House of Commons
Tuesday, April 8, 1924
The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair
Private Business
PRIVATE BILLS (Standing Orders not previously inquired into complied with),
Mr. SPEAKER laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, That, in the case of the following Bill, referred on the Second Reading thereof, the Standing Orders not previously inquired into, which are applicable thereto, have been complied with, namely:
Southern Railway Bill. Bill committed.
PRIVATE BILLS [Lords] (Standing Orders not previously inquired into complied with),
Mr. SPEAKER laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, That, in the case of the following Bill, originating in the Lords, and referred on the First Reading thereof, the Standing Orders not previously inquired into, which are applicable thereto, have been complied with, namely:
St. Just (Falmouth) Ocean Wharves and Railways (Abandonment) Bill [ Lords ].
Bill to be read a Second time.
PRIVATE BILL PETITIONS (Standing Orders not complied with),
Mr. SPEAKER laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, That, in the case of the Petition for the following Bill, the Standing Orders have not been complied with, namely:
London, Midland, and Scottish Railway (Superannuation Fund) Bill.
Report referred to the Select Committee on Standing Orders.
PRIVATE BILLS (Petition for additional Provision) (Standing Orders not complied with),
Mr. SPEAKER laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, That, in the case of the Petition for additional Provision in the following Bill, the. Standing Orders have not been complied with, namely:
Manchester Ship Canal Bill.
Report referred to the Select Committee on Standing Orders.
Rotherham Corporation Bill,
Petition for additional Provision; referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills.
Kingston-upon-Hull Corporation Bill,
Read the Third time, and passed.
City of London (Various Powers) Bill,
Sunderland Corporation Bill,
As amended, considered; to be read the Third time.
Oral Answers to Questions
Questions
Bread (Retail Prices)
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he can state the comparative retail prices of bread in Great Britain, France, Germany, Italy, and Russia?
My right hon. Friend the Minister of Labour will answer this question, and he has asked me to say that, as the reply is somewhat long, he will, if the hon. Member agrees, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
Following is the reply:
Data from which it would be possible to compute a true national average retail price of bread at the present time for each of the countries named by the hon. Member are not procurable. I have however, succeeded in ascertaining the retail bread prices ruling at a recent date in the respective capital cities, and the figures have been used in preparing the following tabular statement:
Retail Prices of Bread in London and certain foreign Capitals. Price per 4 lb. s. d. London, wheaten bread 0 8¼ Paris, wheaten bread 0 7 Rome, wheaten bread 0 7¼ Berlin, rye bread 0 6¾ Moscow, rye bread 0 5 Moscow, coarse white bread 1 1¾
NOTES.—The conversions into sterling have been made at the rate of exchange quoted for the date to which the prices relate.
The prices for London, Paris, Berlin and Rome are those ruling in a free market on or about 1st April. The Moscow prices, apart from the fact that they relate to a somewhat earlier date (11th March), are controlled, as is also the rate of exchange used in converting roubles to sterling. The validity of the comparison between Moscow and the other capitals is, therefore, somewhat doubtful.
Mercantile Marine
Wireless Direction Stations
asked the President of the Board of Trade if his attention has been drawn to the complaints of shipmasters as to the lack of wireless direction stations as the coasts of Great Britain; and whether, in view of the importance of the country's maritime traffic, and the fact that our navigators are obliged to rely largely on stations installed by foreign owners, and the invidious position in which Great Britain stands in comparison with the merchant fleets of other nations in regard to utilising such apparatus, having for their object the safety of life and property at sea, he will not seek the authority of Parliament for the erection of additional stations worthy of our mercantile marine's importance and of the issues at stake?
Representations have been made to the Board of Trade on the subject of wireless direction finding stations, and this subject has for some considerable time been under the close consideration of the Departments con- cerned. Under present financial conditions expenditure must, in any case, be limited, and invention is proceeding so rapidly that it is difficult to say in present which system will ultimately be best suited to the needs of the mercantile marine. In these circumstances, we are watching this question very closely, and proceeding as far as circumstances will permit.
Passenger Steamships (Survey)
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether, seeing that surveyors of his Department are sent to Continental ports to survey steamships for the passenger certificates required by the Merchant Shipping Acts, he will, in the interests of British shipping, see that these surveys are carried out in this country?
Surveys abroad are allowed in special cases when sufficient cause is shown, a typical instance being the ship whose terminal port is on the Continent and which only stays a short time in this country. These surveys are kept within as narrow limits as possible, but it would not be to the interest of British shipping that they should be abolished.
S.S. "Majestic."
17.
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he is aware that the survey conditions in relation to the s.s. "Majestic" are done on the tideway and have relation to the portions of the turbine engines which are dealt with year by year; that 20 out of 24 boats are without compasses; that tanks were not tested; that the C deck davits in an emergency would be found almost unworkable; whether any of the lower boats are stove in by chocks; and, as this vessel is due to leave on Wednesday, will he cancel sailing pending investigation of these conditions?
May I say that the allegations mentioned in this question relate to the condition of affairs on Friday of last week?
As stated in reply to questions on 1st April, the whole of the survey of the "Majestic," with the exception of the inspection of the hull in dry dock, which cannot for the mement be carried out in the United Kingdom, will be complete before the vessel sails. Under the. Regulations, four of the boats are re- quired to be fitted with compasses; 34 are so fitted. All the boats on board, which are about two years old, have been examined and found to be in excellent condition. The air cases of a selected number have been taken out, tested, and found to be satisfactory. Each of the C deck davits has been examined and found to be in easy working order. None of the lower boats have been damaged by the chocks, and these boats are in the same excellent condition as the others. There is no reason whatever why the vessel should not sail on Wednesday.
Trade and Commerce
Trusts and Combines
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is closely watching the operations and formation of trusts, rings and combines in the United Kingdom; whether he considers the powers to deal with these combines, etc., are adequate; and, if not, what steps he proposes to take in the matter?
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether legislation will be introduced at an early date to deal with trusts, rings and combines, both in the interests of the business community and of the public, and especially with regard to building materials?
The Board of Trade are keeping themselves as fully informed as practicable on the operations of trade combinations. The remaining points raised in the questions are under consideration.
Will the right hon. Gentleman answer the second part of my question as to what steps he proposes to take in the matter?
I do not think the powers of the Government on any subject are adequate.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that he has a majority on this side of the House to secure the passing of the necessary legislation, and why does he not take time by the forelock?
It does not always seem so.
British Dyestuffs Corporation (Research Department)
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that Professor Green, when engaged as head of the Research Department of the British Dyestuffs Corporation, devoted his whole time to the duties; and that Professor Perkin, who has been appointed in his place, only devotes a small portion of his time to the duties, and has other professional appointments; and what were the respective salaries, including directors' fees, paid by the British Dyestuffs Corporation to Professor Green and Professor Perkin?
I understand that the answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. As regards the remainder of the question, I have no knowledge as to the amount of time which Professor Perkin is able to devote to the affairs of the corporation, or as to the financial arrangements between the corporation and the gentleman named.
Will the Government not receive a report from the Government directors on the Dyestuffs Corporation?
It is not the practice for the Government directors to report regularly to the Government upon the ordinary procedure and the commercial work of the corporation. We maintain communication with the Government directors and with any special matters in which the permanent interests of the industry are concerned.
Is the permanent interest of the industry being promoted by a part-time officer supplanting a whole-time officer?
I am afraid that I cannot accept that description of the substitution of Professor Perkin for Professor Green. I do not think that accurately describes the situation, but I can assure the hon. Member that the whole position is very seriously engaging the attention of the Government. It is hardly possible to deal with it effectively by way of question and answer.
German Hosiery (Shipments to Great Britain)
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he can supply statistics as to the quantity and value of hosiery shipped from Germany to Ireland and America and then reshipped to England in order to avoid the payment of reparations duty?
I regret to say that the information asked for is not available, as the official statistics of re-exports from the Irish Free State and the United States, like those of other countries, do not specify the countries of origin of the goods.
Questions
Gas Poisoning
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether, in view of the continuance of fatal accidents due to the method of fixing gas-heating geysers, he will expedite the Report of Mr. Better-field on this subject; and whether, in view of the importance of the question, he will seek powers to enable him to safeguard the public?
I have received a comprehensive Report from Mr. Butterfield on the fatal accidents due to gas poisoning and propose to publish it very shortly. I hope it may be possible to take steps to safeguard the public without recourse to legislation.
Coastguard Officers (Pay)
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that there are 296 coastguard stations under the Board of Trade, 185 of which have station officers in charge whose pay is £2 19s. 5d. a week; that there are 97 stations which have a senior coastguard in charge, and no station officer, whose pay is £2 8s. 8d. a week; that the Board of Trade has granted Is. a week charge pay for senior coastguards in charge of stations where there is no station officer, with arrears only from 1st January, 1924, whereas they have actually been in charge from 1st April, 1923; and whether, in view of the fact that the Admiralty are paying their men 7s. a week charge pay, and that station officers are paid 10s. a week charge pay as from the 1st April, 1923, he will consider granting an increase of charge pay to senior coastguards in charge where there is no station officer with arrears from the 1st April, 1923, the date from which the coastguard service was transferred to the Board of Trade?
The answer is rather long, and I would propose, with the hon. and gallant Member's permission, to have it circulated in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
Does the right hon. Gentleman not see the injustice of not giving these men their pay from the time they were transferred?
If my hon. and gallant Friend will make further inquiries as to the statements in his question, I think he will find that he has not got them quite correct.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that some of the senior officers in charge of these 97 stations are in a similar position to the 185 station officers?
That is no doubt the case, but I should like to say that the Board of Trade have gone very carefully into this question. As at present advised, I do not see that any injustice is being done.
Following is the answer:
The statements in the question are correct, so far as regards the Board of Trade coastguard force, except that charge pay of Is. a week is given to senior coastguardsmen at 111, not 97 stations. As regards the rates of pay in the Royal Naval shore signal service, I would refer the hon. and gallant Member to the Admiralty. The date from which the concession of charge pay to senior coastguardsmen in charge of Board of Trade stations should operate was fixed, with the approval of the Treasury, after careful consideration of all the circumstances, and I do not think there are sufficient grounds either for an alteration in the date or an increase in the amount.
Safeguarding of Industries Act
Government Decision
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he can make any statement as to the Government attitude with reference to the Safeguarding of Industries Act and its extension?
His Majesty's Government have decided not to introduce legislation to extend the duration of the provisions of Part II of the Safeguarding of Industries Act which deal with the making of Orders on the ground of depreciation of foreign currency.
These provisions, and the duties which have been imposed under them, will accordingly lapse on 19th August next.
With respect to the special cases of lace and embroidery on the one hand, and silk on the other, it will be recalled that the late Government set up a Committee, but not under the Safeguarding of Industries Act, to inquire into the causes of unemployment in those industries. As regards lace and embroidery, the Committee recommended a duty of 33⅓ per cent, for five years; in the case of silk, two members of the Committee were in favour of duties ranging up to 33⅓ per cent., and the other two were against any duties. The Government have carefully considered the Committee's Reports, but do not propose to ask Parliament to impose the duties.
Are the Government going to allow this Act to lapse without taking a decision of the House upon it?
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that in the case of the inquiry into the lace industry the Committee found that their proposals were the only possible means of preventing this industry's complete destruction?
I believe that the Committee came to something like that conclusion, but it does not necessarily follow that they were able to convince His Majesty's Government.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say if we can have a day for the discussion of this subject?
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that a very large number of people will be thrown out of work by this decision, and will he give an early opportunity for a discussion?
Is the President of the Board of Trade going to repeal Part I of this Act?
Glassware
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he has received from members of the glassware trade an application for the Depreciated Currency Order of October, 1922, issued under Part II of the Safeguarding of Industries Act, to be reconsidered by a Committee set up by the Board of Trade in accordance with Section 9 of the Act, on the ground that German exports to this country are no longer assisted by a depreciated currency; and whether he proposes to set up a Committee forthwith?
I would refer to the answer which I gave to the hon. Member for Boothe on the 18th March. The position remains as then stated.
Silk
asked the President of the Board of Trade if his attention has been called to the adverse Report by two members of the Departmental Committee against a duty being imposed upon manufactured silk in the silk inquiry; if he is aware that one of the reasons given was that the duty would interfere with the re-export trade and in that way cause dislocation of our shipping industry; that this amount of silk referred to, namely, five million pounds worth, would weigh approximately 52 tons annually, or one ton weekly; and if, in view of this fact, he will set up another Committee to reconsider the whole question?
I am aware of the passage in the Report to which the hon. Member refers. The particular point is one only of a number of considerations to which the two members of the Committee draw attention. The answer to the last part of the question is in the negative.
Is the right hon Gentleman aware that all the reasons given by these two gentlemen are equally inaccurate, and that this one was chosen simply for the purpose of illustration?
On a point of Order. Is it in order to impute these allegations against members of a Committee set up by this House?
No; it should not be done.
Toys
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is aware of the inconvenience arising in the administering of the Safeguarding of Industries Act with regard to certain kinds of toys, such as toy magic lanterns and toy magnets used for children's fishpond games; and whether he will consider the advisability of issuing a Treasury Order, under Section 10 of the Finance Act, 1922, extending Order No. 149 so that toys of all kinds, whether scientific or not, shall be excluded?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative. Fishpond games containing magnets as parts are already exempt from duty under the Treasury Order quoted. There is no power under Section 10 of the Finance Act, 1922, to make an Order exempting articles which are dutiable as a whole, such as magic lanterns.
Questions
Chinese Bacon (Excess Payments)
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether full repayment has been received of the excess payment of £250,000 made on account of Chinese bacon supplied to the Food Ministry, as reported in the Auditor-General's Trading Accounts for 1919–20; and whether he can give the names of he two officials in the Ministry at the time who were stated in the Report to have been responsible for the oversight?
I would refer the hon. Member to the Report of the Comptroller and Auditor-General on the 1921–22 "Trading Accounts, page ix, which sets out for the information of this House the details of this settlement. These accounts are in process of investigation by the Public Accounts Committee, and I suggest that the hon. Member should a wait their Report.
Mixed Arbitral Tribunal (Ex-Enemy Debts)
asked the President of the Board of Trade the reason why the First Division of the Anglo-German Mixed Arbitral Tribunal sat only 11 times during the months of January and February last; and will he state how many times the First Division and the Second Division, respectively, sat during the month of March?
As the hon. Member is aware, the Anglo-German Mixed Arbitral Tribunal is an independent international tribunal, and it is not subject to control by the Board of Trade or any other Department of His Majesty's Government. With regard to the second part of the question, during the month of March, 1924, the First Division of the Tribunal sat on four days and the Second on 10 days. Between 24th and 3lst March, the President of the Second Division and the British member, with the substitution of an Austrian for the German member, also sat on five occasions to hear Austrian cases.
Is it the case that the Board of Trade is content to remain ignorant as to why this Tribunal only sat 11 times during four weeks; and, if so, is the Board going to remain impotent even if the Tribunal sits much more infrequently?
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether the members of the Enemy Debts Mixed Arbitral Tribunals are paid by salaries or by fees; and, in either case, what the payments amount to per annum per member and on which Vote the expenses of these tribunals are borne?
The answer contains a table of figures, and the hon. Member will perhaps permit me to have it circulated in the OFFICIAL REPORT
Following is the answer:
The members of the Mixed Arbitral Tribunals are paid by salaries.
The salaries are as follows:
Anglo-German Mixed Arbitral Tribunal
Per annum. President Swiss francs 96,000 British member £3,500
Second chamber of Anglo-German Mixed Arbitral Tribunal and Anglo-Austrian-Bulgarian-Hungarian Mixed Arbitral Tribunal :
£per annum. President … … 3,000 British member … … 2,500
≈other expenses of the tribunals is borne by His Majesty's Government, these charges being provided for under subhead "NN" of the Vote for Diplomatic and Consular Services.
Enemy Action Claims
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he will inform those claimants for compensation, in respect of loss and damage caused by illegal enemy action, whose claims have been rejected, what were the grounds of rejection?
As to the first part of the question, rejection notices are being sent as fast as possible to all claimants in whose cases the Royal Commission has recommended that no ex gratia payment should be made. As to the last part, it is not open to me to discuss the reasons which may have influenced the Commission in making their recommendation in any particular case, but the principles upon which claims were dealt with by the Commission are described in their First and Final Reports.
Will the right hon. Gentleman now answer my question —will he tell the claimants whose claims are rejected what are the grounds on which their claims have been rejected?
The only answer that can be given to the claimants is the statement of the Royal Commission, and that answer is being given to them as fast as possible, but I would ask the hon. and learned Member to recollect that they number a great many thousands. I am afraid it is not possible to inform" the claimants on what grounds or for what reasons their claims have been rejected, because the Royal Commission does not state those grounds.
Do I understand that the Board of Trade do not know on what grounds any claim is rejected?
As a general rule, no. The Board of Trade cannot go behind the recommendations of the Royal Commission.
Would it be possible for one of these claimants to bring an action in the Courts in order to test the validity of the action of the right hon. Gentleman?
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether the officials of the Reparations Claims Department, referred to in the Report of the Royal Commission on Compensation for Suffering and Damage by Enemy Action, who finally assessed and audited claims, ever paid visits to the special areas affected and there made local inquiries?
The answer is in the affirmative. I would refer to the observations of the Royal Commission in paragraph 3 of their Final Report.
Would the right hon. Gentleman state whether the attitude of the Government towards these claims is a charitable attitude?
That does not arise here.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether any part of the £10,898,187 8s. 2d., which: formed the balance of the amount left in the hands of His Majesty's Government by the aircraft insurance scheme during the War, is being paid to claimants for compensation applied for to the Royal Commission on Compensation for Suffering and Damage by Enemy Action; and,, if not, whether an equivalent sum could be allocated to these claimants?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative. In reply to the second part of the question, I would refer the hon. Member to the replies I gave to questions put by him on the 10th and 24th March.
Does not the hon. Gentleman think that these people have a moral claim to a sum of money equivalent to this sum which was taken by the Government after the War?
No. The only people who have claims on this balance are the people who paid the premiums. The people to whom my hon. Friend refers are the people who did not insure and have no claim on this fund.
Imperial Preference
asked the President of the Board of Trade what would be the net increase in taxation per head in this country if all the preference proposals of the Imperial Conference were adopted?
I regret that I am unable to give a figure that would be of any value in answer to this question, as several of the proposals for new or increased taxation were of indefinite character, and the actual imports of the goods affected in certain other proposals are unknown.
Are we to assume from this question that the consumer pays the duty?
British Army
Commissions from Territorial Army
asked the Secretary of State for War whether he is now in a position to give the details in regard to the granting of commissions in the Army from the Territorial Army?
I regret that I am not yet in a position to give the details asked for. The draft Regulations on the subject are still under consideration, and I hope within a short time sufficient progress will have been made to enable them to be published.
King's Regulations and Manual of Military Law
asked the Secretary of State for War what is the date of the most recent issue of the King's Regulations and of the Manual of Military Law?
The date of the last edition of the King's Regulations is September, 1923, and that of the last edition of the Manual of Military Law is February, 1914. A new edition of the Manual is about to be prepared, which will, I hope, be available for the use of the Army next year.
Royal Army Medical Corps
asked the Secretary of State for War what action it is proposed to take to recruit junior officers for the Royal Army Medical Corps, in view of the present serious shortage?
The matter is receiving consideration, but I am not yet in a position to make a statement regarding it.
Window Cleaning
asked the Secretary of State for War what sums are paid annually for window cleaning in the various military commands in the United Kingdom; and whether he will see if this expense can be saved by employing military defaulters to do the work?
The information asked for in the first part of the question is not available without special inquiry, and I do not think that the cost and trouble of such inquiry would be justified. As regards the last part, the present rule is that windows are to be cleaned by the troops, except in cases where the employment of skilled contract labour is desirable for reasons of safety.
Is not the right hon. Gentleman aware that this matter rune into thousands of pounds a year, which might easily be saved?
If the hon. and gallant Member's request were granted, would not several ex-service men lose the jobs that they now have?
Royal Engineer Srrvices
asked the Secretary of State for War whether, seeing that the duties of the officere of the staff for Royal Engineer services are of the same nature and are carried out side by side and in collaboration with officers of the Royal Engineers, he will say what is the reason for the difference in pay and prospects of the officers of the staff for the Royal Engineer services and those of the Royal Engineers?
asked the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that the pay, allowances, promotion prospects, retired pay, disablement pensions, and widows' and orphans' compassionate allowances of the 29 officers of the staff for the Royal Engineer services is less than that of the other commissioned officers in His Majesty's Army; and whether he will state the reason for the differentiation and the degree of the same?
The duties of the 29 officers who form the staff for Royal Engineer services are not identical with those of Royal Engineer officers generally. The officers in question are surveyors, and they all entered the Service as such many years ago. When in 1906 they were granted the status of officers, they retained the civilian basis of their pay and pension. It is impossible at this stage of their careers to alter the whole character of their emoluments from the civilian basis which they originally accepted to a military basis. Their position and claims have, however, recently been investigated, and they have been given material improvements in pay and pension. No new entrants have been taken for this class since 1901, and the method of obtaining surveyors for the Army in future in under consideration.
Army Act (Inquiry)
asked the Secretary of State for War if he will consider, in setting up of the Committee to inquire into the suggested amendments to the Army Act, the desirability of adding any service Members of the House who served overseas in the War, both officers and other ranks, in addition to his colleagues, the Parliamentary and Financial Secretaries to the War Office?
No Sir. I regret that I cannot consider the suggestion. As I indicated in Debate last week, it is proposed that the Board of Admiralty and the Army and Air Councils, as being responsible for the discipline of the three fighting Services, should consider these amendments and should report to the Government.
Is not the right hon. Gentleman aware that there are four generals on the Army Council, and is it not desirable that the point of view of the other ranks should be put before this Committee?
That in a different question from the one on the Paper.
War Medals (Battle Clasps)
asked the Secretary of State for War if he will inform the House the cause of the delay in granting bars for war medals, following the custom in previous wars; and whether such bars will be granted to staff officers who were concerned in the operations but not in the field?
It has not been possible, for reasons of financial stringency, to issue battle clasps to medals for the late War. Both matters, the issue and conditions of eligibility, are under consideration.
Does the opposition come from staff officers? Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that there is very keen feeling among a large number of officers who have served in the front line in favour of the grant of these bars?
I am perfectly aware there is a very strong feeling. I am pevfectly aware also of the great cost it entails. As I have said, both matters are still under consideration. They are not being lost sight of.
As this matter has been under consideration for five years, does not the right hon. Gentleman really think it is time to arrive at a decision? As regards cost, would it not be possible to allow people who are entitled to these bars to purchase their own?
Would the right hon. Gentleman consider saving money on the window cleaning?
Discharges
asked the Secretary of State for War whether he will investigate the present method of discharging men from the Army, having regard to the housing shortage; and whether he can make relaxations in the Regulations when a discharge has to be made, pending suitable accommodation being obtained?
I regret that I am not in a position to consider this suggestion. I much regret the necessity under present conditions of requiring time-expired men to vacate their quarters on discharge, but no public advantage could result from retaining such men on pay for an indeterminate period until it suited them to leave.
Will the Minister, in view of the distressing case I brought to his notice, do something for this man in particular?
I do not know that I can take the responsibility of making special exemptions.
Deptford Market
asked the Secretary of State for War if the Deptford market has yet been bought by the War Office; and can he state the price the vendor paid for the market and the price the War Office has paid the vendor?
As I indicated on 25th March to the hon. Member for Greenwich, it has been decided to exercise the option for purchase of Deptford market. Purchase has not yet, however, been effected, and 1 am not in a position to answer the remainder of the question.
When does the right hon. Gentleman expect this purchase will be completed, and what price does the Government propose to pay?
There is something Shakespeare says about "the law's delay"
And the "insolence of office."
Officers Pay
asked the Secretary of State for War whether he will arrange that, in the case of officers on consolidated rates of pay, so much of their pay as equals the total value of their allowances shall not be subject to the 5½ per cent, deductions from July, in view of the fact that allowances as such are not subject to reduction?
This and other questions connected with the detailed application of the 5½ per cent, reduction of officers pay due on 1st July are receiving consideration. I am not in a position to announce a decision at the present moment.
Questions
Ex-Service Men (War Office)
asked the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that protests have been made, both by the Association of ex-Civil Servants, and the British Legion, against the re-employment of pensioned civil servants on clerical duties in his Department; and whether, in view of the fact that temporary' ex-service clerks are being dismissed, he will give immediate instructions that redundant ex-service men shall be employed on the work being performed by these pensioned officials?
I understand the hon. Member to refer to the ex-officials, now reduced in number to 14, who are employed on examining War Office records and papers, and deciding on their retention or destruction. As I indicated last month to the hon. Member for Edinburgh East, this is very special work, which can only be done by men of long Departmental experience, and I regret, therefore, that I do not see my way to adopt the hon. Member's suggestion.
What is the skilled nature of this work that any ordinary man could not do? Even a War Minister could do it.
Scotland
Calton Gaol
asked the Secretary for Scotland whether, in view of the impending completion of the new prison at Saughton and the consequent evacuation of the Calton gaol, he will favourably consider adapting the Calton for the purpose of centralising the various Scottish administrative Departments at present housed in different parts of Edinburgh?
I have been asked to reply to this question. The possibility of utilising the Calton gaol site for the purpose of centralising the various Scottish administrative Departments has received serious consideration on more than one occasion recently, but has been rejected on account of the heavy capital cost involved.
May I request that the question be answered by one of the few Scottish representatives on the Treasury bench?
Will the right hon. Gentleman use the good offices of the Labour party to prevent the eviction of these poor unemployed tenants in Calton Gaol?
Temperance Act
asked the Secretary for Scotland whether he will cause a Report to be compiled showing the cost to the ratepayers of the polls held in Scotland under the Temperance (Scotland) Act, and the exact results achieved in the creation of dry areas, limitation of licences, and no change?
I would refer the hon. Member to the Returns regarding the cost and the results of the 1920 and 1923 polls which have been presented to Parliament. I am sending him copies of these Returns.
Parliamentary Elections
asked the Secretary for Scotland whether, in view of local representations on the matter, he intends to restore the pre-War practice of having Parliamentary polls counted and declared in the constituencies affected; and whether he can state which of the burghs in the Montrose division has been chosen as the centre?
I have recently received a report from the Sheriff from which it would appear that for administrative purposes the present arrangement is the most convenient. I may point out that the term "place of election" means primarily the place for nomination of candidates. Before reaching a decision as to whether any change should be made I would propose to confer with the hon. Member and with the Member for Forfar County.
Might we be informed what interest the hon. Member has in any future declaration?
Fishing Industry
asked the Secretary for Scotland if he is aware of the transport difficulties with which those engaged in the fishing industry in the Highlands and Islands of Scotland have to contend in the marketing of their fish; and will he now consider the advisability of erecting one or two experimental freezing stations, at one or two carefully selected places, such as are in use in the Dominions, with much advantage to the scattered fishing communities?
I am aware of the difficulties of transport referred to. The question of possible developments of the resources of the Highlands and Islands is at present being investigated and the suggestion put forward by the right hon. Member will be borne in mind, but it is doubtful whether fish frozen and stored as proposed would be able to command remunerative prices in competition with fresh fish available in large quantities from other sources.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that in the Dominion of Canada this has been put into practice and it has been found most satisfactory?
You cannot compare the conditions in Canada with the conditions here.
Templar Potatoes (Written Answers)
asked the Secretary for Scotland how many acres of Templar potatoes were included under Certificate IV 778/1922?
Four acres were included in the certificate referred to in the question.
asked the Secretary for Scotland if he is aware that Messrs. Halsall and Company, of Ormskirk, purchased 13 tons of Templar seed potatoes from Messrs. Stevenson Brothers, of Stirling, in March last, with a certificate from the Scottish Board of Agriculture that they were immune from wart disease and true to type; that Messrs. Halsall ordered these potatoes to be consigned direct to four different farmers; that, when the potatoes were lifted in September they proved to be badly infected with wart disease, and were, in fact, as to 40 per cent. Northern Star, a non-immune variety; that the above facts were communicated to the Ministry of Agriculture on 5th September and the Ministry immediately communicated with the Scottish Board; that the Scottish Board allege that they had insufficient time to prepare a prosecution within the statutory limit of six months from the date of the transaction; will he state under what Statute a criminal prosecution must be undertaken within six months of the offence; whether his Department was advised by the Scottish Law Officers that they could not prosecute in this case; and what steps he proposes to take to protect English farmers from being victimised by fraudulent certificates in future?
As the reply is rather long I propose, with the hon. Member's permission, to circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
Can the answer be given to the House, as it is a matter of great importance?
It is very hard on other Members of the House to have long answers read.
The right hon. Gentleman said "with my permission" he would circulate it. I have not given my permission.
That is the common courtesy of the House.
May I not ask for my answer to be given? I am sorry to persist.
It must be at the discretion of the Minister, or we might have one answer taking up the whole of Question Time.
If it is always left in the discretion of the Minister, might he not refuse to give any verbal answer, for fear of embarrasing supplementary Questions?
This question, though it is long, is capable of one very short answer. Will the right hon. Gentleman not tell us, because the matter is of great importance?
May I direct attention to what I have already called your personal attention, Sir—the tendency of Ministers to ask for the circulation of answers which are very small. The President of the Board of Trade last week circulated an answer only nine lines long. I should like to have your views on it.
I put down a similar question to the Minister of Agriculture last week, and was entirely put off by the fact that he circulated it, instead of reading it to the House.
If the Minister be agreeable, I do not mind.
Circulate!
Is it not the case that we Scottish Members have only one day in the week on which to put our questions, and are we not entitled to get an answer in the House?
The hon. Member who put the question is not a Scottish Member.
We must not waste further time. Mr. Adamson.
The reply to the first, third and fifth parts of the question is substantially in the affirmative, but as stated in the answer given on 31st March by my right hon. Friend the Minister of Agriculture and Fisheries, to the hon. Member s question on the same subject, the Board of Agriculture are satisfied as to the purity of the crop certified by them and the result referred to in the third part of the question cannot therefore be connected with the official certificate as to purity of the crop inspected by the Board. Proceedings under the Seeds Act, 1920, must be taken within six months of the date of the offence in accordance with the provisions of Section 26 of the Summary Jurisdiction (Scotland) Act, 1908. It was unnecessary to consult the Law Officers. The transaction referred to took place on or about the 23rd March, 1923, and it was impossible to investigate the facts and collect the information necessary for the purpose of instituting proceedings in the short time available after the first report of the case reached the Board on 13th September. It is impossible to ensure that no misuse will be made of certificates issued in respect of an article such as potatoes; but the form of certificate contains a warning that any grower or merchant who misuses the certificate will be liable to prosecution, and every endeavour is made to secure the punishment of such offenders. In addition to any such proceedings, it is open to injured parties in any transaction of this kind to claim from the offending parties compensation for damage at common law.
May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether he is aware that these potatoes were inspected by an inspector of the Ministry of Agriculture, and were found, in fact, to be 30 per cent, rogues? Is he also aware that this same firm was prosecuted by his Department and fined £5, and his Department did not press for costs? Has that been a deterrent?
rose —
We have taken time enough on this question.
On a point of Order, Mr. Speaker. Do you rule out all supplementary questions arising out of this question?
Certainly not. I have allowed many.
rose —
I cannot allow further supplementary questions. I have called another question.
Economic Security (Western Highlands and Islands)
asked the Secretary for Scotland if, in view of the emigration of the pick of the population in the north-western Highlands and Islands of Scotland, he will take steps by the appointment of a Select Committee of Inquiry or otherwise, to inquire into the most effective means of restoring economic security and sufficiency to the population in these crofting areas; if his attention has been drawn to the proposals for the provision of silos, which would prevent the recurrence of the disasters consequent upon the failure of a harvest; and what steps it is proposed to take in the matter?
I would refer to the reply given on Tuesday last to a question by the hon. Member for the Western Isles respecting the suggested appointment of a Commission of Inquiry. My attention has been directed to the question of providing silos, and I stated in reply to a question on the 25th of March that arrangements had been practically completed by the Board of Agriculture for the erection of silos and for the growing of silage crops in Skye for experimental purposes. The arrangements for the erection of experimental silos in Skye have now been completed. Should these experiments be successful, their?extension to other areas will be considered.
Will the right hon. Gentleman say, in a word, if he proposes to set up a Commission of Inquiry into the conditions in the Western Highlands or Islands?
I am getting a Report from the various Departments in the Scottish Office as to the possibility of economic development in the Islands and Highlands, and I shall be largely guided by that Report.
Fishermen's Gear
asked the Secretary for Scotland whether, in view of the importance of launching his scheme for assistance to fishermen in the replacement of lost and damaged gear in time to enable the greatest number of boats and crews to participate in the summer fishing, he is yet in a position to make an announcement of its terms?
I cannot at present add to the reply given to the hon. and gallant Member on this subject on Tuesday last, but I appreciate the general desire for an early decision, and every effort is being made to expedite matters.
If I repeat this question next week, will the right hon. Gentleman be able to answer?
Rating (Valuation)
asked the Secretary for Scotland whether he has received representations as to the desirability of repealing Section 37 of the Poor Law (Scotland) Act, 1845, and placing all rating on the gross valuation; and whether he proposes to introduce any legislation with that object in view?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. The question of repealing Section 37 of the Poor Law (Scotland) Act, 1845, will require to be considered in connection with any general measure of rating reform.
While the right hon. Gentleman is considering the question of the introduction of a Bill for rating reform in Scotland, will he undertake to see that this matter receives attention?
Experimental Farm, Cupar
asked the Secretary for Scotland whether, having regard to the representations he has received from the Fife Education Authority, he is pre pared to approach the Treasury with a view to obtaining an adequate grant for the purpose of providing an experimental farm near Cupar, Fife, to be used for the demonstration of scientific farming in all its branches and for the practical education of small farmers, agricultural workers, and other members of the farming community?
I recently received a deputation from the Fife Education Authority on this subject, and their representations are having my careful consideration.
Will the right hon. Gentleman undertake to see that this matter is considered immediately?
I had the matter fully stated before me by a deputation from the Fife Education Authority, and it is receiving my consideration.
Rural Housing
asked the Secretary for Scotland whether he is prepared to issue instructions for the completion of a detailed survey of the rural houses and cottages in Scotland, as recommended by the Royal Commission on Housing in Scotland, and to call for Reports from the local public health officers as to the condition of the houses at present occupied by agricultural and rural workers and as to the additional accommodation required to meet the needs of these workers in each area?
As stated in the reply given to a similar question put by the hon. and learned Member on the 26th February last, the recommendations of the Royal Commission on Housing are before the Government in their consideration of housing policy, but I am not yet in a position to state what action will be taken on the particular recommendation referred to in the question.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware of the extreme urgency of dealing with the question of rural housing, and will he undertake that the matter will receive prompt consideration?
Sir George McCrae.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware— [HON. MEMBERS: "Order!"]
The hon. Member for Montrose Burghs must not be on his fees while I am on my feet. The next question has been called.
Poor Law Emergency Provisions Act, 1921
asked the Secretary for Scotland if he can state the amount of expenditure incurred to date by parish councils in carrying out the provisions of the Poor Law Emergency Provisions (Scotland) Act, 1921?
The expenditure incurred by parish councils in granting relief to the destitute able-bodied unemployed during the period August, 1921, to 15th March, 1924, is approximately £3,230,000.
Have the Poor Law authorities in Scotland the same powers as the Poor Law authorities in England?
School Classes (Size)
asked the Secretary for Scotland if he is now in a position to state the number of classes in Scottish schools containing from 50 to 60 and over 60 pupils on the roll?
A few replies to my request for detailed information are still outstanding. But as soon as the return I have asked for is complete, I will send a copy to my hon. Friend.
School-Leaving Age
asked the Secretary for Scotland if, in view of the amount of unemployment among juveniles and to allow of the necessary preparations being made by the local education authorities, he is prepared to appoint a date for the raising of the school-leaving age to 15, as provided for in the Education (Scotland) Act, 1918?
I am sure my hon. Friend will realise the difficulty of fixing a date which would at once assist the immediately pressing problem of unemployment and also allow of reasonable time being given to the education authorities to make the necessary preparations. But I am considering the matter carefully.
Seed and Fuel Distribution (Ross-Shire)
asked the Secretary for Scotland if he is aware that there is complaint regarding the distribution of seed oats, potatoes, and fuel in many parishes in Ross-shire; that in other parishes there has been as yet no distribution at all; and, in view of the imminence of seed-time, what action he is taking or proposes to take?
The reply to the first part of the question is in the negative. I am informed that distribution of seed under the Board of Agriculture's scheme has taken place as quickly as possible after receipt of the demands, and that practically all orders have now been complied with.
:If I send my right hon. Friend complaints from three separate parishes, will he have the matter looked into?
I will.
Road Making (Isle of Lewis)
asked the Secretary for Scotland if he will state how much of the £32,000 granted to the island of Lewis for road making and repairing has been paid in wages to the workmen employed, and how much has been paid away in administrative charges?
I am obtaining information regarding this matter and will communicate the result to the hon. Member.
Lochboisdale Pier, South Uist
asked the Secretary for Scotland whether he has received a petition from South Uist protesting against the proposal to close down Lochboisdale pier; and, in view of the hardship, loss, and inconvenience such an action would involve, is he prepared to make a statement?
I have received a copy of resolutions passed at a meeting in South Uist respecting the proposal of the proprietress to close this pier which is in a defective condition. I am advised that the Board of Agriculture have no power to take over the pier, but they are considering whether any action could be taken with a view to assisting to meet the 'difficulties. In the meantime I am requesting the Board to ascertain from the proprietress whether it is practicable to make temporary arrangements for the continued use of the pier wholly or partially.
Petersport Pier, Benbecula
asked the Secretary for Scotland whether he has received a petition from the inhabitants of Benbecula for the provision of lights at the approach to Petersport pier; whether he has received further information; and whether he will make inquiries immediately with a view to the provision of the necessary lights in order that the people of this island may be no longer subjected to their present conditions?
I have received a communication from Benbecula conveying further information on this subject and I am making inquiries.
Secondary Education
asked the Secretary for Scotland the normal grant per pupil for secondary education; and whether an additional grant can be paid in cases of exceptional difficulties as in the Island of Arran?
There is no normal grant per pupil for secondary education, and therefore the question of an additional grant does not arise. But my hon. Friend may rest assured that, in the framing of the minutes by which the distribution of grant is regulated, the fullest consideration is given to the exceptional difficulties of sparsely populated districts like Arran.
asked the Secretary for Scotland if he is aware that there is no provision in the Island of Arran for continuing the education of children to the secondary stage; that they have to make a sea journey of 13 miles to Ardrossan for this purpose, which necessitates their taking lodgings; that the expense of this falls mainly on the parents; whether he will inform the House what is the reason for the failure of the local education authority to provide such education when the children are not over 14 years of age without additional expense to the parents; whether the local education authority assumes responsibility for the transport of such children; whether they pay the full cost of the lodgings for such children: and whether he will take steps to see that suitable provision is made for the education of such children without their having to leave the island?
I am aware that in Arran, as in many other districts of Scotland, educational arrangements are gravely hampered by geographical conditions. With regard to the remainder of the question I am having inquiry made with a view to giving the hon. Member a reply.
Questions
Rating (Incidence)
asked the Prime Minister whether the Government are prepared to bring in a Bill to rectify the present unequal incidence of local rating; and, if so, when he expects to be able to do so?
A Bill is at present being examined by the Ministry of Health, but I am not at present in a position to make any statement.
Industrial Courts Amendment Bill
asked the Prime Minister if the Industrial Courts Amendment Bill has been under the consideration of the Government?
The reply is in the affirmative.
Can the right hon. Gentleman inform the House whether the Government propose to help or to hinder the passage of this Bill?
The Government do not favour the principle of the Bill in question, nor consider that by means of it a greater measure of industrial peace in this country will be obtained.
Are we to understand that the Government propose to oppose the Bill?
Secret Service Fund
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer why the Secret Service Fund stands at £180,000 this year and is only £20,000 less than last year; whether he can hold out any hopes of a reduction in this money; which Minister is especially responsible for the disbursement of the Secret Service Fund; and whether that Minister scrutinises the expenditure and satisfies himself personally as to the use to which the money is put?
As regards the last part of the question, the Vote for the Secret Service is accounted for by the Treasury, who receive personal certificates of the expenditure from the responsible Ministers in the form recommended by the Public Accounts Committee. With regard to the remaining parts of the question, I would draw the hon. and gallant Member's attention to a reply given on the 24th March, 1908, by the right hon. Member for Paisley, then Chancellor of the Exchequer, who stated:
"In making these grants tinder the head of 'Secret Service' Parliament expressly waives its right to the explanation to which it is otherwise entitled in respect of all grants of public money, and to give such explanations would be to defeat the object of the grants."
Does my right hon. Friend claim that this fund is in accordance with the ideas of his party, apart from mine?
Will the right hon. Gentleman inquire whether public monies are still being spent upon a man like Harold Grey?
High Sheriffs (Expenses)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he will consider the question of taking such action as may be necessary to lessen the expenses now entailed upon High Sheriffs of counties?
As this matter was reviewed as recently as 1920, when a general increase in the allowances to High Sheriffs was authorised, I see no justification for a reconsideration of the present scales.
May I ask whether in any counties the sheriffs have still to pay for javelin men?
The difficulty is that much depends upon the manner in which the High Sheriff discharges these duties, and according to recent inquiry I do not think we can interfere with the scale.
Does the hon. Member think it right that the High Sheriff should pay the executioner's fee where an execution takes place?
I hardly think that arises out of this question. I take the duties as they are found, and I cannot add to the reply which I have given.
Is it necessary for the High Sheriff to keep a nurse for the benefit of the women jurors?
My information is that they have a fair amount of discretion, and they must exercise it.
Are these supplementaries fair, in view of the large number of questions which have to be dealt with?
Poor Law Rates, Erith
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if his attention has been called to the heavy Poor Law rates being imposed in many industrial areas in this country; whether he is aware that the Erith Council have announced a 9s. 4d. rate for Poor Law relief alone; and, as this burden is a direct result of the area being a munitions centre, can some grant-in-aid be given as a war charge?
My right hon. Friend is aware that the poor rate in the district referred to has been made at 9s. 4d. in the £ for the ensuing 12 months, but he would remind my hon. Friend that this rate covers other purposes besides the relief of the poor, the amount required for that purpose being equivalent to a rate of only 4s. 9d. in the £. With regard to the last part of the question I would refer my hon. Friend to the answer given to a similar question on the 27th March, of which I am sending him a copy.
Necessitous Areas (Interest on Loans)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, in view of the refusal of the Government to give direct financial assistance to necessitous areas in relief of abnormal unemployment, he will authorise the Goschen Committee to considerably reduce the rate of interest they are charging boards of guardians on loans raised to meet current expenditure on relief to the able-bodied unemployed?
Any reduction in the rate of interest in these cases below an economic rate would be equivalent to direct financial assistance, which the Government has felt bound to refuse. In special cases however the Goschen Committee are empowered to postpone the payment of sinking fund and interest for a period.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the local authorities concerned are highly dissatisfied with the inadequate assistance which the Government offer, and will he reconsider the matter in view of the seriousness of the position?
I have no doubt that the local authorities concerned are dissatisfied, but that dissatisfaction is not a state of feeling which is confined to these necessitous areas.
Is the right hon. Gentleman not aware that the rate charged to these Poor authorities is very much in excess of what is necessary, and that the Government make big profits out of lending money to these authorities?
No.
Perpetual Pensions
asked the Chancellor oft he Exchequer when the successor of the Duke of Schomberg was last invited.to state the terms on which he was willing to commute the remaining part of the pension which has been paid since the year 1695?
The 19th June last.
Has that invitation been-accepted as yet?
No.
asked the Chaiicellor of the Exchequer the amount of the saving to the Treasury which he expects to make in commuting the pensions now paid to Lord Rodney at the price of £42,000; and what are the calculations on which his expectation is based?
I anticipate that a saving will be effected, but the amount depends on the rate at which the Treasury can raise the commutation money, as provided by the Act of 1873. Until the transaction is completed I cannot say what this rate will be.
Is the right hon. Gentle man aware that when a commutation of the pension was last made it was stated in this House that, under the arrangement there would be a saving of 19 per cent. Does the right hon. Gentleman contemplate any saving of that kind in the present case?
I am not aware of the facts stated by the hon. Member. There is no possibility of stating what the exact savings will be until we can ascertain the rate at which we can borrow the money.
British Metal Corporation
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether the whole of the non-ferrous metals subject of a contract between the Disposal Board and the British Metal Corporation have been delivered, the number of tons of copper, brass and lead, respectively, so far delivered to the corporation and the respective prices realised for such quantities, and the profits realised up to date on this contract by the corporation?
If, as I presume, the hon. Member refers to the contract for scrap brass, the answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. With regard to the second part of the question, approximately 150,000 tons of scrap brass have been delivered, but no copper or lead was included in the contract. The amount realised was approximately £3,749,000. I have no information with regard to the last part of the question.
Is it not a fact that this scrapped brass which was sold to the British Metal Corporation represents what was called 70/30ths; in other words that it was 70 per cent, copper and 30 per cent brass and that it was sold at a much lower price than the market value at that time was?
My information on this question is to the contrary. At all events, in reference to my hon. Friend's supplementary question, there is a very much longer reply to a question put by him on the Paper, which I will give later on, and which I think covers a great deal of what he wants to know.
asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury if the Disposal Board consulted the non-ferrous metal trade, as represented by those licensed by the Board of Trade to deal in those metals, before contracting with the British Metal Corporation for the sale of 120,000 tons of scrap brass in September, 1920; if he will say when this corporation was formed; what were the names of the directors who had been, or were, connected, within three months of the signing of this contract with the Ministry of Munitions or the Disposal Board, in any capacity connected with non-ferrous metals, and when such connection began and ceased; can he say how much of the material delivered was unused commercial material and not scrap at all; what was the tonnage that the corporation gave consignment instructions for shipment to ports en route to the Metalgesellschaft in Germany immediately the contract was signed; and how many of the directors were connected with subsidiaries of the Metalgesellschaft of Frankfurt whose branches in Great Britain were suppressed under the Defence of the Realm Act?
As the answer is rather long, I am circulating it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
Following is the answer:
As regards the first part of the question, the Disposal Board took all necessary steps with a view to disposing of this metal to the best public advantage before the contract with the British Metal Corporation was entered into. That contract was made on the 28th September, 1921, and not in September, 1920, as stated in the question.
I understand from the Board of Trade that the corporation was formed on the 1st November, 1918, and the Board of Trade Returns show the directors as follows:
Sale, Chas. Vincent.
Budd, Cecil Lindsay.
Fielding, Sir Chas. Wm. (Baronet).
Phillips, Sir Lionel (Baronet).
Smith, Arnold J. H.
Tait, Andrew Wilson
Tennant, William Augustus.
Clift, Arthur Stebbins.
In the Board of Trade Returns the following changes are shown in the directorate:
Mr. A. S. Clift resigned and
Mr. Francis Rudolph Phillips added to directorate in December, 1919, as alternate director to Sir Lionel Phillips.
Mr. Reginald Wynn Rucker was added to the directorate in August, 1920.
Sir Reginald Sothern Holland was appointed alternate director to Sir Lionel Phillips in March, 1923, and
Mr. Francis Rudolph Phillips resigned.
Captain Oliver Lyttleton, D.S.O., M.C., was appointed alternate director to Sir Cecil Budd in September, 1923.
Mr. Francis Algernon Govett was appointed additional director in January, 1924.
None of these gentlemen had been, or was, connected within three months of the signing of this contract with the Ministry of Munitions or the Disposal Board in any capacity whatever.
The contract specifically provided for brass sheet and rod being included. Over 98 per cent, of the material delivered under the contract was scrap.
As regards the sixth and seventh parts of the question, I have no information as to what consignments went to ports en route for Germany, nor have I any information as to whether any of the directors above-mentioned were connected with subsidiaries of the Metalgesellschaft of Frankfurt.
I would point out to the hon. Member that this contract was very fully considered by the Public Accounts Committee of this; House last year, and that in their Report, ordered to be printed on the 31st July, 1923, the Committee stated that:
"They wish to record their view that throughout the negotiations the Disposal and Liquidation Commission were influenced solely by consideration for the public interest and decided on the course which they thought best in a very difficult situation."
Entertainments Duty
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he will give favourable consideration to the removal of the Entertainments Duty on charitable entertainments?
I have noted my hon. Friend's suggestion.
Motor Licence Taxation
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he will allow in the forthcoming motor licence taxation a rebate of 10 per cent, on the second licence to an owner of two private cars, 15 per cent, rebate to an owner of three private cars, and 20 per cent, if one only is used at one time by an owner of three cars holding three licences; and is he aware that motor insurance companies allow similar rebates on insurance premiums?
I have been asked to answer this question. The hon. Member's suggestion would involve a loss of revenue which I am not prepared to recommend, but, quite apart from financial consideration, any such proposal presents administrative difficulties which, in my opinion, would render it impracticable.
Inter-Allied Debts
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what amounts are owing to Great Britain for war debts up to 31st March, 1924, and by what countries: and if we have claimed any interest from any countries on these debts?
I will circulate the figures in the OFFICIAL REPORT. Interest is being received at present in cash from the Belgian Congo and on a part of the loan to Greece. In the other cases it is added each year to the principal of the debt due.
Following are the figures referred to:
Loans to Allies at 31st March, 1924. £ France 623,279,000 Russia 722,546,000 Italy 553,300,000 Serb-Croat-Slovene Kingdom, including Montenegro 28,481,000 Poland 95,000 Roumania 24,778,000 Portugal 21,544,000 Greece 23,355,000 Belgian Congo 3,550,000 2,000,928,000
Richborough
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether the Government have yet come to a decision upon the Report which has been received from the Disposal and Liquidation Commission regarding Richborough?
No, Sir; the matter is under consideration.
Can the hon. Gentleman give me any indication of when I can put a question down with a prospect of getting the information?
I cannot inform the hon. Member off-hand, but I will let him know on this point within a day or two.
Sugar Duty (Drawback)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he is aware of the disinclination of jam manufacturers to use Empire-grown sugar, owing to the difficulties when exporting the jam of having two rates of drawback of duties, one for Empire-produced sugar and one for foreign-produced sugar; and if, when considering his Budget, he will take into consideration the fixing of the drawback at the same rate for both Empire-grown and foreign-grown sugar?
The answer to the first part of the hon. Member's question is in the negative. As regards the second part of the question, I am unable to anticipate the Budget statement.
Will the right hon. Gentleman make inquiries, as the point raised in this question is a most important one for consideration?
I do not know whether it would be necessary to make inquiries or whether the information asked for by the hon. Gentleman is available, but I will think the matter over and, if I come to the conclusion that it is important, I will make inquiries.
Coal Industry
Royalties
asked the Secretary for Mines the total amount paid in mining royalties for the 10 years ending 1923; and whether the Government propose taking steps to nationalise all mineral royalties in the immediate future?
The total amount paid in royalties on coal during the last 10 years is about £61,000,000. I have not the information for other minerals. With regard to the second part of the question this, among other matters, is receiving consideration.
Coal (Pithead Prices)
asked the Secretary for Mines whether there has been any advance in the pithead selling price of coal whilst negotiations have been proceeding between the coalowners and the Miners' Federation of Great Britain in the wages dispute now proceeding?
I am not yet in possession of the ascertained figures of the average proceeds per ton of coal at the pithead in the various districts in the first three months of this year; but, speaking generally, the tendency has undoubtedly been upwards.
When the hon. Gentleman gets these statistics, will he publish them?
The information will be published in the statistical return.
Exports, 1913 and 1923
asked the Secretary for Mines what amount of coal was exported from this country for the years 1913 and 1923, respectively?
The comparable figures are 73,400,118 tons in 1913, and 77,964,253 tons in 1923.
Rent and Mortgage Interest Restrictions Bill
Prime Minister's Statement
May I ask the Prime Minister whether he can tell the House what course the Government propose to take, in view of their first defeat yesterday?
As I stated last night, if the Leader of the Opposition would repeat his question I would tell him what consideration we had been able to give to the situation by this afternoon. As I was afraid, by the way that the majority of the House decided to handle the Bill yesterday, Rule No. 124 has come into operation and prevents the repetition in the same Session of a Motion that has been defeated. We shall have to get round that, and I think it is possible to do so. After the Division last night, a Bill, entitled the Prevention of Eviction Bill, received a Second Reading. That Bill in its present form is altogether unsatisfactory.
It is better than yours.
I have asked the Law Officers to consider the Bill, with a view to amending it, and when the Bill goes upstairs to Committee, I think that we shall all co-operate to make the Bill as satisfactory a Bill as it is possible to make it.
Is not the assumption of the Prime Minister that Rule No. 124 has come into operation bound up with the question of Order, of which I have given private notice to you, Mr. Speaker?
May I ask the Prime Minister whether the Prevention of Eviction Bill of my hon. Friend the Member for Withington (Mr. E. D. Simon), which has now received a Second Reading, will have facilities given to it for its further progress in the House after it has gone through Committee?
That is exactly what I have said. The Government will, first of all, do its best to get the Bill amended in Committee so as to make it satisfactory, and when the Bill is amended all facilities will be given so that it may become an Act of Parliament this Session.
When the Prime Minister speaks of amending the Bill, does he contemplate the insertion of some provision to prevent the eviction of unemployed men, which is not now dealt with by this Bill?
That is perfectly true. We shall now survey the whole position and do what we can, within the terms of the Bill and within the rules of the House, to secure that as satisfactory a Measure as possible is passed into law.
Do the Government propose to carry out their expressed intention of making this a charge upon public funds, and, if so, will that be done through the- Bill of the hon. Member for Withington or by means of a new Bill which the Government will introduce?
Obviously no charge can be made on public funds in this Bill or any other Bill, without a Money Resolution. The Government made it perfectly clear yesterday that they had no intention of proposing such a, charge as that. When the Bill goes to Committee, which is the proper place in which to discuss these details, the Amendments which the Government may wish to have inserted in it will be put upon the Paper and the Government will be represented on the Committee.
Are we to understand that what was, even as late as yesterday, declared by the Prime Minister to be the settled policy of the Government, namely, to make this charge upon public funds, without specifying what particular public funds, is now abandoned?
No, it is not abandoned. I would remind my right hon. Friend that we said quite specifically that the public funds for the purpose of the Bill which was defeated yesterday were to be local funds.
In order to assist the Committee in getting these Amendments to fit in with the Bill will they have the assistance of both Law Officers?
We shall do everything that we possibly can to give the Committee the necessary assistance, both legal and lay.
May I ask the Prime Minister if, pending the consideration of this Bill, he will undertake to see that no summonses for eviction are issued by his colleague at the Office of Works to turn people out? [HON. MEMBERS: "Order!"]
May I put a question as to procedure? Are we to understand that you, Mr. Speaker, in allotting this Bill to a Committee, will deal with it as a Government Bill for purposes of precedence in relation to other Bills?
My recollection is that Standing Committees A, B and C are already occupied with Bills. There remains the possibility of setting up Standing Committee D. I should be open to consider any suggestion. If that Committee were set up, the transference of this Bill to that Committee could only then take place if no Government Bills were sent to the same Committee.
May I ask the Prime Minister is he aware that the present situation has created a great deal of uncertainty in the minds of tenants and landlords all over the country —[HON. MEMBERS: "And in the Liberal party!"]—and when does he think he will be able to make a statement of the Government's intention? Will he consider doing so at the earliest possible moment? Applications are being made all over the country to the guardians by tenants for allowances in respect of rent.
I am well aware of the uncertainty that has been created by the Debate. We shall do everything we possibly can to facilitate the progress of this Bill.
Will the right hon. Gentleman consider the advisability of using his influence with the hon. Member for the Upton Division of West Ham (Mr. B. Gardner) to withdraw the Rent Restrictions Bill which is now before Standing Committee A— [HON. MEMBERS: "Never!"]— and substitute for it this Bill which he claims is an emergency Bill?
If I remember aright, there is a long list of Bills before that Committee.
I desire, Mr. Speaker, to ask your ruling on a point of Order arising out of the proceedings in this House yesterday. Yesterday there was set down for Second Reading the Rent and Mortgage Interest Restrictions Bill. The Question had been put from the Chair "That the Bill be now read a Second Time," after which an Amendment was moved to leave out from the word "That" to the end of the Question and to add certain words. The Question proposed from the Chair finally was "That the words proposed to be left out, stand part of the Question." A Division was taken and the words were so left out. Then the right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Birmingham (Mr. A. Chamberlain) asked you, Sir, whether the words proposed in the Amendment should not be inserted. As I understood your ruling, you held either that it was unnecessary or impossible to insert those words in view of a change in a Standing Order which was carried some few years back—I think in 1918. I have found a Standing Order which appears to bear upon the question. It is Standing Order No. 31A, which reads as follows:
"If on an Amendment to the Question that a Bill be now read a Second time or the Third time it is decided that the word "now" or any words proposed to be left out stand part of the question, Mr. Speaker shall forthwith declare the Bill to be read a Second or the Third time as the case may be."
I submit that Standing Order governs only a case in which the word "now" or the words "That the Bill be now read a Second time" stand part of the Question after the rejection of an Amendment, and does not cover the case of yesterday, where the words were, in fact, left out by an act of the House; and, following upon that, I submit that the ordinary rule of Procedure No. 130 comes into operation. Further, Sir, I submit it might be the case, and probably was the case yesterday, that many Members of the House would be unwilling to give a Second Reading then and there to the Bill, but at the same time they might not, be prepared to accept the view set forth in the Amendment. In these circumstances I ask for a ruling to govern similar cases in the future.
Standing Order 31A, which was passed in 1919—my recollection was slightly at fault yesterday as to the actual year—was adopted by the House for the purpose of preventing unnecessary Divisions. It provides in terms only, as the right hon. Gentleman has said, for the two cases where either a Motion that a Bill be read on this day six months or a reasoned Amendment against a Bill is defeated, and it instructs the Chair thereupon to declare the Question of a Second or the Third Reading carried, without further discussion or Question put.
There are two further cases possible. They arc what I might call converse cases. The first is where a Motion is made that a Bill be "read a Second time upon this day six months," and the Question before the House therefore is that the word "now" stand part of the Question. If that Question be decided in the negative, it has been the practice, since 1919, to have no further Question put to the House; but the words at the end of the Question "upon this day six months" are added by the Chair automatically.
I must frankly tell the House that in my action yesterday I was acting by analogy, and not by the terms of the Standing Order. Therefore, what I propose is that if hon. Members in different quarters of the House who are interested in this matter would be good enough to consult me on the matter, I will give further consideration, before anything be done which would establish this as a matter of practice of the House. A reversion to the older procedure would possibly, in certain cases, mean two or three Divisions instead of one. At the same time, I am most anxious not to withhold from the House any opportunity of which it may wish to avail itself unless it be governed strictly by the words of the Standing Order.
As your ruling was given on a point of Order raised by me at the time, may I, while welcoming the suggestion which you have been good enough to make to the House that you will consult Members interested, ask what, in fact, you directed to take place yesterday? Did you direct—the words proposed to be left out having been left out—that the Amendment should be automatically added to the record of the decision of the House? That, it seems to me, would be on the analogy of Standing Order 3lA. But to leave the record with no decision would neither be in accordance with the general practice nor with the particular practice established under Standing Order 31A.
Before you answer that question, Sir, may I supplement it with this further question? Is the effect of the point of Order and of the reply that you have given to the point of Order that the Bill of yesterday is still alive?
Yesterday, acting, as I have said, by analogy, I did use the words, "Words added," and that was my intention at the moment. I was then speaking quite suddenly, and upon my recollection of Standing Order 31A. But after I had left the Chair, I at once looked at the Standing Order, and gave directions, with regard to the record of the House, that those words should not be entered, foreseeing the very question which the right hon. Gentleman has just put to me.
With regard to the question of the Prime Minister, what the House did decide yesterday was that it would not "now" read the Bill a Second time. The result was to kill the Bill.
This Bill has an unlucky history, but I think the point is of very considerable importance to our Parliamentary procedure—it may be to this Bill, but still more to our procedure in future. If nothing were decided by the House yesterday but that which appears on the record, namely, that it would not "now" read the Bill a Second timer would it not follow that, on the recurrence of any similar occasion, the Amendment which it was proposed to insert would become the substantive question, and would at once be the matter of discussion? I quite understand, if I may say so, the circumstances under which you did not put the Amendment yesterday; but one of two things surely must happen in future— either the Amendment must be adopted automatically on the rejection of the proposition that the words "'now' stand part of the Question," or the Amendment itself must be put from the Chair as the substantive Question, and the Debate must proceed upon that Amendment.
The right hon. Gentleman has exactly stated the alternative, and that is the question on which I should be glad to have the assistance of Members from the different quarters of the House.
Is it not the case that this Bill can only be revived on negativing the Amendment which was before the House yesterday?
I think that would not be the effect of negativing the Amendment.
Questions to Ministers
In view of the very important functions which the Minister of Mines and the Minister of Transport are at the present time carrying out, or supposed to be carrying out—[HON. MEMBERS: "Withdraw!"]
The Noble Lord must have heard me refuse questions which contain discourtesies.
I did not mean to be discourteous, and I unreservedly withdraw. My point is this. In view of these important functions which they are supposed to be carrying out, can the Leader of the House make arrangements which will enable hon. Members to be more certain of obtaining information from them and oral answers from them than they are at the present time? At present we have not any check on these functions.
We have just reached the questions of the Minister of Mines. The Noble Lord himself put a few supplementaries. It is really a matter in the control of the House itself; but, as has been seen, we can quite easily deal with 100 questions.
In view of the fact that we hardly any Tuesday reach the questions of the Minister of Mines or of the Minister of Transport, cannot other arrangements be made to bring those questions earlier on the Paper?
The hon. Member must use the usual channels for raising this question.
Is it possible to ask when the Trade Facilities Bill will be taken?
Notices of Motion
Trade Unions and Socialist Organisations
On this day fortnight, to call attention to the question of the relations between Trade Unions and Socialist Organisations, and to move a Resolution.—[ Sir V. Bowater. ]
Parliamentary Easter Recess
On this day fortnight, to call attention to the inadequate length of the Easter Recess, and to move a Resolution.— [ Major G. Davies. ]
Riches and Poverty of London
On this day fortnight, to call attention to the Riches of the West End and the Poverty of the East End of London, and to move a Resolution.—[ Mr. Thurtle, on behalf of Mr. Dunnico. ]
Lock-Outs and Strikes (Prevention)
I beg to move,
The sympathetic strike and lock-out belongs to a different category altogether. It is an entirely different matter. It is the introduction of a third party who has no interest in the dispute to secure a victory for the side in which he throws his weight. I hold this to be unjustifiable, injurious to the national welfare, and that it ought to be put down by law. The sympathetic lock-out is, in principle, a condition of war, war on the community. The sympathetic strike is in the same position. Its theory is that you have only to inflict the maximum amount of suffering and hardship on the community in order that the opposite side will be compelled to submit, or the Government to intervene. It is essentially a form of German fright-fulness, which bombed towns and made innocent women and children suffer in order that they might be compelled to call upon the Government to make peace at any price. This form of frightfulness is inflicted upon the nation, not by its enemies, but by sections of its own people. There is no logical limit to it. It may go on and on until it paralyses our trade, ruins the nation, and brings civilised life to a standstill. Therefore, I think the nation has a right to protect itself against such cruel methods, such chaos and anarchy by the force of1 law, and that is the object of my Bill. I would beg hon. Members to remember that even as I am speaking the country is threatened with a sympathetic lock-out—I am equally against that—in which 100,000 men, who have no part in this dispute in Southampton between a few hundred men and their employers, are threatened with a lock-out. Let us see what the men themselves think of that sympathetic lock-out. I quote from their resolution passed at a mass meeting the other day. They say:
The Bill I wish to introduce provides that the Minister of Labour can pronounce that in his opinion a strike or lock-out is illegal within the meaning of the Act. Should he do so, he gives 48 hours' grace in which to call off the strike or lock-out, and allow the men to resume work. Should this not be done, the Minister of Labour can then appoint three Judges of the High Court to investigate the matter, and it is incumbent upon the parties to prove to the satisfaction of these Judges that the lockout or strike is net sympathetic. Should the Court find against the parties, the lock-out or strike is deemed to have started 48 hours after the Minister gave notice, and penalties become enforceable after that time. These penalties are heavy and severe upon the men, upon the union, if it ordered the strike, and, in the case of lock-outs, upon the company and upon the directors individually. I hand out an even form of justice. These are the main Clauses of the Bill, and I ask the permission of the House to be allowed to introduce it and to have it printed. I appeal to all hon. Members alike, because I think all should be equally interested. The sympathetic strike is not Socialism, because Socialism, as I understand it, stands for the supremacy of the State. It might be Syndicalism, because Syndicalism stands for the destruction of the State. It is not democratic, but the enemy of democracy, and, therefore, I appeal to all true democrats in this House, whether Conservatives, Liberals, or Labour Members, in this the most democratic Chamber in the world, to allow me to put it down by law.
No one on this side of the House will quarrel with the hon. Member in regard to the principle of the Bill. Personally, I would go much further than he did. Strikes of any kind, sympathetic or otherwise, ought to be recognised by any sane man as an economic fallacy from beginning to end. I state that as a responsible trade union official. It is the only weapon we have to use at present, but it is an ugly weapon, and if the hon. Gentleman who asks leave to introduce this Bill could only find some means of evading that necessary evil, I venture to say that nobody would welcome it more heartily than would we on this side of the House. I, therefore, do not quarrel with the principle of the Bill. My quarrel is with the hon. Member's premises. Let me put one or two cases to the hon. Member of a sympathetic strike or lock-out. When we are at war in an industrial sense, let there be no mistake about it, we are at war with society for the time being. So far as I am concerned, that is where I am, and we must use any weapon that can be used legitimately within the law in order to gain the object in view. It is unfortunate, but that is where we are placed in the case of a strike.
How is the hon. Member going to define a sympathetic strike? Take the case of the last transport dispute. If the tramway men were out and the omnibus men were in, the omnibus men would be doing the work of the tramway men. Take other strikes. The work could be taken over by one employer with whom there was no dispute, and the employer with whom the men were in dispute would receive his goods from the employer with whom there was no dispute, and so the vicious circle is created. I wish we could avoid strikes, but are we to stand by and see an employer who has no dispute with his workman using other trade unionists to defeat the men who are in dispute with another employer? Is that what the hon. Member considers a sympathetic strike, and are we to be deprived of the opportunity of calling upon our comrades in the same trade union, working for a different employer, not to blackleg the men who are out? The hon. Member evidently does not know the deep-rootedness of this ques-
tion, otherwise he would see the difficulties in the way. A Bill of this character would prevent and practically defeat any attempt on the part of men entering into a strike, when across the road their fellow-workmen could be supplying the material to defeat them when the time came. I hope, therefore, the hon. Member will see how great the difficulties are in the way of a Bill of this kind. If any hon Member of this House, or any body of Members of this House, can invent something to prevent industrial disputes, nobody will welcome it more than I. I am more and more convinced every day, particularly in view of the fact of the undoubted embarrassment of the present Government owing to these disputes, that some machinery is necessary to make it possible that, before any dispute occurs, the two sides should be called together.
Question put,
"That leave be given to bring in a Bill to make illegal sympathetic lock-outs and strikes."
The House divided: Ayes, 131; Noes, 226.
Division No. 53. ]] AYES. [ 4.25 p.m. Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S. Eyres-Monsell, Com. Rt. Hon. B. M. Marriott, Sir J. A. R. Astor, Maj. Hon. John J. (Kent,Dover) Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Meller, R. J. Atholl, Duchess of Fitz Roy, Captain Rt. Hon. Edward A. Mitchell, W. F. (Saffron Walden) Balfour, George (Hampstead) Fremantle, Lieut. Colonel Francis E. Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham) Barnston, Major Sir Harry Gates, Percy Moulton, Major Fletcher Beckett, Sir Gervase Gaunt, Rear-Admiral Sir Guy R. Newton, Sir D. G. C. (Cambridge) Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Gretton, Colonel John Nicholson, William G. (Petersfleld) Bird, Sir R. B. (Wolverhampton, W.) Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Rt. Hon. W. E. Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Bonwick, A. Gwynne, Rupert S. Penny, Frederick George Bowater, Sir T. Vansittart Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Perkins, Colonel E. K. Bowyer, Captain G. E. W. Harland, A. Phllipson, Mabel Brass, Captain W. Hartington, Marquess of Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Brassey, Sir Leonard Harvey. C. M. B. (Aberd'n & Kincardne) Raine, W. Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Rawson, Alfred Cooper Briscoe, Captain Richard George Herbert, Capt. Sidney (Scarborough) Remnant, Sir James Buckingham, Sir H. Hill-Wood, Major Sir Samuel Rentoul, G. S. Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Hogbin, Henry Cairns Richardson, Lt.-Col. Sir P. (Chertsey) Bullock, Captain M. Hogge, James Myles Ropner, Major L. Burman, J. B. Hood, Sir Joseph Roundell, Colonel R. F. Butler, Sir Geoffrey Howard, Hn. D. (Cumberland, Northrn) Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth) Butt, Sir Alfred Howard-Bury, Lieut.-Col. C. K. Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Cautley, Sir Henry S. Hughes, Collingwood Sandeman, A. Stewart Cecil, Rt. Hon. Sir Evelyn (Aston) Iliffe, Sir Edward M. Savery, S. S. Clayton, G. C. Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S. Seely, H. M. (Norfolk, Eastern) Cobb, Sir Cyril James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert Shepperson, E. W. Cockerlll, Brigadier-General G. K. Jenkins, W. A. (Brecon and Radnor) Smith-Carington, Neville W. Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Jephcott, A. R. Somerville, Daniel (Barrow-in-Furness) Conway, Sir W. Martin Joynson-Hicks, Rt. Hon. Sir William Spender-Clay, Lieut.-Col. Herbert H. Cope, Major William Kay, Sir R. Newbald Stanley, Lord Craig, Captain C. C. (Antrim, South) King, Captain Henry Douglas Steel, Samuel Strang Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Lamb, J. Q. Stuart, Hon. J. (Moray and Nairn) Curzon, Captain Viscount Lambert, Rt. Hon. George Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Dalkeith, Earl of Lane-Fox, George R. Sutcliffe, T. Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln) Laverack, F. J. Sykes, Major-Gen. Sir Frederick H. Davies, Maj. Geo. F. (Somerset, Yeovli) Linfield, F. C. Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley) Davies, Sir Thomas (Cirencester) Locker-Lampson, G. (Wood Green) Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell-(Croydon, S.) Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) Lord, Walter Greaves- Turton, Edmund Russborough Dixey, A. C. Lorimer, H. D. Vaughan-Morgan, Col. K. P. Doyle, Sir N. Grattan Lowe, Sir Francis William Waddington, R. Dudgeon, Major C. R. Lyle, Sir Leonard Warrender, Sir Victor Eden, Captain Anthony Macnaghten, Hon. Sir Malcolm Weston, John Wakefield Ednam, Viscount McNeill, Rt. Hon. Ronald John Wilson, Sir C. H. (Leeds, Central) Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward TELLERS FOR THE AYES. —Mr. Hall Caine and Mr. Remer.—Mr. Hall Caine and Mr. Remer. Wise, Sir Fredric Yerburgh, Major Robert D. T. Woodwark, Lieut.-Colonel G. G.
NOES. Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Hindle, F. Rendall, A. Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock) Hirst, G. H. Richards, R. Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro') Hodge, Lieut.-Col. J. P. (Preston) Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Allen, R. Wilberforce (Leicester, S.) Hodges, Frank Ritson, J. Alstead, R. Hoffman, P. C. Robertson, J. (Lanark, Bothwell) Ayles, W. H. Hore-Belisha, Major Leslie Robertson, T. A. Baker, W. J. Howard, Hon. G. (Bedford, Luton) Robinson, S. W. (Essex, Chelmsford) Banton, G. Hudson, J. H. Robinson, W. E. (Burslem) Barclay, R. Noton Isaacs, G. A. Romeril, H. G. Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Jackson, R. F. (Ipswich) Royce, William Stapleton Barnes, A. Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath) Royle, C. Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Jewson, Dorothea Rudkin, Lieut.-Colonel C. M. C. Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. John, William (Rhondda, West) Scrymgeour, E. Brfant, Frank Johnston, Thomas (Stirling) Scurr, John Broad, F. A. Johnstone, Harcourt (Willesden, East) Sexton, James Brown, A. E. (Warwick, Rugby) Jones, Henry Haydn (Merloneth) Shaw, Rt. Hon. Thomas (Preston) Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown) Sherwood, George Henry Buchanan, G. Jones, Rt. Hon. Lett (Camborne) Shlnwell, Emanuel Buckle, J. Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly) Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) Burnie, Major J. (Bootle) Jones, T. 1. Mardy (Pontypridd) Simon, E. D. (Manchester, Withingtn.) Buxton, Rt. Hon. Noel Jowett, Rt. Hon. F. W. (Bradford, E.) Simon, Rt. Hon. Sir John Cape, Thomas Jowitt, W. A. (The Hartlepools) Simpson, J. Hope Chapple, Dr. William A. Kedward, R. M. Sinclair, Major Sir A. (Caithness) Charleton, H. C. Keens, T. Smillle, Robert Clarke, A. Kennedy, T. Smith, Ben (Bermondsey, Rotherhithe) Cllmie, R. Kenyon, Barnet Smith, T. (Pontefract) Cluse, W. S. Kirkwood, D. Spence, R. Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R. Lansbury, George Spencer, H. H. (Bradford, S.) Compton, Joseph Lawrence, Susan (East Ham, North) Spero, Dr. G. E. Cove, W. G. Lawson, John James Spoor, B. G. Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities) Leach, W. Stamford, T. W. Crittall, V. G. Lee, F. Starmer, Sir Charles Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton) Lindley, F. W. Stephen, Campbell Davison, J. E. (Smethwick) Livingstone, A. M Stewart, J. (St. Roliox) Dickson, T. Loverseed, J. F. Sturrock, J. Leng Dodds, S. R. Lowth, T. Sullivan, J. Dukes, C. Lunn, William Sutton, J. E. Dunn, J. Freeman MacDonald, Rt. Hon. J. R. (Aberavon) Terrington, Lady Dunnico, H. M'Entee, V. L. Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby) Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Mackinder, W. Thompson, Piers G. (Torquay) Edwards, John H. (Accrlngton) Macnamara, Rt. Hon. Dr. T. J. Thomson, Trevelyan (Middlesbro. W.) Egan, W. H. Mansel, Sir Courtenay Thornton, Maxwell R. Emlyn-Jones, J. E. (Dorset, N.) Marks, Sir George Croydon Thurtle, E. England, Colonel A. Marley, James Tillett, Benjamin Falconer, J. Martin, F. (Aberd'n & Klnc'dine, E.) Tinker, John Joseph Foot, Isaac Martin, W. H. (Dumbarton) Toole, J. Franklin, L. B. Maxton, James Tout, W. J. Gardner, B. W. (West Ham, Upton) Meyler, Lieut.-Colonel H. M. Trevelyan, Rt. Hon. C. P. Gavan-Duffy, Thomas Middleton, G. Turner-Samuels, M. George, Major G. L. (Pembroke) Millar, J. D. Varley, Frank B. Gillett, George M. Mills, J. E. Viant, S. P. Gorman, William Montague, Frederick Ward, G. (Leicester, Bosworth) Gosling, Harry Mosley, Oswald Ward, Col. J. (Stoke upon Trent) Gould, Frederick (Somerset, Frome) Muir, Ramsay (Rochdale) Warne, G. H. Gray, Frank (Oxford) Murray, Robert Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline) Greenall, T. Naylor, T. E. Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda) Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne) Nichol, Robert Webb, Lieut.-Col. Sir H. (Cardiff, E.} Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan) Nixon, H. Webb, Rt. Hon. Sidney Groves, T. Oliver, George Harold Weir, L. M. Grundy, T. W. Oliver, P. M. (Manchester, Blackley) Welsh, J. C. Guest, J. (York, Hemsworth) Owen, Major G. Westwood, J. Guest, Dr. L. Haden (Southwark, N.) Paling, W. White, H. G. (Birkenhead, E.) Hall, F. (York, W.R., Normanton) Palmer, E. T. Whiteley, W. Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil) Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Wignall, James Harbord, Arthur Pattlnson, S. (Horncastle) Williams, David (Swansea, E.) Hardle, George D. perry, S. F. Williams, Lt.-Col. T. S. B. (Kenningtn.) Harris, John (Hackney, North) Pethick-Lawrence, F. W. Williams, Maj. A. S. (Kent, Sevenoaks) Hartshorn, Rt. Hon. Vernon Phillipps, Vivian Williams, T. (York, Don Valley) Harvey, T. E. (Dewsbury) Pilkington, R. R. Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe) Hastings, Sir Patrick Ponsonby, Arthur Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow) Hastings, Somerville (Reading) Potts, John S. Windsor, Walter Haycock, A. W. Purcell, A. A. Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Hayday, Arthur Raffety, F. W. Wright, W. Hayes, John Henry (Edge Hill) Rathbone, Hugh H. Henderson, A. (Cardiff, South) Raynes, W. R. TELLERS FOR THE NOES. —Mr. W. Thorne and Mr. B. Turner.—Mr. W. Thorne and Mr. B. Turner. Henderson, T. (Glasgow) Rea, W. Russell Henderson, W. W. (Middlesex, Enfld.)
Bills Reported
London, Midland and Scottish Railway Bill and London, Midland, and Scottish Railway (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill, consolidated into London, Midland, and Scottish Railway Bill.
Reported, with Amendments; Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. Morecambe Corporation Bill.
Reported, with Amendments, from the Local Legislation Committee; Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.
National Health Insurance (Cost of Medical Benefit) Bill
Reported, without Amendment, from Standing Committee C.
Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.
Minutes of the Proceedings of the Standing Committee to be printed.
Bill, not amended ( in the Standing Committee ), to be taken into consideration upon Thursday.
Orders of the Day
Unemployment Insurance (No. 3) Bill
Order for Second Reading read.
I beg to move, "That the Bill be now read a Second time."
May I, first of all, give some explanation to the House as to why this short Bill is being introduced? It was my intention to submit an extended Bill, but the difficulties of drafting and the fact that certainly there were many controversial points, not to speak of contentious points, in the big draft made it absolutely impossible to bring forward the big Bill with the hope of getting it passed before a certain eventuality which I shall describe later materialised. I did my best to let the Members of the House have both Bills at the same time, so that they might be under no misapprehension as to what the final intentions of the Government were. Turning to the small Bill, it is merely a repetition of the precedents of the last three years, for the unemployment has been so exceptional that it was not possible to deal with it on the lines ordinarily understood as being insurance lines in days past. The extension I ask for is merely intended to cover the time I estimate to be necessary for the House thoroughly to consider, discuss, and, I hope, pass the larger Measure. The ordinary law gives a benefit of 26 weeks, and after that the custom for the last few years has been to give what is known as uncovenanted benefit. My proposal is to extend that 26 weeks to 41. Last year the extension was made to 44 weeks out of 50 actual weeks in the insurance year. So it is quite evident that, so far as precedent is concerned, the Bill is simply carrying out the practice that has been adopted for the last three years.
It is assumed that the extension I propose will cost the insurance fund— and I want a special note made of the words "insurance fund"—a sum of between £2,000,000 and £2,250,000 up to October next. I do not propose any change at all in the contributions. The existing revenue is quite sufficient to meet all the demands put upon the fund by the Bill that I am bringing before the House. There is a question of the amount of debt and its reduction with which I will deal with later, when I come to consider certain criticisms that have been made with regard to what is generally known as uncovenanted benefit.
One or two facts ought to be put before the House in order that they may judge what the conditions would be if this small Bill were not passed. If it be not carried, we estimate that in the week following 16th April from one hundred thousand to one hundred and fifty thousand people would fall out of benefit, and a fortnight afterwards the probability is that another hundred thousand would be added to that number. A quarter of a million people inside three weeks out of benefit and an increasing number, reaching a considerable total, before the end of the insurance year! The Members of the House know quite well what has been done during the last few years. Precedent and necessity alike are sufficient to ensure its passing and it is only because there may be objections because of certain administrative action taken by myself that I continue the discussion. That action I am prepared now to defend.
There is a good deal of misconception as to what uncovenanted benefit is, and as all these people I have been speaking of are those who would be entitled to uncovenanted benefit, it is eminently essential that the House should clearly know what the circumstances are, what the action I took was, and what justification we hold there was for it. That these misconceptions are generally held is shown by personal conversations I have had with Members of the House, and more particularly shown by an article written by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Twickenham (Sir W. Joyn-soii-Hicks); and as he occupied a very responsible position in the last Government, perhaps by dealing with his arguments I may bring clearness on the actual position that exists. The misapprehension and the misunderstanding that exist are so considerable that the House, without an explanation, can form no idea of the correct state of affairs. The right hon. Gentleman said that uncovenanted benefit was paid to persons who had made no contributory payments. He said that such doles were of the nature of charity and came directly out of the funds provided by the taxpayer. He said that the Socialist Government had ordered, by administrative act, indiscriminate payment of public money to persons who may or may not be in need of it. Then he went on to say that the Unemployment Fund was already £12,000,000 overdrawn before the order of which I have been speaking was made, and the prospect of the balance being redressed was not rosy. A further statement was that ex-enemy aliens in this country who had not contributed.one penny piece towards unemployment insurance are now to be paid a weekly dole which comes out of the pockets of the British taxpayer. He finished by saying that there were some weak-kneed Conservatives who advocated allowing the present Government to remain in office. So the right hon. Gentleman finished up in a warlike mood. Personally, I regret that. I am a man of peace myself. If we have to fight politically, I want to fight with facts.
I am going to deal with the statements that have been made. Not a single one of them is correct. Uncovenanted benefit is not indiscriminately paid td people who have made no contribution. That statement is quite unfounded. Before uncovenanted benefit is paid at all, there are the most stringent conditions laid down, and the very last instruction that was issued by me was to the local employment committees, calling their attention to the fact that while benefit should not be refused when genuinely due, every effort should be made to prevent payment of such a kind that the scheme would be brought into disrepute. It is nothing less than an insult to these committees to suggest that their work is so badly done that public money is indiscriminately paid away. As a matter of fact, with the possible exception of some ex-soldiers and some young persons who in 1920 had not been able to find work, there is no basis of fact in the statement that uncovenanted benefit can be paid to any person without contributions being paid by them.
With regard to the statement that these doles are charity, they are neither doles nor charity. They are payments out of an insurance fund into which the unemployed worker has paid, the debts of which the employed worker must pay, and I where the State contribution is much less than the State ought to pay; consequently, they are neither doles nor charity. Neither can they come directly out of funds provided by the taxpayer. They come out of funds provided at the present moment, 10d. from the employer, 9d. from the worker, and 6¾d. from the State; so that, again, the statement made in the article is quite incorrect. It is neither true nor generous to the people who are insured.
Then it is not correct to say that there is indiscriminate payment to any person whatever. If that were true, the implication is that these committees, who are in every locality in the country, are not doing their work and that people are receiving money which they ought not to receive. That allegation could not be supported either by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Twickenham or any Member in the House. Neither is it correct to say that the prospects of paying the balance advanced by the Treasury are not rosy. On the contrary, the fact is that considerable repayments have been made from this fund, which, instead of being at £12,000,000, is just over £10,000,000, and since the beginning of this year £2,750,000 has been repaid. So that there, again, the statement has no basis of fact. It is absolutely incorrect, and is misleading in every way. Further, the House has been led to think that these millions advanced by the Treasury are in the shape of a donation, or something specially given by the country to this Insurance Fund. There, again, that is quite wrong. For every pound the Treasury advances, it exacts its pound of flesh, and on these advances to the Insurance Fund, the interest paid at the present moment is 5 per cent, for some, and 4⅞ for others, which is considerably higher than that at which the Treasury itself can borrow. The House ought to know what the facts are. It has been misled long enough by the theory that, in some way, this money is all public money, that the £12,000,000 or £13,000,000 spoken of is literally given away, when, as a matter of fact, it is a cold-blooded commercial transaction, and the Treasury gets its full interest on all it lends.
Then it is fantastically incorrect to say that ex-enemy aliens, who have not con- tributed one penny piece towards unemployment insurance, are being paid a weekly dole which comes out of the pocket of the British taxpayer. There is not an atom of truth in that statement. It is the wildest imaginative statement for which anyone who has been a responsible Minister could be responsible. The facts are, that the only thing done by my order is to say that every person paying the same contributions should have a right to the same benefits, that the method of Poor Law treatment introduced by refusing these uncovenanted benefits is wrong, that it ought to be wiped clean out of the Act. Consequently, there was nothing for me to do, as an honest man, but to go to the Treasury and to say, "I cannot justify these methods. In my opinion, they are unfair; they are wrong." There ought only to be one basis of insurance—that the same contribution should bring the same benefit, everybody should be treated alike, and everybody be given a fair chance. It is an extraordinary thing that we should have grafted upon a contributory scheme the stigma of the Poor Law, and that it was so is proved by an official compilation I have here, printed before I went to Montagu House. I will read a sentence from it— public money; public money, in common parlance, being held to be money advanced by the Treasury.
Let me turn to another matter. Not only was the right hon. Gentleman wrong in his figures; he was wrong in his deductions. I have already told him what has been repaid. I am pleased to be able to tell the House that the money is rapidly being repaid, week by week, and that, instead of extra public funds being needed for advances to the unemployment fund, quite the contrary is the case, and the debt is being rapidly cleared off. May I say a word or two about the aliens? We have at the Ministry of Labour no figures showing what number of aliens are insured. The Acts that have been passed, both by Coalition and Conservative Governments, have taken the alien in the ordinary way. But I have had special inquiries made from four exchanges in London to ascertain, if it were possible, on a small scale, what the condition of affairs was. The four exchanges I selected were: Tottenham, Camberwell, Shoreditch, and Stepney, and they were selected because, if there be aliens anywhere, we shall find them in those exchanges. What was the result? The persons who were aliens drawing uncovenanted benefit at Tottenham were four out of 1,814. The persons drawing it at Camberwell were 12 out of 1,530. The number at Shoreditch was 14 out of 1,566, and the number at Stepney was 290 out of 2,260. And remember that the old Regulations did not deny benefit to all kinds of aliens. There were only certain types of aliens excluded.
Let me see where these ex-enemy aliens were, taking again the four exchanges. At Tottenham there were two —both Germans. One of them was 61 years of age, had been in this country 40 years, and had two sons serving in the Army, one of whom rose to be a sergeant-major. The other was 56 years of age, and had been in this country 30 years. In Camberwell and in Shoreditch there was not a single ex-enemy alien. In, Stepney there were three. One, aged 52, was a German Pole—and the Poles are now a friendly race—and had been in this country 43 years. Another was an Austrian Pole, aged 44 years, had been in this country 41 years, and had four brothers serving in the British Army. The third was a woman 66 years of age. She had been in this country for 38 years. The total result was that at these four exchanges, where, if ex-enemy aliens are anywhere, we shall find them, there were five, who had been resident in this country 43 years, 41 years, 40 years, 38 years and 30 years—an average residence in this country of 38⅖ years, and yet we are told that somewhere, somehow, great numbers of ex-enemy aliens are bleeding the British taxpayer.
What date was that?
The date of this information is this morning. I had it prepared this morning, before I came down to make this statement. At any rate, if we have to fight, as the right hon. Gentleman suggests, if we have to take off the gloves, we should fight with clean fists. I do ask the right hon. Gentleman to confine himself to something that resembles the truth, and not to make wild statements, which, when made by an ex-Cabinet Minister, may be taken as facts by people who do not know anything about them.
Let us have a real windmill, if we have any at all.
Let me state the Government policy. The Government believe that any taint of Poor Law method in unemployment insurance is wrong, that unemployment insurance ought to be confined to persons who can work, who are willing to work, and who are seeking work, and that it should not be a pension scheme in any way, any more than it should be a pauperisation scheme. What we did, and what I am proud of doing, is that we said we will not continue this Poor Law system. We will pay every person who is insured exactly like every other person, and give everybody a fair chance under this scheme. I think I have already tried to explode the idea that large sums of money are being handed over by the State to this insurance fund. As a matter of fact, taken as a national responsibility—and unemployment ought to be—the State as such is getting out of its responsibility wonderfully cheaply, and the assertions that have been made have, as I said, no basis at all in fact. I have tried to tell the House exactly what the position is. I have tried to explain to the House exactly how information of a wrong type can be conveyed, and, in view of the fact that at the 16th April, or a week after, probably 150,000 people will go out of benefit, unless this Bill be passed, I am going to ask the House to give us a quick passage for this Bill, and then wait for the big Bill to come for any controversy.
5.0 P.M.
As the right hon. Gentleman has said, this is a Bill which is very limited in its operation and a larger Bill is to be brought before the House which will give us an opportunity of seeing exactly what the policy of the Government is. The right hon. Gentleman began by saying that this Bill was a repetition of the Bills of the last and the preceding Government. That is perfectly true, and it is certainly not for me or anyone on this side of the House to complain of the continuity of the policy of the right hon. Gentleman in this or in any other matter. He has shown already that the schemes that he has put before the House followed with remarkable fidelity the policy of the last' Government and their predecessors, but if the right hon. Gentleman suggests that there is a continuity not merely in the proposals which he makes in this Bill, but that there is a continuity in the administration, I have something to say upon that.
I spent a considerable part of my speech dealing with the difference in administration.
I have something more to say on that. Underlying the whole policy of the Government of which I was a member was the expectation and the hope that the period of deficiency, which the right hon. Gentleman regrets as much as we do, in this Insurance Fund should be wiped out at the earliest possible moment. In the Act which we passed almost exactly a year ago we provided when the rate of contribution would be reduced. Therefore, it was our object throughout to insure, if we could, that this very serious period of deficiency should come to an end at the earliest possible moment. Then the right hon. Gentleman gave the House some figures. He said that the Debt was being rapidly cleared and that he looked forward to a time in the immediate future when the Debt will disappear altogether. Then he tells us that £2,750,000 has been repaid since the beginning of the year. That, I confess, I do not understand, or rather I do not understand his expectation in view of the figures he has given. He told us in the Debate that the removal of the restrictions with regard to aliens and single persons would cost something between £2,000,000 and £4,000,000. I should like to ask whether he has any report of the Government Actuary which would enable us more precisely to ascertain whether it will be two or four millions, or what sum between the two, because that is a very wide margin. What I desire to point out is that this figure of two or four millions applied only to 26 weeks; therefore, if the uncovenanted benefit is prolonged to a period of 41 weeks, as it is under this Bill, or if it is made continuous for a period of 52 weeks, it is quite obvious that this sum must be doubled or thereabouts. When the right hon. Gentleman tells us that a sum of £2,750,000 has been paid off and that the Debt has been reduced by that sum, and when he tells us at the same time that far more than this sum will be imposed upon the insurance fund, then I say that on these figures there is little justification for the hope that the period of deficiency will soon come to an end. It certainly appears to me on these figures that the policy of the right hon. Gentleman will inevitably lead to the result that this period of deficiency will not come to an end as he hopes, but that there is every prospect, if it is not to be with us permanently, that it will be with us for a very long time.
There is another point which arises out of his speech on which I wish to say something, and that is as to the character and nature of this uncovenanted benefit. It cannot, as it seems to me, be too often or too strongly urged that uncovenanted benefit, first of all, was a purely emergency device to deal with a great problem which existed and which still exists. It is a matter to be remembered that the institution of uncovenanted benefit synchronised with the admission of 8,000,000 fresh people to unemployment insurance, and with the beginning of the worst trade slump in our history. So it m,ust have been obvious to those who were then responsible that it was impossible to ask many of those new contributors to contribute to a fund when trade conditions were such that they never had any real chance, in the true sense of the word, of becoming full contributors at all. If that is the origin of uncovenamted benefit, we may consider a little further as to precisely the means by which it works. If I understand the argument of the right hon. Gentleman rightly, what he says in effect is that this fund is a fund which is repayable by the contributions of the insured. Therefore, he says, if you are drawing upon that fund for the purposes of uncovenanted benefit, you are drawing upon a fund which is repayable by the insurance fund. He goes on to say that it is, in effect, a benefit drawn in advance of contributions. But that really is not a true analogy, because there is no guarantee that those who benefit will contribute to the repayment. Furthermore, it may well be that what a man gets is not an advance on his own policy, but an advance on somebody else's policy.
I will give two illustrations. First of all, there are the aliens. We have no guarantee either that these men, whether they be few or large in number, who are drawing benefit now will be in this country when the time comes for them to contribute to the fund. With that class, I confess, I have very little sympathy, but I want to give another illustration of a class of people with whom I have every sympathy, and whom every one in this House would desire to help in every possible way. There are something like 100,000 men over sixty years of age who are drawing uncovenanted benefit. Of those 100,000 men it is a pathetic fact that about half are suffering from some disability or another. Therefore, to expect a man of sixty, who may perhaps in the last two or three years have drawn £100, to contribute to the repayment of this money, is of course, asking something which everybody knows is impossible. I do think that this gives very great force to those who, like my right hon. Friend the Leader of the Opposition (Mr. Baldwin), think that the whole of this question should be considered on a fresh and more scientific basis,, and that the whole question is now being dealt in a haphazard and hand-to-mouth way. Therefore I do contest the proposition of the right hon. Gentleman that it necessarily follows that those who are drawing uncovenanted benefit will be the same persons who will contribute to the repayment of the fund.
The right hon. Gentleman has referred to the word "dole." As I stated in this House more than once, I have always protested against the word "dole" being applied to covenanted benefit, but I find myself in the greatest difficulty in being satisfied that uncovenanted benefit is either not a dole or something very like it. In fact, the man is getting something for which he has paid nothing, or very little. I would like to refer to a speech which was made by the President of the Board of Trade, because he apparently shares this view. Speaking in the Debate on the 5th March last year, after pointing out that, including what he calls weekly doles, we are paying something like £100,000,000, he says: sovereign specific, of which they alone held the secret, The President of the Board of Trade, not content with taunting us with the inadequacy of our proposals, even thought it decent to suggest that we were deliberately encouraging this state of things, which we deplore as much as he does. He said:
I think my right hon. Friend the Minister of Labour was pretty severe and indignant with the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Twickenham (Sir W. Joynson-Hicks), and I think on the whole he was justly so. I notice that my right hon. Friend is quite entitled to make those criticisms, and I think he rather relished his task. I think, however, he was a little out of the true perspective, but no doubt the trouncing was thoroughly well deserved, and probably the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Twickenham will reply to it when he has finished licking his wounds. After all, we are here dealing with the Second Heading of an Unemployment Insurance Bill, and we are not dealing with an article in a newspaper, no matter how distinguished its author, and here I shall leave this incident.
We shall support this Bill. Any Government which had been in power would have been bound to make this further provision: A year ago when it was arranged that from October, 1923, to October, 1924, there should be 26 weeks' benefit for that year, manifestly we all thought that things in the meantime would have improved to a much greater extent than they have done. As a matter of fact, for seven months last year, from April to October, there was absolutely no improvement at all. Even now we have got, 1,063,500 registered as wholly unemployed, and that figure is 179,900 less than the corresponding number registered at this time last year. Therefore, it is quite clear that improvement is going to be a very slow business. But while we make the necessary provisions for further unemployment benefit, let us unceasingly be active on the work-finding side. We are more or less marking time with the Trade Facilities Act. We must be very near to the £50,000,000 maximum now, if we have not passed it, but we must get the promised Bill before Easter. We are certainly not pushing very vigorously, if at all, with our home resources development, and the Empire Settlement Scheme hangs fire, as it has done from the beginning.
Our purpose to-day is to furnish another period of unemployment benefit. This Bill makes provision for 15 weeks to run immediately after the present 26 weeks is exhausted. In the meantime my right hon. Friend hopes to get the larger Bill passed into law before that 15 weeks is over, and then he would be able to carry on continuously from.that to the end of the insurance year. The first thing I want to note is that we are here, for the first time in the history of this scheme since 1911, making provision for continuous weeks of benefit. That is to say, before this 15 weeks is exhausted the larger Bill will carry us on to 52 weeks' benefit in this calendar year. That for the first time provides under this Insurance Act continuous benefit week by week. That is a very considerable change on the procedure up to the present time. I think I ought to bring out that fact, because it is very important.
Now let us look at the effect of the concessions already made, and which formed the theme of the great bulk of the right hon. Gentleman's speech. Let us look at the financial effect of the concessions already made, and those which will be made by this Bill. Already the three weeks gap is gone. Besides this, single young people living at home have been admitted to benefit. Already aliens of all kinds have been admitted to benefit, though some of them were previously eligible. All aliens have always been eligible for covenanted benefit, and what they pay for they get. The concessions made in the earlier part of this Session were stated to cost between £2,000,000 and £4,000,000. With such knowledge of the scheme as I possess, my view is that they will cost about £2,500,000.
Therefore, the £2,500,00 charge already involved in the earlier concessions plus the 15 weeks' benefit provided by this Bill, which will cost between £2,000,000 and £2,250,000, means that up to date we shall have added a new charge of £4,500,000. I think the point has been somewhat overlooked that such is the splendid resource of this three-fold contributory system that you can go on adding new charges and they will be covered by revenue. That is the explanation of the fact that certain things were to cost between £2,000,000 and £4,000,000, and the right hon. Gentleman can still go on paying off debt. You will be able to make charges to be covered by revenue, and the £4,500,000 for new charges involved will certainly be met, I should say, entirely from revenue.
The estimate of the additional sum is £4,000,000, and that is only for 26 weeks, and if you take 52 weeks that sum will be doubled.
My estimate is for the insurance years. Let us look at the finance. The right hon. Gentleman said the revenue meets charges and pays off the debt week by week, and that is a fact. The debt has been £17,000,000, We have borrowing powers up to £30,000,000, and it has now been worked down, notwithstanding the fact that there are over 1,000,000 unemployed, to about £10,000,000. If these new charges were not necessary for the concessions and this Bill, then by the end of the insurance year, October, 1924, we should be very near debt extinction and a reduction of the contributions. Apart from the earlier concessions, there are new charges contemplated in the larger Bill the Second Reading of which we shall take after Easter. I am not going into those details, but first of all I may mention that there are eleven more weeks' benefit to make up the 41 to 52, and to make up the second 26 weeks. That is a new charge which is not in this Bill at all. Then there is increased benefit for men and women and for children, and the admission to benefit of boys and girls between 14 and 16 years of age, although that does not come into operation until October, 1923. Then there is the revision of the trade disputes disqualifications which, apart from its policy, is a large question financially, and I should not like to say what the cost of that will be.
Did the right hon. Gentleman not state that if we could find a form of words he would accept them?
Yes, but they were never found.
We found them, and you would not accept them.
No. I am sure my hon. Friend would not misinterpret me. I said that if a body of representative employers and a body of representative workmen would sit down and prepare a formula which was workable, I would put it into the next Bill of which I was in charge. I think my hon. Friend is cutting it rather fine. All I would say is that I never had it submitted to me. All that I am now saying is that this is a pretty considerable question—financially, I mean; I am not dealing with the question of policy at all. I should be out of order in discussing the policy, and I keep a perfectly free hand until we come to it. In addition to these things, there are grants towards courses of instruction involved in the larger Bill. All of these are considerable charges, and no financial statement has been issued with the No. 2 Bill. No doubt there will be, and, indeed, there must be, before we discuss it, but I can form no estimate at the moment of the cost of these new charges which are contemplated.
All this means, if I may say so, that the finance—I am dealing now with the contemplated charges of this much larger character—the finance of this scheme will certainly need the most careful watching, and the only way to watch it is to check abuses of benefit. I know that the House of Commons—I have had plenty of experience of it—does not like the idea of increases of official staff. On the contrary, great pressure has been put upon Ministers, and will be put upon them, to cut their staffs down to what I may call a nucleus crew in each case. Here, with continuous benefit, with uncovenanted benefit for the first time a permanent part of the scheme, even in days of prosperity—another big principle that is involved in all this—my right hon. Friend, if I may say so, and he will not misunderstand me, will be very careful not to allow his staff to be so reduced as to make continuous and effective checking impossible. If he does—and he will be pressed to do so—it will, indeed, be a very penny-wise and pound-foolish policy. You cannot go in for all these large schemes of unemployment insurance, covenanted and uncovenanted, unless you have a pretty effective and continuous check on the dispensation of the benefit. Further, it will be necessary, even more than we are doing at present, to put the men and women who come for benefit into ready touch with such jobs as may be available; and such jobs will become available as things begin to take up.
That is a function which the exchanges have lost.
They could do no other. They have had to make these tens of thousands of individual payments week by week, and, therefore, the payment of benefit comes up in front against the placing function. It must be so, so long as there is this large measure of unemployment. At any rate, I am pleading with my right hon. Friend—and I hope I shall have my hon. Friend's support—not to allow his exchange staffs to be cut down to such an extent as will make the proper dispensation of benefit impossible. I am sure that my hon. Friend will support me in that. I say that all this, with the changes to be made in this Bill and contemplated in the larger Bill, needs very careful checking. As I have said, for the first time in the history of this Unemployment Insurance scheme we have continuous benefit. The first Act, the Act of 1911, provided 15 weeks' benefit in the year. The Act of 1920, for which I was largely responsible, provided 26 weeks' benefit in the year. By last year it had gone up to 44 weeks. This scheme, although it nominally provides 15 weeks, is, in fact, intended to provide another 26 weeks, taking into account the other Bill, making 52 weeks' benefit for the 52 weeks of the calendar year. There is not a trade union out-of-work scheme which finds 52 weeks' benefit in 52 calendar weeks.
There are only 15.
I am assuming that the Government are going on with the larger Bill. Am I not right in assuming that the idea is to run on from that point till the end of the year?
Quite.
My right hon. Friend may say that I am rather prejudging the fact of the larger Bill passing into law. It is true that I am. I am assuming that we shall all come with a considerable amount of consent, although we cannot agree with everything that is in that Bill, to help my right hon. Friend in every way that we can. There are certain things on which I should, naturally, like to reserve my judgment, but the scheme is one for continuous benefit, and all I say is that there is not a trade union out-of-work scheme that provides anything like that. The point I am trying to make is that it is important that the check should not be diminished. If my right hon. Friend wants more staff in his Employment Exchanges and in his Department for carrying out this scheme, he will be very wise to come and ask for it. When I look at this Bill, and even more when I look at the larger Bill, I cannot help recalling the sharp change of front, to which reference has already been made, on the part of a number of Labour Members in this House. When I came to the House again and again for extended benefit, what was the attitude taken up towards me? It was that I was all wrong, that I ought to find work, that money relief without service in return was waste. I think that on one occasion the present Leader of the House, the Lord Privy Seal, ventured to go the length of saying that it was criminal waste. That was the sort of reception that I got when I made the same sort of speech that my right hon. Friend has made this afternoon.
Let me give one quotation—I could give many, but it would only weary the House. It is not a quotation which has been used by my hon. Friend, or I would not use it. It is from a statement by the present Prime Minister in September, 1921—that is to say, two and a half years ago. It is not a matter of 10 weeks on the Government Bench. It was made in the "Review of Reviews" in September, 1921, and I ask the indulgence of the House while I read a paragraph from it, because it is very interesting. It is a statement developing Labour's policy, and the paragraph referring to unemployment is as follows:—
Whatever satisfaction my right ton. Friend who has just sat down, and the hon. Member for Rushcliffe (Mr. Betterton), can get out of their contribution of, shall one say, friendly criticism, they are entitled to its full enjoyment for what it is worth. My right hon. Friend the Member for North-West Camberwell (Dr. Macnamara), who read out a quotation from an article by the present Prime Minister in 1921, might take his mind back to the condition of things previous to 1920, before the extending Unemployment Insurance Bill became an Act. He will remember, possibly, that the Cabinet in existence under the Coalition before the termination of hostilities set up a Reconstruction Committee, and gave forth to the world generally that they were preparing for the period after the War, and were closely studying to what extent they could regularise industry and employment in preparation for the period of aftermath which experience told us would confront us at some time or another after the War. In 1920, with indications of the great slump, against which the Cabinet of 1918 had taken no precautionary steps to provide, the only resource open to them was the slipshod one of the line of least resistance. The hon. Member for Rushcliffe infers that the Measure of to-day is a slipshod method of dealing with the matter, but 1920 found the Government of the day totally unprepared for the very ominous signs of a dreadful trade slump and general dislocation of industry, which was bound to throw hundreds of thousands of our workpeople out of employment.
They knew, however, that there was a fund of £22,000,000 standing to the credit of those workpeople who were insured under the Act of 1911. Had the State tackled the problem, as it might well have done at that time, with a view to providing the work that the Government, after its three months' existence, is now being twitted with not being able to provide, it would not have been necessary to take the £22,000,000 of savings of the 4,000,000 insured people, and then to come to the House with a Bill suddenly to include 8,000,000 other workpeople, and say that this responsibility, while it was a national one, would have to be started on its career with payments provided out of the £22,000,000 of sayings that had accrued to the credit of the Act of 1911 So you took the £22,000,000 and went on But have you profited? Did the late Government, who under the veil of friendliness criticise the proposal now, gain any knowledge from their experience? No, because this is the spectacle. From 1911 down to the present moment 14 Acts of Parliament have been necessary to deal with the various stages of unemployment. Is not that dealing with a great problem in a slipshod manner? Is not that taking the line of least resistance? Is not that shelving responsibility? In a succession of years, with all that experience, you continue to go saddling upon the fund even ex-service men. In March, 1921, you ceased to carry out the responsibility and threw then over on to the unemployment fund contributed by the State, the employers and the workpeople. So, from time to time, you have patched and patched and patched, and the present Government, confronted in February with a state of affairs which meant that in the present month there would be no provision outside that of the 26 weeks for the 52 weeks' period ending in October next, made no provision for the gap that came along towards the end of February. This is only d piece of patchwork machinery. I assume it does not pretend to be anything more than patchwork. What I am concerned about is the addition of only 15 weeks, making a total of 41 for the 52. As the period finishes in October, there is just a little doubt in my mind as to whether this proposal will leave some little period of gap before entering upon the new benefit year. If it is only 41 out of 52, I would have urged that powers should be taken to make it 52.
May I give a little explanation. It is perfectly true this Bill only provides for 15 weeks. It is perfectly true I have a larger Bill, that I think the House will deal with inside that 15 weeks, and then the big Bill will begin to run.
I judged there would be something of a continuous nature, but then the doubt entered my mind as to whether the Bill proposing to carry on on more permanent lines would apply to any other period than the benefit period of the year as from October. I am pleased to know there is no possibility of any gap. I am sure we are all pleased to learn that employment has improved to the extent that the fund has no longer to draw upon the borrowing powers that it has from the Treasury, but there is one thing I certainly hope will not be lost sight of when the Financial Resolution in connection with the larger Bill comes up, and that is that while the State is a third predominating partner in the concern, the State, that makes the Regulations and conditions under which payment shall be made and that generally places on the Statute Book the whole of the conditions governing the Unemployment Act, only pays one-fourth of the total contributions. I have always held that the State contribution should be at least one-third.
So it will be.
Yes, under the new Bill, and in that relation I feel certain there would have been no need for them to call so heavily on the borrowing powers conceded by the Treasury. That concerns me because the period of deficiency will be greater than is actually represented in the back payments of the amount borrowed from the Treasury, that is, the repayment of the capital amount borrowed, by reason of the addition of interest. A great nation like this, making its contribution towards temporarily alleviating distress consequent upon unemployment, demands the full measure of its interest. They dared not allow the fund to become so depleted that it would not be able to meet its responsibilities in any one given week, and yet they loaned to the fund moneys, as we have been informed by the Minister of Labour, and extract 5 per cent. interest chargeable to the fund consisting of contributions of the workpeople employed, in common with others, for part of that money and 4⅞ per cent, for another part. The Treasury ought to be in a position to arrange that whatever money it was necessary to advance should have been advanced free of interest, seeing that it got out of its responsibility by a one-fourth payment as a one-third predominant partner, and extracts in addition to that, interest on any money which may be temporarily loaned to the fund in order to meet its obligations.
Regarding the inclusion of aliens for uncovenanted benefit, that is no new principle. There was a good deal of quiet comment on the benches opposite when the matter was mentioned, and in that newspaper article, as to the assumed wholesale inclusion of aliens. That principle was accepted by the party opposite when they were in power last year. The then Minister of Labour issued an Order including for uncovenanted benefit, all aliens, with certain residential qualifications.
Except enemy aliens.
I am not so sure. It was aliens with a certain residential qualification. I believe it was put at a 12 years' residential qualification, so that in that sense they could not be in the accepted term enemy aliens.
As the hon. Member appears to be appealing to me, I will tell him exactly what that Order of Sir Montague Barlow was. The Order says the rule is, that uncovenanted benefit is not payable to aliens other than (1) British-born wives and British-born widows of aliens, (2) aliens who have served in His Majesty's Forces, or in certain circumstances as merchant seamen during the late War, and (3) aliens, not being former enemy aliens, who have been continuously living in this country since 1st January, 1911.
It is clear that the last Government, who through some of their representatives have been criticising the extension of uncovenanted benefit to aliens, themselves admitted the principle, and rightly so. That certainly takes away any value which may have existed prior to their own Act from their comments now at the extension of the principle they themselves accepted. The figures the Minister has put before the House, resulting from his inquiry, are so infinitesimal that I do not think one need worry very much about it. I am only hoping this will be the last instalment of patchwork legislation to deal with this great problem. This will be the fifteenth Act of Parliament since 1911. I hope the larger Measure will be of such a character that when it finally finds its way to the Statute Book it will mark somewhere near the end of these attempts at temporarily dealing, as the periods come round, with this great problem of unemployment. I only hope that industry will, of its own accord, and in its natural growth, be able to reabsorb a large percentage of those who have had a long period of enforced idleness. The larger Bill certainly has some splendid features to recommend it. I am only now recording my appreciation of the effort to introduce emergency legislation to fit in the gap which must precede the establishment of a more permanent Act, which I hope will give us some degree of certainty as to continuity of policy, and some degree of hope of that permanency of benefit where the payment is made to those who unfortunately have become signees of Employment Exchange registers.
6.0 P.M.
I was present at a Debate in connection with the unemployed problem. One of the lecturers from the Labour Ministry, a most excellent official, gave to the conference, at the London School of Economics, a very clear outline of this problem from the point of view of Acts which had found their way on to the Statute Book, and of the money that had been spent, and he said that from 1920 down to the present moment £155,000,000 had been spent in unemployment benefit, and only £40,000,000 of it represented the State's contribution. The other £115,000,000 represented the joint contribution of workpeople and employers alike. I do not think anyone need have any objection to the Bill having its Second Reading and rapidly passing into law, because in their minds they must be satisfied that if ever this country made an investment which had turned out profitably, from the point of view of its good-will towards the peaceful pursuit of its general development, that £40,000,000 has been one of the most profitable investments it has ever undertaken. I am sure we can conjure up in our minds what might have been had that 1,500,000—at one time as high as 2,500,000—unemployed persons been left entirely on their own resources. The fermentation of mind that would have happened, and the distorted outlook on life that would have prevailed might have had terrible consequences. Thinking of all these things, one can only thank goodness that the £40,000,000, in common with the greater sacrifice and the larger contribution from those less able to afford it has, at least, been able—call it slipshod, patchwork or temporary—to pull us through some distressing periods, although not to the same generous extent that many of us would have hoped. If our criticism of the position while we were in opposition was severe against the Government of the day, it has been because of the long series of patchwork Measures that were brought forward, and because of their apparent unwillingness to apply permanent remedies. Our criticisms have been made in, the light of the knowledge gained as a result of experience amongst these large bodies of people who have suffered so much, and who have been so quiet in their suffering during the past three and a half years.
This is entirely an uncontroversial Measure, and I have no desire to infuse a controversial atmosphere into it. I can assure the Minister of Labour that I shall support this Bill and any other Measure which will mitigate the hardships which a large number of people in this country are suffering through unemployment. I do, however, without controversy I hope, associate myself with what has been said by the right hon. Member for North-West Camberwell (Dr. Macnamara), the Minister of Labour in the Coalition Government, and by my hon. Friend the Member for Rushcliffe (Mr. Betterton), when they expressed disappointment that in this Bill, and in any Bills so far produced to deal with unemployment, the Government have done so little to fulfil the pledges which they made at the last election. We were promised great measures of relief for the unemployed; we were promised Measures for the improvement of canals and waterways and for the installation of power stations, and other Measures that would help to relieve unemployment, and increase England's productive power and enable us to compete with our foreign competitors.
I cannot help feeling that there is a growing feeling of disappointment in the House and in the country that the zeal of the Government to fulfil their pledges to provide work for the unemployed is so rapidly evaporating. I do not wish to be unfair. The Government has not been long in office, and I do not expect the Minister of Labour to produce rabbits out of his hat, or to give us any conjuring tricks. My point is, that the Government are not taking the obviously easy and simple step of providing work for the unemployed. I suggest that it would be quite easy to provide work for a great number of unemployed by a more frank and active co-operation with the municipalities. The municipalities, if they were more generously treated would be more ready to go forward with schemes, but at present they are suffering under a sense of grievance. They feel that they are being asked to do too much. They consider that the fault of the Government is the fault of those who give too little and ask too much.
Take the non-revenue producing schemes. The Government guarantees 65 per cent, of the interest and sinking fund charges for a period of half the term of the loan, subject to a maximum of 15 years. That on the face of it is not generous. What does it amount to? Towards non-revenue producing schemes the Government only contribute 32 per cent., and the contribution to revenue-producing schemes is even less generous. The Government guarantees for the revenue-producing schemes 50 per cent, of the interest on the loans for a period of not less than 10 years. In other words, the Government's contribution only amounts to 11 per cent. When the Government's contributions are so inadequate, we cannot wonder that the municipalities are inclined to cry "Halt." They ask why there should be this great discrepancy between revenue-producing schemes and non-revenue producing schemes.
I do not think the Noble Lord is in order in going into the details of these schemes, though he would be in order in arguing that more adequate schemes would make this Bill less necessary.
I am trying to pursue this question because you did allow other hon. Members to allude to the necessity of providing work for the unemployed, when dealing with the question of insurance. I recognise, however, that I was sailing very near the wind. I do appeal to the Government seriously to consider the advisability of contributing to and co-operating much more generously with the local authorities. The local authorities would do more if they were helped, but they are terribly overburdened with debt. In my own constituency they have incurred a rate of 10d. in the pound and in 15 years it will amount to 1s. 2d. in the pound, in connection with schemes for the unemployed. They feel that their competing capacity in industry is being terribly hampered by this great burden of debt. They cannot carry on any longer. I do hope that the Government will take a more generous view than did the late Government. I criticised the late Government in regard to the inadequacy of their grants, and I have a right to appeal to the present Government to be a little more generous in regard to this matter.
The House will agree that in so far as this measure is a temporary one to extend the benefit year, it will meet practically with unanimous approval, but, at the same time, I should like to follow the noble Lord in regretting that this Government, of all Governments, has not been better and wiser than its predecessors. Instead of stressing the need which exists to provide for benefit, they should have dealt with the more important point of providing work. If more work had been provided there would have been less need for the funds which the Minister of Labour has to raise by means of this temporary Bill. Reference has been made to the previous debates in this House with regard to the various Unemployment Insurance Bills which have come up from time to time. I think this is the eighth or ninth Bill which I remember. I remember well the previous occasions, and the criticisms of my hon. Friends who now sit above the gangway as to the inadequacy and insufficiency of dealing with the problem of unemployment by merely paying out benefit for no work rendered. They stressed the importance of not concentrating on the extension of benefit but rather in the providing of useful work which requires to be done throughout the country.
In the last Debate which we had on this question in the last Parliament, the present President of the Board of Trade waxed eloquent and sarcastic about the futility of the schemes of the Government, and he referred to the many volumes that he had written on the question, and the many schemes that the Labour party had outlined for providing for this work, and said that if only they had the opportunity, if only they were called in, they had the schemes ready. He said that the schemes were known to the Minister of Labour of that date, and that they were certainly well known to him. It is not unreasonable for this House to ask the Government, who are said to have these schemes on hand, and who, apart from the three months which they have been in office, have been considering this question for years, and have in detail adumbrated their plans, that they should be called upon to carry into practice these particular schemes when they have a chance of doing so. It is not a question of considerable legislation, but largely a question of administrative orders. In the three months that the Government have been in office, if they had the will, they have had the opportunity of increasing the grants to local authorities whereby those local authorities could put in hand schemes for productive work which would render this Bill to a certain extent unnecessary.
Therefore, I do join in the appeal made by the Noble Lord that the Government, while pressing on with this Bill, which is essential, on account of the benefit of the insurance year coming to an end in April, should on the administrative side put in hand larger works in conjunction with local authorities. Many works would be put in hand by the local authorities at once if only they had a more handsome contribution from the State Exchequer. During the past few weeks it has been my lot to press the Government with regard to their obligations towards these local authorities, and I have been told by Members of the Government, and particularly by the Lord Privy Seal, that they cannot agree to give assistance on the broad lines that have been suggested, that they cannot give block grants, but by means of their other schemes, by means of their insurance schemes, they can give relief and assistance to these areas.
What they are now proposing will be of some assistance, but I do submit that what they are doing is quite inadequate to deal with the burden of debt which has accumulated in so many of these local authorities. The Noble Lord referred to his own constituency, and said that the City of Nottingham has spent large sums of money. The same remark applies to districts all over the country. I do appeal to the Government that while they press forward with this particular Measure, they should not close their minds entirely to doing something by providing productive and useful work, which is infinitely more important than to increase the benefit and the so-called dole. I hope that the Minister of Labour will, with the Chancellor of the Exchequer, reconsider the claims that have been put forward from so many districts.
The Minister spoke earlier in the Debate as to treating this question as a national responsibility. In his defence of the abolishing of restrictions of administration on uncovenanted benefit, he said that we want to remove the taint of the Poor Law and the mixing up of the two schemes of insurance on the one hand and Poor Law relief on the other, because this is a national responsibility. We ask him to translate those principles into practice, and to deal with the question is a national and not a local responsibility, to realise that it is the responsibility of the State as a whole and not of any one particular district to bear the burden which the aftermath of the War has caused. Many of these local authorities, while they welcome the relief which this particular Bill gives them in the coming year, are at a breaking point so far as existing debts are concerned, and must have the further assistance that has been foreshadowed. Reference has been made to the larger Measure which it would be out of order to discuss, but many of us welcome the foreshadowing of a system of continuous benefit where unemployment occurs. It is right that this insurance fund should shoulder this responsibility, and that it should not be, as it has been in the past, left to local authorities to supplement it through the boards of guardians, which produces overlapping, waste and extravagance. The Government should deal with the question of labour on broad lines from the national point of view, under the one system of State insurance, rather than have a twofold scheme which makes for waste and extravagance. Therefore I hope that when the Minister comes to deal with a larger scheme he will bear in mind the need for dealing with this question on broad, general national lines, and not leave it to the local authorities to have to supplement the burden which they have been carrying up to the present.
We have had the interesting experience this afternoon of listening to the Minister of Labour for the best part of half an hour attacking my right hon. Friend the late Minister of Health, though it is difficult to see what that has to do with the Bill before the House. I do not propose to deal with his remarks on that question, because my right hon. Friend is able to take care of himself, but as he referred to' the word "dole" and who was responsible for it, may I say that when we were fighting elections, both in 1922 and 1923, the Labour party were continually covering the election placards all over the country with the words "We want work and not doles," and not only the right hon. Gentleman the Member for North West Camberwell (Dr. Macnamara) but the Prime Minister himself used the word "dole," which shows that the Labour party is as responsible as anyone else for making the use of this word so popular. I do feel that the Minister of Labour and his colleagues are deserving of the greatest condemnation, because though they have been in office for nine or 10 weeks they have not yet produced one rabbit out of that hat. They have not produced any scheme whatever which is going to find one job for one man.
I should very much have preferred to hear the Minister of Labour this afternoon give us some idea of some scheme which was going to provide that useful, productive work, of which the Labour party is so fond of speaking, that comprehensive scheme which was going to cure all the ills which beset the world at the present time, than to have heard him come forward with the 15th Bill, as one of his supporters has said, dealing with this national work of unemployment insurance. This question of unemployment insurance is in a vicious circle. Unemployment makes unemployment insurance, and unemployment insurance causes more taxation. In spite of what the right hon. Gentleman says it is futile for him to deny that unemployment insurance does make a charge upon the taxpayers. Therefore, instead of making things worse, as this scheme undoubtedly will do, we want to see some scheme that will make things better. Where is this money to come from? It is all very well for the right hon. Gentleman to tell us that the overdraft on the Unemployment Insurance Fund has gone down from £12,000,000 odd to £10,750,000, but that is the result of good Conservative government which caused the figures for unemployment to go down. But we are now beginning to have the result of very bad Labour government, and there is every indication that the figures will go up again.
I am sure that the hon. Gentleman does not want to give a mistaken impression. The debt is going down and unemployment is going down. Those are the facts.
The right hon. Gentleman might allow me to finish putting my point. The figures have gone down, owing to the revival in trade caused by the good policy of the Conservative party while in office. I am in business and I know something about the feeling of business men, and the lack of confidence which they feel in all directions, and I know that instead of the state of trade being better in the near future, the Government can look forward to having a serious slump in trade, and they will find the fund affected by the inroads upon it quite apart from the increased charges about which we were told this afternoon. In other words, the right hon. Gentleman is gambling on the solvency of this fund in order that he need not put the charges under this Bill and other Bills on to the Treasury, where they ought to go. I have authority much higher than myself for this statement that trade is going to be very bad for some time. I refer the right hon. Gentleman to the speech made by the Minister of Health, his own colleague, last night, in which he told us that in his opinion there was going to be serious trade depreciation for many years. When his own colleague thinks that, why should he come here this afternoon with an optimistic glow and say that this fund is suddenly going to become solvent, when his own colleagues in the Cabinet think differently?
The methods by which this insurance fund has been dealt with are wrong and are very bad finance, and they should not be continued any longer as a loan from the Treasury. I think that the sooner they decide to wipe it out and put it into the Budget as a bad debt the better it will be. The right hon. Gentleman is over sanguine as to what the state of trade is going to be. For instance, how many thousands of men will be thrown on to the Unemployment Insurance Fund by the announcement, made this afternoon, that the Safeguarding of Industries Act (Part II) is going to be scrapped? What possible evidence has the right hon. Gentleman that there is going to be an improvement in trade 1 The evidence is in the other direction, that trade is going to be very much worse. Furthermore, what becomes of the promises, which he and his colleagues made at the last General Election and at previous General Elections, that they were going to do this and that and they have done nothing? May I remind him of the speeches that were made after the Election of 1922, when we came back three days after the Election was over, to do some urgent business in this House, and the hon. Member for Glasgow and the hon. Member for Bow and Bromley (Mr. Lansbury) and others came here and asked, "What have you done for unemployment?" and they said, "Nothing." And here is a Government which has been in office for nine or ten weeks. [HON. MEMBERS: "You were years."] We had been in office only three days—and as yet they have not produced one scheme. I think that the whole position of the Government is absolutely disgusting. No words which I can use can condemn sufficiently their attitude, and I hope that before they go any further, before they produce any more Bills of this kind, they will come forward with a real scheme which is going to find work for those who are out of work.
The speech from the hon. Member for Macclesfield (Mr. Remer) is the usual speech which we hear from that part of England which the hon. Member represents, and from other parts as well. He has been finding fault with the Government for introducing a Bill of this character, which has as its object the taking away of the period of starvation for many people who are unemployed, and at the same time relieving what otherwise might be a local burden by placing it upon national shoulders. The hon. Member finds fault with that.
I do not find fault with it at all.
Then I expect that he will accept the Bill, because that is what the Bill means, whereas the whole speech of the hon. Member was a tirade against the Bill, and the attitude of the Government in introducing it.
My tirade against the Government was because they did not produce another Bill as well.
May I point out that they have produced another Bill as well, Unemployment Insurance (No. 2) Bill?
That does not provide work.
That is a different thing entirely, and hon. Members know that that is so. Most of them came into this House in 1918 on the most lavish promises ever made by any Government. There was to be a new heaven upon an old earth. Everything was to be done for the people of this country. There were to be reconstruction schemes, training schemes for ex-service men and—
Lloyd George.
The hon. Lady's husband was elected as a supporter of Lloyd George.
As the remark of the hon. Member has been addressed to me, may I point out that my husband supported the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) as a National Liberal, putting country before party, and my husband was one of the first men to put his country before party by leaving the National Liberal party, and coming over to the Conservatives.
Of course, that may be the hon. Member's method of explaining why her husband changed his party.
It is the truth.
But other people have other ideas in their minds, and may be able to advance other reasons. However, I shall not enter into a discussion, which really relates to a domestic affair.
Mr. Speaker—
I do not see what this has to do with the present Bill.
I am dealing with the hon. Member for Macclesfield, and with his suggestion that fault can be found with the Labour Government for not bringing in schemes of employment. He suggested, in rather sarcastic tones, that nine weeks was really quite a long time for the Government not only to have introduced schemes of work for the unemployed but also to have had them already in practical operation. I have been in this House since 1918. I can remember many of the Debates in which the hon. Member for Macclesfield has taken part. I can remember the different leaders of the different parties whom he followed, but I have not yet found that any of the Measures brought in and placed on the Statute Book by his leaders or parties have found work for any measurable number of individuals in this country. As a matter of fact, it has been my experience, in going up and down the country, that the Measures for which the hon. Member is partly responsible by his votes, have been responsible for a vast amount of the unemployment of to-day.
The hon. Member says that we ought to wipe out as a bad debt the amount of money that still stands against the unemployment fund, advanced by the Treasury. Why should the hon. Member put forward an argument of that character? The debt has already been reduced by the payments from those workmen who are working, by the contribution of the State and by the contribution of the employers. It has already been reduced from £17,000,000 to £10,250,000. Yet the hon. Member suggests that we should wipe it out as a bad debt. The point has been brought up before that it is not a question of finding work at the moment; it is a question of finding relief for local authorities; it is a question of finding the means of sustenance for thousands of people who are unemployed at the moment. The right hon. Gentleman who first criticised the Bill, a former Minister of Labour, was not able to do any more in all the years that he held office than the present Minister of Labour has been able to do in nine weeks. No one suggests that you can overturn a mountain or work what would practically be a revolution in nine weeks. We are asked to find schemes of employment. We can find them if we have in this House a majority that will give us power to take over the land and the industries of this country. We could then put into operation schemes that will make hon. Members work as well as the unemployed outside. [HON. MEMBERS: "And you, too!"] I have worked before, and I am not afraid to work again. Some hon. Members might die if they attempted it.
May I point out to the Minister of Labour one or two things upon which 1 would like to have his view? As he has stated, the Insurance Fund is built up of three parts1—contributions by the State, by the employer and by the worker. Yet we find that the whole of the power of administration of the Act is carried on by Government representatives. Yet they find only one-quarter of the money expended. It has been suggested before in this House that I am not voicing a new idea in this respect. But, surely, those people who are the contributors to the fund that is called the Unemployment Insurance Fund, that is to say, the employers and the workmen, ought to have at least some representation upon the administrative boards which carry out the administration of the fund? That is not too much to ask, and it could surely be incorporated in any Bill which this or any subsequent Government brings into the House to deal with unemployment insurance? There is another matter. It has been stated, and seems to be accepted by the House in general as what is likely to transpire, that this Bill is going to give practically forty-one weeks' benefit in one year, and that the later Bill which is to be brought forward will bring the period up to fifty-two weeks in the year, I notice that the second paragraph of the memorandum to this Bill states: benefit continued as uncovenanted benefit or whether he shall cease to have any benefit. I take it that this Clause gives the same power to the unemployment committees as they had under the old Act. It will mean that many people who to-day have been denied any further payment of benefit out of the insurance fund have been denied that money on the ground that they are genuinely seeking employment. Many of these people have beer, working in industry for years.
There are two cases which I have sent to the Minister of Labour. One is the case of a man over 70 years of age, who has worked 40 years in one place. He is now refused any uncovenanted benefit—he has exhausted covenanted benefit—on the ground that he is not genuinely seeking employment. He has been looking for work. The Committee state that he has been looking for employment only with the firm by which he was employed for very many years. But that shows that he has been looking for work. There are many thousands of cases that are being ruled out of benefit on the same grounds. If this is to continue under the present Bill, then all the objections on the other side hold no water, because thousands of people who are not getting benefit to-day will be excluded from benefit when this Bill is passed. I suggest that just as the function of the first Unemployment Insurance Act was to see that the unemployed man who was seeking work should be placed in touch with the employer who was looking for an unemployed man, so that the two would be brought together, so the onus of proof that a man is not genuinely seeking employment should rest with the exchanges to-day and not be placed on the man. The men have produced scores of certificates signed by foremen and managers of works to whom they have made applications for work. Unemployment Committees are ruling these certificates out of account altogether. Men have produced anything from six to a dozen certificates, but the Committee says, "These are only waste paper, and we will not consider them." That is not only a hardship, but an insult to these men and to their foremen. It is as much as to say, "Not only do we not believe the unemployed man, but we refuse to believe the signed statement of his foreman." I suggest to the Minister that if this Bill carries out what I think it carries out, namely, the bad practice of the previous Act in regard to the payment of uncovenanted benefit to those who have exhausted covenanted benefit, something should be done in Committee to alter the, provisions of this Bill, or there should be issued a new set of instructions under the administrative rules of the Ministry to the Rota Committees, enabling them to give more generous consideration to men who can produce signed statements that they have made application at various places for employment. Otherwise this Bill will not carry with it that amount of satisfaction and of benefit to the unemployed which the Minister of Labour believes will be the case.
It is very distressing for me to find myself more in agreement with the Government than with their critics on this Bill. I have listened to criticisms from all three parts of the House, and I must say that the Government's policy, as expressed in this Bill, although, naturally, it has certain disadvantages, does not, at any rate, have such fatal disadvantages as the policy advocated behind me and in front of me by critics of the Government. I have always held in this House that if the State is going to undertake these very great obligations, which, undoubtedly, it must at a time like the present, the State is justified, even though I happen to be a Manchester school Liberal, in undertaking these obligations to a very large extent. Yet the idea that, by borrowing large sums of money and by initiating works in order to find employment, you will solve this problem, is an idea which needs only to be considered for its falsity to be fully exposed. The hon. Member for West Middlesbrough (Mr. T. Thomson) is always talking about granting large sums of money to the local authorities with a view to putting in hand what he calls useful work, but it never seems to strike the hon. Member or those who recommend a similar policy of great public relief works that, in addition to the expenditure on wages for the men engaged, there must be a very heavy expenditure both ion material, supervision and the planning of these works.
Therefore, to find work and relief for men on the basis of large public works is undoubtedly the most uneconomic way of dealing with the crisis. On the other hand, it is very easy to call unemployment insurance payments "doles" and to produce a certain distaste for the whole system, yet we have got to consider in this matter the fact that unless we do something of this sort many men and women are going to starve, and when all is said and done, however firm a believer one may be—as I am—in the old Liberal economics of the 19th century, yet when confronted with the possibility of a very large number of the population being reduced to starvation one must depart a little from those excellent and sound economic principles. It seems to me that direct payments of this sort, even if they fall to a certain extent upon the taxpayers of this country, are probably the smaller evil and probably represent the best policy that could be adopted in the circumstances. It is certainly not fair to blame the existing Government for the fact that previous Governments have not dealt with this matter altogether satisfactorily and that the state of unemployment insurance law in this country has become so complicated, with a succession of Bills following closely one upon the other, that it is extremely difficult for the present Government to put the thing on a satisfactory basis, but I do wish to impress upon the House that in dealing with this question the Government in this Bill is not doing any serious injury to the possibility of the man already in employment being maintained in employment.
The estimated sum total involved of £2,000,000 to £2,250,000 will, I think we may say very largely, take the place of the large payments for outdoor relief made through the local authorities and so far as the state of trade is concerned generally, it makes no difference whatever to trade and to the employment of those men who are fortunate enough to be in employment; at the present time, whether expenditure in finding relief comes out of the rates or out of the taxes. Indeed I might go further and say it makes no difference whether the expenditure comes out of the rates or the taxes or out of the contributions of the employer and the employed, and therefore we are really dealing not with so large a sum as that mentioned in the Memorandum but merely with the difference between that sum and the sum which will be saved in respect of outdoor relief to these unfortunate men. There is another point which ought to be considered. When hon. Members rise on the Second Reading of a Bill of this sort and recommend gigantic relief works they forget that those; relief works usually take the form of roads and other permanent works which are not likely to give a reasonable return for many years to come. The roads of this country at the present time are more than sufficient for the traffic which they are required to carry, and to expend very large sums in making new roads at the present time seems to be an unwise policy inasmuch as it solidifies a very large amount of capital just at the time when having capital liquid, rather than solidified, is of the utmost importance to the revival of trade.
After a long period of prosperity it is justifiable to expend money on works which will not give a return for a long period of years, but after a European War and after the destruction of capital throughout the world it seems extremely bad policy to solidify any large proportion of the capital remaining, instead of leaving it liquid so that it may find its best and most profitable use at the earliest possible moment, and give the maximum possible amount of employment. At the same time, we must bear in mind—and doubtless the Government has taken it into consideration in regard to this Bill—we must bear in mind that any sum of money devoted to the relief of the unemployed does undoubtedly render less secure the position of those men who are employed. The problem before any Government in a crisis of this sort is to hold the balance wisely and evenly, in such a way that, although on the one hand we have not men and women reduced to complete destitution through unemployment, yet on the other hand the payment is not made so generous as to form in any way an interference with those who are already in employment. That of course is the problem which the Minister of Labour has to meet, and doubtless with the information at his disposal he will be much more capable of dealing with it than any private Member of this House.
There is just one point which the hon. Member for Macclesfield (Mr. Remer) brought forward with which I wish to deal. He said trade was getting worse. I do not know upon what he bases that assertion, because, as far as one can make out, trade is distinctly improving. It is improving to an unexpected degree at the present time. The interests in my constituency are chiefly in the iron and steel trade and the cotton trade, both of which have been suffering an unusual degree of depression—perhaps singularly so as compared with others—and even in the cotton trade which, perhaps, was more seriously hit than any other by the circumstances of the War and of the so-called peace, things are looking up most definitely, while in the iron and steel and engineering trades there is no doubt things are a little better, and there is a fair prospect of better times again. Therefore, I do not wish to allow to go uncontradicted in this House the statement of the hop Member for Macclesfield that things are looking worse rather than better. I agree with what he said regarding the cause of the improvement, that it was due very largely—and I think even hon. Members opposite will admit this—to the policy of what was termed tranquillity. Those engaged in industry, whether workers or employers and capitalists, saw that if they could be freed from the constant menace of new and upsetting legislation it was possible to make capital expenditure which they were afraid to make in the glorious days of the Coalition Government when one could not come down and open the paper in the morning without finding some devastating new Act of Parliament "queering the pitch," and making enterprise in industry almost impossible. Therefore, in respect of this Bill, I appeal to hon. Members to allow it to go through, inasmuch as the amount of harm, it proposes to do is very small, and it is even probable that the amount of money to be expended, if the Estimate is not exceeded, is an amount which will be covered to a very large extent by the saving in outdoor relief to the local authorities.
I do not desire to stand between the House and other hon. Members who wish to speak, but I feel I must make some remarks in consequence of the attack which the Minister of Labour made upon me.
It was a reply.
I am indebted to the right hon. Gentleman for having given me notice yesterday that he proposed to attack the statement which I made a few weeks ago, and to which I have again referred. The last occasion when this matter was debated was on the 10th March last.
I have been waiting for the opportunity to reply.
I do not complain for one moment. I know the right hon. Gentleman had to await his opportunity, nor do I complain of the reply which he has made to my argument, but while the argument itself is of ephemeral importance, much greater questions are involved, and I will deal with these questions in the order in which they appear in the Memorandum issued by the right hon. Gentleman. The gravamen of the attack which I made on the right hon. Gentleman in that argument and in my previous speech in the House on 10th March, was in regard to his attitude on uncovenanted benefit, and I wish the House to realise quite clearly the distinction which I, at all events, make between covenanted and uncovenanted benefit. In the case of covenanted benefit, the word "dole" is a misnomer. Covenanted benefit is benefit which a man obtains as a result of payments made by himself, by his employer and by the State. The right hon. Gentleman will realise that, so far even as covenanted benefit is concerned, £13,000,000 is paid by the State to the insurance fund. I am, therefore, right, I think, in assuming and stating that the money of the taxpayer is taken for the payment even of covenanted benefit. I am quite prepared not to use the word "dole" in regard to covenanted benefit, but what is uncovenanted benefit?
I think it was agreed on the last occasion when I spoke on this matter—it was certainly agreed to by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for North-West Camberwell (Dr. Macnamara)—that uncovenanted benefit can be fairly described as benefit in respect of which adequate insurance premiums have not been paid. [HON. MEMBERS: "But will be paid."! Let us assume—I will deal with that point straight away—that a workman, whether an Englishman or an alien, receives uncovenanted benefit for a number of weeks and dies at the end of the period. It is not true to say that the premiums will be paid in that case. It is quite clear that there may be such cases—that a man may emigrate or disappear after he has received uncovenanted benefit—and I am perfectly right in saying that it is benefit paid by the State at a particular moment, in respect of which, at that moment, adequate premiums have not been received by the State. I think it is allowable to use the word "dole" in that respect. The word has come into common use so much so that the Prime Minister himself used it in that great speech which he made only a fortnight ago at Brighton, and on all sides the word is being used colloquially. I am prepared to use the word only in regard to uncovenanted benefit, because I regard covenanted benefit as that for which a man has paid and which he is entitled to receive and which does not entail the slightest slur.
In regard to covenanted benefit, as I said it is, in effect, whether the term is liked or not, a payment made out of an Insurance Fund into which the State has paid a large sum of money every year out of the taxes and in regard to which there is to-day a deficit of £10,000,000 to £12,000,000. The right hon. Gentleman may say that that deficit will be swept away, but that depends entirely on the condition of trade in this country. If we go through another two years of bad trade and unemployment such as we have gone through, then the deficit would increase very considerably. If, on the other hand, trade improves enormously and unemployment goes down, it will be greatly reduced by the contributions to be made in the future from those now entitled to receive benefit. That being the case, the previous Government, I think rightly, hedged round the payment of uncovenanted benefit with certain restrictions. These are restrictions with regard to which the right hon. Gentleman and I strongly differ. I shall deal with the restrictions regarding aliens in a moment, but it is only fair to say there were other restrictions enforced by the Conservative Government of which I am in no sense ashamed and which were considered desirable having regard to the nature of the payment. Whether it is termed charity or what not, it was a benefit which had not been paid for by the recipient, and it was felt that the State was entitled to make very strong restrictions on the grant of uncovenanted benefit. We did so. We said, for instance, that single persons who were residing with their parents, those parents themselves being in work, should not be entitled to receive uncovenanted benefit.
7.0 P.M.
To put it broadly, the restrictions we made were exactly those restrictions to which the hon. Member for Govan (Mr. N. Maclean) objects. He and his colleagues at Poplar have disregarded practically all the restrictions in their Poor Law administration which we in the Conservative Government put on in regard to uncovenanted benefit. The hon. Member and his colleagues at Poplar may be right or I may be right, but I do submit to the House that the State at all events have the right to impose certain restrictions upon the receivers of this uncovenanted benefit. We said that married women who were out of employment, and who were living with their husbands who were in employment and whose incomes were sufficient to justify the withholding of uncovenanted benefit from those married women, should not receive the uncovenanted benefit. I agree it is a matter for consideration whether we were right or not; but that was our view. We said that people who were working short time but who still had enough money, in the opinion of the unemployment committee, coming into the house should not receive uncovenanted benefit from the State and from the contributions of their colleagues who were in work. The right hon. Gentleman swept away the whole of those restrictions, and said there should be no restriction at all in regard to the receipt of uncovenanted benefit, and that it should be, in effect, as much a right as the covenanted benefit for which the recipient had paid.
My principal complaint against the right hon. Gentleman was in regard to aliens, and his reply—a very courteous reply, I agree, though there was a good many adjectives in it; but we are used in this House to adjectives. I am an old campaigner, and I am not complaining of hard knocks at all. In the article I dealt with the question of aliens, and the right hon. Gentleman also dealt with it. The position our Government took up with regard to aliens was that, though an alien might be entitled, and he is entitled if he pays his contribution, to receive his covenanted benefit, he should not be entitled to receive uncovenanted benefit payable, as it must be payable, out of the contributions of the taxpayers of this country. We said, however, in order that there should be no hardship or grievance, that we would consider and direct the unemployment committees to deal with cases of aliens where there might arise hardship, and to except those from the restriction. We said that British-born wives or British-born widows of aliens should not be excepted from receiving uncovenanted benefit. We said also that aliens who had served in the War in His Majesty's Forces should be entitled to uncovenanted benefit as well as covenanted benefit; and, finally, we said that any alien, not an ex-enemy alien, who had been in this country since January, 1911—what the right hon. Gentleman called residential qualification—who presumably had taken up, not the technicalities of British citizenship, but who had worked here, and who had paid his contributions from time to time into the unemployment insurance fund, should not be regarded as an alien, but should be treated as if he were an Englishman, and should receive uncovenanted benefit.
I submit those are really fair proposals. When the right hon. Gentleman swept away all those restrictions by a stroke of the pen in February of this year, I asked him what it would cost, and he frankly admitted that it would cost somewhere between two and four million pounds sterling; that is to say, he himself, without coming to this House, imposed a new burden on the Unemployment Fund of from two to four million pounds per annum. I do not know how he made up that sum. There is rather a wide margin between two and four million pounds, but I presume he was advised by his Department that that would be the cost.
By the Government Actuary.
I am asking the House to realise that the right hon. Gentleman by this act has placed upon the Unemployment Fund this sum of between two and four million pounds, and has therefore made it more difficult to get back that overdraft of ten or twelve million pounds. That brings me to the question, which was the gravamen of my attack upon him in the article, whether it is desirable that all these outside aliens, other than those to whom I have-specifically referred, should be given uncovenanted benefit. The right hon. Gentleman got up with his wonderful statistics and told us that up to the present he had only found in four boroughs of London 14 aliens who were receiving benefit. I am not surprised at that.
What I said was that of the ex-enemy aliens you spoke about in the article there were five in the four divisions.
I am not surprised. The Order was only made on the 23rd February, and it takes time for these Orders to filter through. It is not really the ex-enemy aliens I am dealing with at all; it is the whole host of aliens who are in the various trades of the country. Take the mining industry. I do not represent a mining constituency, but there are Members here who do, and I am sure they will agree with me when I say that there are several thousand aliens working in the mines of this country. [An HON. MEMBER: "They were brought in as blacklegs."] But they are here, and so far as they pay for the benefits they receive they are entitled, like an Englishman, to covenanted benefit. But, however many there may be of those aliens who, as the hon. Member said, are brought in as blacklegs, as cheap labour, I do not want to see those men receive uncovenanted benefit out of the pockets of decent taxpayers. That is the real point.
The decent British working man to whom the right hon. Gentleman refers is not complaining in any sense about this mere act of justice.
Do not make any mistake about that. The hon. Member opposite is not the only person in this House who represents the decent. British workman.
I hope the right hon. Gentleman does not read anything like that into what I said. I never meant to cast any aspersion upon any other Member who represents the working man.
The hon. Member did say that the decent British working man does not object to this payment. I say he does. I represent him in my constituency, just as much as the hon. Member represents him in his con- stituency. I am tired of the assumption that it is only the hon. Members opposite who represent the British working man. We on this side had quite as many workingmen's votes return us to Parliament as the hon. Members opposite. Would they, or the Government, like to put the matter forward at the next General Election? Let there be no misrepresentation about it. The point is, does the decent British working man, to use the expression of the hon. Member, or does he not, prefer to go on paying contributions in order that aliens may receive uncovenanted benefit? That was the point of my article, and I say to the right hon Gentleman that without the leave of the House he had no right to broaden out the conditions so that aliens might receive this money. It is no use saying to me that aliens have not received it. He has made it easy and possible for aliens to receive uncovenanted beenfit, which they could not have received under the- Orders made previously.
The right hon. Gentleman has made many definite statements. I have given categorical replies to his statements. Will he kindly deal with my accusation that the whole of his statements in this article are incorrect?
I say they are not incorrect. Take the first point— that the right hon. Gentleman issued an Order which sweeps away all the conditions I have mentioned, and that he stated that the mere fact that a claimant for uncovenanted benefit may have some private resources of his own or from relatives should not be in itself a ground for refusing benefit—exactly, in fact, the Lansbury doctrine. That is correct. Then I go on to say that by an administrative act we see a Socialist Government ordering the indiscriminate payment of public money to persons who may or may not be in need of it. That is correct. He has swept away the restrictions on women whose husbands are in full work and on persons who are on short time themselves, and has made those people entitled to unemployment benefit. [An HON. MEMBER: "Have not they paid for it?"] No. The essence of uncovenanted benefit is that they have not paid for it. I agree they pay for covenanted benefit, but uncovenanted benefit is a payment made by the State in respect of which no adequate premiums have yet been received. Then I go on to say that as the Unemployment Fund was already twelve millions overdrawn before this Order was made, the prospect of the balance being redressed is not rosy. Perhaps he would use another word than rosy, such, perhaps, as grey—I do not know. At the moment, as an hon. Member said just now, trade is slightly better. Whether that improvement continues depends entirely on whether this rosy view is correct or whether my view is correct, or the view of the Minister of Health, who does not take at all a rosy view of the position of employment on the Clyde. Then I said:
"The Minister gave his orders that in future claims of aliens to uncovenanted benefit should be dealt with without regard to nationality."
Those are the very words of his own Order. He sends a letter round to the Employment Exchanges in this country and says:
"Considerations which have so far been, mentioned do not apply precisely to aliens to whom uncovenanted benefit has hitherto been refused on the ground of public expediency."
By the by, under the Act itself the right hon. Gentleman has no right to give uncovenanted benefit to aliens unless he, deems it expedient in the public interest, and he has not proved that. He has not ventured to suggest that he has ever considered whether it is in the public interest, and I am not sure that he could establish that fact.
Would you let them starve?
Let me go on with the right hon. Gentleman's letter—
"The Minister desires, therefore "—
this is the instruction of the all-powerful Minister to his myrmidons in the country—
"that committees, in dealing with claims by aliens, shall do so without regard to nationality."
It may be right or wrong. I do not agree with that action, and I think it is a most improper and undesirable action, and an action to which the vast majority of the decent British working men will object. That is my answer to the challenge of the right hon. Gentleman.
Is the right hon. Gentleman not aware that the principle of uncovenanted benefit for aliens was accepted by his own Government, by their own Order?
I do not know whether the hon. Member listened when I read out our own Government's Order, and the very careful restrictions with which we hedged round the granting of uncovenanted benefit to aliens in order that these aliens should not swarm into the country. It is perfectly clear under the Act of Parliament that aliens could come in here into any employable trade you like, the mining trade, the iron and steel trade, the cotton trade, or any of these great trades.
And this place!
I am afraid there is no uncovenanted benefit here. [ Interruption. ] I think hon. Members opposite might realise that this is a point of substance, and that I am. trying to argue it fairly. I was saying that an alien can come in here, and work, and make 20 payments, or roughly 15s., or he can pay less, as the right hon. Gentleman knows, for if any employment committee deem it wise, they can accept him for uncovenanted benefit on any number of payments that the committee like, but the maximum on which they are bound to grant it is 20 payments, or 15s., after which he is entitled to uncovenanted benefit. The right hon. Gentleman has not denied that there are in the country to-day, particularly in the mining industry, some thousands of aliens who, under the Conservative regime , could not get uncovenanted benefit, but under the right hon. Gentleman's scheme they can get it, and they will get it, paid out of the moneys provided by the decent British working man who has paid his contribution week by week and year by year into this fund. I submit that I have entirely established the statements in my article.
I want now to emphasise what was said by several of my hon. Friends on this side in regard to the question of work, rather than unemployment benefit or doles. The right hon. Gentleman said that this Act was the carrying out of our own policy of last year and the year before, and I agree. There is no one who suggests that we shall vote against this Bill, but, all the same, I say to the right hon. Gentleman that it would have been far better if it had been possible, for him and his colleagues to provide work rather than doles. The Prime Minister agrees. He made a very strong appeal in that speech at Brighton for work rather than doles. He said, and we have all said, that the decent working man—to use that phrase again—hates the necessity of the dole, that he hates having to get this uncovenanted benefit, that he would much prefer work. Now I am going to ask the right hon. Gentleman this one question in conclusion: How many men are in work to-day under schemes produced by the present Government since they came into office? Not one. My right hon. Friend the Member for Brighton (Major Tryon) put down a question to that effect to the right hon. Gentleman a few days ago, and will the right hon. Gentleman forgive me for saying that he rather walked round the question and did not answer it? Can he tell me, beyond carrying out—and his own speech on the last occasion confirmed this—the schemes that we had started before we left office at the beginning of this year, if he has put in force any new schemes under which any single workman is now employed?
Does the right hon. Gentleman want to know?
Yes, I do, very much.
May I tell the right hon. Gentleman that at the appropriate moment, when the subject is under discussion, I will deal with that statement as I have dealt with him?
I am afraid the right bon. Gentleman is not so clever as one of his colleagues, the Minister of Health. He goes to the hat, but never finds the rabbit. The Minister of Health is far more clever; he never speaks without letting the cat out of the bag. Will the right hon. Gentleman forgive me for saying that answers like that will not do? We put a question down, quite a simple question, and the right hon. Gentleman could have said three days ago, in reply to that question: "It is all nonsense. We have a lot of new schemes, and there are 50,000 men working to-day on the schemes we have set going." Of course, he cannot say it. I suppose the appropriate time to which he refers will be when his salary as Minister of Labour is put down for discussion in this House, and I will challenge him then, as I challenge him now, to give us a statement of the employment which the Government has provided, which would be far better than the scheme dealt with under this Bill.
The necessities of business compel me to state that there are other Orders on the Paper which we regard as essential to deal with before 8.15. The general question will draw from me only the observation that it can scarcely be dealt with even in the Committee stage of this Bill, not to say the Second Beading, and that provision has been made by our predecessors for support for some aliens. The House has expressed universal approval of the purpose of this Bill, that is to say, continuation throughout the year of the relief to those legally entitled to it, and I, therefore, appeal to the House at once to give us the Second Reading.
I want to put one point to the Minister of Labour. At the opening of these proceedings to-day he made, in my opinion, what was a most unjustifiable and uncalled-for attack on an article which was written a few days ago by my right hon. Friend the Member for Twickenham (Sir W. Joynson-Hicks). My right hon. Friend has just replied to that attack in a thoroughly satisfactory manner. I myself have read very carefully through that article—I have a copy of it here—in so far as it concerns aliens, and nothing that he says in it can, in my opinion, be called unfair or untrue in any way. The gravamen of my charge against the Minister of Labour is not so much the fact that the Government, under the administrative Order that was issued by the Minister of Labour a short time ago, should have extended the payment of uncovenanted benefit to people of all nationalities and regardless of qualifications of nationality, though that in itself is pernicious enough, but that these payments should be completely unchecked and uncontrolled by the Minister, and that the Minister himself should have refused to hon. Members in this House the figures of the numbers of aliens who are in fact receiving that uncovenanted benefit to-day, and who were receiving it under the old Order.
A short time ago a question was put to the right hon. Gentleman by my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Dulwich (Sir F. Hall), asking the Minister to give the numbers of aliens who were in receipt of this uncovenanted benefit under the old Order. He put that question just after the administrative Order was issued by the right hon. Gentleman to the local unemployment committees. The Minister said that, in his opinion, he did not think the House had a right to have those figures, that he did not think there was sufficient cause to obtain them, and I think he also said that he had not the machinery, in fact, to obtain them. I represent a constituency which consists of people living on small salaries and on small pensions, the sort of people upon whose shoulders the burden of this present high rate of taxation and rating falls most heavily of all, and, as representing them, I consider that I have a right to know the numbers of these aliens—many of them, as the right hon. Gentleman himself has admitted, ex-enemy aliens—who are in receipt of this uncovenanted benefit. The Minister told us on that occasion that he had not the machinery to obtain these figures—in fact, that these numbers of persons were uncontrolled and unchecked—but this afternoon he quoted the figures he had received from four Employment Exchanges. How he obtained those figures I do not know, considering that he had told us a little time before that he had not the machinery to do so, and I think he might have explained that, but in three cases the figures were, I admit, I low. In the one case, the case of Stepney, however, they were extremely high. At the present time, as my right hon. Friend has pointed out—before the effects of the administrative Order has yet been felt—in Stepney one out of every nine men in receipt of uncovenanted benefit is an alien. If the Minister of Labour could obtain those figures from four Unemployment Exchanges in London, why cannot he obtain them for us all over the country? Why cannot he state exactly how many aliens were in receipt of this uncovenanted benefit under the old Order issued last year by Sir Montague Barlow, and the number at present in receipt of it? The Minister of Labour should issue a further Order to all the local employment committees instructing them to keep a rigid check on the number of aliens, and their nationalities, who are being granted this unemployment benefit, so that at any time this information can be available to any Member of this House who asks for it; and hon. Members have a right to call for this information. The right hon. Gentleman tried to wriggle out of the statement made by my right hon. Friend that this money largely comes out of the taxpayers' pocket. He said that the information given in the article was Wrong, was founded on a false basis, and that these payments did not come out of the taxpayers' pocket. As my right hon. Friend has pointed out, however, a large portion of the money does come out of the taxpayers' pocket. It is horrible enough that these aliens should be allowed to come to this country at all and, so to speak, take the bread out of British workers' mouths.
Your party supported aliens outside the country.
I would like to remind the hon. Gentleman opposite that it was my party which introduced the Aliens Restriction Act, and my party is the only one that has stood up for the working man in that respect when in office, and defended him.
Your party brought in the Poles.
Parrot!
This subject cannot be debated on the present Bill.
Is it in order, Mr. Speaker, for one Member to call another Member a "parrot"?
The man who said it is only a jackass. [HON. MEMBEBS: "Order!"]
I will not have these interjections. I should say the same from whatever part of the House they came. Hon. Members on my right have really been interrupting considerably during the last half-hour.
Mr. Speaker, did you hear my hon. Friend called a "parrot" by the hon. and gallant Member for Dulwich (Sir F. Hall)?
No, I did not.
I was partly led astray by the interruptions of the hon. Member opposite. It is intolerable that these aliens should be allowed to come over here and kept in idleness at the expense largely of the British taxpayer. It is abominable that under the present circumstances it should be possible that a German who fought against us in the War should be able to come over here now, and, after being employed for perhaps a very short time, should then get out of employment and be in receipt of this uncovenanted benefit for the full time, and afterwards perhaps go back to his own country without any kind of repayment of the money which has thus been advanced to him. It is deliberately encouraging those people to come over here and take the money from the taxpayers who can ill afford it. I wish to put in that protest on behalf of my constituents, who feel this question very deeply. They feel the time has come when this encouragement to alien labour should be put a stop to. I hope the Minister of Labour will give that assurance before this Bill is given a Second Reading. I hope he will do everything in his power to obtain these figures, and that he will issue an Order to the employment committees to keep a rigid check on the number of aliens who are given this unemployment benefit.
I was the Member who originally challenged the right hon. Gentleman the Minister of Labour on this very subject. I put down a perfectly plain question, and I thought that, having a democratic Government in office at the present time, we should receive information that would be an advantage to this House and would be favourably received by the community throughout this country. If we find the wherewithal to give unemployment benefit to aliens in this country, it is the duty of the Government to be in a position to tell us how many of them are receiving that benefit. But the right hon. Gentleman adopted a high-horse attitude and said he did not think the information was required and that he was not going to supply it unless he thought it was right. That is not the manner in which business is to be carried through in this House, and it is not helpful. We mean to have the information and we shall continue to ask for it. When the present Members of the Government went before the country in November last and asked for the suffrages of the electors, on unemployment, they said that they had a cure for unemployment. What employment have the Government found since they came into office? I was hopeful that we would have a lucid reply, but the only information when the right hon. Gentleman rose and interfered with my right hon. Friend (Sir W. Joynson-Hicks) was that he would reply at the proper time in the same manner as he had replied to the question put by the right hon. Gentleman this afternoon.
On a point of Order. I want to know whether it is in order to raise this subject on this Debate.
Surely we are entitled to raise this question. We intend to raise it over and over again.
The proper occasion for this question to be raised is on the Unemployment Works Vote, as was stated by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Twickenham, and that will be on the question of the Minister's salary in Committee of Supply. I do not object to slight references in this Debate, because that is only natural, but they cannot be allowed to develop.
Are we not to be allowed to refer to matters which are paramount in this question of unemployment, unemployment that we are desirous, as far as this side of the House are concerned, of doing away with? The amount that has to be found under this Bill is £2,250,000. We on this side are of opinion that the decent working man is not prepared to contribute and is not desirous of contributing to these un-covenanted benefits which will be paid simply by the action of the right hon. Gentleman who carried out that undertaking without coming to the House and asking for authority. It was only because we managed to find out about it and put down a question that we elicited any points at all. The taxpayers' money should not be used for finding uncovenanted benefit for aliens. My Noble Friend was challenged just now with regard to the manner in which we had acted in connection with aliens. In season and out of season we have done our best to tighten up the laws with regard to aliens, and if the right hon. Gentleman will look into the matter and see whether they can be improved, we on this side would be only too happy to help him. But in regard to this class of legislation, if the Members of the Government do not put matters down in order that they may be debated before they become law, we shall be more careful in watching what the right hon. Gentleman and his friends are going to do. We are perfectly satisfied that they are not able to justify the statements they made before they came into this House in regard to what they could do to cure unemployment. They have not found any cure for it up to the present time, and they have not got one. All that they can do is to follow on the lines of their predecessors.
Question put, and agreed to.
Bill read a Second time.
Bill committed to a Committee of the Whole House for To-morrow.—[ Mr. T. Shaw. ]
West Indian Islands (Telegraph) Bill
Order for Second Heading read.
I beg to move, "That the Bill be now read a Second time."
In the temporary absence of my right hon. Friend, the House will bear with me for two or three minutes. This is a Bill to provide the cable communications indicated in the memorandum, which has been submitted to hon. Members. My right hon. Friend (Mr. J. H. Thomas) will, necessarily, later in the Debate, explain any point which arises under the Colonial Office part of this scheme, but, broadly, the Bill provides, under the main head, for £400,000 of capital expenditure, in order to undertake this cable communication. The arrangement is, that the money shall be repaid over a period of 30 years, on the basis of 5 per cent. The annual amount required will be about £26,000, and the liability of the British Exchequer will be 80–263rds of that sum, or, approximately, £7,914. It is, however, anticipated that the receipts will exceed the expenditure under this scheme by about £8,000 a year, so that taking the allocation which will fall to the British Government, they have out of this excess a sum, approximately, of £2,500 annually, the net loss falling upon the British Exchequer being about £5,500. Against that, we save the annual amount of £8,000, which we are paying the West India and Panama Company at the present time. That, I think, in a few sentences, summarises the financial aspect of this Bill. The matter was discussed at some length on the Financial Resolution. There is, I understand, complete agreement about the Bill in all parts of the House. It is very important we should get it without delay, in order that the contracts into which we have already entered may be pressed forward, and, above all, that this telegraphic communication should be established and in working order by the 30th September of this year, the date on which the existing rights of the old company expire.
I do not think that this Bill need cause a great deal of trouble. I understand the Pacific Cable Board Bill is going to be taken immediately afterwards, and there are one or two points on that I should like to raise. However, I think we ought to know, before this Bill goes to Committee, for what annual sum we are liable under Clause 3 of the Bill. The amount of the issued capital expenditure is stated to be £400,000, but receipts from the new cables have not met the current expenditure, there will have to be a Supplementary Estimate, and everybody wants to avoid Supplementary Estimates, particularly of this kind.
Therefore, the main point I have to make on this Bill is to inquire whether, under Clause 3, any definite figure has been envisaged, and, if so, whether any provision had been made in the current financial year. Sub-section (3) of Clause 3 says:
Then a point arises in the case of British Guiana, where the constitution is what is known as a diarchy, that is to say, certain services are passed by what is called the Court of Policy, which consists of the Governor, eight official and eight unofficial members. When it comes to voting money, the Court of Policy has no jurisdiction, but a body called the Combined Court, which consists of a Court of Policy, plus six additional elected members, and therefore the six additional elected members, plus the other unofficial members of the Combined Court, are in a position to refuse in any year any sum of money to the Government. The position, therefore, arises under this Bill that, unless you make it quite clear that these Governments are compelled to contribute to any deficit in a particular proportion, the Combined Court of British Guiana has complete constitutional power to refuse the vote of its share of the deficit. That is a point I commend to the attention of the Colonial Secretary, who has, probably, not been a sufficient time at the Colonial Office to learn the true inwardness of the very varied institutions of the West Indian Islands, that I had the great privilege of studying on the spot. But those two points certainly do arise on this Bill, and I hope, before it is read a Second time, and before we have to consider whether we ought to insert an Amendment in Sub-section (3) of Clause 3, it will be cleared up.
The next thing to which I would like to refer is the wireless telegraph stations. We were told that the cable to be laid was from the Turks Islands to Barbados, and from Barbados a submarine cable would go to British Guiana and a submarine cable to Trinidad, and that, in Barbados, a new wireless distributing station was to be established, which would be the means of communicating through that new Barbados station with the other islands. Does that mean that at all the other islands referred to in the preamble of the Bill there is to be a wireless station? Because it is rather important that it should be definitely stated that in St. Kitte—which, I am quite sure, ought to be written "St. Christopher"— Antigua, Dominica, St. Lucia, and St. Vincent are going to establish wireless stations. At present, to the best of my recollection, the only one of those islands which has a wireless station is St. Lucia, and that means the construction of new wireless stations in the other islands. That list is really complete as to the more important islands, but one has been left out, the island of Montserrat. St. Kitts, Antigua and Dominica the three Presidencies of the Leeward Group are to be given a wireless station, but Montserrat, which has been very badly served in the way of communication, though it is an island of some considerable importance, as being one of the principal islands for sea-island cotton, an industry which is fast developing there, I should, like to know why that individual island has not been given a wireless station. Those, briefly, are the questions T would like to put on the Second Reading of this Bill, and if, say, between now and the final stages of the Bill, the Secretary of State for the Colonies, or the Financial Secretary to the Treasury, would give me answers to those questions, I should feel, deeply obliged
8.0 P.M.
When the Colonial Secretary introduced this subject on the 31st of last month, I ventured to put to him a series of questions, and the reply was satisfactory, except in the case of one question. That dealt with the subject of foreign or British control of this proposed new cable. One of the outstanding points in connection with this cable is that it is to complete an Empire link, to complete an all-British all-red route to the West Indies. I have several times pressed the right hon. Gentleman to say whether it is a fact that the cable did land only on British soil. To that I received a reply in the affirmative. I asked also whether it was a fact that although the company itself was registered in Great Britain, it was entirely a British controlled company, because many companies are registered in London which are in no shape or form British controlled. The Colonial Secretary replied to me:
"As to the suggestion that it is a foreign company, I am sure lie will like to know that it is a British company."
Then I asked the Colonial Secretary whether the concern was British controlled and the reply was, "Yes." My query was followed up by the hon. Member for Edinburgh East (Mr. Hogge), very much on the same lines, with the suggestion that the cable would be under American control. The Colonial Secretary replied that it would be under the control of the Pacific Cable Board, an Empire board composed exclusively of representatives of the Dominions and ourselves. I am afraid I was not quite satisfied, because it is very essential that this should be an all-red route, that it should be under British control, and so I put down a question following up this matter, and asking the right hon. Gentleman whether this short length of cable which is proposed in the new scheme to give the islands telegraphic communication with the outer world was British cable, or whether it simply linked up the islands with cables owned by American controlled companies. To that question I got a reply—
"The new cable will connect at Turks Island with the system of the Direct West Indian Cable Company and the Halifax and Bermudas Cable Companies."
Those are all cables which land on British soil. The cables of both those companies land only in British territory, and in time of war would therefore be under the control of British administration. Then there was a little rift. It was added:
"I understand that with the exception of one American director "—
although the right hon. Gentleman had told us previously that the board was exclusively British—
"who has never taken any part in the management of the business, the directors are all and always have been British subjects. The companies, moreover, though a large proportion of their capital is understood to be owned in the United States, are managed in every detail from the London offices."
First of all I was told that this was exclusively an all-red British-controlled concern under an exclusively British board. By subsequent questions I find out that an American director is on this board, and also that a large proportion of the capital is American. No one has more respect and esteem for the United States than I have, but I have so much esteem and regard and respect for their business acumen that I cannot help coming to the conclusion that should the capital of these companies be controlled in the United States they would, when it suited their purposes, very rightly and very properly, make whatever use of that control they thought would be most beneficial to the United States. The House ought to have from the right hon. Gentleman an absolutely exclusive definition of what he means by "a large proportion of the capital" of this concern being held in the United States Is it a controlling proportion of the capital of the company? Is the company, or is it not, controlled by United States capital, and therefore liable to swing in the way of United States interest? After the conflicting statements to which I have referred, I think the House ought to have a definite assurance from the right hon. Gentleman.
I rather gather that the anxiety of my hon. Friend the Member for Stafford (Mr. Ormsby-Gore) is not so much in connection with this question as with one that will come on at a quarter past eight, and I wonder whether he assumed that he was missing his opportunity on the second Motion in putting questions about things which he must have had in mind when he was drafting the Bill. Therefore, as I said in my last speech, it ought not to be necessary to reply to someone who clearly has had all these matters in mind in preparing the Bill, although I know we are responsible for it.
I may be a good deal personally responsible for the whole scheme, but I am not responsible for the actual draft of the Bill, and the points I raised on Clause 3, Sub-section (3), are entirely new to me. It was not until I had seen the Bill as presented to the House now that I knew what the final form of the draft was likely to be.
I am more than rather surprised—I put it no higher than that —to hear it from my hon. Friend, but I will endeavour to answer. The amount is precisely the same proportionate amount that is now paid to the Panama and West Indian Company. That is the answer to the first question. The proportions work out—His Majesty's Government, 80–263rds; Canada, 80–263rds; the remainder 103. Then my hon. Friend asked why no estimate is put down for this year. The explanation is that it is anticipated that the revenue will exceed the expenditure. We do not anticipate a deficit this year, and the estimated deficit after that is, roughly, £7,000 a year.
Our share.
Our share. With regard to the question by the hon. Member for Acton (Sir H. Brittain), curiously enough there was a letter in the Press on the same point yesterday or a day or two ago. I do not know whether he was responsible for it.
No, I did not see it.
I have made specific inquiries and have got an answer, and the answer is a very clear one.
Is that a Parliamentary answer?
Oh, yes, or I should not be reading it. It says:
"It is untrue to state that the Halifax and Bermudas Cable Company and the Direct West India Cable Company are companies which are controlled by the Commercial Cable Company. With the exception of one American director resident in New York who has never taken any part whatsoever in the management or control of these companies the directors have always been natural British born subjects who have retained their British nationality. The companies' cables all land in British territory. The companies are managed in every detail by a London board. The staff in its entirety is composed of natural British born subjects."
That is clear and specific information. In substance, it was what I told my hon. Friend when he put his question on the last occasion. I do not think I can add any more than I said on the Second Heading of the Bill, except to press the urgency of it. There can be no question about the urgency of the matter. There can be no doubt about the importance of it to the Dominions.
I do not want in any shape or form to embarrass the right hon. Gentleman. I really only want to know whether this is an all-British cable, and with all respect I have not got an answer from his reply. He has told us that there is only one American director of this company, who has never attended a board meeting, but he has not told us whether the capital is controlled by the United States. We have not had an answer to that, or to the question of what proportion of this company is American capital. In other words, is this concern or is it not controlled by American capital?
I am afraid my hon. Friend is confusing this board with the old board, and if he puts his specific question down I will deal with it. As a matter of fact I told him—whether it was publicly or privately I cannot remember—but I told him that there were difficulties on the composition of the board with the Dominions.
That is the other Bill.
I said then that I hoped to be in a position to announce it, but that, unfortunately, is not settled.
Then I do not wish to press the right hon. Gentleman. I will wait willingly.
I do not think the right hon. Gentleman has given any reply to my hon. Friend the Member for Stafford (Mr. Ormsby-Gore) on the question of the Island of Montserrat.
There is no cable there. That is the answer.
It is a most important matter and it affects my constituency very seriously indeed. I do not know whether the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Thomas) is aware of it or not, but this sea island cotton is the finest cotton in the world, and at the town of Hollington, which is just outside my constituency, they are suffering very serious hardships indeed through the difficulty of getting this cotton into their towns. I heard my hon. Friend ask two specific questions on the wireless system, which must be a matter of great importance to navigation and the shipping going to and from this island, and I am surprised the right hon. Gentleman has not seen fit to give a reply of some kind which would give these people at home, who are relying on this cotton very largely for their living, some intimation of how the Government will deal with the situation. It is a matter which causes great dislocation. It causes serious trouble. I do not know that it is causing—
Might I appeal to my hon. Friend. He must know the position of his own party in this matter. I do urge the House to let us get this Bill before a quarter past eight. I will guarantee to look into this question.
Does the right hon. Gentleman propose to have this Bill committed to a Committee of the whole House.
Yes, certainly.
Question put, and agreed to.
Bill read a Second time.
Bill committed to a Committee of the Whole House for to-morrow.—( Mr. Thomas. )
Pacific Cable Board Bill
Order for Second Reading read.
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read a Second time."
I take it the right hon. Gentleman does not propose to take this Bill in the few minutes we have before the next Motion comes on. There is not the same urgency about this Bill. The object of the Bill is to enable an entirely new organisation, of which we do no know any details—
It being a Quarter past Eight of the Clock, further Proceeding was postponed, without Question put, pursuant to Standing Order No. 4.
East African Colonies and Protectorates
I beg to move, inhabitants, and, I may add, so unbalanced in the degree of their present political advancement due to the influx of extraneous elements, but I am sure that everyone will agree with the principle of federation. If there are any that doubt, let me remind them that one of the greatest ills inherited from the late War is due to the misguided attempt to implant the principle of self-determination which has led to the disintegration of Europe, the erection of innumerable tariff walls—a veritable repetition of the story of the Tower of Babel.
Contrast this with the history of the greatest of all Federations, the United States. Students of American history know that the War of Secession in the sixties finally closed a long chapter of unprofitable and selfish strife between States that were earning a difficult livelihood, in some cases not paying their debts, and opened the most brilliant period of prosperity the world has ever seen, due mainly to two causes, Federation and absolute Free Trade within an encircling barrier that embraces a whole continent. But we need not go outside the British Empire. Canada, followed later by Australia and South Africa, offer recent examples of the great advantage of Federation, and if there be any who doubt whether Federation between two such different elements, shall I say, as the progressive colony of Kenya and the undeveloped mandated territory of Tanganyika is either feasible or desirable, may I remind the House that the differences between the English and the French provinces of Canada, between the British and the Dutch States of South Africa seemed to offer in their day an insuperable barrier to political unity. Would anyone suggest to-day that Canada, Australia or South Africa should once more split up into independent self-governing administrations or provinces?
Coming now to East Africa, you have here a group of five separate units, separate in the sense that each carries the burden of supporting a separate Budget with a very full degree of success in the case of Kenya, of Uganda and of Zanzibar, bu£ at a considerable annual cost to the British taxpayer in the case of Nyasaland and Tanganyika, especially Tanganyika. These five units, or, rather, I should say four, because Zanzibar is an island lying immediately off the coast, form, together with North Eastern Rhodesia, a continuous block of territory embedded in the side of Africa, so continuous that it is quite easy in the course of a morning's stroll to cross the intercolonial boundary without being aware that you have passed from the paternal and despotic Government of King Log into the despotic and paternal Government of King Stork; and yet the only connection between those five territories is the Colonial Office at a distance of 6,000 miles which maintains a despotic control over the destinies of five separate administrations. On the spot there is no interchange of administrative officers, there is no uniformity of practice in dealing with native affairs, there is no pooling of resources or of ideas, there is no equality in the treatment of similar problems in adjacent territories; and although credit may be given for the encouragement that is held out to the Colonial Governors to meet and discuss problems of joint interest, the fact remains that the wheels of the administrative machine move slowly and at times creak loudly.
It must be admitted, however, that perfect equality in political standing does not and cannot prevail. It is not certain, for example, with regard to Tanganyika, that she will ever possess such a vigorous colony of British elements as Kenya, possesses to-day, and in any case there is always the doubt that is raised in our minds as to the position of that territory under the conditions of the mandate, although let me say that my own opinion, after a very careful study of this question, without, of course, being an authority on the subject, is that that should prove no obstacle to confederation. It is quite possible that confederation, in the strict sense in which it exists in the United States of America, in Australia, or in Canada, may never be possible in East Africa, but, at any rate, as a beginning, unification of services is not only possible but desirable and most urgent.
I turn now to give a few examples of the services that might very well be unified. I will begin with the case of the Posts and Telegraphs. At the present time Kenya and Uganda have a common service under a common administration, while that of Tanganyika is separate. Why should they not be unified? Is it not clear that, with separate administrations, the inducement to connect up telegraphic and postal lines between two Colonies, that are adjacent, will be wanting? I go on to the question of Currency. Here you have a very difficult problem. At the present time, in Kenya, Uganda and Tanganyika, there is an East African currency, composed of pounds, shillings and cents. I do not propose to raise any question with regard to the past history of the present currency, but I should like to point out that, if progress is to be made in the trade of East Africa, it is necessary, in my opinion, that the currency of the mainland shall be extended to include the islands. There are two very important reasons for this, the one commercial and the other political. The commercial reason is, that Zanzibar possesses a very great share of the trade of the mainland Colonies. It has, in fact, almost a monopoly of what we know as the entrepot trade. Yet, in the group of territories, Zanzibar has a population of only 200,000 people, out of a total population of something like 12,000,000. I think it is most desirable, from the commercial point of view, that the rupee should be abandoned in Zanzibar and the Islands, and that the East African shilling should be adopted in its place. There is, as I have said, also a political reason, and that is that, in the lowest trade circles along that coast, the existence of the rupee is used in some instances, to my personal knowledge, to maintain the fiction that East Africa is a dependency of India.
I will next deal with the question of Customs. It is not so very long since each of these Colonies maintained a separate tariff and a separate Customs administration, and, in fact, they recovered from each other import duties upon native products. This, of course, was soon abandoned, because it was seen to be impossible, at any rate in the case of Kenya and Uganda, and a joint tariff was adopted with a joint administration. No difficulty has been found in maintaining a single Customs administration for the two territories, and in making such apportionments of the net proceeds of the duties as was fair between the two countries. Rather more than a year ago —perhaps two years ago—an attempt was made to bring Tanganyika into the same Customs Union, and I may say that a great deal of pressure had to be brought to bear from outside to obtain what was desired by everyone. I am glad to say that last year we succeeded in obtaining for Tanganyika an identical tariff with that in force for Kenya and Uganda; but to this day we have not been able to obtain a unification of the Customs administration, which is so desirable from every point of view. In the first place, even if it be granted that no harm is done when the same duty is recovered at each of the two ports, Kilindini and Dares-Salaam, we have always to remember that, between a group of countries so closely united, there is a great deal of inter-colonial trade, and the Customs barriers between those Colonies are a great hindrance to their trade. In my opinion, there is no more difficulty in having a single and unified Customs service between the three territories than there was in setting up the Customs service between Kenya and Uganda.
I come now to the question of railways and transport facilities in general, and here I will refer quite briefly to the three systems—the Northern, the Central and the Southern. I will begin with the Northern system of railways in this group, that which is popularly known as the Uganda Railways, although I dare say many hon. Members know that the Uganda Railway, built originally for the benefit of Uganda, does not as yet reach Uganda. We have had the opportunity, during the last few weeks, of discussing in this House the advantages that will accrue from the Supplementary Estimate that has been passed for the purpose of providing further funds for the extension of that line, not only into Uganda, but in other directions as well. When I spoke in the House during the discussion of that Supplementary Estimate, I pointed out that in my opinion it was most desirable that the Tanga Railway, which forms the Northern Railway in the Tanganyika Territory, should be handed over to the Uganda railway administration for operation. The House will remember that, about this time last year, or a little later, we had several discussions on the subject of the Voi-Taveta line, the branch line that connects the Tanga system with the Central Uganda Railway. I am very glad to say that the decision of the Secretary of State on that occasion to maintain that branch, and not to remove it, has resulted in a very real service to those countries.
It was my privilege to receive yesterday a letter from the manager of the Uganda Railway, in which he stated that the volume of cargo coming over that line was more than the line could carry. Could any better proof be offered that that branch line was needed? It may be perfectly true that a good deal of that cargo has been, so to say, robbed from the Port of Tanga; but may I also point out that the sisal planters and others who have interests in the Tanga district are always short of transport facilities, and will be shorter still as their businesses develop, and that all the facilities that can possibly be given to them, by way of removing from their line a portion of the cargo that comes from the interior, will always be of advantage to them, by increasing their own facilities. The central railway of Tanganyika, the line that goes from Dar-es-Salaam to Kigoma on Lake Tanganyika, of course, offers the most difficult of all the problems. This is the department of the administration of Tanganyika which gives the most cause for anxiety, because it is the source of the largest deficit in the Budget of the Colony. There are many people who think the line will never pay. I believe that is a great exaggeration. There are already signs that there will be a very considerable improvement in the traffic over that line, more especially in cargo coming from the Belgian Congo across Lake Tanganyika for shipment at Dar-es-Salaam. But in connection with this line it is very necessary to bear in mind that certain developments are required if the best is to be got out of this country, and the first of them is the construction of a branch line from the old capital of the country, Tabora, northwards in the direction of Lake Victoria for the purpose of opening up to cultivation a large area of suitable cotton growing country.
There is another line which is very badly required and the construction of which will have to be faced sooner or later, and that is a line which, starting from a more or less central point upon this railway in a south-westerly direction, shall tap the upper part of the great Rufiji Valley, which covers the largest area of fertile ground in the whole of that country. This railway, which in my opinion would become immediately profitable owing to the fact that it would set going cotton production on a large scale, would eventually stretch out and reach Lake Nyasa, so forming a complete connection with Nyasaland and North-Eastern Rhodesia. Finally in the South we have another railway problem which wants very careful consideration, and that is the three railways based upon the port of Beira. These are the railways upon which the future of Nyasaland and North-Eastern Rhodesia depend for the time being. I do not propose at this moment to say anything very much upon this particular group for the reason that the Secretary of State for the Colonies recently appointed a Committee, which is now sitting, to consider the very difficult problems that surround the question of the railways, and transport facilities in general, in Nyasaland. These three railway systems serve a continuous block of a million square miles, containing no fewer than 12,000,000 people, and railway construction in each of these territories cannot possibly be regarded as an isolated problem to be dealt with as local interests or rival jealousies suggest.
One other matter in connection with transport is the question of the ports. We are at present spending a good deal of money on the port of Kilindini. We also know a concession has been granted, with the permission of the Portuguese Government, for the construction of a modern port at Beira. Dar-es-salaam is calling out for money to improve its port facilities, and it requires it. Zanzibar is actually spending money on port facilities; and every smaller port on the coast is alive with jealousy at the fact that it is not going to be put into a position of first-class efficiency. Here again, in this matter of ports, as in the question of railways, it is quite impossible that these problems shall be considered as isolated questions to be dealt with for the benefit of any one particular country. It would be very foolish that money should be frittered away in a wrong direction in a matter of port facilities. As a matter of fact, speaking of East Africa in general, there is nothing that it wants so badly as an efficient and up to date ocean steamship service, both for passengers, mails, and for cargo, and from my own experience of these matters I can say that will never be obtained on the small output of tonnage which up to date exists on that coast until a properly co-ordinated scheme of a good service to run from Beira right up to Port Sudan is thought out. I was very much struck at the time of the Imperial Economic Conference with a remark made by Sir Halford Mackinder, the Chairman of the Imperial Shipping Committee, when he told them that in almost every quarter of the world steamship freight difficulties and services had been satisfactorily arranged with the exception of East Africa, but that on that coast he found a chaos which rendered it impossible to furnish what was very badly required, a regular, punctual, efficient and economic service.
There are two questions that remain to be dealt with—the Indian and the native. I do not propose here to discuss the effect that federation might have on the Indian question. In Command Paper 1922 of last year it was stated that the general native policy there laid down fox Kenya should apply equally to Uganda and Tanganyika, and it is clear that any local immigration regulations for Kenya and Uganda should apply equally to Tanganyika and other territories in the block. But it is not so clear to me that they might apply excepting under some system of unification or federation. The exact terms of immigration regulations, and more particularly their application, can be made to vary considerably under pressure from local Legislative Councils and from the opinions of independent Governors, and although it is true that to-day Tanganyika possesses no Legislative Council, none the less is it true that the associations in Tanganyika are already pressing the Governor for the establishment of a Legislative Council, and it is difficult to see how such a demand can be reasonably resisted for any length of time. I have reserved the question of the natives to the last, because an impartial study of the subject furnishes the most powerful argument, in my opinion, for federation. In no other department is it so important that local experience and knowledge should be pooled and that there should be uniformity of practice in dealing with native affairs, so that it could not possibly be said that the native people in one territory were better treated than in another. Nothing I say must be taken to imply that I consider that the intentions of those who administer these countries are other than of the best towards those who are their wards, but there is no denying the fact that there is some difference of policy or some difference in the application of policy between one territory and another.
Let me cite an instance. I would refer to the recruitment of native labour for work on European farms or plantations. In the territory of Tanganyika there came into operation last January a Labour Ordinance which provides that a contract can be made with a native for work on a plantation for a period of two years. This is in accordance with a similar Master and Servants Ordinance in Uganda, but it is curious that in the case of Kenya the term of service is for a maximum of five years. Why this difference? Nor is that all. In the case of Tanganyika the Governor, in proclaiming the Master and Servants Ordinance for January, issued a proclamation limiting the term of service to six months and making the payment of wages obligatory by the calendar month. It is true that deductions can be made from the wages of the native for the days that he does not work, and it is also true that he can be hailed before a magistrate and can be either fined or imprisoned, but the point is that his term of service cannot be extended to make up for the days that he has1 not worked.
The result of that, is that you have this difficult, not to say ridiculous, situation, that whereas in many cases it takes no less than about two months to bring the native from his home in the interior to the farm or the plantation, and to return him, always at the cost of the estate, the actual working time may be reduced to such a low figure that the cost of the labour to the estate is an impossible burden on the industry. I would like to ask why is such an impossible regulation maintained, and why is there this difference in this matter of the treatment of native labour between one territory and another? Is it the intention of the Colonial Office to discourage the plantation business in Tanganyika? If so, would it not be better to say, quite frankly, that the policy of the Government is opposed to plantation work?
I should also like to say a word about the land question. I am not satisfied that the native rights in the various territories are equally well considered. I hesitate to repeat the stories told to me in East Africa, or to suggest remedies, because I do not feel myself competent to deal with so thorny a subject. Anyone who has read the excellent work of Sir Frederick Lugard on "The Dual Mandate in Tropical Africa" will realise the complexity of this question. I suggest that under a High Commissioner native interests would give less cause for anxiety in this country. I should also like to say something with regard to education and medical service among the natives. I do not think that enough money is spent on these two objects out of native revenues. I think that under a system of federated services much more could be done in this direction than will ever be done by individual local governments. I believe that, together with transport development, nothing will so greatly tend to the advancement of the prosperity of East Africa as a persistent determination to care for native health and education.
I cannot close without saying a few words about the white settler question. In this country some of us are too much in the habit of looking upon white settlers in Kenya either as the enemies of native rights or the victims of an Africanisation policy which is being forced upon the country. Both these views are entirely wrong. Those who know the white settlers can attest that to no part of the world has this country sent out a finer body of representative Britons as pioneers. It need not be assumed that they, any more than other British pioneers in the Eastern and Western hemispheres, will fail at times to make some mistakes and to show impatience when they are struggling with difficulties that are not appreciated here. Let me remind their critics that these settlers have rights as well as duties.
I will not enter into a discussion of the relative merits of native protection, white settlement in the highlands, and plantation work in native tropical areas that are quite unsuitable for white settlement, but which will never be developed by native populations without white money and particularly without white supervision, But I will say that all three are, in my opinion, indispensable for the proper economic prosperity of East Africa, that not one of them need preclude the other two, and that any Government that fails to hold the balance and afford a fair opportunity for all three systems will fail to get the most out of East Africa. None of them is incompatible with a persistent determination to care for the material and the moral advancement of the natives.
No one realises more acutely than myself that when the principle of federation is accepted the difficulty of application remains. Leaving minor questions on one side, there are two very real problems to be solved. The first problem is the question of the powers to be vested in the High Commissioner or Governor-General, his responsibility to the Colonial Office on one side, and his relations with the local administration on the other side. Let me say, quite clearly, that I do not suggest for a moment that his powers should in any way diminish the responsibility or supersede the authority of the Colonial Office; but I do say that he is badly required in East Africa in order to see that the broad lines of policy laid down by the Government of this country, with the support of the House of Commons, are consistently carried out. And the second is this. No form of federated Government can be usefully devised or implanted without the whole-hearted support of those whom it is intended to benefit, and of those who will be chiefly concerned in making of it a success. It is for this reason that my Resolution urges that, before a decision is reached, the Secretary of State should send out a Commission, as soon as possible, in order to consider on the spot, and with those concerned, the practicability of federating, in the general interests of East Africa, those services which most readily lend themselves to co-ordination. Federation would then come in its own good time.
I beg to second the Motion.
It gives me great satisfaction to second the Motion which has been proposed so ably by my hon. Friend the Member for Blackburn. He has this great advantage over me, that he was in East Africa only a, comparatively few months ago, the year before last, while I have not visited East Africa for 12 years; and a great many things have happened in 12 years. But I also count it a privilege to second the Motion of my hon. Friend because he is doing, through the new Joint East Africa Board over here, a very useful work in bringing together various commercial and mercantile interests interested in East Africa, to endeavour for the first time in history to set right some of those matters of complaint in reference to East Africa which were brought home so forcibly at the Imperial Economic Conference by Sir Halford McKinder. The right hon. Gentleman, the Secretary of State for the Colonies, this week has taken over for the first time another 1,000,000 African natives and another large territory, because on the 1st of April the British South Africa Company handed over to the administration of the Colonial Office Northern Rhodesia—North Eastern Rhodesia and North Western Rhodesia.— and the area covered by this Motion is not merely Zanzibar, Kenya and Uganda, but also includes Tanganyika territory, Nyasaland and Northern Rhodesia, and forms a continuous contiguous belt of territory a million square miles in extent, with 12,000,000 inhabitants, practically all of them, except a few thousand Europeans and a few thousand Asiatics, African natives, and the development of that vast area, for which we are responsible in this House, and for which the Secretary of State is responsible to this House, forms an Imperial responsibility and an Imperial opportunity of the first magnitude.
The hon. Gentleman talks about North Eastern and North Western Rhodesia, but the Motion refers only to Northern Rhodesia.
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We put that in particularly because it is admittedly a very open question as to whether the future of North Western Rhodesia lies with Southern Rhodesia, but North Eastern Rhodesia, the strip from the Congo down to the Zambesi, lies with the rest of East Africa whatever may happen to the western half of Northern Rhodesia. This continuous belt is economically, educationally and socially very backward compared with any other part of the British Empire, always excepting British Guiana. To give an example: the revenue per head —and the taxation is very high in East Africa, considering the means of the population—throughout the East African territory is 9s. a year, and the exports per head are 14s. per year. Compare that with the Gold Coast, a puely native producing territory with practically no European production at all, with a revenue of 24s. per head of the population and exports of 62s. per head. The economic progress that has been made in West Africa in recent years has altogether outstripped the progress that has been made in East Africa.
The real wealth of any country is the productive capacity of its population, the quality and the amount of the production, and the real advance of East Africa can only come through an increased productive power of the whole of its 12,000,000 inhabitants. The moral and material progress of the African native is bound up with his economic progress, and it is essential that we should realise our Imperial responsibility in helping forward the economic evolution of the 12,000,000 population of East Africa. Experience has shown in other parts of Africa, as well as in East Africa itself, that the best line of advance, at any rate at first, is the development of the African as a producer on his own account. That is particularly so in the case of crops like cotton. Efforts have been made to produce cotton on the plantation system, but they have not been very successful, and you want to get the whole of the primitive, backward African family of all ages to work on the job, each on his own little plot of cotton, if you are to get results in the first instance. East Africa, this great strip of country together with the Sudan, is climatically, in soil and population, the great potential source, of in increased cotton crop in the world. Taking all foreign countries and all the Empire, the greatest opportunity for producing a stimulation of cotton development is in East Africa.
I agree entirely with my hon. Friend who moved the Motion, that there is no reason why that policy should be in any way inconsistent with or opposed to such plantation interests as can exist in East Africa. We have to remember that the bulk of the territory between the Zambesi and the frontiers of Abyssinia is wholly tropical in character. Small portions of it are sub-tropical and even smaller portions of it are what you might call non-tropical. There is just that one-tenth of the area of Kenya, the Kenya Highlands, the Kilimandjaro country and Tanganyika, and the railway strip of Northern Rhodesia, and the Shire Highlands of Nyasaland, which practically alone out of this vast area are really suitable for close white settlement, or settlement with any race of agricultural producers other than the African native. If the bulk of the territory is to be developed effectively, both in the interests of the natives, and, to take the other side of the dual mandate, in the interests of civilisation, which wants the raw material and trade of Africa, there must be greater stimulus of native production. That can be done only by a policy consistently carried out by successive Governors and successive Secretaries of State. It can be done only by the expenditure of money.
East Africa is suffering to-day from the literal starvation of its transport development and medical and educational services. These are the three services which urgently require money. That money cannot be obtained by further taxation of the existing populations of those territories. If there is one thing which moves in the direction of something in the nature of federation, however difficult that may be to work out, it is the absolute necessity of getting out of the appalling financial rut in which, at any rate, Northern Rhodesia, Nyasaland and Tanganyika seem to be to-day. It is impossible under existing conditions for any of these territories or for Uganda to raise a loan. The only part of East Africa that can raise a loan now is Kenya, unless, of course, you introduce a special Bill giving a special Imperial Government guarantee. We know the difficulties.
What is the position? Attempts are being made in a country like Tanganyika Territory, where we have a special responsibility for the administration of an ex-German colony with which we are charged, to carry on capital expenditure in development and in any progressive service out of the money, exiguous revenue, out of shillings that are wrung with the greatest difficulty by Colonial Secretaries from a reluctant Treasury. The grants-in-aid system at present means that you cannot get a trusteeship-which we are always talking about—our trust for the development of the native and for these great territories—put into practice, because you cannot get the money to build the schools and provide the doctors and hospitals and railways and roads and various technical services for developing cotton growing and all the rest. It can be done only by some unification, by some special mission of inquiry, by all parties co-operating and realising the imperative responsibility of getting the Treasury of this country to do what is absolutely necessary. I know that the Chancellor of the Exchequer has about £42,000,000 of surplus this year. If he had spent a few thousands of that in addition to what has been spent—
You earmarked it.
I earmarked a certain portion of it for Uganda, but I had an awful struggle to get it We did not know what the surplus was to be. But a little bit more could have been devoted to this object. We would then have had orders in this country for making railway materials and the like. We would have had a great development out there, a reciprocal trade that would have paid hand over fist. You cannot promise that you will always be able to finance the development of our imperial heritage and responsibility out of surplus balances. My hope is that, if you can get some more effective unit and some greater continuity of established policy in East Africa, taking these territories as a whole, the Cabinet—it may be this or the next or the one after the next—will be able to come to this House, and say, "We will guarantee a loan of £10,000,000 to be spent by the Secretary of State for the Colonies at his discretion on the development of these territories, and we guarantee the principal and interest for 10 years until the results are seen." It would pay hand over fist.
At present we are carrying on a pennywise and pound-foolish policy. At the present rate Tanganyika will require a grant-in-aid every year, and you will not get any "forrarder." If you spend £200,000 a year, as you do now, on grants-in-aid in Tanganyika, you will spend it for ever. If you spend £5,000,000 you will get a profit out of the Colony by putting it on its feet again. We talk about our trusteeship for these territories. How are we going to put it into practice? I am certain that you cannot do these things by edicts from Downing Street. No more than myself can the right hon. Gentleman the Colonial Secretary sit with his very able officials—very able they are—and concoct a plan and say, "Oh, well, even if we had the money the railway ought to go here or go there," or, "We ought to spend so much on cotton development here or coffee and sisal there." You can only do it by a special mission to these countries. My hon. Friend has pointed out the divergencies, the overlapping, and the need for co-ordination, for unification of services—medical services, veterinary services and the like—because there is nothing worse than for a new official to got stuck in one of these territories, with no adequate interchange. That is what tends to happen now, particularly in Tanganyika. It is suffering to-day from the fact that this is a new country taken over after the War, and it has had to get a scratch lot of men where they could get them—men who have not belonged to that particular service in the past
The only hope in East Africa as a whole is to have one Civil Service, one Medical Service, one Veterinary Service, one Agricultural Service, and especially one Native Commissioner Service. We want this Mission. We want it to go out as soon as possible, not to talk politics, but to talk business and practical administration, and to see whether the Secretary for the Colonies can be helped and the Imperial Parliament advised to assist in bringing about greater development and progress. My hon. Friend has referred to the Rufigi Valley. My own views for what they are worth are that it is urgently necessary to connect up Nyasaland and Lake Nyasa with the Central Railway from Dar-es-Salaam to Kigoma. That view is only the result of a visit to the country, of casual conversation, of examination of the map and that kind of thing. This matter requires an expert Commission on the spot, and I think it is up to us who proposed this Motion to tell the right hon. Gentleman what sort of at Commission we have in mind.
As to the terms of reference, let them be as wide as you like, and let the report be made to the right hon. Gentleman himself. This House must have the final word in criticism of whatever he decides on their report. Let them report to him as to how best to develop British possessions in East Africa; how best to put into effect all we have been saying in the last few years about our duty and trusteeship to the African native, and how best to get a really enthused Civil Service such as we have in many parts of West Africa to-day. So much as to the terms of reference. Now as to the composition of the Commission. At the head of this Commission there should be a man of first-rate administrative experience, and if I may make so bold, I would suggest that the right hon. Gentleman should ask Sir Hugh Clifford, the Governor of Nigeria, to take an extra five months' leave and do this job.
May I suggest that as I am going to speak very definitely about the Commission I do not think it would help to mention names. Lest there should be difficulties and lest it might lead to misunderstanding, I should prefer no mention of names.
Perhaps I should not have mentioned any names, but I wished to indicate somebody of that type, some first-rate African administrator. That is the kind of man we want to have at the head of the Commission, and if you want to send put Members of Parliament send them out under him. With him, we should send a good railway man and a good cotton man. If you are to get a real move on in this matter you will have to get private enterprise interested as well as State enterprise. We must try to get Lancashire interested in the development of East Africa. We have the opportunity of doing so and it will be wholly to the good if we avail ourselves of it. I have seen at the Colonial Office the value of the Manchester and Liverpool Chambers of Commerce in connection with West African development, and the great work which the merchants of Manchester and Liverpool have done in connection with development of West Africa. I want to see the same interest taken in East Africa by these extremely go-ahead hard-headed, plain-thinking men. The other thing we want this Commission to do is to get some continuity. We shall never make progress in these countries unless we get continuity between successive Governments and successive Secretarys of State. It is absolutely essential.
Finally, I go back to the point as to the very special position of the Tanganyika territory. It is the largest and most populous of these territories. If we do not look out it is going to earn the name of the Cinderella of the British Empire, which I admit is at present claimed by British Guiana. We have had that for 100 years, and have done nothing about it, and there is a terrible danger that, in the eyes of the world, we may not make as good a showing as we ought to in Tanganyika territory. I agree it is a tremendous problem. The destruction that took place in the War during the long Von Lettow campaign is tremendous, and the leeway to be made up is very great. The native problem is even more difficult in Tanganyika than in any of the other territories. We cannot rest upon our oars and feel quite satisfied with what has gone on in the last three years. We have a special trust under Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations and I would say that the two most important State documents in the consideration of this problem, that have emanated in the last few years are Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations and the references to native policy in the White Paper—Command Paper No. 1922—of last year. If these two documents are to be our guide, what we now want is a Commission of Inquiry on the spot to consult with official and unofficial opinion, to bring that opinion to the Secretary of State and advise as to how best these two documents can be put into the most practical effect.
I have listened with the greatest interest, as I am sure has the whole House, to the speeches of the Mover and Seconder of this Motion, and they have raised an extraordinarily important item of Colonial policy and of Empire policy. It is not being raised for the first time. I dare say hon. Members will recollect that Mr. Winston Churchill at an East African dinner in 1922 referred to this project and used these words: From this it would appear that Mr. Winston Churchill at that time had the idea of a great white East African Colony which, as the hon. Gentleman who has just sat down knows, is an impossibility. With the consent of the House I propose to deal with this question from a different point of view. We have looked at it from the point of view of the development of the Empire as it affects Great Britain. I suggest there is an entirely different point of view from which we ought to regard this problem, and that is the point of view of the Empire as a whole, and especially the point of view of the Indian Empire. As the House is aware, I am connected with an Indian colonists' committee, but I am not now speaking in my capacity as a member of that committee; I am speaking as a Member of this House, and anything I say has no reference whatever to that committee. I speak on my own behalf entirely.
The population of the territory which has been referred to by the hon. Member for Blackburn (Sir S. Henn) and by the hon. Member for Stafford (Mr. Ormsby-Gore) is some twelve millions, of which sixteen thousand are whites and fifty-four thousand are Indians. Hon. Members will remember that last year in July on the Colonial Vote we had a long and interesting discussion on the Kenya question. The speech to which most attention was attracted was that made by the hon. Member for Swindon (Mr. Mitchell Banks), a speech which at the time, and ever since, I have very sincerely regretted, and which I think many Members of this House very much regretted, owing to the false aspect in which the whole proposition was placed by the hon. Member in that speech. That speech created more difficulty for us in India than any other speech in this House within the last 12 months. The Indian has a very close and intimate interest in this question which we are discussing to-night. He served in Africa a function which is not served by any other body. He has an economic position and an economic function which are not served by the African or by the European. He is the small trader; he is the carpenter; he is the mechanic; he is the clerk on the railway; and the engine driver.
All these minor posts, which are so important for the development of any Colony are, at the present time, performed by the Indian. This is eminently the case in Kenya and in Uganda. A third of the cotton from Uganda goes to India. The Indian possesses cotton mills, in which the cotton is ginned before export, and his interests in Uganda are exceedingly extensive. Then we turn to Tanganyika, we find him as a settler and planter. He has bought ex-enemy plantations there. It is the same wherever you look over the Empire; the Indian has been one of our agencies of development in very many quarters. In Fiji it is due to the Indian that we have sugar. In British Guiana it is the same. In Ceylon tea is due to the Indian, and in Malaya the rubber. He is a very useful and important element in our Empire development. How has he been treated by this Empire of ours? In Australia he is not admitted. In Canada he is not admitted. There are some Indians still in Canada, but the majority have been induced to leave. In Fiji he has been so treated that the Indian Government refuses to allow him to emigrate to Fiji.
I feel I am entitled to make an appeal to my hon. Friend. My difficulty will be this. I cannot possibly, for reasons that he knows, reply to these statements in his speech, which may be interpreted by his Friends as ignoring them. I do not desire to do that. He knows perfectly well that I could not possibly reply to any statements such as he is now making, for reasons which he knows, and I would ask him, in the interests of the cause he so well represents, neither to put himself nor me in that unfortunate position.
On a point of Order. I thought it was out of order to touch upon the Indian question, or I would have done so myself in my speech.
I regret exceedingly if my remarks can be interpreted in that way. My point is this—that the Indian is feeling that he is being squeezed out of certain openings which he has in Africa. He has an opening in Tanganyika. Under the mandate of the League of Nations he has an equal chance with everybody else in Tanganyika. He has an opening in Uganda. What he feels is this—that if the policy which has been already adopted in the case of the Kenya Colony, after this amalgamation, if the amalgamation is allowed, is extended to these other territories he will be left out.
I am not going to press these cases, but I want to represent that as being the Indian feeling on the subject at the present time. [An HON. MEMBER: "Has it any bearing on the Motion?"] It has a distinct bearing on the Motion. I have no doubt Mr. Deputy-Speaker will stop me if I am out of order. The Indian is an important element in the problem, and when this is considered it is essential that the Indian point of view should also be considered, and that steps should be taken to prevent any possibility of openings which at present exist for the Indian being closed owing to the amalgamation of these territories. The hon. and gallant Member who seconded this Motion suggested the composition of this Commission. I would suggest for the right hon. Gentleman's consideration that when this Commission is constituted, if constituted it be, that some member should be put on it with knowledge of Indian affairs, in order to watch over the Indian interests in the matter. That, surely, is a request which one is entitled to make, not with any suggestion that the Commission as a whole would go out ignorant or careless of Indian interests, but in order to ensure that India, which at the present time, as the House knows, is in an exceedingly anxious and dangerous state, shall realise that her interests are not being forgotten in this matter, but that the Imperial Government has the same interest in India and the same affection for India as she has for the British East African colonists.
I am sure the whole House owes a debt of thanks to the hon. Member for Blackburn (Sir S. Henn) for having taken this opportunity of putting down this Motion for discussion to-night. It has given the House the advantage of hearing a very well-informed speech, highly packed with facts of the greatest importance, and it has given the House also the advantage of hearing the very interesting speech of the Seconder of the Motion. Perhaps the hon. Member who moved went a little ahead of the actual Motion on the Paper. He spoke at some considerable length about the amalgamation of these territories in East Africa, but the Motion is only to urge for an inquiry with a view to seeing what may ultimately be done—whether it is amalgamation, or whether it is federation, or Whether it is some looser co-ordination, under some intermediate authority, between the Governors and the Imperial Government at home. I saw in the "Times" the other day a telegram from the Nairobi correspondent, who spoke of "Sir Sydney Henn's Motion for amalgamation." It struck me in the same light as being rather in advance of the position at which we have arrived at the present moment.
At the same time, I think we ought to take notice of the feeling that has been aroused in the Colony by the introduction of the Motion. It has unsettled the Colony very considerably. We all know only too well that the settlement which was hoped for last year has not really taken place in the way that we should like to see it, and any talk of alteration makes people prick up their ears and want to know what is really in the air and what is likely to take place. Therefore, I should like to suggest that we should proceed very much with caution in this matter. I am sure it is not the habit of the Colonial Office to proceed violently and without caution in matters such as these, and I do not think it need be urged upon the present Colonial Secretary, but I would like to point out that we are speaking of very large territories, some of them fairly close together, others scattered over a very considerable proportion of East Africa, and when we look forward to a possible federation or amalgamation we have to take the geography of the places into consideration.
I very much doubt whether North East Rhodesia and Nyasaland could ever be combined, at any rate in the near future, with any improvement of administration, with the other four territories of East Africa. Of course, communications will improve, but I had some experience of the difficulties myself when I was there. I happened to be President of the Court of Appeal which had jurisdiction over Nyasaland, as well as over the other territories, with the exception of Tanganyika, and the great difficulty that we experienced in getting communications and papers from Nyasaland, the great time that always had to elapse, made the actual business of carrying on one's work exceedingly difficult. If we have in the future someone in the nature of a High Commissioner who keeps his fingers on all these various Protectorates and territories and Colonies out there, it will be very necessary that such a person should be mobile. It would be fatal if he set up his headquarters in any one territory or Protectorate. Now when you come to make a person like that mobile, and to make him travel between North Eastern Rhodesia and Nyasaland, and Zanzibar, Pemba, Kenya, Uganda and Tanganyika, he will have very little time to sit down at all, especially when he ought to be part of the time every year at home, so I think that is a factor which we shall have to take into consideration—the very great difficulty that geography adds to any effort that will be made for any close amalgamation or federation of these territories.
That, however, does not, of course, affect a move towards a unity of policy. A unity of policy with regard to natives, railway administration, and other matters may be achieved really from headquarters, without the necessity for a Commissioner, although there is a great advantage that a High Commissioner would add. I have spoken of the similarity of the four main territories of East Africa, that is, excluding North Eastern Rhodesia and Nyasaland, but I would like now to draw attention to the very great dissimilarity of one portion of Kenya. The House will observe that I have placed on the Paper an Amendment to add to the Motion these words: might be a great advantage, not only to the highlands of Kenya themselves, but to the whole Empire, if it were possible to form the highlands into a separate administrative area. When we are discussing a Motion such as this, I think it is very desirable that we should turn our attention for a few minutes to this particular subject.
I spoke of the dissimilarity of the highlands, and I have only to point to this fact: In those, highlands there are something like 8,000 Europeans. They are in the middle of 10,000,000 blacks, they are in an area which has been reserved, they are there with political aspirations of their own, they look forward to controlling their own destinies, they form a white oasis in the middle of black Africa, which will always be there, and which we hope will have a flourishing future, and should we not at this moment, when we are beginning to consider how we are to deal with all that great black mass surrounding, consider whether we should not cut out this area? I admit that there are difficulties in the way, but there are great advantages that would follow from doing it. The settlement that we have at present is, as I said just now, hardly what we can call, with any honesty, a permanent settlement, and surely for the future development of those countries the very best object to which we can turn our attention is to secure a permanent settlement, something which will give us a basis on which we can build for the future, If you remove the causes of friction which exist now, you are more likely to get that permanent basis for the future.
I will ask the House to look for a moment at the effects that would follow, supposing a separate colony were made of the highlands. There would be no reason why that colony should not be endowed with sufficient cash to start it —it has land enough to start it now—and put in a position in which it could look forward in the future to really becoming a self-governing colony. One effect of that would be to remove a danger which is present in the minds of many people in this country, and that is of a small white settlement in Africa exercising a dominating influence over the large black mass surrounding them, an influence which, we think, should be controlled from home rather than controlled by a small white settlement of farmers in East Africa. Then, again, supposing that colony were to be set up, that would throw the rest of Kenya open. There would no longer be any fear on the part of the white settler of his being swamped by immigration. The advantages from that point of view are great, and the advantage of securing a unity of administration as regards the native populations in that area and in the surrounding colonies and protectorates is great also. Seeing how great these advantages are, I think it is certainly a, matter which we should take into our serious consideration, however great the difficulties there, whether they cannot be surmounted, and that is why I suggest that, if this Commission be appointed, this matter should not be left out of the terms of reference on which it is appointed.
The hon. Member for Blackburn spoke of the great material advantages that would accrue from unity of policy in various directions, but I need hardly re mind this House that it is not by increased production of cotton alone, not by building railways, not by unity of customs, that we can fully discharge our responsibilities as rulers in Africa. There is a new spirit abroad that was given effect to in that weighty White Paper published less than 12 months ago, and it is in the hope of seeing those sentiments translated into deeds that I give my sincere support to the Motion and commend it to the consideration of the House.
The last words of the Motion press upon the consideration of the Colonial Secretary the desirability of sending out to East Africa this year a special Commission. I have come to the conclusion, also somewhat reluctantly, that it is the only way by which one can deal adequately with a situation like that in East Africa at this moment. I do not want to deal in detail with the large questions that are involved. One of them at least it would be exceedingly inadvisable and impolitic to deal with to-night. But there are all these questions, which all form a nexus, and must be dealt with together. The question of nationalities, European, Indian, and, above all, African; the question of the economic possibilities of the whole of those territories in East Africa and, lastly, the administrative ques- tions—and administrative questions of extraordinary difficulty in Colonial government which will arise in trying to deal with these questions comprehensively. The only thing I would press as being supremely necessary is that, if we are going to deal with these questions properly, we must give each their due importance. But we have also got to see them in their proper perspective, to ascertain which are really paramount and which, though important, are subsidiary to the main questions.
If I am not impolitic in saying so tonight, there is governing all the questions out there the one paramount obligation on us to carry out the policy of the White Paper of July last year. I hope I am not to be written down a faddist or a crank, but unless we carry out the policy of the White Paper last year we really stultify ourselves as a Government of tropical dependencies; and to carry it out with regard to the Africans does not involve only a negative but also a positive and constructive policy. It means not merely protecting the native by leaving him alone, but seeing that he is really developed both educationally and otherwise to become a responsible member of his community. When one deals with the different questions on this principle, they really fall into their place, important as they are. I think the hon. Member for Blackburn did a service in cautioning us against going to extremes in our attitude with regard to the Europeans. They are neither wholly to blame nor are they without fleck or flaw. They are people who have been encouraged to go there under uncommonly difficult circumstances. They are people of hot temper, strong in themselves, a robustious kind of folk with many good qualities, much like a large number of their critics at home would be—like the Chancellor of the Duchy (Colonel Wedgwood), for example, would be if he were placed there in similar position. I think it would be equally wrong to run to either extreme. We have got to have sympathy and do justice to people placed in their position, and yet that does not for one moment mean that they are to be allowed in the position in which they are placed to dominate the whole of the great territories and dominions, and the Africans out in East Africa.
Passing that very quickly by, may I say that the same is true in spirit with regard to the Indians there too? It is precisely that we want to have full justice done to them as a community and to those who are there that we wish to have a Commission to inquire into the policy of the whole of them. Just one word about the natural wealth of the country which has been alluded to. It does not only consist of cotton, but sisal, maize, coffee and many other products of that kind. There is mineral wealth, from copper and coal down to radium. It is one of the richest territories that could be ruled. At the same time it is a territory that it is right to develop from the general needs of the world. Once again I would urge, that question falls into its place quite naturally, provided that its development is subject always to the one paramount principle of the White Paper. Lastly, may I say, as to the need for a Commission, we shall have, without question, some of the most difficult administrative problems that any Commission or any Government could have to deal with. There is, for one, the whole of the constitutional settlement out there. It is all very well to say that we have got to have a unified control of railways, and of Customs, and probably of native affairs, and I would say, too, of agriculture if you are going to deal with it properly, and of many Departments, at any rate, of public health. But anyone who has been in the Colonial Office knows how difficult arrangements very often are, with the best good-will on both sides, between the Colonial Office and the local administration. If you are going to have a High Commissioner who is going to correlate services out there to deal with the other local governors, so as to prevent you having four or five or six watertight compartments as before, the settlements of relation between these coordinated services, the local governor, the High Commissioner and the Colonial Office, will not be a very easy one to arrange.
It is for that reason that somewhat reluctantly I have become myself absolutely convinced that a Commission of some sort is quite essential. In regard to the Commission there has been some confusion of ideas. Some have had in mind a Commission of Inquiry only of a comparatively small kind. Others have had in mind a supervisory Commission that will continue in London after- wards. The two ideas are not necessarily incompatible. But what is vital in the first place is to have a Commission of Inquiry out there with as little delay as possible. I would only urge three considerations on the Secretary of State for the Colonies on that Commission. In the first place its terms of reference should be as broad and all-inclusive as possible. They should take in such a question as has just been raised by the hon. Member for Orkney and Shetland (Sir K. Hamilton). I am in favour personally of federation, but I would not prejudge that question or any other question but would leave it to a Commission, if you get the right personnel to settle it. I am not quite certain that I agree with the hon. Member for Stafford that you ought to have a colonial administrator as chairman and any person from this House or from the other House or connected with politics as a subordinate. I am rather inclined to think that a man with political views, in a good sense, ought, perhaps, to be chairman, and have at his elbow skilled administrative knowledge of colonial matters.
But let the terms of reference be as broad as possible, and not prejudge any part of the question, whether federation or any other. I would like, if I might, to make the Colonial Secretary a present of the terms of reference, which I would like to see, namely, "To inquire into, and make recommendations regarding, the administration of British Colonies, Protectorates and mandated territories in East Africa, with a view to securing their best development in accordance with the principles enunciated in the White Paper of July, 1923." I would like something as broad as that. Secondly, may I suggest that, while it should be as broad as possible, and no question be prejudged, the main question is the overriding importance of fulfilling our obligations under the White Paper. I do not know whether many hon. Members have read Price Collier's interesting book on "England and the English." I remember one sentence—
Lastly, may I urge again that there should not be any prolonged delay? There may be a respite for a month or two, but a year or two—no. The question is really crystallising as we speak what with difficulties as regards nationalities and other questions we have to face there. The consequence is that it must be settled soon, or else inaction will carry with it just as much responsibility for anything that may happen in the future as wrong action. That is why I would appeal to the Colonial Secretary to set it up quickly. Most of us have some sort of reluctance to deal in public with matters about which we feel at all keenly, and yet, at certain intervals, perhaps, it may be almost necessary. Perhaps I may be allowed to refer to a speech made in the House of Commons a century and a quarter ago, not in the same conditions, but in conditions similar in principle. It was by. William Pitt, on the occasion of the great Debate on the Motion of Wilberforce for the abolition of the Slave Trade. We are in principle in a similar position. Then the Debate lasted all night. No one know which way Pitt was going to speak until he rose in his place just as the dawn was beginning again in the House, and, if the House will allow me, I will quote the words he then used, in rather more florid style than would be used today, but none the less impressive for all that—
Those words, as I say, were heard a century and a quarter ago. The problems in form are different, but the fundamental question which we have to decide is the same. It is that to which I would ask the Secretary of State for the Colonies to pay heed, as I know he will. I would, however, once again press upon him, that really time is of the essence of the matter. You cannot stand still now. Matters, as I have said, are really crystallising as we think about them.
One cannot help being immensely impressed by the calm atmosphere of the Debate to-night. Last evening we were dealing with what some called "a few evictions." There were party faction, strong language, and, ultimately, excitement in the Division. But to-night we can forget parties, and approach a question of this magnitude as it ought to be approached, free from party prejudice, free from party considerations, and with a. single-minded desire to do justice to those whom we are entrusted with the responsibility of looking after. I think one can not only be pleased with the atmosphere, but it must at least show that in this House of Commons there are, in all parts, people genuinely anxious, however they may differ in detail, to do the right and proper thing in all circumstances. I do not know why my hon. Friend the Member for Stafford (Mr. Ormsby-Gore) should remind me that on a certain day I was entrusted with the care and destiny of another million people, because he was sufficiently unkind to observe that that new trust came to me on the 1st April, and I could not quite gather whether it was a compliment to me or to the unfortunate people. While he himself felt at a disadvantage as compared with the Mover of the Resolution, inasmuch as the Mover had recently visited East Africa, but he himself had not visited East Africa, for 12 years, I have only to observe that both of them have a very decided advantage over me, as I am looking forward to it in the future rather than talking of my experiences.
We have to examine the tremendous importance of the problem itself. We are dealing, roughly, with 35,000,000 people in East and West Africa, an area of 1,635,000 square miles, and when folks talk, as some do, about the difference between white, and brown, and black, so far as this House is concerned, we make no distinction whatever. In fact, difficult as is this problem, one of the most distinguished and public-spirited civil servants, in dealing with Nigeria, made this comment to me:
I mentioned a few minutes ago what the acreage was. I think it is best illustrated by drawing attention to the fact that the territories of Kenya, Uganda, Zanzibar and Tanganyika comprise an area which is larger than the United Kingdom, France, Italy, Germany, Austria and Switzerland combined. That brings home to Members in all parts of the House the tremendous possibilities of this country. Let us for a moment consider its economic possibilities, because, while there were in the last discussion on the Estimates criticisms as to the optimistic forecast I made as to cotton-growing, the output of cotton from East Africa this year will probably be about 100,000 bales, and if the railway and other development is definitely pursued, it is estimated that in ten years' time that 100,000 will be 500,000. I emphasise that for this reason, that whatever differences there may be on fiscal matters, there can be no difference of opinion that the more self-supporting we are within the Empire the better for all concerned. I cannot too strongly emphasise that particular fact.
My hon. Friend (Sir A. Steel-Maitland) touched the real object of this Motion when he said that the first and paramount consideration is not only to give effect to what is called the White Paper, but to give effect to the underlying principles of the White Paper. I want to say quite frankly that, as I stated in a public speech about a month ago, I was convinced that the underlying principle of the White Paper was that we had a trust and that our obligation was a trust to the nation. I understand that the object of this Motion is that I should appoint a Commission to investigate on the spot the whole situation, but, curiously enough, while this Motion deals1 with a Commission of investigation, a large number of Members in this House and outside feel that that in itself is not sufficient. Representations have been made to and impressed upon me to also appoint a Committee to examine every aspect of this question and advise the Minister responsible. I want to make one or two observations. I have come to the conclusion first, that a Committee could and should be appointed, but I am equally satisfied that it must not be a mass meeting. It is not to be a debating society, and it is not merely to be a Committee of people with particular fads, but it is to be a real Committee not only with knowledge of the subject, non party in character, representative of all sections in this House and outside, but whose function is limited, and must be limited, to giving advice to the Minister who alone must be responsible. As my hon. Friend (Sir A. Steel-Maitland) said, that in itself need not be inconsistent, and is not inconsistent with the terms of the Motion to-night, because, in addition, I understand, the object is to appoint a Commission to investigate on the spot and report.
I think I ought here to say that, while I am favourably disposed to that, it is subject to the concurrence of the Treasury. I may say that I have found that there is no difference in Chancellors of the Exchequer. They may differ in politics or on policy, but, when it comes to getting money out of them, they are all the same. I hasten to say, as a compliment to my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that he is no exception to the rule. As I say, I am disposed to recommend the appointing of a Commission. In saying that I want to make it perfectly clear that the visit of any Commission to either East or West Africa—and I am not indisposed to consider both, because there is much to be learned with regard to East as there is as to what has happened in West Africa; in fact, I myself, with my very limited knowledge, have come to the conclusion that East Africa ought to be very largely and will ultimately be developed on the lines that West Africa is already—but, in agreeing to that policy, I want to make it perfectly clear that nothing but harm is done by sending commissions, or individuals, or members of a Government in any way which reflects upon the existing administration. It is not only unfair, but it is positively dangerous to send people and convey the impression that they are going there because of some maladministration or some mistake that has been made.
I am quite sure that everyone in this House fully understands that I am taking this opportunity of safeguarding us so that those outside shall not misunderstand or misrepresent what we are doing. I have nothing but admiration for those who are administering East and West Africa, because they are carrying on a difficult job and they are doing it very well. I came to the conclusion very early that you could not sit in Downing Street and give instructions on every point. It is equally true that I wrote a book upon "How to govern the Colonies," but when one of my very efficient staff presented a problem to me I have never yet told them to turn to page 21 for the answer. It is far more difficult than that.
That is why I am so anxious to say in advance that, whilst I am favourably disposed and will recommend the setting up of a Committee and the appointment of a Commission, I do so deliberately without reflecting in any way upon the existing administration or upon any individual, but on the contrary because there is a difficult and delicate problem that must be tackled and faced, and if a visit to the spot and new brains and people examining the problem in all its varying aspects can contribute to a solution, then no Secretary of State should do anything but welcome all the advice he can get in this way. That is the spirit in which I accept this Motion.
I deliberately refrain from making any comment on the very interesting proposal of the hon. Member for Orkney (Sir R. Hamilton) with regard to the Highlands. I content myself by saying that I can see a thousand reasons against it, and none in favour of it at the moment. I can see innumerable difficulties in attempting to give effect to it, and incidentally I think very much that is in the White Paper would have to be torn up the day I attempted to apply it. But that proposal is equally worthy of the consideration of any Commission that is appointed. I do not want advice thrown across the Floor of the House either as to the composition of the Committee or the Commission, because that in itself is undesirable. The terms of reference must be my responsibility, but those terms ought to be sufficiently wide to include every aspect of the question. Therefore I accept on behalf of the Government this Motion as an example to them and to the House generally that I am much more generous than they were last night to me. I always believe in returning good for evil, and as you, Mr. Speaker, have already ruled that the Motion of last night is still alive, I hope that the magnanimous spirit of which I have shown an example will be emulated by all sections of the House.
I think the whole House is very grateful, not only to the hon. Member for Blackburn (Sir S Henn) for giving us an opportunity of taking part in this very interesting discussion, but also to the Secretary of State for accepting the hon. Member's Motion, and for doing so in a speech which was of the greatest interest to all of us, and which, if I may say so, were it added as an appendix to his well-known book, would be looked upon as the best part of its contents. I do not think there is any general impression, on the part of people who are interested in the questions we have been discussing, that this Commission is going out to find fault, bus I feel that the general impression is that these East African territories have now reached a definite new phase in their life, and that the kind of administration which suited them in past days will not suit them now. We are always fond of regarding this country as the Mother Country with her children, and we have to realise that our East African children have now grown out of the baby-clothes' stage, and it is time they went into trousers. I think it is rather in that spirit that the Commssion should go out there, not for the purpose of finding fault in any way, but to see what better methods could be initiated to ensure that these East African territories shall attain greater prosperity and become more highly developed.
During the evening we have listened to extremely interesting speeches, as speeches always are when they come from people who really know their subjects. We have heard speeches from hon. Members who take a commercial interest in the country, and also a speech from the hon. Member for Orkney and Shetland (Sir R. Hamilton), who has been out there for many years in an administrative capacity; and we have heard speeches from those who are responsible for the government of those) territories in the Colonial Office at home. I am afraid I cannot claim to possess any of those excellent qualities, and cannot speak with any very intimate knowledge of this subject, but I have been very anxious to take part in this Debate for two reasons. The first was, that I am a very great supporter of, and enthusiast in regard to, the Empire cotton-growing scheme, and I wanted to see something done to quicken it up. I think that all who are interested in this scheme can congratulate themselves that we have made a very material advance, and that the scheme is going well, but, unless further steps are taken towards the development of those countries, the scheme cannot go so rapidly in the future as we should like.
My other reason for wanting to take part in the Debate was that, after an all too short visit to Kenya and some of the adjacent parts, I was able to realise the great possibilities of those countries; and, while realising their possibilities and envying them their position, I was very appalled and disappointed at the slow rate of development which they are showing. For these reasons I wanted to press the Government to accept the Motion of the hon. Member for Blackburn and to send out this Commission. I am very pleased now to find that, in putting the arguments which I should have put to the Secretary of State, I should have been knocking at a door that was already open. But I am afraid I must emphasise the point made by my hon. Friend the Member for Stafford (Mr. Ormsby-Gore), that it is no use sending out this Commission to report unless the Treasury is then ready to put down the money to assist in this development. We cannot possibly imagine that a mere written Report by a Committee or Commission, however able, is going to build these railways, and we cannot certainly make any very great advance in the development of these East African territories until we develop the communications both of steamer and of railways.
I should like to give the House a few figures with regard to cotton growing in East Africa. The figures given by the Colonial Secretary, according to my information, were only the figures for Uganda. We have made on our own, without the assistance which we are now asking for, considerable strides during the past years. I will give the figures as they are this year and not make comparisons with the past. In Uganda this year we hope the total crop will come to 100,000 bales. If we are able to exploit Uganda properly and to develop the communications we hope eventually to be able to export from there 500,000 bales, an increase of five times. In the same way Nyasaland, which is extremely underdeveloped—only a very few places are reached by the railway—now produces 5,500 bales and we hope in a few years' time, if we have these railways and are able to tap new districts, we shall be able to raise the crop to 100,000. That will not only be of the very greatest advantage to us for getting this raw cotton in Lancashire, and to other industries in the country, because they will have to build and make the material for these railways or steamers, or whatever else is wanted, but also we shall be taking a very active part and living up to the spirit of that White Paper as being trustees for the natives. It has been amply proved that far and away the best way of growing cotton is by the system of the native cultivator, and the more money we can spend in developing these countries and increasing the area under cotton cultivation the better we shall be acting towards the natives of these countries.
I should like again to emphasise a point made earlier in the Debate, that if we are not going to make a sham of that White Paper, if we are really going to live up to what we all insist on our living up to, and intend to live up to, and that is being trustees for the natives, we have to start at once spending more money on native education and native medical services. I am. afraid it has nothing actually to do with the Motion, but I should like to make a plea to the Colonial Office that money should be at once spent in Uganda in trying to do something to counteract the terrible infant mortality which is rife there at present. I should like to say how very much I, and I think the rest of the House, welcome the statement of the Colonial Secretary, because if nothing else comes out of it—I am sure more will come out of it, and the findings of the Committee will be of real service—at any rate we shall get out of it some possibility of continuity of policy. It looks at present as if Governments may possibly follow one another rather quickly. Colonial Secretaries may change, but we must keep the policy the same. I think also that the findings of this Commission will give a definite basis for building up a more co-ordinate administration in our East African territories and for putting them in the way of obtaining that prosperity which the natural resources and richness of the countries should ensure.
We all welcome the announcement which the Secretary of State has made of his willingness to send out a Commission. He has not indicated the terms of reference which he is considering, and it is rather upon that feature which I should like to address the House. I do not think we realise until we have travelled in those territories how immense are the areas, how interesting are the varied problems and how valuable are the assets which these territories contain. We are thinking to-night within the Motion moved by the hon. Member for Blackburn (Sir S. Henn). How few of us realise that the territories we are considering are at least six times the size of France and are occupied by from 12,000,000 to 15,000,000 of people, in all stages of advancement towards civilisation, and all the countries are themselves capable of well-nigh illimitable production, if only we can harness the resources of the countries and can find adequate capital for developing these resources.
If there is one outstanding feature which impresses the student of these territories, it is the lack of uniformity in several directions. The hon. Member for Stafford (Mr. Ormsby-Gore) spoke of the importance of continuity, but I suggest that as important as continuity is the necessity of some measure of uniformity. As you travel through these countries, you see in British territory every system of land tenure and no system at all. You see the most extraordinary variations in such features as taxation, the administration of justice, the interpretation of the educational needs of the people and even in missionary work. If we only consider these territories, running from Uganda away down to Northern Rhodesia, there are scores of difficult land problems and different systems being worked at present, with very little relation to each other. There are land disputes looming in the distance in Uganda. We can only get the vaguest reports of what are the conditions of land tenure in Kenya. In most of these territories the native reserves still remain without satisfactory demarcation.
If we come to the question of production, there, again, we find an extraordinary conflict of opinion, and considerable variation in the direction of production. As the Noble Lord has said, Uganda will give us something like 100,000 bales of cotton this year, which, coupled with the cotton seed, will probably reach the unprecedented total value of £3,000,000. Nothing like that has happened yet in East Africa. We had something similar to that in West Africa where, up to the year 1890, the Gold Coast territory, with a population of only 1,000,000 inhabitants, rent and riven with internecine warfare, was touched by the kindly hand of the Mother Country, and promptly the peoples of that territory started producing cocoa until that territory also to-day produces half the world's supply of cocoa, and is within measurable distance of producing enough to satisfy the entire world demand.
Hon. Members may be interested to know that only three years ago the Gold Coast Government set up a Commission to consider whether or not it should be made a penal offence for natives to plant any more cocoa trees, simply because they were showing such energy in the production of cocoa. In Uganda something very much like that has taken place. At last the peoples of that country have been seized with a sort of fever for growing cotton, with the result that we have the promise this year of 100,000 bales, worth £3,000,000. In Kenya you have an entirely different situation. There they are determined, apparently, to pursue a policy, not of native production, but of European plantation. The desire of all natives is to grow cotton. That is not permitted to-day in that territory. If you go further south again, just over the border in all probability—because we know what has happened—you have got a boundary line cutting a village in half, and in Tanganyika you have got the administration pressing on as fast as it can with the native production of cotton. Therefore in the sphere of producing raw material you have a great many and extraordinary variations.
With regard to the Labour question you have precisely the same thing. In certain territories under the British Crown you will find the natives encouraged to develop their own small holdings, and in other territories a determination to use every form of machinery in order to fasten upon these people a wage system which is entirely alien to the peoples of these countries. In taxation, again, there is the same thing. You have varying rates and forms of taxation until the unfortunate native does not know where he is half the time, and he says that he cannot understand these white men, and why in one territory there is one system and in another territory another system. This leads to nothing but confusion and dissatisfaction. In education you have, again, an extraordinary variation in what this country is doing. I have a few figures which will illustrate this point. In Zanzibar the education rate is 8d. per head; in Kenya it is 6½d.; in Northern Rhodesia it is ½d.; and in Uganda it is 1d. Why, on earth, should Uganda have only 1d. spent on education, while the people of Zanzibar have 8d. per head? There, again, we have evidence of that extraordinary variation which we find in all these territories.
Therefore I hope that when the terms of reference are drawn up they will include all those subjects on which there is to-day such wide variation, so that we may get some uniformity of treatment. One finds that not only in administration but one also finds the most extraordinary variations in missionary work. I doubt whether it would be possible or wise for the right hon. Gentleman to include that, but, as showing the House what an extraordinary variation this is in missionary work, I may mention what I saw one day in a white chapel. Some of us find it pretty hard to keep the Ten Commandments. Hon. Members will agree that if we find it hard, these unfortunate poor people must find it still harder. I found that one ingenious missionary in Central Africa—for the benefit of the Colonial Secretary I say it was not a British colony—had managed to expand the Ten Commandments to 28, and they were hung up in the chapel for the natives to observe.
When my attention was drawn to the fact, my difficulty was that some of the people eat each other.
It is probably so. I can only give my testimony that some of the finest people I have ever met, and some of the most perfect gentlemen amongst them, were, in fact, cannibals. I hope that when the terms of reference are to be drawn the Secretary of State will see his way to include the subject of land tenure, the security of land tenure, which is the most important, the question of education and the medical services, so that all these vital elements in the development of these territories may be levelled up, in order to give us a most virile population and the best systems of land tenure that we can devise, coupled with an education system that will in every respect be worthy of the claim we make, that we hold these territories as a sacred trust on behalf of the natives.
I rise, not in a spirit of criticism or to express any disapproval of what has preceded me in this Debate, but to congratulate the hon. Member for Blackburn (Sir S. Henn) and the right hon. Member for Stafford (Mr. Ormsby-Gore) on introducing a subject which has brought to the House an atmosphere of perfect peace and contentment. I think their services in the interests of Mr. Speaker, and in the interests of the House, ought to be more frequently requisitioned. If they can bring about a state of happiness, contentment and mutual congratulation, they are doing a service much more valuable than any mission can ever hope to accomplish in East Africa. We must learn by experience. What has struck me most in connection with this subject is the extraordinary popularity of the Secretary of State for the Colonies. He has conceded everything that the Mover and the Seconder of the Resolution wanted. I might hold that out as an example for Ministers in future, and then, so far from having the stormy periods which we witnessed yesterday, we shall have perfect peace and contentment, and the life of the Member of Parliament, so far from being disturbed by visions of possible dissolutions, will be such that he can settle down calmly, and though he may go to sleep in the process he will not do any harm even if he does not do any good. I am pleased to find that an effort is being made to send out a Commission to coordinate the various Governments and administrations in East Africa, but the task before such a Commission is colossal, and I beg of the House not to expect too large or too speedy results. It is a tremendous task to bring a territory of such dimensions into anything like coordination, to investigate in such an area the different systems which at present prevail, and to bring recommendations before the Colonial Secretary regarding future administration. The question of communications alone is a tremendous one and that, I presume, is preliminary to any future improvement in the administration of the country.
There is no use going to East Africa with preconceived ideas. The question has to be considered on the spot. I had some 35 years' residence there, mostly associated with native people, and even in the comparatively limited area where I was employed, I found the utmost diversity of types and natures among the natives with whom I came in contact. To recommend a system applicable to the whole of them seems utterly impossible and impracticable. Notwithstanding that, I think it is a right idea to send a Commission to investigate on the spot and report to the Colonial Secretary. It is a step in the right direction, but there is no use bringing home a Report unless it is supplemented by State aid in order to carry out the recommendations of the Commission. The labour and expense of such a Commission will be wasted unless it is immediately supplemented by financial assistance and the other means necessary to bring its recommendations to fruition. I am sure the House is sufficiently impressed with the importance of viewing this question from the standpoint that justice should be done to the natives, and the words of the right hon. Gentleman who spoke at that Box, were none too highly flavoured or too flowery for that subject. It is au idea to which we can all look forward, that the administration of the native races committed to our care should be of such a character that every Britisher can be proud of it. No Commission would bring home recommendations which were contrary to the sentiments and ideas we have heard expressed. I was a little sorry that one dissonant note has been introduced by an hon. Member below the Gangway. It was not necessary. It is a pity that it should have been introduced, because, after all, if one section of the inhabitants of that country is to be represented on the Commission, the same claim can be made for the millions of natives whose interests are more intimately affected than those of a few immigrants, no matter from whence they come or whether they be white or black. I do not want to deal with that subject however, and I have only risen to express my intense pleasure and gratification that the Motion has been so favourably received by the House, and that the Colonial Secretary has so readily responded to the appeal of the Mover and Seconder. I can only hope the result will be satisfactory not only to the two hon. Members and to the House, but to the whole British Empire.
I desire, first of all, to congratulate my hon. Friends on the success of their Motion, and the Colonial Secretary for the spirit in which he has met them; and secondly, to repeat the very sagacious words of warning given to the House by the hon. Member for Holland-with-Boston (Mr. Royce). The aim of this Resolution is to see whether a greater degree of unity in administration may not be possible, but it is necessary to remember that we are dealing with a problem of immense diversity, and it would be fatal to the very objects we have in view if our desire for co-ordination were to result in any attempt at a procrustean uniformity. The hon. Member for North Hackney (Mr. J. Harris) indicated some of the differences among the peoples of that part of the world. You have the old world Moslem population in a place like Zanzibar or the coast region; you have a active go-ahead European population, and you have, further West, the perfect gentleman who loves his neighbour so comprehensively. You cannot treat them all the same. I do not know that you can even apply the same methods of economic development in every case. I entirely agree with the hon. Member for North Hackney that one of the most hopeful things we have seen in the British Empire of our day is the bringing out in native populations of the desire of self-development. The Gold Coast is a marvellous example of what can be done in that direction. There is the very encouraging example of the West Indies, and Uganda is another example. We hope to spread the same kind of thing where-ever we can. On the other hand, I should not go so far as to treat a plantation system or a wage system in certain parts, and for certain forms of development, as in themselves evil things, as long as they are not developed to the point at which they destroy the home life and home cultivation of the native. If the native can go from his reserve, or from his own farm, to plantations and learn something about better cultivation to carry it back, that is all for the good of the country. What has to be watched is, if that system is adopted, that the white man's plantation is not developed to the detriment of even greater possible aggregate development in other parts of the same territory. What we want to see is development and not destructive exploitation.
That brings me to say a word about the position of that white element for which the hon. Member for the Orkney and Shetlands (Sir R. Hamilton) wished to set up some special legislative area. I realise the great difficulties of either geographically or functionally marking off such an area, but I equally realise the important considerations underlying that idea, and the desirability of giving that wonderful virile energetic community a chance of developing on its own lines. Safeguards are needed that the activities of the white man should not be injurious to the native, but given those safeguards, I believe the presence of the white man, whether as missionary, or as planter, or as administrator, can be used in the best interests of the development of the native population. Therefore, the whole attitude of this House towards the white colony in East Africa, while necessarily a watchful one, ought also to be a thoroughly sympathetic one, regarding them as partners with this House in the development of that great territory, and not merely as intruders upon a sphere which we want to reserve jealously for the purely black population.
If I may say one last word, which was suggested by what the hon. Member for North Hackney said about the development of cocoa plantations on the Gold Coast, I do not think we have any idea of the vast possibilities of that East African territory, if once we can get a move on with development—the possibilities of the territory and of the human beings who inhabit it. The Africans have great natural gifts, if they are brought out, and you have a field there in which you can do an immense work from the point of view of trusteeship towards the territory, and also an immense work towards making good at the other end of the world what the old world has suffered in the struggle through which it has passed. We can call new worlds into being to redress the balance of the old. All that we want in that task is courage and vision, and courage and vision, as more than one of my hon. Friends have reminded the House, include financial courage, the willingness to throw our bread—not that it is too abundant in these days—or some of it, on the waters, knowing that with a wise policy the fruit of it will be returned to us a hundredfold.
I wish to suggest to the Colonial Secretary one or two arguments which he may set off against the thousands of reasons which he saw against considering the Amendment which stands on the Paper in the name of my hon. Friend the Member for Orkney and Shetlands (Sir R. Hamilton). The first is the manner in which Kenya is developing. It is developing in the direction of self-government. That is unquestionable. The white population of Kenya have more or less been promised that by an early date—[ Interruption. ] There is no doubt they expect to progress towards becoming a self-governing Colony, at any rate. It seems to me that it would be very difficult to bring about any kind of federation, or something between quasidominion status, protectorate, and mandated territory. Something was said about a Customs union, but how can you have that when the provisions of Article 22 lay down very strict regulations with regard to mandated territories? That seems to me to be a very strong reason in favour of taking out from your prospective federated area that part to which we may expect some kind of self-governing status in a reasonably short time to be granted.
rose in his place, and claimed to move, "That the Question be now put."
Question, "That the Question be now put," put, and agreed to.
Question put accordingly, and agreed to.
Resolved,
"That, in view of the desirability of unity of policy both in administration and development of the territories of Kenya, Uganda, Tanganyika, Zanzibar, Nyasaland, and North-Eastern Rhodesia, and the necessity for a comprehensive scheme of transport development throughout East Africa, this House urges the Secretary of State for the Colonies to send out to East Africa this year a special commission to report to him on the practicability of co-ordinating policy and services throughout the territories, and to advise on the programme of future economic development, especially cotton-growing and railway construction."
Supply
REPORT [3rd April]
Resolutions reported.
Civil Services and Revenue Departments Estimates, 1924–25
Class I
1. "That a sum, not exceeding £796,970, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1925, for Expenditure in respect of Customs and Excise, Inland Revenue, Post Office and Telegraph Buildings in Great Britain, and certain Post Offices abroad."
2. "That a sum, not exceeding £139,180, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1925, for Expenditure in respect of Diplomatic and Consular Buildings."
3. "That a sum, not exceeding £1,199,180, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1925, for Expenditure in respect of sundry Public Buildings in Great Britain, including Historic Buildings, Ancient Monuments, and Brompton Cemetery."
4. "That a sum, not exceeding £210,930, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1925, for Expenditure in respect of Art and Science Buildings, Great Britain."
5. "That a sum, not exceeding £363,490, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1925, for Expenditure in respect of Employment Kxchange and Insurance Buildings, Great Britain (including Ministries of Labour and Health)."
First and Second Resolutions agreed to.
Third Resolution read a Second time.
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House doth agree with the Committee in the said Resolution."
11.0 P.M.
May I ask the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Jowett) whether it has been arranged to take these Resolutions through the usual channels? I have no wish to obstruct the report of Supply. It is very important, and if it be arranged through the usual channels, I should certainly make no objection.
The will is there. There is no objection.
Question put, and agreed to.
Fourth and Fifth Resolutions agreed to.
Pacific Cable Board Bill
Postponed Proceeding resumed on Question, "That the Bill be now read a Second time."
Question again proposed
It being after Eleven of the Clock, the Debate stood adjourned.
Debate to be resumed To-morrow.
Ways and Means
REPORT [7th April]
War Charges (Validity)
Resolution reported,
"That it is expedient to give legal validity to the imposition and levying of certain charges which during the late War certain Government Departments, purporting to act in the execution of duties imposed or in pursuance of powers conferred by the Defence of the Realm Regulations or otherwise, imposed by way of payments required to be made either on, or in connection with, the grant of licences or permits issued, or purporting to be issued, in pursuance of the said powers, or in connection with the control of supplies or of the prices of certain commodities, or for services rendered."
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House doth agree with the Committee in the said Resolution."
May we have a word of explanation? Surely someone in charge is prepared to explain it.
This is merely a formal stage. Yesterday this Money Resolution was debated for something like four hours, and two Divisions were taken on it. It is now brought up for Report, in order to enable a Bill to be printed and introduced, and come on for Second Reading next week.
May I ask some Member of the Government whether this Bill will contain a Clause which will set aside decisions already reached in cases which have been decided in His Majesty's Courts? That is the main point on which objection has been raised to the Bill. If no Clause is authorised by this Resolution, we have no objection to the Government getting the Report stage to-night, but it is very serious that any Government should introduce retrospective legislation which should set aside decisions which have been already reached, after investigation by His Majesty's Judges. I agree that a Bill on general lines which should end this kind of cases has a good deal of justification, and a Bill of that kind, I venture to think, should be introduced into the House, and debated on its merits. But it is going beyond the limits of anything Parliament has authorised, that decisions in Courts of Law should be set aside, and cases reopened and moneys or property transferred about which decisions have already been given in the Courts of the Realm. I hope the Govern- ment will be able to give an. assurance, for which I venture to press now, that no such Clause should be put in the Bill, and then my objection would fall to the ground.
I would remind the House that this very point was discussed at considerable length last night. There has been only one case taken to the highest Court in the land, the House of Lords, and the, Committee decided, on a Division, to insert an Amendment excluding this case. There was one other case which a Court of first instance decided against the Crown, and that is now the subject of appeal, but that case was tried after the Bill had been brought in two years ago, and the Committee discussed the question of whether all judgments should be excluded, and decided by a large majority against such an Amendment of the Resolution. I venture to express considerable sympathy with the view that possibly it may be expedient not to have any Clause in the Bill which would have the effect of overriding any judgment, but it is not so easy to draft anything of that kind as it may seem at first sight, as it is not merely a matter of a single judgment. There are other suits which are pending against the Crown which have reached various stages and which cannot be disconnected with cases that have been decided. Some of these suits have not proceeded beyond the first stage, and there is no question of judgment or of them having a right to be placed on an equal footing with cases which have gone to I judgment. I urge the House not to come to the conclusion that this Resolution should be rejected. The Resolution as it is drafted and presented now on Report does not commit the House to the overriding of any legal judgment. It leaves it open to put in a carefully drafted Clause and to insert an equally carefully drafted Amendment. I ask the House to let the Resolution pass so that the Bill may be introduced and printed, in order that hon. Members may have an opportunity of drafting an appropriate Amendment to carry out the object they have in view, when the whole can be fully reconsidered.
The right hon. Gentleman said just now, and it is perfectly true, that this important decision, which we have in mind and which was mentioned last night, did not come before the King's Bench until the Bill had been introduced; but I desire to point out to him that, so far as the actual proceedings were concerned, the writ in the case was issued a very long time ago, and it was only the fortunes of the particular lists before the Courts that prevented it being heard. In fact, I think it was to suit the Committee and the Attorney-General of the day that the matter was so constantly postponed. I think the parties in that particular case had to wait between one year and two years before their suit was reached. Under the circumstances, I want to put this to my right hon. Friend—because he recognised last night that a definite decision was given so far as the case in the House of Lords was concerned—that, if the difficulties of drafting can be surmounted will he give an undertaking to the House that, so far as the decision in the Bang's Bench was concerned, he will not seek to set that aside? I agree that he has got a case, perhaps a good case, where no judgment in the King's Bench has been given. I do not wish to obstruct the Bill, but I put it to him that, where a definite decision has been given by the High Court of Justice between the parties and the Crown, he should definitely undertake to-night that, providing the difficulties of drafting can be overcome, he will accept that decision and proceed with the Bill on these lines?
I do not think that the matter ends there. The case which has been referred to was one of a group of precisely similar claims one of which was selected as a test case. I hope the right hon. Gentleman will give us an assurance that he will cover the group of precisely similar claims and not only the one that was selected.
I am grateful for what hon. Members have said on this point, because it so admirably illustrates my difficulty and the difficulty anybody must be in when attempting to give any undertaking on this subject. I cannot give any such undertaking, and I would point out that the Committee decided in a very full House that there should not be any Amendment made in this Money Resolution. It means not only one judgment, but it may mean a whole group of cases essentially similar in character, and I must therefore ask the House to let the Resolution stand as it is, and afterwards we may be able to discuss the whole matter on carefully drafted words.
I understand the President of the Board of Trade to say that he would not accept such an Amendment. He now says that it is very difficult to draft proper words. May I suggest, in order to meet this difficulty, that he should omit that Order from the Schedule of the Bill? I think there ought to be a real attempt made to meet this difficulty, but if there is not, then I appeal to the House to consider what a very serious matter this is. In this retrospective legislation, the greatest care must be taken, because one of the parties is the Government itself. When it is a case between two private parties, you expect the Government to be a fair arbiter, but here the Government is making itself the judge in its own case. Successive Governments have introduced Bills of this kind, and there is not much to choose between them. They are all tarred with the same brush. The only thing is that the Labour Government has been a little more conscientious, like the actor who was going to play Othello and blacked himself all over. I do appeal to private Members to protect the rights of the private citizen and refuse to give the Government this power unless they disclaim any intention of overriding a decision which has been given in the Courts.
Question put, and agreed to.
Bill ordered to be brought in upon the said Resolution by Mr. Webb, Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Attorney-General, and Mr. Alexander.
War Charges (Validity) (No. 2) Bill
"to make valid certain charges imposed and levies made during the late War," presented accordingly, and read the First time; to be read a Second time upon Tuesday next, and to be printed. [No. 105.]
The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.
British Empire Exhibition (Treatment of Animals)
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House do now adjourn."— [ Mr. F. Hall. ]
In the few moments left, I will deal with this protest of mine as vigorously as I can. I asked a question the other day as to whether the Government had inquired into the possibility of cruelty arising out of the steer tests and "broncho busting" arranged for Wembley. I have had a very long letter from Mr. Cochrane on the subject, and I have taken a little bit out of one of his supposed "supports" for this wicked cruelty. It has been given to him apparently by a lady whose name I do not propose to mention, though I will give it to the House if hon. Members desire it. It says:
"Riding a steer, broncho-riding and other competitions, by far the more thrilling is steer throwing. The steer is turned loose into the ring. A second later two men ride on either side. Soon they are all going neck and neck together at a breakneck pace. Suddenly the man on the near side leans over and catches the animal by the horns. He leaps clear of the horse and drags the infuriated steer to the ground."
I cannot imagine any woman writing such a letter. One of the tricks of these men is to bite the lips of the animal, and to crush their thumbs into its eyes to bring it to the ground. I have another important point. A gentleman whose name I honour, Lord Lonsdale, according to a weekly publication named "The People," of 30th March, advised Mr. Cochrane as far back as two years ago not to bring this show over to England. Whether that be an authentic statement I do not know, because I am not going to guarantee the Press. It goes on to say:
"We, Lord Lonsdale and 'The People,' urged by letter and cable Mr. Cochrane not to bring the show over, and this was only last winter, 1923."
Also it was at the same time that the Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals protested. They have taken up the case, and are quite prepared to adopt any steps necessary. I maintain that, as it is all a vested interest, and is going to make money out of the whole thing, we, as the British nation, should not allow it.
It is quite impossible for me to deal in one moment adequately with the case of the hon. Member for Wycombe (Lady Terrington). I shall say, however, that anything savouring of cruelty, either to man or beast, ought to be prevented. I realise that we have different points of view as to what constitutes cruelty. When I heard that the hon. Member wished to raise this matter, I immediately put myself in touch with Mr. Cochrane—
"Oh!"
who is the promoter of this show, to ascertain the actual position. I made inquiries not only from him, but from other people, including the High Commissioners of Canada and Australia, and I have letters which I can read from their officials, stating that they have no objection whatever to this rodeo taking place. After all, this is an Empire Exhibition, and not an English exhibition, and these things are seen by our children on the pictures. I have no particular objection, so far as I know now, to the thing taking place, but if there be any cruelty whatever, while it is not within the power of a Government Department to interfere it is within the possibility of any person or any society to take steps to prevent that cruelty taking place. Should that happen, I hope that the contest will be put a stop to; but for the moment, and from the information that I have received and the support given by Empire representatives in this country, I see no reason why we should object to the contest taking place. I am not an expert on rodeos. I do not want to see cruelty taking place, nor anything that may be associated with cruelty, but I am told that these exhibitions and contests are to promote proficiency amongst cowboys in their daily occupation, in which they are engaged for nine months in the year.
It being Half-past Eleven of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER adjourned the House, without Question put, pursuant to the Standing Order.