told, "Give the Government a chance; they have only been in power for eight weeks." I would like to say, what a great many people are beginning to say, "What are the Government doing? How have they been using their power during the past two months? When they meet an emergency of this kind, how are they dealing with it? Are they better or worse than previous Governments?" They are dealing with it more inadequately than previous Governments. I think that for many years past a succession of Governments have failed to to realise the danger to the whole community of these universal strikes, being far too frightened often of powerful interests in this country, whether trade unions or others, and repeating on the occasion of each strike, "Do not let us have criticism or anything to exasperate feeling." Judged by any comparison you like to make between this and the other serious strikes which have occurred since this Government has been in power, they have shown a weakness and a vacillation and a failure to meet the requirements of the situation by prompt action which I have seldom seen exceeded during all the long time that I have been in Parliament.

I would like to say that during the short few weeks I have been here, I have noticed that the time of the House seems to be taken up mostly by the discussion of peace and war and strikes in the industrial world. I would like hon. Members to make some calculation of the amount of time which is taken up by this House in the discussion of these particular matters. It seems an extraordinary thing to those of us who come from the industrial North, that no method seems to be suggested in this House by which the relationship of the industrial workers and employers in industry can be adjusted in such a manner as to bring satisfaction to both parties, and in so far as that is true it is a most saddening reflection. More than that, it is an evidence that we have not got right down to the very root of the distrust which to-day seems to exist between the workpeople and the employers.

I was very interested to hear the Minister of Labour saying that we must not get rattled on these questions of the strikes now taking place. I am not conversant with the life of this great city in the way in which many Members of this House happen to be. I am not in a position to judge of the amount of suffering which may be involved upon those unfortunate people who have to use the transport facilities which are no longer placed at their disposal owing to the action of those persons who are engaged in the transport industry. It is all very well to tell the House not to get rattled. I hope that that frame of mind which seems to suggest something like the tranquillity that was suggested by the leaders of another party recently in this House, is not going to creep into the relationship which ought to exist on the Front Bench, which ought to be tackling these very serious problems, and which would do well to regard the most serious of the industrial problems which face this country. The late Home Secretary drew our attention to the fact that almost every industry in this country depends upon the coal-mining industry and the engineering trades, and I think that that is true, but I wish in a few words to draw the attention of hon. Members to one most important aspect of this particular problem.

Pleas have been made by Members of all parties that we should have more goodwill between the employers and workers, but how can you expect good-will if it is plain that most of the great industries of the country depend upon the coal-mining community being willing to submit to a set of economic circumstances which compel them to work below the poverty line, and that when they have worked all the hours in the mines which it is possible for them to work, they are not able to earn a living wage? What is the use of asking that there shall be good-will in the relationship of such a large number of our fellow citizens when the industry in which they are employed seems to be unable to provide them with a wage with a purchasing power which will enable them to obtain the necessaries of life? I understand that to-day the wages of the miners are something like 30 per cent. above what they received in 1914. It will be generally admitted that the cost of living is no less than 80 per cent. above that figure. How can you expect more than a million men engaged in that industry, with all the responsibilities of the maintenance of a decent standard of comfort, to be satisfied in those circumstances?

The point which I want to make is that we should devise some method of seeing to it that these men who are willing to put into their industry all the powers of body and mind that they possess shall be paid a rate of wage which will have a purchasing power equal to the needs of their family life. When that is secured we can look forward to tranquillity on the lines indicated by the Minister of Labour. We do not intend to get rattled, but I do feel that this House would do well to concen- trate on those problems, and, if it be true that the commercial prosperity and the industrial security of this great manufacturing country depend upon an abundant supply of cheap coal, then we ought to see to it that the men who are engaged in making that provision for us should have something like a living wage.

Good-will will come when the masses of the workers, who, at the last Election, in spite of what some of my Labour friends may say, voted not so much for Socialism as for a living, get that living. If we could only unshackle the wealth-producing activity of the plants of the country, if we could only agree that we would get the fullest possible percentage of productivity from the manufacturing plant of the country, and if we could make sure that the worker in the forge or the mill or the engineering shop would receive a reward which would make it worth while to show good-will towards the capital of this country, many of the problems from which we suffer to-day would be solved. It is no use whatever asking the worker to be satisfied unless you are willing to see that he has a living. In my opinion, and in the opinion of many of my friends, it is quite possible for industry to be so organised that such a, living can be assured and capital at the same time be secured.

I am sure that we have all listened with great interest to the Debate. What struck me most forcibly was that everyone except the hon. Member who has just spoken seemed to imply that there is only one party in a dispute. All the condemnation that has been poured out has been condemnation of the workman. [Hon. MEMBERS: "No!"] I think I am of average intelligence, and that I can appreciate an argument when I hear it. I say, again, that the impression conveyed to my mind certainly was that all the condemnation was poured out upon the workers, as it always is from the employing side in any community, whether in the House of Commons or the board room or anywhere else. The men are always to blame. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] I repeat that that is the impression conveyed to my mind by the speakers to-day. I am glad, however, that I have converted Ron. Members so quickly. It is about the quickest job that I have ever taken in hand. We deplore disputes and Lock- outs, and the brutal arbitrament of the strike is painful and entails suffering and loss to all concerned. Of course, we are compelled to admit, because we have some knowledge of the business, that the heaviest burden falls on those who are least able to bear it; the greatest amount of suffering comes to those who are weakest in the strike.

There is no man in the trade union movement who can look upon the approach of industrial disputes with satisfaction or contentment. Every man responsible has done what he could, and always will do what he can, to prevent such disputes, because they involve loss and suffering and leave everyone worse off at the end than at the beginning. I have listened to the condemnations that have been poured out, to the denunciations levelled at us. We know that there is suffering in connection with hospital patients; there must be, of necessity But when the Noble Lord was speaking it appeared to me that if he bad put his energy and power into the organisation of a number of surplus motor cars, and if he had placed them at the disposal of the hospitals to convey the out-patient to and from as long as the dispute lasted, he would have been doing one practical, good and honest job, calculated to help those who suffer most, and he would not have been interfering with the dispute at all.

Perhaps the hon. Member will let me say that at this moment a large number of private motor cars are performing services for the public. They will be able to. do more, provided that the Government are prepared to give guarantees against aggression by the strikers.

That is where the sting of all the speeches comes in—the inference, what I might almost call the impudent assertion, that there is a motive behind all the strikes, that it is not really a question of wages or conditions of labour that is in dispute, but that there is some force behind impelling or compelling strikes to take place, so as to bring about something that does not appear on the surface. I am glad to hear the Noble Lord declare that an organisation exists for alleviating suffering. If the Noble Lord had told us that when he made his speech, there would have been no necessity for me to refer to it. He did not tell us that. I feel pleased that such an organisation has been created, because all our sympathy goes out to those who cannot help themselves. Some good will come out of the Debate if the joint appeal of both sides, apart from the merits or demerits of the dispute, results in help being given to those who can least afford to help themselves by those who can help them. That will not end the dispute, and it will not hinder the dispute.

There has been a good deal of condemnation to-day of the conduct of the unfortunate disputes that have taken place. This is not the first dispute that has occurred in connection with road transport. I shall not attempt to defend the Government Front Bench; it is quite able to defend itself. As a back bencher I have my own knowledge of what has occurred, and I am prepared to make this statement. Take the three disputes that have occurred since the Labour party accepted office. There have been no disputes which have been conducted with less friction and less loss to the nation, or that have been settled as quickly as those to which I refer. That remark applies to two of the disputes, and I hope it will apply to the third. When the party opposite were in power we know that almost as soon as disputes occurred soldiers were called up, the police were sent out in thousands, and terrorism existed. Force begets force. It has been freely demonstrated in the speeches to-day that this dispute has not sprung up suddenly. It has been of long standing. My experience of the labour world is that negotiations are protracted until the limit of endurance has been reached, and then there is nothing left but the brutal arbitrament of the strike. Wages are low; the economic conditions have forced the issue. We certainly hope that a means will be found of meeting the difficulty very quickly. If the tramways do not pay because fares are too low, fares ought to be increased. It is not right that the weakest man should bear the heaviest burden. The community, as a whole, must share the burden. The undertakings ought to be made to pay on an economic basis.

Other matters will be discussed on Friday, when another Bill is to come before the House. I need only say now that there is no man on this side of the House who rejoices in industrial disputes. We deplore them and we would gladly join with any section of the community to find a way out of such conflicts. We have had sufficient experience to know that there is no country in the world free from industrial disputes to-day. Canada and Australia, with compulsory arbitration, are face to face with the same difficulty. Unless there can be mutual co-operation and clear understanding of the real position of the workers, of their right to a living wage, with a fair measure of comfort and a fair standard of life, no agreement can be reached. I know the difficulties in negotiations and on arbitration boards. I know that both sides come with an intense desire to obtain a certain object; both have made up their minds what they will do. They are doomed to failure from the start. One can only deplore the conditions of to-day. I maintain that the Labour Government have performed their duty to the best possible advantage and are doing work of which we are not ashamed. We hope that the results in this case will be a quick and peaceful settlement of this and many other disputes, to the mutual advantage of all concerned.

In rising to address the House for the first time, I beg to crave that indulgence which I know it always grants. The last speaker seemed to take it for granted that, on this side of the House, we thought that when a strike occurred all the fault was on the side of the workman. The point of view which we have been trying to put is not the point of view either of the workman or of the employer, but the point of view of the public. That is the point of view which I wish to enforce. I must honestly say that I was somewhat surprised to hear the hon. Member for Wednesbury (Mr. Short) ask what evidence the Noble Lord had of the suffering caused by this dispute. I would tell the hon. Member that it was my privilege yesterday to travel by the Underground Railway from King's Cross to Westminster. If the hon. Member could see the young girls who have had to walk to their business in the morning, and who have worked hard in offices all day, crowding into those carriages and being compelled to stand until they reach their destination, he might, with a little imagination, conceive some idea of the sufferings which this dispute is causing.

The hon. and gallant Member will excuse me for interrupting his maiden speech, but I am sure it is not his desire to misrepresent me. I referred entirely to what the Noble Lord the Member for Horsham (Earl Winter-ton) said in connection with the London Hospital, and I said that he had not brought any evidence in support of his contention as to that hospital, but had buttressed up his statement by quoting the opinion of the Noble Lord the Member for Hornsey (Viscount Ednam) in respect of another hospital. I made no reference to the suffering caused to the general public by the dispute, which everybody knows—and, indeed, it is admitted that there is suffering in the case of the hospitals.

I accept the explanation of the hon. Member, and he will forgive me if I misunderstood him, but I took his words in a general sense. Surely, if suffering is caused to those who are in good health, it does not require evidence to show the suffering which must be caused to those who are not in good health. On the question of the public utility companies, who are, after all, the servants of the public, it seems to me the time has come when some arrangement should be made to prevent, as far as possible, the public being held up as they are being held up to-day and as they have been held up in the past. As a previous speaker said, the ordinary industry is in a position quite different from that of a public utility company. The law already recognises, in the case of certain public utilities, that they are on a different basis. In the case of gas and water companies, for instance, the Conspiracy and Protection of Property Act, 1875, contains the following: like to apply it to some other public utility undertakings such as railways and transport services generally. I congratulate the Government on having taken such prompt action in opening courts of inquiry in connection with the last two disputes. I think their action was admirable, but why should it not be carried a step further? Why should a strike not be made illegal pending the report of a court of inquiry? I do not mean that the parties are to be bound by the results of such an inquiry, but that, the public should have before them the actual facts of the dispute. There is nothing stronger in modern civilisation than public opinion. After the public have got the facts, if a strike should unfortunately take place, that is another thing, but, pending the report of the court, a strike should be illegal in connection with any of these public utility services. I believe that principle is embodied in the Canadian Industrial Disputes Investigation Act passed in 1907. That Act provides for the reference of disputes in mines and industries connected with public utility to a Board of Conciliation and Investigation, and it makes it unlawful for any employer to declare or cause a lock-out, or any employer to go on strike on account of any dispute prior to or during the reference of such dispute to the Board of Conciliation and Investigation. That is the principle for which I plead. One of the most hopeful provisions in the Covenant of the League of Nations is that the nations are to bring their disputes before public opinion before they go to war. I am sure hon. Members opposite accept that principle in the case of the League of Nations. It is simply the focussing of public opinion on the matters in dispute and of giving time. If people only had the time to think these things over I believe half the disputes would not take place. I ask that this principle should be applied in the case of public utility undertakings. It would require a very short Act of Parliament and it would be no injustice. I am not asking for compulsory arbitration but merely for delay, so that the facts may be in the possession of the public before a strike or lock-out takes place.

My right hon. Friend who opened the Debate was treated with some derision by hon. Gentlemen opposite when be mentioned the Third International and the bearing of the teachings of the Third International upon these strikes. I wish to make my position perfectly clear. I do not for a moment suggest that the teachings contained in this book known as the "thesis" of the Third International—[HON. MEMBERS: "What is the book?"] The book is "The Decisions of the Third Congress of the Communist International held at Moscow, July, 1921." I do not for a moment suggest that the doctrines contained in that book are not as abhorrent to hon. and right hon. Members on the Government Front Bench as to myself and, in anything I say, I hope they will take that for granted. But I think the public ought to know exactly what is the position regarding the Communist party in this country and their connection with the Third International. This thesis of the Third International, issued in 1921, was adopted by the Communist party of Great Britain at a special conference held in London in March, 1922, and a commission was appointed at that meeting to review the organisation of the party in the light of the thesis and to make detailed recommendations to the executive committee and the annual conference for the application of the thesis. The first of the terms of reference to that commission was this: This is the plan of campaign:

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I am very anxious to know the mind of the Opposition. Do I understand their request to be that the Government should take organised and vigorous action to provide substitutes for the transport means and methods which are held up for the time being. What power do they suggest the Government should bring to bear? Do they suggest that the Government is wanton and reckless? I can assure hon. Members that even on this side we look upon our Government as being more or less conservative. I believe it is the happiest medium of conservatism we have had in this House for 70 years, and now they are to be goaded in the real old blood thirsty manner to put down any movement on the part of the workers. Does it not mean that? [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] Well, what does it mean? I have had 45 years' experience of government, sometimes of gaol, often of judges, and very often of police, sometimes alternating with the soldiers, but I have never seen any interference on the part of the Government by the use of force that has accomplished any good. It may have suppressed for a time, but the suppression of a rancour very often leads to the substitution for rancour of real relent less hatred. I was hoping the other side would not compel us to believe that they were the only ones protecting the public. I regret from the bottom of my heart, and I feel sure every Member on this side regrets, any suffering by any invalid, any cripple, any person handicapped in sickness or in health, in idle ness or in work. I regret all suffering. I regret the fact that in London alone there are 1,000,000 people who hardly ever see a 'bus or see a train, and I regret the fact that they do not know their London. I regret that workmen and work girls, after putting in their eight or nine or 10 hours, should have to walk. We all regret that, but if the Opposition are making a claim upon the Government for the use of force—because the use of conveyances will at least be a challenge to the men who are in dispute—

Would the hon. Member mind letting the House know to whom he is referring with regard to the use of force?

I remember in our dispute the great courtesy and patience that was exercised by the last Home Secretary, and I shall always feel under a deep sense of obligation to him for his reasonable attitude. But his attitude was one of peace, and it was an attitude that succeeded, and I warn the Opposition from my own experience, which I suppose is rare, that to intervene at this juncture when the parties are negotiating, when the Government is utilising its pacific machinery for the purpose of bridging over the difficulty, when thorough inquiry is already on foot, and to demand of the Government a change of policy, a change from reason to force, a change from pacifism to an activity that interferes with the persons— [HON. MEMBERS: "Nobody is advocating that."] Ah! you say you do not. What does it mean? You are standing up with the public who are inconvenienced. I am correct there. You are demanding that the Emergency Committee should get to work. I am right there. Then what is the work of the Emergency Committee? That Emergency Committee to be active must, in a physical sense, interfere with the relationships of the parties to the dispute to secure the convenience of the public. Nine out of 10 of the public belong to the same class that is affected by the dispute. I make this challenge. If it were put to a vote of the travelling industrial public a vast majority would side with the tramway men and the 'bus men. I feel sure of that. It is just a sporting offer, and, if a vote could be taken, I think I should be in the right. The hon. and gallant Gentleman goes from the more or less direct attack on the Government to the Third International. There is not one in 10,000 men affected by this dispute who know anything at all about it. I hope the Muscovites will not claim the hon. and gallant Member as an advertiser, as an unpaid advertisement agent. The Third International has nothing to do with this dispute—it has no more effect on this dispute than a poultice on a wooden leg.

I think the hon. Member rather misunderstood my point. I was trying to discover the causes of strikes generally. I said that the teaching of the thesis of the Third International, may have a good deal to do with it.

Our people are much more innocent of the Third International teachings than the hon. Member. I hope that they will remain so, and I trust that the hon. Member will continue his study. We have not been the captains of industry; we have not had control over the undertakings of road traffic. You have glutted our streets with capitalistic ventures, you have extended every possible resource at your command to fill the streets with your means of transport. The captains of industry must be blamed for that. We have offered—

I ruled earlier that it would be better not to enter into the merits of the dispute on this occasion, because any discussion must be attached to the salary of the Minister, and the Minister cannot be accused of having caused the dispute.

I am too good a trade unionist to interfere with the salary of a well-paid Minister. I do want the tremendous influence of the Opposition Benches to be brought to bear for a solution. We would co-operate with them, but I do not want them to assume, as they did in years gone by, that the policeman's truncheon or the soldier's bayonet, or a whiff of grape or the hiss of a machine gun, or the substitution of means of transport by some Government-organised method—

Or calling out the reserves, as in the miners' dispute, filling up every centre of the country with possible forces of suppression, is the remedy. I did hope that even the Coalition Government's example would have been of some profit to the other side. I believe that if you will not raise a sense of rancour in the minds of those concerned in this dispute on both sides you are going to get it over sootier. I believe, if you jockey this Treasury Bench or put it in a panic, that it may use a power always at its command, a power too often used by other Governments. You will then not merely have to put up with the withdrawal of traffic vehicles from the streets, but you will have to put up with a difficulty in another sense. You will increase not merely the difficulty of the London pedestrian, clerk, or middle-class profes- sional man, but you may extend the trouble. I would not have such malice in my heart, but if there be a malignant mind on that side of the House I can see that that malignant mind would be only too glad to burn the houses down to roast their pig if that pig were the Treasury Bench. I know that there would be some Members on that side satisfied if there was a riot and tumult so that this particular Government might be disgraced in the eyes of the people. I would not like to believe that any body of men opposite would be guilty of such treachery. [HON. MEMBERS: "Why say it?"] Why say it? I want to warn you that others will say it, others will take your opposition in a very different manner from what you mean. If you do not mean force to be used, if you do not mean this Government to take action by physical means, by physical organisation, then what do you mean? You cannot come along with peace on your lips and war in your hearts. I really would like to know what is meant.

I do not want to raise any feeling, but I want to point out that hon. Members opposite are not helping us. [An HON. MEMBER: "Neither are you!"] I would like to know what hon. Members want. I would like their terms put in express language. I would like some resolution that would embody their sentiments, because they cannot have it both ways. They cannot eat their cake and have it. I want to warn hon. Members. This is no threat. I am as much a lover of peace as any Member in this House; possibly I have been in more fights than any other man, and that is why I am a lover of peace. I do ask the Opposition not to press the Government to take action. Do not force men like ourselves. You never saw such a body of men so disciplined as in our last transport workers' dispute. At the moment they were a thoroughly organised, disciplined, peaceful body. You have men with confidence in this House, confidence in this Government and in the Labour Ministry. Do not detract from any belief they may have of the capacity of this House and this Government to handle the matters in dispute. If you do, you will be on dangerous ground, and I make an appeal to the other side. If they want peace, let them help us on this side to obtain it by reasonable and just means.

The hon. Member who has just sat down has, in a few words, stated a series of questions, the answers to which he must have known perfectly well if he had listened to this Debate. He has certainly enunciated a very strange idea of what force means. So far as I have heard of what has been said from these benches there has only been one idea with regard to the obvious position, and that is that it is not the duty of a Government to take any side in an industrial dispute of this kind, and least of all that the Government should attempt to introduce force while the negotiations are going on. Surely there is no question of applying force when all that is asked for from this side is that the Government shall see first of all that by the action of others essential services for the life and the welfare of the people are not destroyed.

I see nothing in the nature of the introduction of force when all that we ask is that if there are those in the country who are prepared to do their part in fulfilling the social obligation of giving those who have to get to their work a reasonable opportunity of getting there the Government ought to afford such protection to them that they can do this in safety and without fear. The purpose on this side is to try and prevent this series of industrial disputes which must inevitably bring ruin on the country, if they are allowed to continue unchecked in this way.

We do not desire to do that by force, except by the force of public opinion. I remember very well when the Trade Disputes Act of 1906 was passed through Parliament talking to an old Member, who expressed this view. He said: "You need not fear the Trade Disputes Act. It will never be possible to have any prolonged industrial dispute, because public opinion will always settle the matter." That proved to be a rather faulty prophecy, but there was a great deal of force in the suggestion that public opinion will ultimately settle any trade dispute. I lay down the proposition that once the position of opposing parties is clearly and definitely understood by the people, then that side in the dispute which is unreasonable will never get any tangible advantage out of the dispute.

What are we suggesting? That before you resort to what has been called in this matter "the stern arbitrament of industrial warfare," you should, at any rate, exhaust every possible opportunity, not merely of conciliation, but of letting the whole public know exactly what the dispute is about, and where the merits are. The Minister of Labour spoke in some detail as to the length of time that these industrial disputes had been in incubation, and he pointed out that some of them started as much as 12 months ago. He also pointed out another aspect, and that was that, in his opinion, any inquiry should take place before you actually get to strike action. In saying that he was undoubtedly expressing the view of practically everybody in this House, but the fault has been that the question of inquiry has never been put forward as a regular system by any Government actually before strike action has taken place.

Take the record of the present Government. Take, for example, the dock strike. Not until the strike notices had actually become effective was the Industrial Court set up. Take the present strike. Again the Industrial Court was not set up until the strike notices had become effective. Personally, I attach the very greatest importance to the Industrial Courts, because they have power to get to the root of things by inquiring and ultimately setting the whole facts before the public. You cannot get those facts from partisan statements from either side.

You cannot judge as to who is right or wrong when all you have got is the statement from the trade union or the Federation on the one side and the employers on the other side. Very often the opposing sides do not fully realise the strength or weakness of their own case until it is inquired into by an impartial authority. If I may give one illustration of very recent times, it is the extremely striking one of the dock strike. The circumstances of that strike show quite clearly that if the Industrial Court had inquired into the dock dispute before the strike notices became effective, those notices would never have been issued and you would never have had a strike at all.

We have an employers' and workers' council which has handled the whole business. It is true the inquiry was instituted after the strike, but certainly the whole facts were well known to the public.

That is not the point. The question is whether the whole of the facts were known by the public. Another important factor is whether those facts had been examined and analysed not by the parties to the dispute, but by some body of an entirely impartial character outside the dispute ready to consider the case on both sides, and form an impartial opinion. It was abundantly obvious that when the parties went before the Industrial Court and the case was presented, the case for the employés appeared even to the employers to be so apparent that the strike collapsed, and it was brought to an end.

I certainly do not see the relevance of that interruption, and what is more I do not see that the fact that a particular Commission was set up at a particular time has anything to do with the position of a Court which inquires into the particular facts of a particular dispute with a view to putting the whole of the facts before the country, so that people may judge who is in the right and who is in the wrong.

The importance of a Committee sitting before a trade dispute has actually entered upon the strike stage is that you get the facts presented to the public in a clear way without passion, and before other questions have arisen such as the question as to who was or who was not unreasonable in breaking off the negotiations. Directly you get a judgment of the facts coloured by considerations of that kind, you immediately make it difficult even for an industrial court to present a Report which will find full acceptance even amongst those who read it quite impartially. One thing has been pointed out, and it is that at this time we are seeking to apply these principles to international matters, and, as far as I can see, there is no possible argument that has been brought forward as to why you should not apply them to industrial affaire.

If you are going to resort to the procedure of industrial courts before strike action is taken, then you must bring about some sanction, some method of making it illegal for a strike to be entered upon until the industrial court has inquired and has been able to put the facts impartially before the country. Once you have got that decision, then I think 'by that process you would clear the air, 'and the atmosphere must 'be cleared in these industrial disputes. We know perfectly well that there are unreasonable employers. There is also the possible atmosphere that the industrial dispute is being used for ulterior ends. It certainly is not the fault of those who sit on this side of the House that that suspicion exists, but the Government are certainly not blameless, because in season and out of season hon. and right hon. Gentlemen opposite have been going about the country preaching that production of any kind for profit is a moral crime. Therefore, they cannot be free from responsibility if the populace take them at their word by taking up the position that as the making of profits is a moral crime it should not be allowed to continue, and that the workers should get all the profits.

There is another serious aspect, and that is the action which has been taken by some members of the Government with regard to pending industrial disputes. It surely cannot help the Government that a prominent member of the Government should, at a time when a dispute such as the miners' dispute is pending, contribute to a weekly paper an article which prejudges that dispute, and yet I find in the new "New Leader" of last week a very able and clear article, which absolutely prejudges the mining dispute, by the present Civil Lord of the Admiralty. It is impossible for any Government to take up the position which a Government should take up of holding the balance fairly between the contending sides if a member of the Government, when a dispute is going on, is to be allowed to write to the papers and prejudges the whole matter.

There is one other thing to which the use of industrial courts in the way I have suggested would put an end. It would prevent the method which has been adopted by the sympathetic strike of holding the whole community up to ransom whenever there is an industrial dispute. First of all, when one talks, as there has been talk from time to time, of calling out the reserves, I think it might be far less easy to call out those reserves if the position had been first of all clearly ascertained, and disclosed, so that there was not quite the sympathy with those calling upon industrial action that had been suggested before the inquiry had been made.

Quite apart from everything else, once you get the position that the issues are not clear, there is the general sympathy on the one hand of those who may be called upon to take part in a sympathetic strike, and on the other hand, because the question is misunderstood, you give rein to that idea of creating intense discomfort and destroying social and essential services, in order that public opinion may not express its view upon the actual issues, but that public opinion may be stirred for its own comfort into forcing one side into making a dishonourable peace. From that point of view, one must deal with the attitude of the Government. I represent a constituency in London, and the majority of those who live in that constituency have to travel distances varying from seven to four, three and a half or two and a half miles to the centre of London day by day. The hon. Gentleman the Member for Salford North (Mr. Tillett) said that if you take a ballot of these they would want the strike to continue, or he said something of the kind.

The hon. Gentleman certainly suggested that if you take a ballot that those he spoke of would sympathise with the strike, and they would think it was justified. I would like him to air that doctrine in a South Western railway carriage in which there were 25 passengers. I think he would find that that was a very much more pertinent test than any imaginary ballot he could take. Once you get the position that social services are threatened—and, after all, we have had threats dealing with electricity and that sort of thing—once you get to that position, the Government can no longer be in doubt as to an emergency, and if they do their duty they have no right to allow the travelling public of London to be one day without the necessary means of transport to get them to their daily avocations.

Serious as the position is, I venture to think that the position might be avoided almost entirely if it became a permanent part of the industrial machinery of this country that whenever there was a dispute threatened, the industrial court should inquire before any strike action was taken, and act by the sequestration of the funds of the employers—if they were in the wrong—in starting a lock-out; or the trade unions—if wrong in starting a strike, before the Industrial Court had inquired. I say that if you had that as part of the permanent industrial machinery of this country you would avoid much misunderstanding; you would avoid much destructive warfare, and you would start us along the road to prosperity and to clearing away suspicions which otherwise we shall never get cleared out of the way.

One would imagine, from some of the observations of hon. Members who have taken part in this Debate, that this is the first occasion on which the travelling public has been incommoded by the stoppage of any of the transport services, and that this, the first occasion, has fallen because of the advent of a Labour Government. There have been stoppages of these services before when powerful Governments, with great majorities behind them, sat not only day by day, but week by week, and witnessed the increasing inconvenience to the public and their suffering because of the stoppage of the transport services. Trams, 'buses, trains, and so on have been in a condition of standing still, and appeals have been made to the Government and this House to intervene in the hope of trying to arrange a settlement. Frequently those interventions met with no response. I do not underestimate the degree of the public inconvenience which is being endured, but I do not accept the conclusion to which a speech like that of the Noble Lord the Member for Horsham (Earl Winterton) might have led listeners in this House to accept, that outside there is a great public indignant on account of what is termed the Government's inactivity. I see no letters in the Press. I have heard nothing of monster demonstrations passing resolutions calling upon the Government to do something.

I say again I do not underrate, indeed I know the degree and measure of public inconvenience which is being endured, but I deny that anyone has got a mandate to come to this House to say that the Government is not endeavouring to do what it can to diminish public inconvenience and to compose the differences which still unhappily prolong this dispute. In effect the Government policy, so far as it could take action within the limits of wise procedure, and the Government's attitude cannot be challenged. It is said that these disputes have been frequent since the Labour Government has come into office. But trace the matter back to the origin of these disputes, which recently we have had, and we find their beginnings, six, nine or 12 months ago. Consider also that just at this moment we have inherited the worst form and degree of these disputes, because prior to the Labour Government coming into office little or nothing had been done to lay down better lines that would have avoided conflict.

While these disputes have been numerous, we are entitled to point out that their settlements have been speedy, that they have been terminated, in comparison with many other disputes, on terms of mutual agreement, which promised a much larger measure of continued peace in the industries affected. There have been disputes on the railways and at the docks. Who can say that in either of these troubles the Government did not immediately do all it could, and do it with effect? Who can say now that the representative of the Government, the Secretary for Mines, has not since his first moment of advent to office, done everything possible to arrange a settlement of the points of difference between the miners and mine-owners? The hon. and learned Gentleman the Member for Bristol Central (Sir T. Inskip), speaking earlier in this Debate, went so far as to refer to the necessity of some Act of Outlawry on these men as a remedy for their alleged attacks upon the national interest. If that doctrine is to be pushed to its full length, those who preach it must remember that there are others who offend against the public and the national interest, and that such a doctrine should not be limited to the wage-earner. There is the profiteer, the exploiter, the unscrupulous parasite upon British in- dustry. Any extreme Measure of outlawry of that kind might have a very wide effect, if it were to be seriously thought of.

We were asked by the Noble Lord whether we considered an emergency had arisen. "Emergency" is, perhaps, not definitely and precisely a term of law. It is, I conceive, to be determined as a question of degree. This dispute has lasted but a few days. Are we to assume, if hon. Members opposite had been on this side of the House, that by this time they would have dealt with the tram and omnibus dispute speedily, and at once—

by at once organizing a fleet of cars or vehicles of some kind for the convenience of the public and which would have been placed at their disposal? Or are we to believe that they would have taken action and forced the workers to run the trams or drive the 'buses? No one of these extravagant measures which have been hinted at, these measures of force—for force alone is the only thing which hon. Members can have in mind—would have been used had they been in our place. They would not have used force, because they know well that this attitude in such a dispute, and on these issues, would not have shortened the duration of the dispute or narrowed its limits. It would only have caused an extension of it. These men are like ourselves. When provoked, they find an outlet, perhaps, in some form of retaliation. These men are Britishers, as we are. Remember they are the men who went to France; they, or their brothers, or fathers. We have to think of them now not merely as men on strike, pushed to that course, not only by the necessity of getting a decent livelihood, but in terms of being citizens of this country and members of the public—as we are ourselves. I am not going to deal with what might be the general cause of these recurring symptoms of the existence of unrest.

I ask men engaged in public business no longer to regard as a cause of these disputes that which is sometimes alleged in these discussions, the preposterous delusion that some international organisation, with offices in Russia, is able to cause conditions of unrest in the industries and businesses of Britain. Undoubtedly the cause is not a single one. If in this case one wished to discover what was the cause of the stoppage, I can say how it can be ended to-morrow—put 8s. a week more on the wages of the men, and they will return to their work at once. The way to find out the cause is to apply the remedy. Into the merits of the dispute I say I am not proposing to enter. But let men no longer be deluded by this preposterous notion that in Russia or in Berlin can be found the seeds of this trouble.

To-day the Prime Minister announced the action of the Government in relation to this dispute. I need not repeat that announcement, and men are now sitting who are charged, within the terms of the law, to consider what can be done on behalf of the Government if, in the judgment of the Government, a state of emergency arises which justifies the action which the law entitles them to take. The tramwaymen are on strike for an advance in wages. A complaint has been made against the busmen that they are on strike without a grievance as to wages. I do not think that complaint should be levelled against busmen for making the great sacrifices which they are making from promptings of sympathy with their fellows who are less paid, because, undoubtedly, they feel that unless wages are raised for one section in kindred transport services, their own may very soon tend to fall. I accept all that has been said from every quarter of the House as to the losses sustained by the community at large through these unfortunate troubles. They are not troubles which we have made. It never was, and never will be, of the slightest use to taunt the agitator with being the cause of these troubles. If the man who stands at the street-corner, or on the public platform, has not a good cause, or a good grievance, nobody will mark it.

These recurring difficulties are the ordinary symptoms of the disordered state of a thing called a system, which is not a system, and never will be a system, so long as modifications of it, and real changes in it, are so strongly resisted by those who ought to see their own better interests in consenting to modifications such as are often proposed. Nor can it be claimed that the men who are involved from time to time in these disputes are disregarding the law, that they are in any sense showing themselves as unworthy of their country or of their class. With not merely a minimum, but with a total absence of anything like lawlessness, these disputes are being conducted. That is not merely a matter of which we on this side are proud. It is, I am certain, a behaviour and an attitude of which all in this House of all parties must be heartily glad. So I say, these men should have won the sympathy of this House, instead of the provocative and censorious language that has been used by certain speakers. I can only repeat that our policy, our action as a Government, was clearly outlined. From the first day of this dispute we have done everything possible by acts of mediation to compose the differences, and in that sense have played properly the part of a national Government, and not of a class Government, and I am certain that any Government, whatever it might be, could not, in like circumstances, have done more than we have done to safeguard the public interests that have been involved.

I am certainly surprised to hear the right hon. Gentleman characterise the speeches made in the course of this Debate as either provocative or censorious. He has made his own speech as though it were necessary for him to justify the action of the strikers. The speeches that have been made have not been directed to the merits of this dispute. They have not been directed against the right of men to strike. Such criticism as there has been has been directed against the Government themselves, because it seems to us that, in their view of this very serious matter, they have allowed rather to drop into the background the fact that there are not merely two parties to a dispute of this kind, but that there is a third party, namely, the public, whose interests are being very seriously attacked, and in whose defence we have raised this question. We have failed to extract from the Government any indication of what they propose to do. They have set up an Emergency Committee which, we are told, is sitting now, and which is going to present proposals, and, without pursuing the matter further to-night, we shall certainly feel it our duty to press the Government to-morrow, and until we see that adequate action is being taken, and know that they are going to put in force such powers as they possess, in order that the interests of the general public shall be protected.

Will the right hon. Gentleman tell us what he conceives to be adequate action?

The right hon. Gentleman himself knows perfectly well what the powers are under the Act which was quoted by the Prime Minister, and it is for the Government to decide when is the time to put those powers into operation. Apparently, they do not consider that, up to the present, a sufficient crisis has arisen to justify their putting those powers into operation. What we want to know is, how long must the public be subjected to their present inconvenience before the Government think it wise to take action?

Housing

I have risen to deal with another subject, and with the hope of obtaining from the Minister of Health some information as to the progress of housing in this country. The Act which was passed last year has been in operation for less than 12 months, but I think by this time sufficient information will have been accumulated at the Ministry of Health to enable the Minister to let us know what exactly has been the working of the Act. It is highly important, at a moment when there are rumours that the Act is going to be torn up, and some new proposal substituted, that we should know what are the merits and what the defects of the Act which has been in operation for the last nine months, in order that we may have those facts before us, and draw from them what lessons we may when we come later on to consider new proposals. I should like to know how far the anticipations which were in our minds when we passed that Act have been fulfilled. I recollect that when it was passing through this House, the very gloomiest anticipations were expressed by hon. Members who were then sitting upon these benches. If I recollect aright, the present President of the Board of Trade went so far as to offer a bet that 200,000 houses would not be built under the Act in two years. I had no idea before that he was a betting man, and perhaps it was characteristic of his natural caution that he did not specify the currency in which his bet was offered, and he took care to put the figure at what, no doubt, he considered to be a safe level. But if my information is correct, up to, at any rate, a very short time ago, building operations under the Act were actually proceeding at a rate which would have produced 200,000 houses in two years. [ Laughter. ] Some hon. Members laugh. Perhaps I may be incorrect, but that is just one of the questions to which I desire an answer.

I find—and I think these figures have been published—that, up to the middle of February, schemes had been put forward by local authorities, and approved by the Ministry, providing for 100,676 houses. [An HON. MEMBER: "Were they schemes or houses?"] These were schemes for houses. The hon. Member does not think that the houses could be built as fast as the schemes could be approved. The first process is to prepare a scheme; the next is to get it approved by the Ministry, and only after that can building be proceeded with. But I think it is a very remarkable fact—if it be a fact—that in so short a time schemes should have been produced by the local authorities, and approved by the Ministry, to such a very large figure as that which I have named, and I should be glad if the Minister of Health could tell us what are his latest figures on this subject, because, no doubt, he has got some later than those I have mentioned, and I am the more anxious to hear what is happening now, because I am told that in the last two months there has been considerable damping down of the activity which was proceeding up to that time. I do not know that that is altogether unexpected, because the statement—in my view, a very unfortunate and premature statement—made by the Prime Minister, some time ago, seemed to indicate that the Government were thinking of offering subsidies at a far higher rate than those which exist under the present Act. That statement I characterise as unfortunate, because it seems to me the inevitable effect of such a statement must be that everybody engaged in building operations will be inclined to hold their hand, and wait to see whether those proposals materialise, and whether by waiting they cannot obtain a higher subsidy than that to which they would be entitled under the present Act. It certainly would be an ironical commentary upon the statement of the Minister of Health that he was going to think in millions, if the first effect of the rumour of the new proposals were to damp the building activity which previously was going on so satisfactorily.

8.0 P.M.

I do not think it can be denied, at any rate, that the Act of 1923 has actually produced proposals from the local authorities for a larger number of houses than the industry itself can supply. I know it was the case until very recently that the Ministry, who had, very properly, to examine every scheme to see whether it could be carried out, were obliged to reject a number of schemes, and in many other cases were obliged to cut down the number of houses which the local authorities had proposed to build, because when they came to ask what labour was available, they found that the locality could not produce the necessary labour, and that, if it were to be forthcoming, it would have to be by robbing some other locality where, very likely, the needs were just as great. Of course, it was that very consideration which caused that tremendous rise in prices under the Addison scheme, when the houses on paper for which contracts were let were so much more numerous than the houses which the industry could supply, that builders and others were enabled to ask higher and higher prices for their work. In fact, it would appear that the limitations upon the amount of housing that has been done under the 1923 Act were due, not to the defects in the Act itself, but to the shortage of skilled labour. There has been no shortage in unskilled labour, but the unskilled men are dependent on a proportionate supply of skilled men, and if the skilled men are not forthcoming it means that there is no work for the unskilled. To show how serious this shortage is by an illustration, I find that in my own town of Birmingham, last December, a report was presented to the city council, in which it was shown that the housing contracts then running required 899 bricklayers, but that there were employed only 371, so that there was a deficiency of no less than 528 bricklayers on the contracts then running, and it was added that further contracts were being let which again accentuated the shortage, and consequently that it would be quite impossible for the corporation even to maintain the rate of building which it had undertaken, far less to increase it. It would seem that, if any acceleration of the present rate of building is to take place in the country, this deficiency has got somehow or another to be made up. That is a consideration which would have had to be taken into account by the late Minister of Health if he had continued in office. I know it is engaging the very serious attention of the present Minister of Health, and although I gather, from an answer to a question to-day, that he does not find himself in a position to make any positive statement, I hope, nevertheless, he will be able to give us some reassurance as to the prospects of successful negotiations in the conversations now going on with the trade.

I pass to a second point. When the figure of £6 a year for 20 years was agreed upon with the local authorities, there was a sort of general understanding that that represented about half of the subsidy which would be necessary in order to get houses built. It was taken as a sort of average throughout the country, that about £12 a year for 20 years would be necessary, and that the other half of the subsidy would be made up by the local authorities themselves. I do not mean to say that there was any obligation upon the local authorities to provide that if it were not necessary. I said quite clearly myself to the representatives of the municipalities whom I met that the £6 was an offer of an unconditional character, that if they did not find it necessary to add as much as £6 to it themselves they were not expected to do so, but, on the other hand, that if more than £6 was required I hoped they would be able to find it. I would like to ask the Minister of Health what has been his experience in this matter. Have the local authorities in fact given £6, or the equivalent of £6, for 20 years? I do not know that he has the information, but I think probably I am correct in saying that, so far from having had to offer another £6, the subsidy has been in many cases merely handed out without anything being added to it at all, and in a good many other cases the additional subsidies they have given have not been more than one-third of that provided by the State. So that, although I remember that I was subjected to some criticism from the then Opposition on the ground that the subsidy I was offering was not going to be sufficient to produce the houses, experience, if I am right in the suggestions I have made, has shown that the subsidy was not too small. I am bound to say that that is exactly the result I would have expected from the increase in the superficial area which was permitted under the Bill.

I remember warning the House at the time that, if you were to increase the superficial area of houses, one of two things would follow, either that the poorer classes of people for whom I had desired to provide would have to sublet in order to be able to afford the rents which would be attached to those houses, or that you would have another class, rather higher in the social scale, earning more money per week, who would take advantage of the subsidy and take those houses to the exclusion of the poorer classes for whom I had desired to provide in the first instance. I believe that is exactly what has happened. The increase in the superficial area has enabled a good number of people who, on the whole and comparatively speaking, are fairly well off—I do not mean to say that they are the upper middle-class but they are equal to our well-paid artisans, clerks and others—by slightly reducing the standard of the houses that they themselves would have chosen have been enabled to take advantage of this subsidy and to occupy houses which we hoped would have been occupied by another class of persons. I draw this conclusion from that experience. In the first place, it seems to me to be an absolute justification for resisting, as I did, the pressure put upon me to extend the period during which this particular subsidy was going to be paid. I said at the time that the limitation of the period during which the subsidy would be paid did not mean that the housing programme was then to come to an end. What I said it meant was this, that that was the longest time we could look forward to and say that any particular subsidy was applicable to the circumstances. What I therefore desire to urge on the Minister of Health is that, first of all, if he is to continue the subsidy at anything like the rate that it is now, the subsidy should be reserved for a smaller class of houses than that which is now receiving it, so as to try to get the poorer people housed; and, secondly, that he should either make his proposals to operate for a comparatively brief period, as I did mine, or if he finds it necessary in order to increase the labour supply to put before the House a programme extending over a more prolonged period, that at any rate he should include some provision for a periodical review of the terms of the subsidy, because if he does not do that he is quite likely to find, as we are finding to-day, that times have changed, that circumstances have changed and that the subsidy we have decided upon is no longer suitable for the particular circumstances which may be in existence.

I would like to ask one or two detailed questions about the working of the particular provisions in the Act. Under Section 2 of the Act, a number of alternative methods of passing on the subsidy to private enterprise were enumerated. There was the way of capitalising it and handing over a lump sum to the builder. There was another method by which practically a contribution towards the rates on the new houses was offered, and, again, there was another provision under which the sums payable to building societies were to be contributed to by the local authorities. I myself always expected that the lump sum subsidy would be by far the most favoured of these, and I would be obliged if the Minister of Health would tell us whether, in the experience of the Ministry, either of the other proposals which were then enumerated have proved to be applicable and popular in any part of the country, or whether they have proved to be merely a dead letter. Under Section 3 there was power to give subsidies direct to certain public utility societies provided they were willing to forego any subsidy from a local authority. That was a provision put in specially to meet certain particular cases, and especially cases where the public utility societies had housing schemes which were not confined to the area of one locality but were spread over the areas of a great number of different authorities, some of them very small and trivial in importance. I would be glad if he would let us know what has happened in regard to public utility societies, whether there has been any considerable advantage taken of this section of the Act, and whether it is still continuing to function. Then I would like also to ask him about Section 5 and Section 22, which deal with the amendment of the Small Dwellings Act, both those sections being those which empower local authorities to make advances to occupying owners. Those are provisions to which I myself always attach particular importance. I would like very much to know what is the attitude of the Minister himself to this question of ownership of houses by occupiers.

We had a Debate some weeks ago upon the Rent Restrictions Bill, in the course of which one hon. Member, I think the hon. Member for Dumbarton Burghs (Mr. Kirkwood), made use of an expression which was taken to indicate that he himself desired to make it impossible for any people to own their own houses. I am not sure that that was the correct interpretation of what he said. I am cot sure that he did not really mean the ownership of those great blocks of tenements, with which he is familiar, not by the occupiers themselves but by some other outside landlords. But I would be very glad to know what the Minister himself thinks about encouraging people to own their own houses. I remember that in that same Debate he was asked how he would define "houses for the working classes." He gave then a curious, and I think an original definition of the working classes, as those who could not afford to buy their own houses. I will return to that in a moment. I want to put it to him that, whether these people are members of the working classes or whether, if you like, by buying their own houses they have ceased to be members of the working-class, in any case it is a good thing that as many people as possible should own their own houses. I say that for many reasons. I believe it is a very strong incentive to thrift. I believe it is a thing that appeals to the best instincts of the working classes, and I am quite certain that the man who owns his own house is generally a good citizen also. As to whether the working classes are capable of owning their own houses I would like to tell the Minister that in my own city there is an institution called the Municipal Savings Bank.

Perhaps I may be pardoned for taking some personal pride in it, because I had some responsibility for its foundation. One of the functions of this municipal bank is to use its deposits for the purpose of making advances to people who desire to purchase their own houses. The other day I tried to get some sort of analysis of people who had actually taken advantage of the facilities offered by the bank, and although the records have not been kept with a view to any analysis of this kind, it might be interesting to the House to know what the actual figures are. Since the War—and, of course, you can hardly find a period in history when you would suppose there was less inducement to purchase a house than within recent years, when the values of houses first rose to a tremendous height and afterwards fell with extraordinary rapidity—the total number of people who have purchased their houses through the bank is 2,226, and out of those I find that a class which I call definitely manual workers amounted to 773, just about one-third of the whole; shopkeepers accounted for 92, the clerical classes for 529, professors and teachers for 208, and then comes a miscellaneous lot, which includes a number of married women, the occupation of whose husbands was not recorded, amounting to 624, which makes up the total. There you see that you have, at any rate, out of a total number of people who in these very unfavourable circumstances have nevertheless purchased their houses through this bank, no less than one-third of them who are definitely manual workers, brass workers, engineers, and all the various trades which flourish or do not flourish in Birmingham.

I want again to suggest to the Minister of Health that it is in the interests of the housing problem as a whole that he should try and lighten, as far as he can, the burden, which in any case is going to be very heavy, which lies upon the local authorities. I know he holds very strongly the view that, so far as houses for the working classes are concerned, private enterprise will never function again. Well, at any rate, even if he holds that view, is it not desirable to take out of the residuum, whatever it is—and I agree that there must be a residuum which cannot be provided for by private enterprise and which must be provided for by the local authorities—as many as he possibly can? [An HON. MEMBER: "Why?"] Because the financial burden on the municipalities is going to be so great that, if they have to take the whole of it upon their own shoulders, it is going finally to break their backs. I suggest to him that it is his duty to foster and to encourage, by every means in his power, this question of occupying house ownership. I know that some people consider that a very serious objection exists to encouraging working men to own their own houses, on the ground that it ties them down to a particular locality. They say that, if they want to move to some other place, they cannot go, because they cannot afford to sacrifice their capital, and that that exposes them to exploitation by their employers.

I am quite prepared to say that there is some weight in that objection. I have always felt it myself, but what I want to suggest to the Minister of Health is, that there is a way in which that objection can be very largely met, and, if I had remained in the office which he now occupies, I should certainly have endeavoured to do something of the kind. I have always thought that, if you could induce local authorities who owned land upon which were houses which they were prepared to sell to the occupiers of those houses, they would very greatly extend the number of those who would take advantage of those facilities if they would give an undertaking that at any time they would be prepared to buy back the houses, at a valuation, so that a man would feel that he would not be obliged, if he wanted to move or if, for any other reason, he desired to change his dwelling, to sacrifice unduly a great portion of his capital, but that he would always find a ready market at a reasonable price.

Would the right hon. Gentleman also suggest that, if these men fell on bad times and desired to get rid of their houses in order to meet their expenses, they should also offer their houses first to the municipality, so as to avoid large blocks of buildings getting into the hands of speculators, who take advantage of men in need?

The idea that I had in mind was really confined to estates belonging to local authorities. In my view, the best way of dealing with such estates would be for the local authority to retain the freehold of the land in its own possession, and if it does that it can lay down any conditions that it likes as to the disposal of the houses. I certainly think that, whilst, on the one hand, the municipality in such circumstances should always be ready to buy back the house and have the right of pre-emption, so, as a corresponding condition, the owner of the house should not be allowed to sell that house to anybody, but that he should first have to receive the approval by the municipality of the intending purchaser. I think that would be necessary in the general interests and well-being of the estate. With those few questions and observations, I hope the Minister of Health will be able to give us such information as it is in his power to give.

Perhaps, before passing to make a few observations on housing in general, I may be permitted to answer the categorical questions put to me by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Ladywood (Mr. N. Chamberlain), of which he was kind enough to give me private notice. In regard to the number of local authorities which have contributed to the subsidies received from the State, I wish to say that in at least 60 per cent. of the cases no contribution at all was made by the local authorities. The majority of the larger authorities contributed something, and only a few of the smaller authorities. In very few cases did the total sum granted exceed £100, and of this the State contributed £75 or £76. In regard to the adequacy of the subsidy, I want to say that no general complaints have been received regarding it, but that many of the local authorities in rural districts have complained very strongly, and, as I will show later, in the particular part of the country most affected by bad housing conditions, namely, Scotland, the Act has been practically a dead letter, and has contributed nothing to the solution of the problem there. If the Scottish authorities have not made complaints, it is because they have come to the conclusion that no useful purpose was to be served by paying any attention whatever to the Act of the right hon. Gentleman. With regard to the forms of assistance granted, out of a total of 41,060 houses, 40,141 had the lump-sum subsidy, 721 received assistance by payment to people who pay the rates, and in 198 cases assistance was given to building societies. In the case of public utility societies, schemes have been authorised in respect of 5,681 houses. Contracts have been let for 3,601 of these, and 529 of the houses have been completed. Another question asked by the right hon. Gentleman was in regard to the loans sanctioned. Loans have been sanctioned to local authorities, under Section 5 of the Act, in 104 cases, for a total sum of £1,320,429, and under the Small Dwellings Acquisition Act in 81 cases, involving £1,469,000. Another question that he asked me—I am not sure whether it was privately or during his speech—was in regard to the provision in his Act for the conversion of flats into small dwellings. No proposals have been received by the Ministry of Health in that regard.

May I now be permitted to turn for a few moments to the general question which was touched upon by the right hon. Gentleman in his speech? I can quite well understand his anxiety about the 1923 Act. After all, it is his child, and, if it has been a somewhat erring child, it is loved none the less by the Gentleman who brought it into existence. I can assure him that I have tended it with the care that one might reasonably expect from a foster-father, but even all my loving attention has not been successful in making it an efficient instrument for the solution of our housing problem. I find that the position is this—and I am giving the right hon. Gentleman the benefit of the latest figures. The Ministry of Health has given to local authorities authorisation for 40,198 houses, and to private enterprise for 76,927 houses, making a total of 117,125. For these contracts have been let to the number of 66,698, or just about half the number for which authorisation has been granted. There were under construction at the beginning of March 23,498 houses, and there have been actually completed 6,148 houses.

Does the first of those two figures include the second? Do the 23,498 include the 6,148?

I take it that that is in addition. The right hon. Gentleman suggested that the public statements made by members of the Government had resulted in a damping down of the enthusiasm of the local authorities and of private enterprise in the building of houses. He suggested that they were hoping for better terms from the Labour Government, and, consequently, were holding back building schemes until our proposals had been revealed. The facts are not in favour of the right hon. Gentleman. I am not quite sure of the date when the Labour Government came into power, but I think it was about the 20th January, and I find that in the month of January the total number of permits granted was 10,679. Then we began to assure the public that we would do something more substantial in order to promote house-building, and, notwithstanding that, the applications granted in February went up to 12,805; and in the three weeks of the month of March which have elapsed, we have already granted permits for 8,605 houses. There is no indication at all of any damping down such as is suggested by the right hon. Gentleman.

As to the present position, the right hon. Gentleman says that the Ministry of Health have been obliged to cut down the demands of the local authorities, and that the real evil is a shortage of labour; and he asks if I am opposed to occupying ownership. Let us see what is the actual housing difficulty which I inherited when I took over the Ministry of Health. There is, undoubtedly, a shortage of houses numbering hundreds of thousands, on which I should not care to put a figure; but perhaps, if I turn to the city which the right hon. Gentleman himself so worthily represents, I may get there some indication of the extent of that shortage. The right hon. Gentleman told us with a good deal of pride that 773 manual workers in the city of Birmingham had succeeded, through his municipal banking system, in purchasing the houses which they occupy. I congratulate him on that result, but may I remind him that 773 constitutes but a very small percentage of the total number of manual workers in the city of Birmingham, and is he aware that the Corporation of Birmingham has a waiting list of no less than 19,000 workers waiting for dwelling-houses? Does he suggest that there is anything to gloat over in the fact that 773 have become thirled to a city which has 19,000 families who cannot find housing accommodation, and who are probably contributing to terrible overcrowding and the dissemination of disease in the city which the right hon. Gentleman represents?

On the question of the owner-occupier, may I ask him how he can expect men who are in receipt to-day of something in the neighbourhood of 40s. a week to become the owners of their dwellings? He knows that we are threatened with a miners' strike, and he knows, I am quite sure, that the average wage of the miner, against which he is in revolt, is something in the neighbourhood of 8s. a day. I question very much whether the right hon. Gentleman will be found in the ranks of those who are supporting the demand of the miners for an increase on that 8s. a day. He, no doubt, will be on the side of those who tell us that, if you grant the miner 10s. a day, the cost of production would go up, we should be unable to compete with foreign countries, the very basis of our industrial supremacy would be threatened, and all sorts of disasters would accrue. I put it to the right hon. Gentleman, if he is a supporter of a system which can only afford to pay 1,000,000 miners engaged in an industry which is almost our key industry, if we leave agriculture aside—when you have these men receiving only 8s. a day, how can you reasonably expect that the tremendous housing problem which I have to face can get any substantial relief from the number of manual workers who can afford to become the owners of the houses that they occupy?

I could go down the list I have here showing the terrible state of affairs in other places. In Liverpool the situation is even worse. We have 19,885 people on the waiting list. I had a deputation from Birmingham waiting on me the other day, and I put a question to them which I have put to every deputation on housing, or indeed on anything akin to housing, which has called at the Ministry of Health during my period of office. I asked them: "Is there any indication in your district which would lead you to be- lieve that individuals or companies are prepared to invest capital for the provision of working-class houses at rents?" and I got an emphatic "No" from Birmingham and permission to announce it as the opinion of leading members of the municipality. I mention this because the right hon. Gentleman questioned my statement that, whether it is for good or for evil, we have to face the fact that today if the manual workers of the country are to have healthy houses we must rely on the local authorities for the provision of those houses. I think it is unfair to the country to suggest anything else, because if you go on suggesting that private enterprise, in the sense of an investor for rented houses, may be expected to return to this branch of industry you are postponing the activities of the local authorities in doing their duty and you are making conditions worse and worse every day that passes over our heads. I wish I could convince hon. Members opposite that there is no district in the country in which there is any likelihood at all of men investing their money in these houses in the hope of getting a return from them out of rents in the future.

While I am on this point, may I contest the statement which is frequently made, that somehow or other Labour's policy in housing is directed to the destruction of private enterprise in houses. Nothing of the kind. We have not driven these people out of the investing field They have gone out. We have to deal with facts as we find them. Labour does not propose to interfere with private enterprise in the building of houses. Labour does not propose to interfere with private enterprise in the manufacturing of building material. Labour only touches private enterprise here at one point, and that is in the investment of private capital in the ownership of these rented houses. But what does Labour do in return for that interference? It says to the man with small capital, "Instead of putting your private capital into a risky investment, lend it to the local authorities at 4½ per cent. Without your having any trouble at all you will get a safe return for your money, with all the security behind it of a municipal investment." The Labour party's programme on housing is not a Socialist programme at all. I wish it were. I wish this country were ready to receive a Socialist pro- gramme, and we would show you how much easier it is to solve the housing problem along those lines than in trying to patch up the capitalist system, of which you yourselves have made such a mess. I mentioned the number of houses which had been erected, and the figures I gave were for England and Wales. I passed over the statistics for Scotland, but they are even more depressing. I find there were under construction in Scotland on 31st January by private enterprise, under the 1923 Act, only 641 houses. I find that tenders have been accepted under the 1923 Act by local authorities for only 1,501 houses, and I find that in Scotland, under the 1923 Act, not one dwelling house has yet been completed.

Passing from that to the general question, may I remind the House of what the position is. We are undoubtedly short of houses. When you talk about 100,000 houses being erected in a year it may sound magnificent, but when you take it in relation to the requirements of the country it is a very small figure. I think the right hon. Gentleman himself is aware that it would require not less than 120,000 houses per annum to prevent our getting worse than we are to-day—to prevent our going back. 120,000 houses would not touch the shortage at all. It would merely be marking time, and that is our position. It is not merely that we are short of houses. We are short of men to build the houses, and we are short of the materials and the means of producing the materials for the building of houses. We are short of these things because of the continued instability of the building industry. That is the root cause of the whole thing, and when the right hon. Gentleman comes forward and says we should not tell the industry that we would not build after 1925—

The right hon. Gentleman, if I understood him, said he proposed, as he did undoubtedly under the Act of 1923, to continue the building programme until 1925.

It is rather important to get this clear. I endeavoured to explain just now what I said when the Act was passing through the House. It was not the building programme that was coming to an end in 1925. I said then we must, whatever happens, continue the building programme until the country has overcome the shortage of houses. What had to come to an end in 1925 and come up for further review was the terms of the subsidy which we had considered necessary for a short period.

I think I am fairly familiar with the Act of 1923, and I should like the right hon. Gentleman to point to a single provision in it which lays it down that after January, 1926, the whole situation is to be reviewed. As a matter of fact, speaking from memory, the subsidies were to be granted until October, 1925, or thereabouts and they might be extended in certain cases until January of the following year, but there is no mention at all made of any intention to continue the housing scheme. Undoubtedly, what was in the right hon. Gentleman's mind was this. The Rent Restrictions Act was to expire in 1925. Larger profits were to be made out of investments in houses, and larger profits were to induce fresh capital into the industry, and by the old competitive, private, profit making system of days gone by, we were to obtain the necessary houses which would solve our housing problem. There is no doubt at all that that was behind all the actions of the right hon. Gentleman. We do not agree with it, but I think that is the position. That is the condition of things that we inherited.

We find from investigation of housing statistics that we have less than three-fourths of the number of people engaged in the building industry that we had in that industry twenty-two or twenty-three years ago. No withstanding the fact that the population has considerably increased and that the housing requirements are correspondingly greater, there are little more than three-fifths of the number of people engaged in this very important national industry than we had engaged in it 22 years ago. We find also that the key men, whose absence from Birmingham the right hon. Gentleman deplores, have been emigrating to other countries, because in this country we are so short of houses that they cannot find the means of earning their daily bread. I had figures from the Joiners' Society of Glasgow the I other week, which showed me that last year they transferred over 900 of their members to branches in the United States of America. We find the same thing applying to the bricklayers and to the other key members of the industry. Surely from every point of view, and certainly from the point of view of the party opposite, that is an alarming state of affairs, and surely it is something with which you cannot gamble. You may make all the criticisms you like about our policy and the outlook of this country, but, surely, we are all agreed that the country has to be maintained as a going concern, and if it has to be maintained as a going concern you must find houses for your workers. I am often amazed at the short-sightedness of the industrialists of this country that they have not taken a keener interest in solving the housing problem. Instead of branding those of us who are out earnestly and enthusiastically to contribute whatever gifts we have to the removal of this stain from our national character, I should have expected them, if they know their own business, cordially to co-operate with us in our efforts to try to find a way out of the difficulty.

When I took up my present position, I took it up for the express purpose of trying to find a way out. I brought the industry together. I brought the employers and the workers together and put the situation before them. I did not go to teach them or to threaten them, but to speak with them as men having an interest in their fellow-men and in the future of the country of which they are citizens. I asked them to co-operate with me in finding a way to provide the necessary houses to meet the passing wants of our people, and I am pleased to say to the House—because they have displayed a wonderful amount of patience, and I think the patience has been warranted because I have been dealing with one of the most delicate of situations—I think I can say to the House that I have every reason to believe that within a short time, within a week or two from now, I shall get from the building industry itself a plan by which—if the House is prepared to homologate the suggestions I put before them—the housing problem in this country will be solved within a comparatively short period. If I do that, I think the patience will have been warranted, and I think I shall have contributed something substantial to the betterment of this country and something that will give satisfaction, I hope, to all sections of the House.

The right hon. Gentleman asked me whether I am opposed to making it possible for people in future to become the owners of their houses. I own the house that I live in, and I make it a rule in my public life to try to bring to others the facilities and privileges that I have myself. I shall be delighted when the workers of this country are in a position to own their own houses. I agree with the right hon. Gentleman that it would give them a sense of independence that they have not to-day, and I can assure the right hon. Gentleman that the Labour party in this country are the last people in the world who will fear an independent working class.

I wish to congratulate the Minister of Health on his statement that he intends to make a good contribution to the solution of the housing problem. I would like to emphasise, particularly, the special necessity there is for better housing conditions in the villages of our country districts. By villages I do not mean suburbs of towns, but villages outside the area of urban districts. The administration of the present Act does not really meet the shortage of houses in rural England. The Minister of Health says that he has authorised 22,942 houses to be erected, but an answer which he has given shows that 80 per cent. of these houses are quite near to urban districts. In that case they do not relieve us of the necessity for building houses in rural districts.

In the Debate last year, when the subsidy of £6 was suggested, the Government refused to give easier conditions in regard to rural housing, although, at the same time, the then Minister of Health acknowledged the great need and the great difficulty there was in the rural districts. He suggested that, possibly, the squire or the landlord would be able to meet this difficulty. I think it has been proved that that cannot be done at the present time. The condition of agriculture is one of the big problems we have to face, and good housing plays an enormous part in the placing of this industry under better conditions. When we are discussing the question of housing in relation to agriculture, and when we consider the question of subsidies and wages, one feels that the best subsidy that agriculture could receive would be for the workers in the industry to be better housed. During the Election, we all tried to bring before the electors the view that we wanted to raise the standard of living of the farm workers and that we wanted to get better housing conditions. In 1913, there was a shortage of 120,000 houses in the rural districts. Practically none had been built for 50 years. The consequence is that many people have gone into the towns and agriculture has been left in a neglected condition. Over and above all that, the houses in the country districts are the cause of very bad health.

What is the reason for this shortage? Originally, houses in the country were very often built by the landlord or by the farmer at a very low cost of about £60 or £80, but owing to agricultural depression at the present time it is not possible for these houses to be built by these means. It is a very uneconomical problem. Then there is the question of the invasion of week-enders into the country districts who take the houses which should be used for the workers in the agricultural industry. Moreover, builders do not find it an economical problem to build houses in the country at the rents they will be able to charge. The expense of building these houses in isolated districts is great because it is very expensive to get materials there and it is expensive to convey labour there. Consequently, houses are not cheap in the country districts. There have been no replacements of houses in the country districts for many years. We often see pictures of rather picturesque thatched cottages, but these cottages are generally in a most appalling condition inside and they are very often condemned. I would draw attention to the difficulty of the woman who has to work in houses of this kind. It is a heart-breaking task for her to keep her house in good condition. Medical officer's reports in regard to most rural areas show that the houses are in a desperate condition. There is no alternative accommodation and consequently people are not able to remove. May I give some examples from a hamlet, which I know very well, in which the conditions of living are very bad? There is one house with six people of all ages and both sexes, and with one bedroom. There is another house with eight people in a room, and one of them is a consumptive person. There are four houses which are unfit for human habitation.

The wife has to face the fact that she has to manage the weekly budget, and she has to find the money from which to pay the rent, and the present wages paid to agricultural workers are too small to enable an economic rent to be paid, so that this subsidy of £6 is not sufficient to enable agricultural workers to have any of the new houses which are promised. I wish that the Minister of Health would co-ordinate the health authorities and the building authorities, because health is of the first importance. Special attention also should be paid to the designing of the houses. This is of great importance from the woman's point of view, because the house is the woman's workshop and fittings, cupboards, etc., are her machinery. We have no Factory Acts providing for the inspection of the inside of houses. A man going out to his work gets some fresh air every day, but a woman works for hours in these cottages, very often with most unsuitable interiors, and gets no fresh air. Therefore, in the building of the new houses it is most important that they should meet the special wants in country districts.

It is of great importance that the drainage should be right. By that I refer to such things as the emptying of the water in the kitchen after cooking vegetables or washing up. Very often a deplorable condition results as the water cannot get away, and sickness is caused among the family. Water taps are also of special importance, and in agricultural districts the water should be laid on. Storehouse accommodation should be provided (different from that which is given in the case of town houses), so that the man's tools may be stored as well as vegetables and fuel in the winter. One also presses for a good-sized garden, where chickens and pigs may be kept, and one remembers the story of the women who, when the new house was made, complained that there was no place in the cottage where she could salt her pig. I wish to make a plea to the Minister of Health, in so far as the presen administration does not provide for rural districts, and to appeal to him to see that all these points are dealt with in any future Bill that is introduced into this House, because the health of the people is a most important thing. A letter which I received on the 2nd of this month from a responsible person in one of the villages said:

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I am sure that the House has heard with considerable interest the very informative speech which has been made by the hon. Member for Louth (Mrs. Wintringham). I would like to make a few observations upon the very characteristic speech made by the Minister of Health. The House will agree with me that, except for one sentence at the end, when he made a promise which the country no doubt will remember, the greater part of the speech consisted of complaints and regrets with regard to past policy. He has said very little about his own plans and schemes and his own present administration. I have known several Ministers of Health, and the right hon. Gentleman has made the biggest promises which I have ever known any of them to make, and if he can solve the housing problem within the short period which he has indicated, I will not wait for his death but will gladly go down to unveil a monument to him in his local town. I think that I can fairly make that promise. The right hon. Gentleman used words which were very familiar to me. He appealed for the cordial co-operation in his schemes of all parties in this House. I remember the first Minister of Health making a similar appeal, and I remember clearly the last speech which Dr. Addison made in this House. It was to the effect that throughout his administration he did not receive the slightest support from the Labour organisations of the country, and did not receive the slightest help from organised Labour in the House of Commons.

The hon. Member knows better than that. He knows that many of us did everything in our power, and that the only people which co-operated with Dr. Addison were the Labour party.

I am glad to hear what the hon. Member has said. I was merely quoting—and I can give the exact text to any hon. Member who desires to see it— the statement made by Dr. Addison, a gentleman who has just joined the Labour party and whose truth, therefore, we are not impugning for a, moment. The Minister of Health has criticised the Act of 1923, and said that it was his duty to tend it like a foster father. I have always suspected the kindly interest and care of the foster father, and I do so all the more because of what the right hon. Gentleman has previously declared, not only in connection with the Act of 1923, but with regard to housing policy generally. I was very interested in his challenge as to whether he or his party had ever done anything to discourage the building of houses by private enterprise. I would remind the right hon. Gentleman of something which he said only a few weeks ago. I have not investigated his past in more than recent periods, but only in January last the right hon. Gentleman, who now says that he is looking after the Act of 1923 so well, and declares that he has done nothing to interfere with private enterprise renewing activities in the building trade, said this:

"Whether Labour was in power or not, while the present competitive wage system continued, they could not hope to solve the housing problem without abolishing the interest on capital."

A nice suggestion for private enterprise to enter into the building trade! Those were the words of the right hon. Gentleman, not last year or the year before, but in January of this year.

There was such a thing as private enterprise coming back again. The right hon. Gentleman must have very short memory, but how he can declare that he has done everything he can to help private enterprise in the building trade, I for one cannot understand. I will continue quoting from his speech:

I have been very disappointed at the observations of the right hon. Gentleman to-night, not so much for what he said as for what he did not say. I have never known anyone, especially a gentleman endowed with the qualities of my right hon. Friend, who has been so silent about housing as the right hon. Gentleman has been during the last nine or 10 weeks. I remember that when he sat on the Opposition benches he was full of enthusiasm and policies; I remember how he was going to set the world right. We have heard very little about that during the last few weeks, and we have heard still less about it to-night. Here was an opportunity for the right hon. Gentleman to report to the House in a little more detail exactly what progress he has been making and what he has been doing. He has now reached the stage, in his period of office, when he has to leave behind him criticisms of his predecessors and to tell the House exactly what he is doing himself. He cannot rest for more than nine or 10 weeks at the most upon criticising the right hon. Member for Ladywood (Mr. N. Chamberlain) or his predecessor as the Minister of Health. This is the time when we are entitled to know what the right hon. Gentleman, with all his schemes and ideas, is doing. All that he has done has been to make a very big promise, which he will regret when he reads it in the OFFICIAL REPORT to-morrow. We want to know, for instance, what he is doing, even under the present scheme, to improve the output in connection with houses. I am not one of those who make wild charges as to the rate at which house building is going on, and as to whether a large number of men are doing all they can. But there are certain matters which demand the attention of the right hon. Gentleman. I noticed this week in one of the oldest of the technical journals of the building trade this statement: very important thing, about which the House should be fully informed, because there has been a steady increase in the cost of houses. I am told on very good authority that it costs £100 more to build a cottage to-day than it cost 18 months ago.

I did not say so, but, as I am challenged, I will make this statement. Every penny an hour given in wages means an increase of £15 to £25 added to the cost of a working-class house. I will refer to the reason for the difference in a moment. I hope the right hon. Gentleman will keep before him the fact that if there is an all-round increase of 2d. per hour, which is demanded at the present moment by the building trades unions, it is estimated this would cost an extra Is. per week on the rent of a working-class house. That is a matter which calls for very serious consideration. An hon. Member on that side of the House has reminded me that this is not the only reason for the considerable cost of house building at present; that there is also the question of materials. I have lost no opportunity of pressing this matter in the House and I will continue to do so whatever Government is in power, but I wish to know what the right hon. Gentleman is doing in that direction. I have a list of materials which have increased in price since the War, and I find that since the year 1914 slates have increased no less than 96 per cent., fire bricks have gone up 192 per cent., sheet lead 97 per cent., white lead 90 per cent. As hon. Members opposite referred me to the cost of materials I would remind them in passing that, so far as tradesmen are concerned, the percentage cost of tradesmen in the building trade has increased 107 per cent. since the beginning of the War and labour is the same.

On the question of materials the right hon. Gentleman has not said a word to-night. He has made a number of complaints and a very big promise, but has said nothing as to what action he is taking. He will forgive me when I say that I have pressed him continually in the House as to what is happening in connection with the Committee set up by my right hon. Friend the previous Minister of Health. He makes very astute replies in this House, but he gives no informa- tion. Is this Committee to be armed with further powers? As he knows, in the last Parliament I advocated that it should have further powers of investigation and that, if necessary, it should be able to send for books and papers, because I do not believe in profiteering either in materials or wages. The right hon. Gentleman has now assumed responsibility. He can no longer take the purely critical point of view. This is the time for action. What is he doing about this Committee? Is he contemplating any further action in that particular connection? These are vital matters in connection with the housing programmes of the future.

Regarding the percentage increases which the hon. Member has read out, will he kindly state what has been the increase since 1914 as regards lead?

White lead since 1914 has increased 90·6 per cent. and sheet lead 97·8 per cent. In 1914 the price of white lead was 32s. and in 1924 it was 61s. Sheet lead cost 23s. in 1914 and in 1924 it cost 45s. 6d. I am glad to notice the interest of hon. Gentlemen opposite in this matter, and I feel sure they appreciate the point that we expect the Minister to do something. It is no use criticising his predecessor and making big promises. What is he doing or what is he going to do? He has also to deal with the greatest problem of all, the question of man power. I have read many of his speeches with considerable interest—in fact all of them—and I remember a time when he spoke about the millions of houses which were required. He made a very different statement to-night. To-night he spoke about hundreds of thousands of houses. I wonder if experience in office and further information have led him to alter his tone. At any rate, I think he has gone so far as to say that to do anything like what is expected from the Labour party, we must have at the very least 200,000 houses every year. I think that is a very modest estimate to attribute to my right hon. Friend the Minister, and I wish him to tell the House what prospect he has of getting these 200,000 houses? He will recall the days when he demanded houses so fiercely from these benches. What is he doing to get this large number of houses?

I have gone into the figures and I have come to the conclusion that houses are not to be erected by speeches and promises, but by labour and the use of materials, and I reckon that if the right hon. Gentleman is to get his 200,000 houses a year, he will require at least 400,000 men, and, what is more important still, he will require to have these 400,000 men in what I may term the right craft proportions. There is no use in having a large number of unskilled men. How far has the right hon. Gentleman progressed in dealing with that problem? He will need to hurry, because time is going on, and if he is to bring his proposals forward in this House I do not see much prospect of their being considered and dealt with until June next. Is the building of houses to wait until then? I think I have said enough to arouse some little interest among hon. Gentlemen opposite, and I hope I have also said enough to indicate that there are very grave problems awaiting the Minister which cannot be met by speeches like that which he made to-night. I hope at a later stage of this Debate he will give us some information, not as to the actions of his predecessors, not complaints nor big promises, but will tell us what he is actually doing himself and how he is solving the housing problem.

I have listened to the speech of the hon. Member for West Woolwich (Sir K. Wood), anticipating serious criticisms of the statements made by the Minister of Health, and I am compelled to say that in my opinion that speech has very gracefully traced round the subject but has not got very close to it in detail. It is quite possible that there is some amount of serious criticism to be forthcoming for the Labour party's proposals with regard to housing. The policy of the Labour party with regard to housing is one which can be adumbrated by the responsible Minister. The last speaker referred to a statement made by the Minister of Health in the speech to which we have recently listened, that the policy of the Labour Government is not a Socialist policy but a policy which recognises that we have to consider the question of private enterprise and the encouragement of private enterprise. That particular point has been touched upon by the hon. Member for West Woolwich. With regard to the question of policy, although it is impossible to talk about a Socialistic method of dealing with houses, there is such a thing as a Socialistic point of view, and there is a Socialistic principle which we must adopt before we can touch this question.

The question of housing to-day is one which is recognised on this side of the House as, in the main, being altogether outside the possible functioning of private enterprise. That is a statement which has been made by very important authorities on housing. It is not a, question of Labour policy since the War or during the War, or the attitude of the trade unions that have been responsible for the decline of private enterprise so far as the production of houses for the working classes is concerned. The decline in speculative building of small property began as long ago as 1909, and since 1910 we have gone back in the production of such houses. There are very different reasons for that. One of the reasons for that decline in the interest of the private speculator in working-class property is that you cannot deal with housing questions unless you begin to put down a standard of house building of some kind. The standard to-day that is accepted as necessary from the standpoint of health, as well as of amenity, is a standard much higher than it was 10 or 20 years ago. You have to begin with the highest standard of the period, when the cost of material and labour are higher than it was in those days. The result is you cannot produce an economic house, that is to say, a cottage which can be let at a rent which the ordinary workingclass man can pay, or at any rent that the ordinary agricultural labourer can pay. Facing that fact, I do not think it possible for any Member seriously to suggest that the solution of the great housing difficulty with which we are confronted to-day can be left in any very large degree to private enterprise, that is, private enterprise in a speculative sense.

When was it ever possible to erect agricultural labourers' cottages that could pay?

It never was, but that does not alter the fact that the agricultural position is more serious to-day than it was. The question of housing and the rents of houses is one that has to do entirely with the point of view that you take up as to the responsibility for housing in this country. I want to suggest seriously to the House that the condition to-day with regard not only to the housing problem due to the neglect of housing during the War period, and before, but also to the larger demand upon houses that would be deemed normal even if we had had no War—that the position makes it very necessary that we should, as a nation, look upon the question of housing from the point of view of public service in exactly the same sense that municipal authorities and the State, working through municipal authorities, looked upon the question of sanitation, the provision of drainage, the provision of various other public services, namely, as something which has to be done merely to secure that the nation shall be properly housed, and because of being properly housed shall have a better chance from the standpoint of public health. You have to face that position. You cannot deal with housing from the standpoint of profit of the private speculator; that is the bulk of housing which affects the ordinary working men with regard to their prospects of paying rent. You cannot get an economic rent for houses to-day and therefore it is a public responsibility. When hon. Members talk of housing and confine their attention to the finances of housing from the standpoint of profit or loss, the mere production of the houses or the rent that can be expected to be obtained from a tenant, they do not cover anything like the field that ought to be covered.

The hon. and gallant Member for St. Albans (Lieut.-Colonel Fremantle)—he will correct me if I am wrong—in an article he wrote some time ago in the "British Medical Journal" stated that we lost, in this country, to the extent of £150,000,000 through bad housing and its physical effect with regard to the industrial efficiency of the nation. I am trusting to my memory, and if I am wrong the hon. and gallant Member will correct me. I think that is the statement he made, and he gave plenty of reasons for it.

I do not quite always remember what I have written, but I am perfectly certain that figure was not associated with housing, but with inefficiency from whatever cause.

The statement was made largely in connection with tuberculosis. I will not carry the point further if there, is disagreement about it. So far as the question of inefficiency is concerned, if we take the general conditions, I think we can take the opinion of the best authorities in the country with regard to the effect of bad houses on conditions in this country. The Ministry of Reconstruction, in one of its pamphlets, stated that in 1918 half of the patients under the care of tuberculosis dispensaries in London were living in dwellings of one or two rooms. The public cost of treating tuberculosis is given at about £14,000,000. If you take that £14,000,000 and divide that over a programme of 200,000 houses a year, you will find that will make a difference in the capital cost of houses of no less than £35. That is only one fraction of the public health aspect of the subject. I want to impress on hon. Members the importance of looking at this question from this wider point of view. You have to face it sooner or later that you are losing in efficiency and health, and it would pay this nation to endeavour to deal as adequately as possible with this question of housing.

I want to refer to another aspect of the case which was alluded to by the hon. Member for West Woolwich, and that is the question of finance. He waxed very sarcastic indeed about the suggestion that capital should not be encouraged by allowing a proper return to capital investments. May I point out that this question of financing housing schemes is very important from the point of view of the possibility of tenants paying rent. It is a fact that from half to two-thirds of the cost of housing is represented by interest on money. I put this point to the Minister of Health. I know the extreme difficulty of dealing with financial questions, but I suggest that there may be at least something worthy of consideration in realising that in dealing with the provision of houses for the next 20 or 25 years you are not dealing with a speculative thing, but with something which has a definite counter balance of value at the back of it.

Beyond that there is the question of the national power with regard to national credit at the back of the whole scheme. I do not know whether it would be possible, instead of having the speculative interest on capital, to provide some method of Treasury credit, which I feel perfectly sure could be devised without any unnecessary inflation of the currency, by which the banks might be paid a small percentage for the work they would have to do in manipulating schemes for housing, but not a speculative value upon the money lent. I think that it is quite possible that there is something worth considering in that aspect of the case, because it is not the increased cost of labour which is responsible for the uneconomic position of houses, but it is largely a question of capital. We pay interest and the tenant ultimately pays interest, through the nose, upon capital which represents, so far as his weekly rent is concerned, more than half the cost of the house.

There are two other points to which I wish to refer. The first is the statement with regard to the output of the building trade workers. The Member for West Woolwich suggested, and it is an old suggestion, that the building trade unions have stood in the way of the production of houses by means of using, and putting into force, rules against the laying of a certain number of bricks per day. The building trade unions have never had rules of that description at all. As far as general output is concerned, it is admitted that there is no serious diminution of output at the present time. It is true that the building industry suffered through the aftermath of the War and there was a diminished output which had something to do with increase of cost. The statement was made by the hon. Member for Woolwich that overtime was opposed by the building trade unions. That is perfectly true, because overtime is naturally looked upon with a jealous eye by all trade unions. The statement which the hon. Member made that Dr. Addison had said that he had no sympathy or support from the building trade unions is not a fact, because when the Addison scheme was before the country the building trade unions agreed that one hour—in some districts it was two hours—should be allowed per day as overtime all over the country to those members working upon housing schemes, and housing schemes alone. That is not an indication of the building trade unions standing in the way of housing.

Of course, those unions have to consider the interests of their members just as the building employers consider their personal interests and interests of their industry, but it is a fact that a great many of the suggestions made about trade unions handicapping the progress of building schemes are, to a large extent, made in ignorance of the real problems at stake from the building trades point of view, and it is a fact that it is possible to get over the difficulties provided there is a reasonable consideration on both sides of each other's point of view so far as the future of the industry is concerned.

My right hon. Friend the Member for Ladywood (Mr. N. Chamberlain) spoke this evening, as I think hon. Members will admit, in a tone of the utmost moderation, and asked for certain information from the Minister of Health in regard to the progress of building. The Minister of Health answered those questions very frankly, but I observe that any attempt on the part of any hon. Member to express any opinion on the subject of housing is treated by the right hon. Gentleman in a spirit almost of apprehension lest anyone else should possibly take any credit for things which he considers he may be able to do in the future. I do not think that is an unfair account of the tone of the speech made by the Minister of Health.

I must disagree with the hon. Member who spoke last in thinking that the Minister of Health made any particular statement which it was possible to criticise. My view is that I do not think he made any definite statements at all, but in so far as he did make anything approximately approaching to a statement on the subject of housing, I propose to subject his remarks to a little mild criticism, or rather, to an inquiry into the actual facts. The Minister of Health appears somewhat petulant when we have a Debate on housing, and his attitude reminds me of the lines of the modern poet who wrote: I have watched the Pilgrim soul of the Labour party, I have watched its changing face and never for a fortnight together has it appeared to say the same thing about the housing problem. It is perhaps almost unkind to remind hon. Members opposite, as my hon. Friend the Member for Woolwich did, of their previous utterances, but I could not help remembering when I came into the House this evening when my right hon. Friend was saying something about the rate of building under the 1923 Act approximating to 100,000 houses per year, there was a laugh on the benches opposite, and I could not help recollecting how exactly the same laugh greeted me last October when I said, in answer to a question, that the building was being delayed by a shortage of skilled labour. A chorus of laughter arose from the Labour Benches. It is only now that they are beginning to realise that it is a fact. Of course the right hon. Gentleman the Minister of Health realised it before; but his colleagues did not realise it as early as he did. The Member for Nelson and Colne (Mr. A. Greenwood) only a few days before the Government took office was telling an audience at Toynbee Hall what the Government were going to do; that they were going to raise a large housing loan, and that the Tory party—

I think the Noble Lord is scarcely correct in that.

I am quoting from memory, and I think accurately, a newspaper report, but I withdraw what I say if it be incorrect. If the hon. Gentleman did not talk about a large housing loan, many others did, and of course we never forget the famous week-end speech of the hon. Member the Parliamentary Undersecretary of Health, Scotland, about spending £40,000,000 a year on housing. All these hon. Members talk apparently as if you could solve the housing problem by just watering it with money. Indeed the hon. Gentleman who spoke last seemed to have a vague idea that he could solve the housing problem by abolishing interest on capital.

You might as. well talk of abolishing the food problem by abolishing the price of food. The Pilgrim soul still seems to be wandering. The Minister of Health has now discovered that the only possible way in which to solve the housing problem is to build by the municipality—for private enterprise is dead! When the right hon. Gentleman speaks I am always impressed, by the number of things which are dead. Private enterprise is dead. The 1923 Act is a very tender and delicate child which he has failed altogether to nurse into health. I cannot help remembering: that it was the practice of all the famous poisoners of history to circulate reports of the declining health of their victims before administering the fatal dose. That may have something to do with the right hon. Gentleman's desire to show the weakness of these various things. But let us investigate. It is said that private enterprise is dead. The Minister of Health told us on 1st March—I think I have his figure correctly—that 66,698 houses had definitely been arranged for by private enterprise, Or by the local authority. From previous figures I do not think I shall be wrong in saying that of this total 40,000 or thereabouts are to be put up by despised private enterprise. The question at the moment, I am reminded by an interruption, is not a question of building houses for rent or building them for sale; it is a question of their being built—and they are being built by the private builder—by the gentlemen whom the Minister of Health has advised in the future to invest their money at 4½ per cent. with the local authority and not to do anything so foolish as to build houses. Private builders are putting up 40,000 of these 66,000 houses. That is the extent of the inanimation of private enterprise! How does private enterprise compare with the local authorities in building under the Act of 1923? The Minister is proposing to rely solely, or at least mainly, on building by the municipalities, and pushing to one side, although, of course, not actually discouraging, but ignoring, the possibilities of private enterprise. The actual figures of building up to 1st February—I cannot very well bring the figures up to date on the spur of the moment, though I have just received the figures up to 1st March— but up to 1st February the figures of the relative rapidity and the efficiency of building under the 1923 Act by local authorities and by public enterprise were very remarkable. On 1st February 18,687 houses had been definitely arranged for by local authorities to be built by themselves under contracts made or direct labour schemes. That number was actually less than the number of houses which the local authorities had been authorised to build on paper, by the Ministry of Health five months before, on 1st September.

I may point out to the hon. Member that that is not relevant to the argument. I am not now criticising the local authorities for not having more schemes, on paper, than they have. I am investigating how quickly they can carry out the schemes which they are authorised to carry out. I say it has taken over five months to commence to let a contract, let alone having the foundations put in—to let a contract! How does this compare with private enterprise? The 23,323 houses definitely arranged for by private enterprise on 1st December actually exceeded by nearly 7,000 the number authorised two months before, on 1st December. The 28,000 odd houses definitely arranged for on 1st January was almost exactly equal to the number authorised two months before, on 1st November. On 1st February the figures are not so good. We are reaching to the point of saturation, and the rapidity is going down; but still the 33,000 which had been arranged for definitely by private enterprise on 1st February was only 7,000 less than the number authorised in December. So that you may roughly say that private enterprise has not taken more than 2½ months to absorb the houses which it is authorised to build, as compared with over five months in the case of local authorities.

May I point out that in my own area three or four schemes were stopped because the Minister said the workmen could not be found, whilst private enterprise was going on all the while.

It is perfectly true that the local authorities—I am not belittling the local authorities, I have worked as hard as I could on the housing committee of a local authority, and I hope we were able to do fairly good work —but I am now saying what an experienced member of a local authority would say, that local authorities find it, in general, very much more difficult to get labour than does private enterprise. [HON. MEMBERS: "Yes!" and "No!"] That is generally true. My hon. Friend has admitted it.

What I said was that schemes had been stopped by the Minister of Health on the ground that, he said, he could not find the people, but the people were there, and went to work for private enterprise.

I apologise to the hon. Member. Apparently his interruption was not wrong, as I thought it, but utterly irrelevant. I am talking about the schemes—admittedly the very few schemes—of local authorities which have been authorised and have been started, and they are much slower in getting to work than private enterprise. Let me prophesy one thing. The right hon. Gentleman may believe it or not, but if he relies entirely in his future scheme upon municipal building, he will find what everyone else has found, what Dr. Addison found, that you cannot solve the problem by trying to force it through a bottle-neck when the organising power of local authorities is a limited quantity. You cannot through that one agency get the houses built that you wish built in the time that they need to be built, and the working of the 1923 Act up-to-date is a clear indication of that fact. If the right hon. Member or hon. Members opposite deliberately put their heads in the sand, and will not investigate what has been the actual working of this half-dead Act, they will not be able to get clear guidance for the future.

10.0 P.M.

It is perfectly obvious, from the right hon. Gentleman's speech, that at the present moment he has not got a programme at all. His programme depends on what may come out of these negotiations. I do not complain of the fact that he has not been able to tell us to-night the result of these negotiations. I want to be patient, and to give him full time to carry through these negotiations. But he told us to-night that his programme was not a Socialist programme. After listening to speeches of hon. Members opposite, I have long ceased to attach any particular meaning to the word "Socialist" when it is used by them. But I am quite willing to admit it is not a Socialist programme. It is not a programme at all. He is still groping round; the pilgrim soul has not yet found its goal. I say he will never find an adequate programme; he will never be able to come down to this House and announce a programme; he will never be able to come within a hundred miles of carrying out that proud boast with which he ended his speech, unless he learns the lessons clearly written on the face of the working of the 1923 Act, and is not inclined to brush it aside, because he is afraid, possibly, that the late Minister of Health might have some sort of credit for some of the houses which will be built under his jurisdiction. We are not out for any credit, but the right hon. Gentleman said that not only was private enterprise dead, but the 1923 Act was dead, let alone the paper programme. On the 1st March, 66,000 odd houses were definitely arranged for. How hon. Members opposite jeered when they were told, at the beginning of this Parliament, that the 1923 Act had succeeded. They said these were all paper schemes, but those 66,000 houses actually arranged for are almost exactly the same number as the number of authorisations issued on paper three months ago. Thanks largely to private enterprise, the 1923 Act has not been a window-dressing scheme. It is not a paper scheme, and, by the showing of the right hon. Gentleman himself, the houses are being arranged for, and, according to his figures—and I give him full credit for the working of this Act—15,000 houses have been definitely arranged for during February—not a very favourable month— under the 1923 Act. According to his own showing, the Act is a practical Act, and not a window-dressing Act, and I wish he would pay a little attention to the lessons clearly written over the whole of the working of that Act.

In conclusion—and I apologise to the House for the length of my speech—let me deal as concretely as I can with the right hon. Gentleman's rather perfervid oratory on the subject of the ownership of houses. He bludgeoned us with figures of the shortage of houses in Birmingham and elsewhere—figures we all know, figures that have been meat and drink to any of us who have thought of this problem at all for the last five years. Then he treated us to a wonderful oration. How could we imagine that the unfortunate miner on 8s. a day, or the poor workman of any other industry, could afford to buy his own house? Any arguments at the present moment based on the cost of buying your own house are, if local authorities carry out their duty—if the right hon. Gentleman will pardon my saying so—absolute nonsense. It need not be under the 1923 Act more expensive to buy your house than to rent it. On the contrary, it may be considerably cheaper.

May I ask what the Noble Lord's point is with regard to the possibility of working people buying their houses under the scheme, when they have to provide for an ordinary working-class house about £70 down? How can the ordinary working-man provide that sum?

I was about to give figures. I will give the hon. Gentleman a calculation of my own, for every detail of which I do not vouch, but which, I think, is a fair statement of the position at the present day. Take the case of a man who has occupied in the Midlands one of those houses which would be built before the War for £200. That man probably before the War might have been paying 6s. a week rent, inclusive of rates. If rates have doubled, that man may very easily be paying a permitted rent under the Rent Restrictions Act today of 9s. 3d. a week. Supposing that that man buys a £400 house newly built—and non-parlour houses can still be built for that price in some parts of the country, although there is a tendency for prices to increase —towards that he can get, if the local authority in my humble judgment do their duty, a subsidy of £100. That reduces the cost of his house to £300. The local authority have power to lend an amount up to 90 per cent. of the value of that house. If that house is valued at as much as £335, that is £70 below its actual cost, that man need not put down one penny of deposit, because the 90 per cent. loan is £300. That may be too high a value to put on the house.

It includes everything but land. Land will probably make a difference of £15 in the house; not more on the average. At any rate, the £70 mentioned by the hon. Gentleman opposite is absolutely outside all reason if the local authority does its duty.

I quite admit that. I do not think, as a matter of fact, you can do nearly as much on these lines in London as you can in other parts of the country. The total result is that, paying the same rates and making a reasonable allowance for repairs, and supposing the local authority can lend him that money, which has been lent to them by the Public Works Loans Board, at no more than 5¼ per cent., which is a very reasonable rate, instead of paying 9s. 3d. a week for his house, as at present, he will be paying charges amounting in all to 9s. 8d. That leads me to drive home, if I may, to the Minister of Health this question, whether, when he is talking about throwing the responsibility for the provision of houses on the local authorities, he is really doing his best to keep local authorities up to the mark? We on this side intended—and we were then ridiculed for it—to urge local authorities to put into force the provisions of the 1923 Act, which provided for loans, and so forth, to intending owner-occupiers, and it is true that up till then, very naturally, local authorities had not very largely utilised these provisions. They have been more anxious to get schemes which would be supported by the lump sum subsidy. Now is the time when the local authorities should be providing these facilities. Let hon. Members remember—because it goes very near to the root of the housing problem—that the powers of the local authorities in this country to build houses for the working classes are not a thing of to-day or yesterday. They go back 73 years. If housing is as bad as it is, it is, to a very large extent, the fault of local authorities and of local government electors in failing to realise their responsibilities and utilise the powers in their hands. I firmly believe that more could be done for the solution of the housing problem by administration, by pressing local authorities to seriously undertake their responsibility than by now—the right hon. Gentleman will forgive me for saying so—bringing forward somewhat flashy schemes which promise solution of the housing problem in a very short time.

The right hon. Gentleman rather characteristically tried to represent the policy of my right hon. Friend the Member for Ladywood (Mr. N. Chamberlain) as being a policy of only having a housing policy till 1925 and then relying upon the soaring of rents, as a result of the going out of force of the Rent Restrictions Act, to stimulate private enterprise. That is characteristic, I think, in more than one way, but especially in this way, that it shows that the right hon. Gentleman has never seriously considered what every one of us who has had to consider the question of rent restriction has considered very carefully, namely, whether the end of the Rent Restrictions Act would result in a boom in rents or a slump in rents. There is a very great deal to show that, as a matter of fact, not perhaps as an immediate result, but within a few months of the lapse of that Act there would be a fall in the value of house property, and that you are very near to the position in which you were with your other War controls in the first days of peace: you are now artificially inflating the value of house property. However the right hon. Gentleman may like to represent or misrepresent my right hon. Friend's attitude, I must ask him to take this from me as being what has always been the policy of hon. Gentlemen on this side of the House. Our policy has always been that you must have a definite Government programme of housing until the housing shortage is remedied, that the Housing Act of last year was only limited to 1925 in order that whatever Government might be in power might have an opportunity of revising its ideas as to the amount and nature of the subsidy required in the light of circumstances existing in 1925. We desire that the right hon. Gentleman should now consider, in the light of the experience of last year, what are the probabilities of the next few years. We desire to see any reasonable security given to the building industry for continuous employment and work for a considerable time, and if he can produce a scheme, and come to the House with it, which provides a permanent programme of that kind without involving fatal disadvantages, such as inflated prices of material and inflated costs, which will cause an inevitable stoppage of work; if he can introduce a scheme of that kind, he will meet, no doubt, with serious and solid criticism on this side of the House on details, but he will meet with no partisan opposition, and if he can show that he can go even half way towards that brilliant goal which he was set himself, he will receive the welcome and the encouragement of every hon. Gentleman on this side of the House. But let him remember, until that proud moment comes, that he that putteth on his armour should not boast as he that putteth it off.

The Noble Lord the Member for Hastings (Lord E. Percy) has given us a very able and, if I may say so, lengthy defence of private enterprise as compared with municipal effort. I submit that it does not carry us very much further to play off one particular form of building as against another, when the problem is so serious that we want to mobilise every effort, whether it be that of private enterprise, on the one hand, or that of collective effort, on the other, in order to remove the appalling tragedy which the present shortage of houses is imposing upon our country. I do not, therefore, propose to follow him at any length into his discussion of what private enterprise can do, but he did suggest that, as the local authorities had had power for the last 70 years, they could not be held altogether without blame for the present shortage. That is admitted, but on the other hand, it is only fair to remember that, until comparatively recent times, local authorities were handicapped because of the extravagant and exorbitant prices for land that were asked by landowners when they desired to build municipal houses.

It is true that that criticism does not apply to housing schemes under the 1919 and 1923 Acts, thanks to legislation passed by Members of the previous Liberal Government. [An HON. MEMBER: "When?"] In 1909 they passed an Act which enabled local authorities to acquire land at a reasonable price for housing and other purposes. That is outside the province of this particular Debate, and I merely wished, in reply to the Noble Lord, to say that local authorities until recently have not had a fair opportunity of developing their resources on the lines that he indicated. The Noble Lord spoke about the bottle-neck of the local authorities. Much of his criticism would have been sound if he had been dealing with local authorities themselves building by direct labour, but the great bulk of the houses built by municipal effort are not built by the local authorities themselves; they are built by the much vaunted private enterprise of the Noble Lord, and I submit that that experience shows beyond question that at any rate local authorities have been able to produce the houses. The Noble Lord quoted figures about the 1923 Act, to which I shall refer directly, but let me give him some other figures first. In reply to a question which I put to the Minister of Health the other day, I was told that in 1920, under the much criticised Addison scheme, we had 15,000 houses built; in 1921, 86,000; in 1922, 88,000; and then the Noble Lord and his friends came into office and scrapped these valuable Measures, and we fell from 88,000 in 1922 to a total production of 19,000 houses in 1923.

The Noble Lord was Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Health, and surely he should be acquainted with those facts.

Then I beg leave to tell him that he is absolutely wrong. He is quoting from an answer of the Minister of Health, telling him the number of houses built by local authorities, but I can tell him that the number of houses—and the Minister of Health will bear me out, I am sure—built last year was 77,000 odd.

May I quote from Column 1950 of the OFFICIAL REPORT for the 10th March of this year? I asked the Minister of Health the total number of State-subsidised houses—

I was dealing, and the Noble Lord was dealing, with houses built under the various housing schemes —the Addison scheme and his scheme—and I submit 1494 that my figures are perfectly sound and accurate.

The hon. Member must allow me to say that what he has proved is that with a State subsidy local authorities were able to build 88,000 houses to 1922, and that, without a State subsidy at all, private enterprise and local authorities were able to build 77,000 in 1923.

I will come directly to the figure of 77,000, which, I submit, is largely a figment of the Noble Lord's imagination rather than a reality. As, however, the Noble Lord has challenged the accuracy of my figures, I think it is only fair that I should give them to the House as they were given to me by the Ministry of Health. I asked the Minister the total number of State-subsidised houses completed—not on paper, not authorised, not sanctioned, but the number of houses actually completed and ready for habitation, because, until a house is completed and ready for habitation, it is of no use to anybody. The total numbers of State-subsidised houses completed in each year since 1919 were as follows:

I am sure the hon. Member does not wish to mislead the House, but the figure of 77,000 which I have given is not merely a figure which I have got from my time at the Ministry, but one which has been confirmed by figures given to me by the Government in answer to questions within the last month or six weeks. The hon. Member can take it from me that there is no doubt that the number of houses completed last year was 77,000 odd, and of these, as he himself says, only 19,000 were State-subsidised—an extraordinary testimony to the efficiency of private enterprise.

Of course, I accept the figure of 77,000, as the Noble Lord gives it, for the houses completed last year, but of what type were these houses?

Of the 57,000, roughly speaking, which were non-subsidised, I should say, on the best estimate that is possible—it is not possible to say exactly—that 40,000 were houses of five rooms or less, and of a rateable value below £26.

I do not question the Noble Lord's opinion, but I think we should like to see some return as to— [ Interruption. ] The House will forgive me if I press this matter. If these houses are houses which have not been built with any State assistance, I should like to know by what method the particulars are obtained as to the number of rooms in the houses and the rental at which they are let. These houses were built entirely by private enterprise, by land-lords for their own occupation—

Surely, although the hon. Member has been a member of a local council for a number of years, he must be aware that other Members also have knowledge of what happens in local authorities. Does he suggest for one moment that local authorities, when they pass plans for houses to be built by private builders, make a particular record of the number of rooms in each house passed, the rental to be charged, and who is going to occupy them? The whole thing is a fantasy.

The hon. Member has asked me a question, and I will tell him. I never mentioned rental at all. I said rateable value. The hon. Member may possibly know there is such a thing as Inhabited House Duty.

That is perfectly true, but the Noble Lord is playing with the question. There is no return given year by year of the number of new houses which are built by private enterprise. The point I am trying to make is that you have had a drop from 89,000 houses a year under the 1919 Act down to 19,000. During the years of the large production of State houses private building was going on all the time. During the years when there were 88,000 houses built for those without houses—those of the working classes—at the same time private builders were busy putting up mansions for the rich. It is not fair to suggest that local enterprise and local authorities, when they have a free hand, are not able to do their share in providing for the growing needs of their particular district. The question is so serious, the tragedy is so great, that we want to use every means in our power to produce houses.

Because the Parliamentary Secretary and the Minister above him refused to allow our local authority to build more houses when we went to them and pleaded with them.

The hon. Member will remember when he himself asked a question on that point he was told his further plans had been turned down because his authority was unable to build those already authorised.

That is not true. I happen to be a member of the local authority. I happen to be a member of the Housing Committee. At the same time that we went and asked for leave to build more houses because we had a waiting list of 3,000 people without houses, who were anxious to have them, we were refused when he had builders, labourers, bricklayers, and others walking the streets and drawing unemployment pay. I do not say we had a very large number, but because we were refused permission to build more houses, bricklayers, plasterers, joiners, and others were going out of the town and were going to other work and were building mansions for the rich, because the Government opposite in those days would not allow them to build cot- tages for the poor. In our town they were building large picture palaces. [HON. MEMBERS: "Shame¡"] I agree. Dr. Addison in his previous Act put in a Clause which allowed our local authority to prohibit' work of that kind, but the Minister who followed him and undid his work withdrew that. [HON. MEMBERS: "What was his name?"]

I would ask hon. Members to look at the Clock. There is another subject which hon. Gentlemen want to discuss before we finish to-night. These interruptions only prolong Debate.

It may be a question of merriment to those who are well housed and know nothing of the suffering of those who have been without homes for years. Hon. Members are making levity of the subject. We require to mobilise every effort, whether it be by encouraging and assisting the local authorities or whether it be by encouraging and assisting private enterprise, provided it is building the right type of house, and to develop every means in our power for years to come in order to get ahead of this terrible problem,

The late Minister of Health spoke of the need for assisting the occupying owner, and he asked for returns as to what local authorities were doing in order to assist them. Something may be done by assisting the occupying owner but, as, is well known, it is not through lack of the local authorities wishing to help these people, but because the occupying owner only touches the fringe of a vast problem. There are only few who are able to put up the necessary funds in order to own their own house. Therefore, it is impossible to expect very much in that line. The hon. Member for West Woolwich (Sir K. Wood) asked what the Government were doing with regard to the question of prices. I should like to ask the Minister of Health whether the Cabinet cannot reconsider on this question the policy which they adumbrated yesterday, of saying that they would not allow local authorities to buy in the cheapest market those materials that they require for their work, whether it be in respect of unemployment schemes, or houses under the State-assisted schemes.

When I heard from the hon. Member of the question of importing foreign cement at very low prices, I made inquiries as to how it could be done, and I find that the cheap prices are only quoted in respect of shiploads of cement. Therefore, in regard to myself and other people who are trying to provide houses for the workers, that argument falls to the ground, because we cannot buy cement on those terms.

I am indebted to the hon. Member for his intervention. It gives point to the argument I was putting earlier, that the local authority has a great advantage in building houses, because it can buy in shiploads, whereas the small private builder cannot always take advantage of the market. On the main question, I appeal to the Government that they should reconsider the wisdom of their policy of restricting in any way the free importation of building materials of any kind, because by excluding them or preventing the local authorities from having a free hand to buy in the cheapest market we are playing into the hands of the rings and trusts which have done a good deal in the past to make the cost of building what it has been. Therefore, I hope that the Minister of Health will say whether it would not be wiser to follow the sounder Free Trade principles of the past, in order that materials for building purposes may not be forced up to an extortionate price by the machinations of rings, trusts and combines.

I would ask the Minister that in his administration of the 1923 Act he should have regard to the people who are going to occupy and own the houses to be assisted by the subsidy. The late Parliamentary Secretary and the late Minister of Health were, naturally, very anxious to make the most of the fledgling which they brought into being last year. They talked a great deal about the number of houses that had been sanctioned and the number of houses that had been authorised to be built. They talked about 117,000 houses which were to be constructed at some time in the distant future, but when you come down to facts as to the actual number of houses built under the 1923 Act, which has been in operation nearly nine months, we find that, according to the latest figures given by the Ministry of Health, that wonderful figure of 117,000, of which the former Minister of Health made so much play, comes down to a total number of 6,148 houses actually completed. So that the net result of the 1923 Act up to to-day is the production of only 6,148 houses. Of those houses we find, as some of us foretold when the Bill was going through the House, that many are occupied by those for whom they were never intended. Cases have been given in which these houses, which were built with the aid of the State subsidy have been sold for £800 and £900. Is it suggested that the occupiers of these houses are the people whose need is the greatest When the Committee objected to State money being used without restriction under the Act of 1923 we were told that by limiting the size we should remove the great danger which accompanied the Addison scheme, but we find a large number of houses built, such as country cottages and bungalows, for those who can in no sense be called the working class, and they are getting the advantage of the subsidy. I ask the Minister to scrutinise carefully applications for the State subsidy so that public money will be utilised to provide houses for those whose need is greatest and not for those who are able to provide for themselves.

In conclusion, I would ask the Minister not to give way to the representations made by his predecessor in office, who suggested that the standard of measurements under the 1923 Act was too high and that we wanted smaller houses. I hope that the right hon. Gentleman will do nothing to sanction a subsidy for smaller houses. One gain from the Addison scheme, whatever its faults, is that throughout the country a high standard of home for the worker has been created and we have a bigger conception of what is required for the average worker both in town and country. I hope that the Minister will see that the amenities of these houses are kept up to the full. Even if more State subsidy is required it is in the interests of health and will be well spent. On the subject of the density of houses, I would like to congratulate the right hon. Gentleman on the circular recently issued to local authorities, No. 388B, which has withdrawn the circular of his predecessor in office and which restores to the Minister the right to say that where public money is being used for housing schemes a certain standard with regard to the density of houses per acre should be kept up, and instead of sanctioning 30 or 40 houses to the acre, as was done by the circular issued by his, predecessor, I hope that in no case will more than 20 to the acre be allowed and that, if possible, he should keep to the 12 per acre which is foreshadowed in the circular. In keeping a higher standard, both in regard to the size of the houses and in limiting the number to the acre, the right hon. Gentleman will be carrying out the duties of his office in a way which is in keeping with the feelings of the great majority of this House.

I would like to say a word first as to the point raised by the hon. Lady the Member for Louth (Mrs. Wintringham) in reference to rural houses. That is a side of the housing question which the Government consider to be one of great importance. I think that it was a fair criticism of previous housing schemes—and I say this in no carping spirit—that they were primarily and perhaps inevitably urban rather than rural housing schemes. That point is present to our minds, and the whole question of the method of dealing with this side of the problem is now a matter of consultation between the Minister of Health and the Minister of Agriculture. My hon. Friend the Member for West Woolwich (Sir K. Wood) referred to a characteristic speech of the Minister of Health. It was a characteristic speech. It was a good speech. If I may say so, the speech of the hon. Member for West Woolwich was a characteristic speech, honeyed in its phrases but bitter in its taste. It was a speech which consisted primarily of elaborate leg-pulling. He asked for a programme. He wants it now; he wants it this very evening. Yet he knows perfectly well that no Cabinet Minister would stand at this box on an occasion like this, and deliver himself of his programme.

Because he could not. It would be out of order, as dealing with legislation.

Precisely so. That was the point. The hon. Member re- ferred to private enterprise and the intention of my right hon. Friend to abolish it in housing. Let me put the position again. We have not suggested the abolition of the private building industry in this country, or of the private building materials industry in this country. I think it will be found on examination that, when my right hon. Friend has referred to this question, he has had in mind the elimination, which is taking place very rapidly, of private investments in houses, which used to be a common feature. In so far as the criticism is made by the hon. Member for West Woolwich, I suggest to him that we are likely to do more to rehabilitate the building industry of this country by our proposals than were our predecessors by their policy. The hon. Member referred also to the restoration of confidence, and made a reference to the Prime Minister's speech. We have tried to restore confidence, and I suggest that we have succeeded in some measure. I am convinced that to-day the building industry gives us a confidence as great as it ever gave to any previous Government in dealing with the housing question. There could not be more cordial relations between the State and the building industry than those which now exist. That might be said equally of the building materials industry. We went out frankly for their co-operation; equally frankly they offered it. Confidence has, therefore, been restored.

I make no attempt to answer the many questions raised by the hon. Member for West Woolwich. This is, as he said, a great problem, and I think we all realise it. May I say a word with regard to the speech of the Noble Lord the Member for Hastings (Lord E. Percy)? I am sorry if the Noble Lord thought that my right hon. Friend spoke with what he described as unaccountable petulance. I am certain my right hon. Friend did not intend to do so. I think his speech was one of extreme good humour, and that, I am sure, he thought himself. On the question of the operation of the 1923 Act the Noble Lord emphasised the figure of 66,000 houses. These are not houses built but houses which may be built—where contracts have been given out by local authorities, or where certificates have been issued in cases of private enterprise. The proportion at the moment between the two does not seem to me to matter very much, because I might urge that the actual number of houses completed this month was 3,000 for local authorities, and 2,500 for private enterprise, but I do not wish to press that argument. What I wish to suggest is that it would be surprising if there had not been a number of private enterprise schemes, having regard to the fact that the 1923 Act was primarily intended to resuscitate private building of houses. It would have been extraordinarily surprising indeed if there had not been houses built by this method, but from our point of view the really important question is the character of the houses and the fact that these houses have been built primarily for sale.

I think it is true that in the overwhelming number of cases the houses built and building by private enterprise under the 1923 Act are for sale. In point of fact they are selling at prices considerably higher than the figure mentioned by the Noble Lord as being possible. I think it is true, as he says, that houses can still be built for £400 without land, but these houses produced by private enterprise are not being sold for £400, and the whole of our case is that the houses which are being built by private enterprise, are passing into the hands of people in a stratum of society different from that for which publicly assisted housing is primarily intended. If it were that the removals to these houses made it easier for the manual worker to live, there would be some case in it, but the truth is, that in many cases people are going from larger houses into the smaller houses and are not creating a vacuum which in any way relieves the situation as regards the mass of the people. I do not wish to attack private enterprise for this. I do not wish, and neither does my right hon. Friend, to damp down the present housing Act. If it is suggested that we are doing so, let me disabuse the minds of hon. Members on that point. We should be failing in our duty if we did not work the Act as we have got it to-day to the full, and utilise every opportunity of persuading local authorities to work it to the maximum extent.

Having said that, it is quite clear to my right hon. Friend that that scheme in itself will not provide the number of houses which the social conscience of this country regards as necessary, if a reasonable standard is to be obtained. The Noble Lord referred to a flashy scheme. Let me assure him and the House that whatever our scheme may be, it will not be a flashy scheme. We have endeavoured to proceed on businesslike lines. We are endeavouring to build up a new partnership between the State, the local authorities and the building industries of this country. A scheme which wins the approval of this House and wins the support and active co-operation of the building trades of this country and of the local authorities will not be a flashy scheme. The fact that we have adopted the method of seeking the assistance and advice and co-operation of the building industry is, I think, an indication of our intention to produce a scheme which will be regarded as a practical and businesslike scheme. The Noble Lord referred to another point. He said that in 1925, when the end of the Rent Restrictions Act came, it might be that there would be a slump in rents and house property. That would be so if it could be assumed that house building will proceed at such a rate in the interval as to create, by the time the Act expires, a small surplus of houses. If there were such a small surplus, then it might be that a slump would occur, but if it be true that the building of houses is not going on sufficiently rapidly to-day to create a surplus, then, by the end of 1925, the situation is not going to be such as he anticipates it will be. In my view, it will need the building of far more houses during the next 18 months or two years to create that situation in which the surplus will be sufficient to play with and to create a reduction of rents. Even if it did create such a reduction, it still remains true that the old method of leaving housing to unassisted private enterprise broke down before the War, and there is no reason to believe it could be revived to deal with a larger and more complex problem to-day.

May I point out to the hon. Gentleman that, of course, subsidies are more necessary when you have a slump in house property than if you did not.

That is not my point. As I understand the argument of hon. Members opposite, it is that the creation of a sufficient number of houses and a reduction of rent ought to do away with subsidies. It would, as a matter of fact, increase the subsidy. In so far as it did increase the need for a subsidy, there would be less chance of the revival of an unassisted building industry. If it be true that we have been crushed by a steadily accumulating shortage of houses not for the last 5, 10 or 20 years but for 100 years, and which private enterprise has failed to overcome, and in view of the rapidly accumulating shortage during the War and after the War period, it is clear that if the shortage has to be dealt with on broad and satisfactory lines it can only be done by co-operation with the building industry of this country and the local authorities.

Agriculture

Although the hour is late, I feel that I must take this opportunity of asking what the Government are doing with regard to the outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease. This is the third occasion during this Session on which we have raised this question, but as long ago as the 18th February the Minister for Agriculture told us that so well did he consider he had the disease in hand that he hoped very shortly to be able to remove the restrictions. Some of us then pointed out that we considered that was a very pessimistic view of the condition of affairs as they existed then, and the latest reports he was able to give us on Monday last show that the number of fresh outbreaks last week was 39. That appears to us to be a very serious condition of affairs at this season of the year, which is one of the most active periods of the year for the movement of cattle in the grazing districts and other branches of the industry.

This is a condition of affairs which is paralysing the activities of the farming community. From the reports that reach me from the various localities where this disease has broken out, I must say that I do not think that the activities of the Ministry are very efficient. I agree that the disease had reached very considerable proportions before the present Ministry took office, and I would not like to remove all blame from their predecessors as to the methods employed earlier in the year. Still, we are led to expect great efforts from a new Labour Government, and it is no use to tell us that they are only following out what their predecessors did, and that therefore we must not blame them for the inefficiency of the methods they are now employing. I should like for a few moments to deal more especially with one aspect of the methods to combat the spread of this disease.

11.0 P.M.

We have been told from many quarters that Irish cattle are responsible for this disease coming into this country. From all the evidence that we can get from the Ministry—and, after all, that is the only evidence on which we can rely—it is maintained that no cattle have come into this country from Ireland with the disease upon them, and that on every occasion where this disease has been contracted by Irish cattle, it has been contracted after their arrival in this country. That seemed to many of us to be very clear evidence that they had not the disease when they arrived in this country, and that they must have contracted it in the process of transport. We naturally sought to find out the methods that were employed by the railway companies to deal with the disinfection of their trucks, the docks, and the markets. As regards the trucks and docks, the pens and the siding, that is the business of the railway company.

It is no secret in this House to say what goes on in the House of Commons Agricultural Committee. We took upon ourselves last week to invite two of the representatives of two of the biggest groups of companies, the London, Midland, and Scottish, and the London and North Eastern Railway Company to come and tell us what methods were adopted by the railways to disinfect their trucks, and so forth. I must say that from the very exhaustive statement of the methods employed by the railway companies that I, at any rate, and I think a great many others present at the Committee, came to the conclusion that it was really no fault whatever of the railway companies that this disease was not sufficiently dealt with in the way of disinfection, but it was the absence of any co-operation between the Ministry and the railway companies to carry the thing out a little more efficiently. These gentlemen told us—and I for my part believe them—that no fresh Regulations with regard to disinfection had been issued by the Ministry of Agriculture since 1912, and the Regulations issued in 1912 were merely the ordinary Regulations issued to the railway companies for dealing with the transport of cattle under ordinary conditions when there was no particular outbreak of disease existent.

One would have thought that, after an outbreak such as we have had in the country, and after the country had been put to the expense of no less than £3,500,000—that is what it comes to now—that some more active steps would have been taken by the Ministry, in the first place to ascertain whether these cattle—Irish cattle in particular—which they say had never come to this country with the disease upon them, had got it, while they were being transported. The methods now adopted are exactly the same as adopted under ordinary conditions, and, indeed, the Ministry, we were told, had not even consulted with the railway companies as to any fresh methods they would like them to adopt. I frankly tell the Ministry of Agriculture, that unless they are prepared to deal with this question in a much more thorough manner than they have hitherto done, they will never stop the disease, and will go on paralysing the agricultural industry for the summer.

Everyone knows it is difficult enough in these days for any agriculturist to carry on his business at a profit under present economic conditions, and if he is to be hampered still more by regulations and restrictions, it is almost impossible for those, at any rate, engaged in the cattle industry, to carry on their business at all. It is often said that all our compassion should be concentrated on those farmers who are unfortunate enough to get the disease among their herds, but I can tell the Ministry that our compassion should be granted also, and in a greater measure, to those unfortunate farmers who suffer from the restrictions that are put upon their industry through the regulations that are imposed, owing to the presence of the disease in the neighbourhood. Unless the disease can be got under, so that we can resume our activities in the industry, it will be very bad for us indeed, and I do press upon the Government to reassure the House and the country, that they are leaving no stone unturned in adopting every method science can at present suggest to cope with this disease, and to wipe it out.

I am sure the House has listened with interest to the very impressive plea just made by the hon. and gallant Gentleman opposite to the Ministry of Agriculture, that they should take more drastic steps than they have yet taken in order to stamp out this disease. I wish to draw the attention of the House to an equally important aspect of agricultural problems, of which, it seems to me, the Ministry of Agriculture is in some danger of taking insufficient notice. It has been a commonplace in agricultural discussions for some years that the only solution, or one of the few solutions at any rate, for our agricultural depression, was co-operation among the farmers; but we have recently seen a series of sneers and sniggers in the Press at agricultural co-operation, and I am one of those who would be concerned at the prospect of the Ministry of Agriculture being influenced by these sneers, and lapsing into the old rut of doing nothing If this Government passes away without its Ministry of Agriculture making an attempt upon a large scale to introduce methods of co-operation into our agricultural system, I think it will be a very big tragedy, indeed. In Scotland—it is necessary that these figures should be continually repeated—in the period 1881 to 1911, our farmers and graziers fell in number by 4,505; our shepherds fell, during the same period, by 1,229; our farm servant population fell by 49,428, but our gamekeepers rose by 1,673.

I do not want to pursue the question of game and sport to-night, but I should like the House to contrast those figures with the agricultural population figures of Denmark. Persons living by agriculture in Denmark, in 1870, were 788,735. In 1911 they had grown to 969,227. Last year Denmark exported to Britain 64,800,000 eggs. How is it done? It is done by co-operation and co-operation alone. Of the 200,000 farmers in Denmark, 167,000 were actually co-operating. In other words, they have thrown overboard the political philosophy and economic theory which both Liberal and Conservative parties pretend to stand for in this country: that is the doctrine that by competition you get the best out of people and not by co-operation. The Danish people are prosperous. The Labour party sent a Commission across to Denmark in 1913, and that Commission said in their Report:

In Deerness, when I was there last year, they had no poor-rate. I examined the co-operative society's books, and they had formed a great co-operative organisation there and had wiped out the middleman. They were sending their eggs and poultry direct to Leith and Edinburgh, where they had largely captured the local market. I examined their books, and I found that one small farmer alone, with 200 hens, had got no less than £176 for his produce during the previous year. Another man had got £196, and I found that there were any number of small crofters who were buying over £1 worth of groceries per week at the local store, and those groceries did not include, of course, their own produce, their eggs, potatoes, beef, meal, green groceries, etc. That is evidence of a standard of comfort that is absolutely wanting in our cities and in our industrial districts to-day.

In Orkney the year before last the peasants, under co-operation, by abolishing the middleman, and very largely, though not altogether, abolishing the monopoly which previously existed—when one large merchant from Kirkwall used to send a boat from the island—drew £346,000 for their eggs alone. It is not only in the Orkneys, but in parts of Sutherlandshire also the same thing happened. At Westray, Ham, Harray, and Deerness, at any number of parishes in the Orkneys, there is prosperity, and I am going to submit to the Secretary for Scotland that, in conjunction with the President of the Board of Agriculture, he should get all the information he can from the Orkney Islands and spend a considerable sum of money, if he likes through the Scottish Agricultural Organisation Society, or direct, in propaganda, forming co-operative organisations. Let him start a co-operative creamery, for example, at Kirkwall, lend the farmers money to form co-operative organisations, do everything he can to abolish the middleman, and begin to do what the farmers in Denmark did, and he will begin to have a reversal of the process that has been so painfully evident in Scotland for many generations, that is, a draining of our peasantry from the soil and a great increase of poverty. Co-operation can save our ship. There is time now, and I plead with the Secretary for Scotland to advance further than he has yet done. I admit gratefully that he has asked for more money for co-operation in agriculture in Scotland than any of his predecessors; but it is insufficient. If he will ask for reports from Orkney, and will build upon them, I prophesy that he will leave behind him a name in Scotland such has been left by none of his predecessors for 100 years.

I would say to hon. Members opposite who represent agricultural constituencies, and many of whom have become, perhaps, shall I say, rather fossilised in their political feelings, that the Scottish farmers, when they sent their commission of inquiry to Denmark, discovered that the Danish farmers were foremost in demanding nationalisation of the railway system. That commission did not contain one Labour representative, and they came back with a signed report which hon. Members may get for a shilling—it is published by Messrs. William Black- wood & Sons—in which they recommend that the farmers in Scotland should do what the farmers in Denmark did, namely, secure the nationalisation of the railways. According to pre-War figures, the rates for the transport of agricultural produce on the Danish State railways are, for 100 miles—

I am rather afraid that nationalisation of the railways would need legislation. Therefore, we cannot now discuss it.

He wants food and clothing. I suggest that the Scottish farmers—not the farm servants, not the Labour party—have thrown overboard the political and economic philosophy upon which hon. Gentlemen opposite who represent agricultural constituencies still base their case. In Denmark, may I say in passing, they have also taxation of land values—not on agricultural produce, nor on the implements required by farmers. The last thing the Danish farmer wants is a protective tariff which raises the price of the implements that he requires. If hon. Members will be at some pains to study what has happened in Denmark, they will cease endeavouring to apply exploded theories of economics to agriculture. It is not by Protection, nor by Free Trade, nor any of these old, moth-eaten economic theories with which both the Liberal and the Conservative parties have amused themselves and bemused the public fox many long years, that the problems of agriculture are going to be solved. Those problems are pressing and urgent, as everyone admits. You have had Free Trade; the farmers are not doing well, and agriculture is in an evil position. The population is leaving the soil. [AN HON. MEMBER: "Give the landlord a chance."] We have had a dose of landlords in Scotland. The landlords burned out the peasantry. You do not know anything about it. The hon. Member who interrupted knows something about pheasant breeding and fox hunting, but nothing about the Highland or the Lowland clearances, and I suspect the knowledge of agriculture is confined to paying lip service to a few platitudes about Protection, which do not mean anything one way or the other. It is not Protection or Free Trade. It is co-operation. [An HON. MEMBER: "Socialism!"] What is Socialism? I am sure what I was about to propose would require legislation, and I will not further develop it. It is by co-operation that Denmark has succeeded. It is by co-operation that we have succeeded in the Orkneys. I am pleading with the Secretary for Scotland, who I know has considerable sympathies with the small-holding movement and has already shown that he has considerable sympathy with the co-operative movement in agriculture, to set his teeth when he goes to visit the Chancellor of the Exchequer to face up to the President of the Board of Agriculture and to demand for the agriculture of his native land that we shall no longer continue to be faced with a decreasing population, but that, so far as co-operation and the Danish precedent can help us, we are going to re-stock the population of the soil, even if it means chasing out the landlords, chasing out the deer forests, chasing out the obsolete economic doctrines of competition and devil take the hindmost, and middle men's profits, upon which the Liberal and Tory-parties have thriven for so long.

I sympathise with the Ministry in dealing with this question of foot-and-mouth disease, and I think we all realise and sympathise with the enormous additional work which is thrown on the officials of the Department in coping with this question. At the same time there is no doubt there is a very general feeling throughout the country that the energies and efforts of the Ministry require to be speeded up. I think there is little doubt that they have in certain respects been lax. I should like to refer to the question of the disinfection of railway trucks. As I understand it, the only Order which exists in regard to this matter was one issued in 1912. Since then we have had two very large outbreaks of this disease. The present outbreak began many weeks ago, and it is only in answer to a question the other day that the Minister said he is contemplating a special Order. It seems to me a little late in the day, after this enormous loss, that he should only now be considering a fresh Order upon this question. There is no doubt that the present method of disinfection of railway trucks is very inadequate, but I should like to feel sure that such Orders as there are are being carried out. We should like to know what steps the Ministry is taking to see that they are properly carried out. We should like to know whether they have a staff of representatives who are going about to ensure that the Orders, such as they are, are being put into effect.

There is one other point which seems to me to arise in connection with this. The Minister said the other day, in answer to a question, that there is no provision for the disinfection of the clothing of railway employés engaged in this work. It seems to me quite hopeless that nothing has been done and that no Order has been issued to ensure that in regard to these railway employés who are engaged in disinfecting these trucks, many of which have carried cases of foot-and-mouth disease, the railway companies should disinfect the clothing and especially the boots of the men. Here we have these men, who have been scraping out these railway trucks, going home in the evening, walking across roads or across fields, and spreading the disease wherever they go. That point ought to have been taken up and special instructions ought to have been issued by the Ministry.

Then there is the question of markets. I should like to know how the disinfection of markets is carried out. I presume that it is carried out under the supervision of the local authority or of the police. Have any special instructions been issued to the local authorities in regard to the disinfection of markets, and is the Ministry satisfied that the instructions which have been issued have been put into effect? Have the representatives of the Ministry gone about the markets to see that they are thoroughly disinfected.

A very large section of the agricultural community believe that this disease originated in Ireland. Whether they are right or wrong is a question about which we cannot be sure; but it seems to me that as there is that feeling, and it is a very prevalent one, steps should be taken to ensure the adequate and proper mark- ing of all cattle imported into this country. The present system of marking by tabs is totally ineffective, because the tabs are so easily moved. It seems to me that the cattle brought in at the present time ought to be marked by some indeliable mark and not allowed to leave the port of disembarkation until they have been marked in the prescribed way. There seems to be a general feeling that the administration with regard to compensation for animals which have been slaughtered compulsorily has not been very good or very efficient. I think the Ministry in regard to this question of compensation ought to consult the various county councils and give to them all the particulars regarding the numbers of cattle that have been slaughtered and the values which have been put upon them. The county councils, through their Diseases of Animals Committees, could give them very good advice with regard to this question of compensation. Everybody wants to see the thing done fairly and justly. The Minister hinted the other day that it might be necessary to issue a national stand-still Order, and I think he said the Order would probably commence on the 1st of May. I would urge the right hon. Gentleman, if he makes up his mind to issue a national stand-still Order, to give the longest notice possible. Such an Order will, of course, entail the greatest inconvenience and hardship on all farmers throughout the country. There are, during the spring and early summer, great movements of stock. Those movements of stock go on, not only during the month of April, but during most of the month of May. In my own constituency you have until almost the end of May movements of both cattle and sheep from the uplands of Kent down to the Romney marsh. If the Minister is contemplating a stand-still Order, I would ask him to consider whether it could not be delayed for two or three weeks in order that all this movement should go on during that time and be completed before the Order conies into effect. In any event, I would urge him, in order to enable the farmers to make their arrangements, that he should give the longest possible notice.

My right hon. Friend the Minister, who is unfortunately suffering from slight throat trouble, has asked me to reply to the points that have been raised in this discussion. If I make my observations somewhat brief, I trust that that will not be taken as an indication that the Government are indifferent to the seriousness of this question, but that it will be interpreted as due to a desire to bring the discussion to a close so as to enable hon. Members to get to their homes, which perhaps is more desirable in existing circumstances. The Ministry are fully aware of the seriousness of this question and its great importance to the industry of agriculture. The right hon. Member for Daventry (Captain Fitzroy) quoted my right hon. Friend as having stated on the 18th that he hoped soon to be able to remove the restrictions. The explanation of that statement is that at that time there was a very substantial reduction in the number of outbreaks, which created the hope that we were nearing the end of the present visitation. Unfortunately the numbers rose again immediately afterwards, and therefore the hope expressed on that occasion was not realised.

The present position is to some extent encouraging, though not so encouraging as one would desire. In the week ending 2nd March the number of outbreaks was 97; in the week ending 9th March it was 62; in the week ending 16th March it was 57, and in the week ending 23rd March it was 39. That is still far too high a figure, but at least it shows a substantial reduction as compared with 97. During this week there were 10 outbreaks confirmed on the 24th, and on the 25th there were only two. If that reduction in the number of outbreaks continues, it looks as though we may be free in a short time, and that these restrictions can be removed. My hon. Friend was rather critical of the Ministry in regard to what he termed the lack of co-ordination between us and the railway companies. I do not think that that correctly represents the facts. During the outbreaks the Ministry are continually reminding the railway companies of the importance of the proper cleansing of trucks, and the Ministry has received assurances from the companies that they are doing what they can in that direction. On 28th January last a circular letter was sent out from the Ministry to the companies emphasising the different points in this matter. It is only fair to say that it is in the interests of the companies themselves that the trucks should be cleansed, because the spread of the disease causes great dislocation in railway traffic and is in no way helpful to the companies. Of course, it is not easy to inspect the cleansing of every truck, either by the Ministry or the companies. Part of the duty devolves upon local authorities. Perhaps it might be better if some of the local authorities were to have more adequate inspection. That, however, is a matter within the jurisdiction of the local authorities. In those districts where large markets are held the local authorities do give very close attention to adequate inspection and cleansing. That also applies to the markets. I cannot imagine any local authority that has a large market within its jurisdiction being neglectful of the proper cleansing of that market, seeing that neglect might mean the closing of the market. It has been stated that the last regulation issued regarding the cleansing of trucks was issued in 1912. That is true. But I do not think anyone will blame the present Government for the fact that that has not been amended for so many years. It is obvious that the responsibility rests on other shoulders than ours. For many years the circular proved effective, as was proved by the fact that the number of outbreaks was very small indeed. It would be well, perhaps, if the question were reviewed.

In this respect the Ministry has not been idle. As soon as it became apparent to us that the passing away of the epidemic was not likely to take place—as was shown by the number of outbreaks in February—this matter was reviewed, and the Ministry during the past week or fortnight has taken steps to ensure special inspection of the cleansing of railway trucks, and we are engaging temporarily a number of inspectors for that purpose. Some of them have already started and others will be engaged as soon as possible. We cannot get these people straight away. What we hope is that 10 inspectors will shortly be engaged in special supervision of the cleansing of railway trucks in order to see that, as far as possible, truck infection shall not be a means of spreading the disease. In addition to that the Ministry are considering the drafting of a new regulation, under which there may be substituted for the use of limewash as a disinfectant something more effective. We can only hope that these measures—the appointment of the 10 inspectors for special supervisory work and the new regulation—may be the means of bringing about the desired result. With regard to the question of the spring sales, the Ministry fully realise the importance of these matters to agriculture at this time of the year and, where it is possible to help owners of stock, we are prepared to do so. It is not an easy matter to deal with, because by pleasing one, you may offend another, and it is difficult to give these points consideration when great principles are involved—principles, a departure from which may bring about a condition of things worse than that which existed before. At any rate, we recognise the importance of the matter, and I think I may say that in the consideration of any "standstill" order which is in contemplation, that point will always be in our minds.

On the question of compensation, the hon. Member for Ashford (Major Steel) suggested there should be consultation with the local authorities. That is not possible. If the policy of slaughter is to be carried out as a means of stamping out the disease, it must be done at once and there is no time for exhaustive consultations with local authorities. What is done, is to have at hand a valuer of repute in the district who can be brought into consultation at once, and if he is accepted as a sufficient authority on the matter by the owner of the stock, and if his figure is accepted, then the slaughter can be carried out at once. Some attempt was made to get consultation by bringing in from other districts men Who might be regarded as more impartial, but it was found that in dealing with an outbreak, where time was an essential factor, this procedure was not possible, or, at any rate, not practicable. We have to get a man on the spot to give a valuation at once, and thus enable the slaughter to take place without delay. However desirable it might be, that something of the sort suggested should be done, it would disturb the expeditious working which is necessary if the policy of slaughter is to be effective. In regard to Irish cattle, I should like to say that every time animals are subject to an outbreak of the disease, special inspection and investigation takes place, and it is only fair to say that out of the thousands of cattle which have been landed from Ireland, no case of disease has been discovered when they have landed in this country, although they are all subjected to careful inspection. It is not only Irish cattle that are liable to this disease The majority of cases arise among English store cattle, and therefore you cannot separate this question from English stock as distinct from Irish stock. I assure the right hon. Gentleman who raised this question, and who is, I know, greatly concerned in the matter from the standpoint of agricultural interests, that the Ministry are fully alive to the situation; that they will consider this question and will not hesitate, either by new regulations or further inspection if need be, to do all that is possible to bring this unfortunate outbreak to an end.

The hon. Member for West Stirlingshire (Mr. T. Johnston) has made a valuable contribution to the Debate, and I would like to know whether it is possible for us to have some reply from the Secretary for Scotland. We want some guidance with regard to the Scottish questions which have been raised. It would be little short of discourtesy to Scotland if no reply is given. I hope the Secretary for Scotland will pay that deference which is due to Scotland.

I agree that the hon. Member for West Stirlingshire (Mr. T. Johnston) has made an interesting contribution to the Debate to-night, and I think hon. Members in all parts of the House were very much interested in the comparisons he made as to the depopulation of the agricultural parts of the country, and also the point as to the necessity for something being done to encourage agriculture and providing more employment. He also told us what had been accomplished in Denmark and the Orkneys by the application of co-operation to agriculture, and suggested that in Scot land something should be done by the Government to encourage the application of co-operation to agriculture. I may say that the Government have already taken the necessary steps to encourage such co-operation—

Would it be in order to move the Adjournment now, on the ground that the attendants in this House can only get to their homes to-night if they get off in time to catch the 12.10 train from Victoria?

It would be a very serious matter if the House failed to pass the Second Reading of the Bill to-night. It would derange all the national finances.

All I will say then is that we have taken steps to follow the lines suggested by the hon. Member for West Stirlingshire by means of Supplementary Estimates which gives us power to spend money in developing co-operation in agriculture both in England and Scotland. I can assure my hon. Friend, and those who are associating themselves with him, that they are no more interested in the question of agricultural co-operation than are the Members of the Government. We shall do all in our power to have co-operation extended to agriculture.

Question, "That the Bill be now read a Second time," put, and agreed to.

Bill read a Second time, and committed to a Committee of the Whole House for To-morrow.

The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.

It being after Half-past Eleven of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER adjourned the House, without Question put, pursuant to the. Standing Order.

Adjourned at Two Minutes before Twelve o'Clock.