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Commons Chamber

Volume 172: debated on Thursday 10 April 1924

House of Commons

Thursday, April 10, 1924

[Official Report.]

The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.

Private Business

PROVISIONAL ORDER Bills (Standing Orders applicable thereto complied with),

Mr. SPEAKER laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, That, in the case of the following Bill, referred on the First Reading thereof, the Standing Orders which are applicable thereto have been complied with, namely:—

Ministry of Health Provisional Orders (No. 3) Bill.

Bill to be read a Second time To-morrow.

London County Council (Tramways and Improvements) Bill ( King's Consent signified, )

Bill read the Third time, and passed.

Southampton Harbour Bill ( King's Consent signified, )

Bill read the Third time, and passed.

Stroud Water Bill,

Read the Third time, and passed.

Ministry of Health Provisional Order (Watford Extension) Bill,

As amended, considered; to be read the Third time To-morrow.

Oral Answers to Questions

Ex-Service Men

Trainees' Treatment Allowances

asked the Minister of Pensions whether he is aware that considerable hardship occurs in the cases of pensioners who have finished their training, and find it impossible to maintain themselves and their families on their pensions during the time which elapses between the stoppage of their treatment allowances and their earnings begin in their new occupation; and will he authorise the continuation of family allowances until the pensioner is established in his new occupation?

I have been asked to reply. I understand that the hon. Member has in mind cases of trainees who have completed their training under the Industrial Training Scheme, and have not yet found employment in their trade. Every effort is made to find suitable employment for such men, by means of the special canvassing staff and through the Employment Exchanges where they are registered. I have no power to pay to such men when unemployed any special allowances, in addition to their pensions and such unemployment benefit as they may be entitled to receive.

Is the right hon. Gentleman not aware that there is a serious gap between the time they are drawing their full pay in the new avocation and the stoppage of training allowance, and can he confer with the Minister of Pensions and get some supplementary grant?

I am aware of the facts, and will confer with my right hon. Friend, and see what it is possible to do.

Outdoor Relief

asked the Minister of Health the number of ex-service men now receiving out-door relief; of those resident in workhouses and of those charged on local rates who are in mental institutions?

I would refer the hon. Member to the answer which was given yesterday in reply to the hon. Member for Dartford (Mr. Mills).

Naval and Military Pensions and Grants

Special Grants Committee

asked the Minister of Pensions by whom the members of the Special Grants Committee were appointed; and when their appointments will come up for revision?

I am circulating in the OFFICIAL REPORT a statement giving in detail the information asked for in the first part of this question. Under Section 8 of the War Pensions Act, 1918, the Minister of Pensions has the power, by regulations, to limit the term of office (which must not be less than three years) of members of the Committee, but up to the present this power has not been exercised.

Following is the information promised:

Members of the Special Grants Committee.

Appointed by right hon. G. N. Barnes:

Sir Coles Child, Bart., J.P., D.L.

Sir Bertram Cubitt, K.C.B.

Miss E. H. Kelly, C.B.E., J.P.

Mrs. Reginald McKenna, J.P.

W. L. Marshall, Esq., O.B.E.

Lieut.-General The Hon. Sir Frederick Stopford, K.C.B., K.C.M.G., K.C.V.O.

Dame Ethel Shakespear, D.B.E., D.Sc, J.P.

Appointed by the right hon. Member for Colchester:

Colonel A. D. Acland, C.B.E.

Mrs. Ivor Bevan, O.B.E.

Appointed by the right hon. Member for Ross and Cromarty:

Sir Reginald H. Brade, G.C.B.

Brigadier-General L. Banon, C.B.

S. Chorlton, Esq.

Alderman Hardaker, J.P.

J. H. Knaggs, Esq.

A. G. Webb, Esq.

Trade Schools (Education Grants)

asked the Minister of Pensions whether he is aware that applications made to the special grants committee for education grants to enable children of men killed in the War to attend trade schools have recently been turned down even when supported by the local war pensions committees; and whether this has been done with his sanction?

I would refer my hon. Friend to the answer which I gave on the 7th April to the hon. Member for South Islington, of which I am sending him a copy.

If I send my right hon. Friend particulars of a few specially hard cases of orphans and widows of soldiers and sailors who desire to attend trade schools, will he consider them?

Parents' Pensions

asked the Minister of Pensions whether, in cases where the pension for the loss of an ex-service son has not been continued to the surviving parent, instructions will now be issued for all such pensions to be restored?

I am glad to announce that it has now been decided that a pre-War dependence or flat-rate pension may be transferred to the surviving parent. The necessary amendment of the Royal Warrant will be obtained as soon as possible.

Will the right hon. Gentleman see that this Report is circulated, so that everyone may see it?

Members of Parliament (Correspondence)

asked the Minister of Pensions if he is aware of the dissatisfaction with the excessive delay being at present experienced by Members in obtaining replies from his Department with regard to pension cases brought to his notice; and whether he will take steps to ensure that in future every effort will be made to deal more promptly with grievances which he is asked to inquire into?

As I informed the hon. and gallant Member for Bilston on the 20th ultimo, there has recently been a considerable increase in the number of individual pension cases submitted to me by Members of this House, and many of these require careful consideration or refer to important questions of policy still under consideration. There has been a falling off in the number of such cases during the last few days, and I am, therefore, hopeful of being able to reply more promptly in a large proportion of the cases.

Is it a fact that the Ministry are considering the re-opening of cases which have so far been considered closed?

I am afraid I cannot specifically answer the question which has been indicated.

Private Lunatic Asylums

asked the Home Secretary how many asylums there are in England which are administered for private gain; the number of inmates in these asylums; and how many of the proprietors have degrees in psychological medicine?

There are 56 such institutions in England. On the 1st January, 1924, there were 170 voluntary boarders and 2,797 certified patients resident. Information as to how many of the proporietors have degrees in psychological medicine is not available. My hon. Friend is, no doubt, aware that the proprietors are not necessarily the licensees and need not be medical men.

Will the committee that is inquiring into asylums consider the administration and organisation of private asylums?

I think the hon. Member had better wait till he sees the terms of reference, and then put another question.

Grand Juries

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department if he has received during the year 1923 any protests against the summoning of grand juries at quarter sessions and assizes?

Protests have been received at the Home Office during 1923 from the quarter sessions of two counties and two boroughs.

Girl Prisoners (Holloway Prison)

asked the Home Secretary whether, seeing that the girls now serving Borstal sentences in Holloway prison are confined in an ordinary wing of that gaol and have only a prison yard in which to take exercise, though many of the girls are undergoing long sentences, he will consider the advisability of removing these young people to a more suitable place of detention where they could receive a more efficient training and one more in keeping with the objects of the Borstal system.

As already explained in reply to previous questions, the girls at Holloway are all girls who have not proved amenable to the normal regime at Aylesbury. They are few in number, I am glad to say, and are provided with the most suitable accommodation available. Each case is specially considered with a view to discharge after five months at Holloway.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that these girls have only a kind of prison yard in which to exercise and they are also in a part of the prison which was formerly used for ordinary prisoners, and does be consider this likely to have a beneficial effect on these girls, who are there more for reformation than for punishment?

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that these conditions are not at all consistent with the Borstal system?

Irish Free State Franchise (British Subjects)

asked the Home Secretary whether, considering that it is provided by the Treaty that the status of the Irish Free State shall be the same as that of the Dominion of Canada, the Commonwealth of Australia, the Dominion of New Zealand, and the Union of South Africa, and considering that a British subject going to reside in any part of His Majesty's Dominions is entitled to exercise the Parliamentary franchise on completion of the residentiary qualification, with the exception of the Irish Free State, he will take the necessary steps to debar citizens of the Irish Free State from enjoying the franchise in Great Britain till such time as the authorities of the Irish Free State grant the franchise to British subjects in the Free State?

No, Sir. His Majesty's Government is not prepared to place any obstacle in the way of the acquisition of the franchise in this country by British subjects from the Dominions who may take up their residence here.

What steps does the hon. Gentleman propose to take to put British subjects on an equality with citizens of the Irish Free State in this respect?

Cruelty to Animals

asked the Home Secretary the number of convictions for cruelty to animals in England and Wales during 1922; how many of these convictions were the result of police prosecutions; and how many were the result of action taken by humane societies or private individuals?

The number of convictions for cruelty to animals in England and Wales during 1922 was 4,861. I have no information on the other points.

Isle of Man (Imperial Contribution)

asked the Home Secretary what response has been made by the Isle of Man to the request made by the Imperial authorities for a further financial contribution?

The island was asked to contribute a capital sum of £150,000, and to increase their annual contribution to £150,000. In reply, they have offered to contribute a capital sum of £200,000 on certain conditions, one of which would reduce the sum of £200,000 by a substantial amount.

Are they not prepared to do it annually? An annual sum is asked for.

Clubs

asked the Home Secretary if his attention has been called to the statement of counsel, on behalf of the Commissioners of Police, in a case at Marlborough Street Police Court, that the Commissioners considered that legislation relating to clubs was urgently necessary; and what steps does he propose to take to introduce the legislation which the Commissioners of Police find to be necessary?

Yes, Sir. The possibility of fresh legislation in regard to clubs is engaging the attention of my right hon. Friend, but I cannot at present make any statement in regard to it.

Conviction, Kettering (J. Hart)

asked the Home Secretary if his attention has been called to the sentence of two months' imprisonment with hard labour imposed on the 26th March upon Mr. James Hart by the Kettering magistrates for receiving 2s. worth of rivets which had been stolen; and if, in view of the fact that Mr. Hart is 67 years of age, is recovering from illness, and has no previous convictions against him, he will arrange for his immediate discharge?

My right hon. Friend has had a full report of the facts of this case, and on a careful consideration of them he finds no sufficient ground for recommending any reduction of the sentence. The prisoner admitted having been guilty of receiving stolen property over a long period.

Is my hon. Friend not prepared to recommend to the Home Secretary, copying the example of his predecessor, Mr. Churchill, giving every possible facility for the First Offenders Act?

Is this the first time the man has been charged with receiving stolen property?

Yes, this is the first time he has been charged with an offence, and, of course, the first time he has been convicted.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware of the strong feeling on all sides of the House that this is a case for leniency, and, on consideration, might not this be treated as a first offence?

Is there any case within the hon. Gentleman's knowledge where an old man of 67 for a first offence got such a savage sentence?

I understood the hon. Gentleman to admit that this man had been guilty of a long series of offences before he was convicted. Is that so?

Is it proper that this sentence should be retained because of offences with which he has not been charged?

British Empire Exhibition (Strike Instigators)

asked the Home Secretary if the police intend to arrest the Communist leaders who incited to riot and intimidation the men working at the British Empire Exhibition?

I would refer the hon. Member to the answer given by the Prime Minister on Monday last to the hon. Member for the Isle of Thanet. No proceedings are contemplated.

Murders (Investigation)

asked the Home Secretary whether he proposes to alter the present system which precludes Scotland Yard officers taking up the investigation of murders locally until invited to do so by the police authorities in the district where the murder is committed?

I do not think that the present system could be altered with advantage in the sense indicated.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that certain counties openly boast that they will never call in Scotland Yard?

Would it not be inadvisable to set the provincial detective officers against the detective officers of Scotland Yard, and are not the present arrangements quite satisfactory under which the Scotland Yard officers are available for the localities if they so desire?

My right hon. Friend has all these points in mind when he deals with these cases.

In view of the fact that a criminal at large is a source of danger to the community at large, and not specifically to the locality where the murder was committed, will the Home Secretary insist on the calling in of the advice of Scotland Yard?

Is there any censorship of Press reports in anticipation of investigations being carried out by Scotland Yard, which reports very often give information to people who can help and hide the criminal?

Imprisonment of Youths, Kingston-On-Thames

asked the Home Secretary if his attention has been called to the recent action of the Kingston Borough Bench in sentencing Leonard Hide and William Piper, two Teddington youths, to two months' imprisonment with hard labour for stealing cigarettes, valued 3s., from their employer; and if, in view of the character that William Piper had hitherto borne, he will reduce the sentence?

My right lion. Friend has given the case his most careful consideration, and regrets that, having regard to all the facts before him, he could not see his way to recommend any reduction of the sentence.

Can the hon. Gentleman say whether there is a probation officer attached to this Court?

Is it proper, Mr. Speaker, for this House to discuss the findings of different Courts of Law when this House has no evidence whatever on which to go, whereas the findings have been the result of a full investigation of the cases?

No criticism of magistrates can be allowed in this House. This is a question of the Home Secretary's discretion.

Can the Under-Secretary say what is the age of these two youths?

If I remember rightly they were both under 20. In the case of Piper, I may perhaps be allowed to say from the information I have that it would have been quite competent for the magistrates to have placed him on probation, and that would have been in accordance with the principle adopted by most courts of summary jurisdiction.

Is it not correct that the Home Office have sent out frequent circulars to magistrates requesting them to give the benefit of the First Offenders Act and not to send youths to prison for the first time?

Is it a fact that when Mr. Churchill was Home Secretary his best work was done in pleading that men should be given the benefit of the First Offenders Act?

Is the hon. Member aware that a very strongly-worded petition, signed by large numbers of residents in the district of all classes, has been sent to the Home Secretary petitioning against the severity of the sentence in both cases and not only in the case of the man.

Metropolitan Police

Strength

asked the Home Secretary if he will state, approximately, how many men the Metropolitan Police Force is short of its maximum numbers; and whether, in view of the large number of extra, police required for the British Empire Exhibition, it is proposed to fill up the total force with recruits forthwith?

The force is at present 1.113 below establishment. These vacancies are in part maintained as a measure of economy; the balance are being filled as rapidly as suitable candidates can be secured and trained.

Traffic Duties

asked the Home Secretary what is the approximate number of the Metropolitan Police who are employed on traffic duties only; and can he state what is the percentage of the total police force used for traffic control?

The answer to this question, which appeared on the Paper for the first time yesterday, involves a somewhat detailed investigation, and I would ask the hon. Member to repeat his question next Wednesday or Thursday, when I hope it will be possible to give him a complete reply.

Will the hon. Gentleman include in the information the number of mounted police officers engaged on traffic duty?

Royal Dockyards

asked the Home Secretary whether all the Metropolitan Police Force have now been withdrawn from the Royal dockyards; if not, how many still remain attached to dockyard services; and is it the intention to eventually withdraw all Metropolitan Police from this service?

The answer to the first and third parts of the question is in the negative. The present establishment of Metropolitan Police in dockyards is 852.

Sentences (Special Remission)

asked the Home Secretary whether special remission is ever granted to prisoners, in addition to the usual good conduct remission, in cases of special service or general excellence of conduct; and whether the Prison Commissioners have considered any scheme by which prisoners could be further encouraged by being able to earn additional remissions of their sentences?

Special remission is sometimes given for special services rendered in prison, and the Prison Commissioners are now considering whether some method cannot be devised whereby the earning of the present rate of remission may demand a higher standard of industry and conduct than at present required.

Blackmail

asked the Home Secretary whether, in view of the fact that effective blackmail depends upon threatened publicity, he will consider introducing legislation to provide that oases of alleged blackmail be tried in camera, so that persons blackmailed will be less afraid to defend themselves?

I do not think the advantages that would be gained by the adoption of this interesting suggestion would be sufficient to outweigh the objections to the course suggested.

Is there any power to keep the names of persons blackmailed out of the papers, while reporting the whole case?

I must have notice of that question.

Elementary Schools.

1. Decisions of the Board during the period 1st January, 1921 to 31st March, 1924, upon proposals for the provision of new schools made under Section 18 of the Education Act, 1921.

England.

Wales.

Council.

Voluntary.

Council.

Voluntary.

School necessary

139

26

30

Enlargement necessary

53

38

18

3

School not necessary

3

9

Enlargement not necessary (decision under Section 19 (2) of Education Act, 1921).

4

2. Cases arising otherwise than under (1) above in which the Board declined to sanction proposals by local education authorities for expenditure upon the provision of school buildings.

England.

Wales.

New schools

12

3

Enlargements

1

2

Secondary Schools

Since the 1st January, 1921, proposals have been submitted for the provision of 122 complete new school buildings. Of these 103 have been approved and 7 refused, while 12 are still under consideration.

What advantage would it be to the person who would bring a blackmail charge to have publicity?

Has the hon. Gentleman consulted legal opinion, as represented by the Lord Chief Justice and the chief magistrates of this great city?

Education

New Elementary Schools

asked the President of the Board of Education whether he can state the number of applications which have been received by the Board from local education authorities for permission to build new elementary schools and new secondary schools since 1920; the number of these applications which have been granted by the Board; and the number which have been refused?

As the reply contains a number of figures, I will, with my hon. Friend's permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

The figures are as follow :

These figures, of course, afford no indication of the number of cases in which local education authorities have refrained from submitting proposals, because they anticipated or were informed, on a preliminary consideration of their programmes of capital expenditure, that proposals were unlikely to receive approval.

asked the President of the Board of Education whether he can state, in terms of school places, how many new elementary schools and extensions of existing elementary schools he has authorised local education authorities to commence building during the financial year 1924–25?

As the reply contains a number of figures, I will, with

England.

Wales.

England and Wales.

No.

No. of School Places.

No.

No. of School Places.

No.

No. of School Places.

Schools

9

2,536

1

100

10

2,636

Enlargements

1

80

2

320

3

400

Total

10

2,616

3

420

13

3,036

Betting and Gambling (Glasgow Circular)

asked the President of the Board of Education whether his attention has been called to the letters addressed by the Director of Education of the Glasgow Education Authority to parents and teachers on the subject of betting and gambling; and whether he proposes to take any action in the way of suggesting to education authorities in England and Wales that similar letters should be addressed to parents and teachers?

I have seen references in the newspapers to the letter referred to by my hon. Friend. The suggestion put forward in the last part of his question will be considered.

Secondary Schools

asked the President of the Board of Education the number of school children under 10 years of age in secondary schools at the present time?

The latest complete figures at my disposal are those relating to the 1st October, 1923, which show that there were on that date 23,519 pupils under 10 years of age in grant-aided secondary schools. There has, however, been a considerable decline in this number since that date, and I doubt if it now exceeds 20,000.

the Noble Lord's permission, circulate the answer in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Following is the answer :

Since the Government took office, the number of cases in which the Board have formally approved plans for the erection by local education authorities of new public elementary schools or for such enlargements of existing schools as, for the purpose of Section 18 (2) of the Education Act, 1921, are treated as new schools, is as follows:

Will the right hon. Gentleman consider the advisability of excluding these young children from school in view of the shortage of places for older children?

I have no reason to think that these children exclude to any great extent the older children.

asked the President of the Board of Education what is the total number of children attending secondary schools; and how many of these are children who have gained scholarships?

The total number of children in attendance at grant-aided secondary schools on the 1st October last was about 359,000, of whom about 128,000 were free place scholars within the meaning of Article 20 of the Regulations. In addition to these there are a number of pupils, estimated, roughly, at 8,000, who hold foundation and other scholarships not falling under the terms that article.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether that figure represents a decline on the figure of last year?

Infants' Assistants (Demonstration School, London)

asked the President of the Board of Education whether he has sanctioned the institution of the demonstration school for the training of infants' assistants by the London County Council; and whether it will rank for grant by the Board?

The Board have approved the proposal of the London County Council to conduct a demonstration class in the Chicksand Street Public Elementary School, for infants' assistants already in the service of the London County Council. The Council's expenditure in respect of the maintenance of the demonstration class will be taken into account by the Board for grant.

May we take it that the sanctioning of the school does not mean a change of policy in regard to assistants, or the employment of uncertificated teachers?

Acting Teachers' Certificate Examination

asked the President of the Board of Education whether he is now in a position to announce any decision with regard to the holding of the acting teachers' certificate examination after November, 1924?

As I told the hon. Members for Thornbury and Wednesbury on the 14th February last, I shall make no definite decision as to the holding of any further examination until I have received and considered the Report of the Departmental Committee on the Training of Teachers.

Can the right lion. Gentleman give any idea when the Committee is likely to report?

Broadcasting

asked the President of the Board of Education to what extent, if any, broadcasting as a medium of education is being used in British schools?

It is too early to make any estimate of the value of broadcasting as a means of education. Listening-in sets have been installed in a certain number of schools. At present a series of experimental lectures have bean organised by the British Broadcasting Company. I have arranged for reports to be made to me on the results of this experiment.

Is the right hon. Gentleman studying what is being done in foreign countries?

As far as possible, will the students be encouraged to make their own sets, so as to familiarise them with the details? [HON. MEMBERS: "They do!"]

Aviation

Air Service (India)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Air whether the Civil Aviation Department has been approached by the Messageries Transaeriennes, a French company subsidised by the French Government, with a view to a joint air service to India, by means of hydroplanes from Marseilles, via Alexandretta, to Bombay; if so, whether, in view of the halving of the expense to ourselves of such a service, the Air Ministry is giving careful and sympathetic attention to this offer; and what has been the cause of the delay heretofore?

The answer to the first and second parts of the question is in the affirmative, but under the terms of the agreement with the Imperial Air Transport Company, the Air Ministry is precluded, as from 1st April, 1924, from granting subsidies to any other commercial company in respect of a heavier-than-air transport service in Europe, including the Mediterranean Sea. So far, therefore, as the western portion of the proposed Marseilles-Bombay service is concerned, the only way in which British assistance could be given would be by means of some working arrangement between the new Imperial Company and the "Messageries Transaeriennes." It has, therefore, been necessary to await the formation of the new Imperial Company, and no avoidable delay has occurred.

Will an answer now be sent to this company? Does my hon. Friend realise that here is one opportunity in which we can co-operate with our French friends very successfully?

There is no doubt that the company and our French friends know our difficulties in this matter quite well.

Aeroplane Engines (Night Experiments)

asked the under-Secretary of State for Air whether he is aware that experiments with powerful aeroplane engines have recently taken place in North London during the night to the great annoyance and disturbance of rest of the inhabitants; and whether he will issue instructions for these to cease?

In answer to the first part of the question, I understand that on one night experiments which may have caused the annoyance and disturbance referred to were continued until a late hour, but, as regards the second part, arrangements have now been made which will obviate a recurrence of the cause of complaint.

International Exhibition, Prague

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Air if he is aware that the third international air exhibition will be held in Prague, on 31st May to 9th June, under the patronage of the President of the Republic, and that no arrangements have been made for exhibits from this country, although practically every other important country in the industry is represented; and whether any steps have been taken to represent the British aircraft industry in the exhibition to be held in this country?

The question referred to by the hon. and gallant Member has been under discussion with the Society of British Aircraft Constructors for some time past, and I hope that the industry will be found to be represented at the Prague exhibition, but no decision in the matter has yet been reached. If the last part of the question refers to the Wembley exhibition, I understand that some of the British aircraft firms are to be represented there.

Is the hon. Gentleman satisfied with the activities of the Civil branch of his Department, because I certainly am not?

The point is which are the activities with which the hon. Member is dissatisfied?

Will the hon. Gentleman do what he can to expedite this matter, as the Exhibition is to open at the end of next month? France, Italy, Holland and Germany have all thought it worth their while to send exhibits?

I have been interviewing representatives of the trade, in order to secure something being done in this matter, and I think they will admit that the responsibility for delay is theirs, not ours.

Empire Airship Service

asked the Undersecretary of State for Air whether any decision has yet been reached with regard to proposals for an Empire airship service?

Could the hon. Gentleman give me some idea as to when the Government will be able to arrive at a decision on this matter?

As a very large sum of money is involved in this decision, the Committee is taking great pains to examine the whole problem very carefully.

Has the Committee yet heard the evidence of the hon. and gallant Gentleman the Member for Uxbridge (Lieut.-Commander Burney)?

If I put down a question in three weeks' time, shall I be able to get an answer?

Waddon Aeroplane Factory (Tests)

asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury whether he has received complaints from the residents in the neighbourhood of the Waddon aeroplane factory of the great nuisance caused by testing aeroplane engines; whether it is proposed to erect an underground testing place; and, if so, when the work is to be put in hand?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative. The factory is leased to the Aircraft Disposal Company. I am making inquiries of that company, and will let the hon. Member know the result.

Entertainments Duty

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is aware that under a recent ruling of His Majesty's Commissioners for Customs and Excise, the department of modern languages in Armstrong College, Newcastle, has been compelled to pay Entertainments Duty in respect of its performances in French of two of Molièr's plays; and whether, seeing that an entertainment which is provided for partly educational purposes by a society not conducted for profit is exempted from the duty, can he say why the performance in French of a classical French play by a university department does not come under this exemption?

I am informed that the Commissioners of Customs and Excise have had before them a further communication from the promoters of this entertainment, and that they are now able to grant the exemption sought.

Income Tax

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, seeing that the reports of Income Tax cases are paid for by the State, he will arrange that the general public shall be placed in as good a position as the servants of the Crown in having equally early access to all such reports?

I am unable to agree that there is any inequality of treatment in this matter. The collections of reports published by the Stationery Office are issued in "Part" form and each part is available to the general public on the day of publication. Current reports of decisions appear in the newspaper Press, professional journals and the recognised law reporting publications.

Have not the surveyors of taxes books in their possession to which chartered accountants have not access?

The hon. Member is now stating the purpose which he has in view. It is true that the inspectors of taxes have official instructions arising out of legal decisions, but these are private for the information of the surveyor of taxes only, and certainly could not be made public.

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he is aware that the widows of officers who died as the result of their war services in the Great War are being charged Income Tax on their war pensions; and whether he will have the tax remitted in such cases?

I am aware that the pensions to which the hon. Member refers are required to be included in the computation of the recipient's total income for Income Tax purposes. I would point out that, apart from other considerations, the concession suggested would merely benefit the well-to-do pensioners while the majority would receive no benefit at all, their total income being in any event below the limit of exemption from Income Tax.

I have already stated—I am afraid that the hon. Member did not listen very carefully—that the total income of the majority of pensioners is below the limit of exemption?

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that in a certain number of cases the widows of non-commissioned' ranks just come in for Income Tax, and will he take that into consideration?

Limited Companies (Evasion of Taxation)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether his attention has been called to the growing practice of limited companies making loans to their shareholders instead of declaring dividends and forming subsidiary companies abroad, in each case for the purpose of evading taxation in this country; and whether he is considering measures to prevent this evasion?

Licensed Houses (Removal Orders)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether his attention has been called to the large number of cases in which licensing justices grant removal orders for licensed houses of comparatively small size and value to new sites where large and lucrative premises are erected, thereby saving the local compensation fund the cost of compensating the old and redundant houses at the expense of the Exchequer which is deprived of the monopoly value of the new houses; and whether he will instruct his representatives at licensing sessions to oppose such removals?

I am advised that there is no power in law to take the action suggested. Under Section 87 (2) of the Finance (1909–10) Act, 1910, any person authorised by the Commissioners of Customs1 and Excise is entitled to be heard by the Licensing Justices or by the Confirming Authority on the question of the amount of monopoly value to be imposed on the grant or confirmation of a new "on" licence, but there is no similar provision in the case of an application for the removal of a licence, and consequently the Commissioners are not entitled to be heard in opposition to applications for such removals.

That would have to be done under the Finance Bill, and I cannot express any opinion as to that.

Russian Delegation

asked the Prime Minister whether it is his intention to propose to the Russian dele- gation, which is expected here to discuss outstanding questions between the two Governments, that the meetings be held in public or otherwise; and, if it is decided not to hold the sitttings in public, whether an agreed statement will be published at the end of each day's proceedings?

The final settlement of this can be made only after the conference meets, but it is not proposed that the meetings shall be held in public, nor would it be desirable to issue a statement after each sitting. The representatives of the Press will, however, be kept acquainted with the general progress of the negotiations.

I am afraid that the chamber in which it will be held would not have accommodation fop the Press.

Does not the hon. Gentleman think that this would be an admirable occasion for an experiment in open diplomacy?

Housing

Eviction Orders

asked the Prime Minister whether, having regard to the fact that summons for eviction have been issued on behalf of a Government Department, he will state the policy of the Government with reference to evictions of tenants from Government estates on the ground of non-payment of rent?

The general principle is that if a tenant's record is a bad one, an eviction order should be allowed to take its course, subject to such warning to the tenant as the Department, having regard to the circumstances of the case, may think desirable to issue.

Having regard to the fact that a number of evictions are being attempted, will the right hon. Gentleman, in the present Bill now going upstairs, consider whether he cannot give further protection to individual tenants, inasmuch as they are not now within the operation of the Act?

As to Government policy on this issue, I would say that under the present Government no evictions have been authorised. Some cases of eviction have taken place under preceding Governments. A further view of the Government, as stated in the speech of my right hon. Friend the Minister of Health, on Monday last, is that we cannot permit tenants in some cases to shelter behind instances of real hardship, and fail to pay rent under any circumstances, even if they are able to do so.

The right hon. Gentleman has said that the present Government have not obtained any orders for evictions. Is he aware that they have done their best to obtain them, and that it has been only the intervention of the County Court Judge that has prevented eight people being evicted?

asked the Minister of Health the number of tenants of houses ejected under warrants issued during and since August, 1922?

I would refer my hon. Friend to the answer given by the Prime Minister on Monday to the right hon. Member for Twickenham (Sir W. Joynson-Hicks).

Can the hon. Gentleman say when these figures will be available? Will they be available before the Standing Committee deals with the matter on Tuesday next?

That I cannot say. As has been pointed out, these statistics are not being collected by the Ministry of Health.

Has the hon. Gentleman any reason to suppose that the statistics which have been published and have been frequently quoted in this House, are in any way inaccurate?

That I am sure I could not say. All these figures have been partial figures.

Would it be correct to say that the total number for 1922 does not exceed 100?

asked the Attorney-General if he can inform this House as to the number of orders for possession of, and warrants for eviction from, houses applied for and issued since the 1st August, 1923; and whether any such figures are available for the years 1920, 1921 and 1922?

Between the 1st August, 1923, and 31st March, 1924, 35,001 actions for possession and ejectment were entered in County Courts in England and Wales, of which 24,271 were heard. In the same period 21,326 orders for possession were made and 3,835 Warrants of possession were issued, of which 2,134 were in respect of actions entered on or after 1st August, 1923. I will circulate the figures for the years 1920, 1921 and 1922 in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Can the right hon. and learned Gentleman state the corresponding figures for Scotland?

I have not got the figures for Scotland here, but if the hon. and gallant Member gives me notice I will endeavour to procure them.

How many evictions were actually carried out? How many warrants were actually executed?

I cannot answer that question. If the hon. Member gives me notice I will have inquiries made.

Do I understand that the total number of warrants issued for possession in cases arising out of the 1923 Act is hardly more than 1,000 in nine months.

I cannot say as to the nine months. The figure for the months from 1st August until to-day is more than double that. The figure for that period is 2,134.

Does not that figure of over 2,000 relate to causes for eviction arising before 1st August, 1923?

The answer I have given contains all the information I have on the subject, and it shows that 2,134 cases were in respect of actions entered on or after the 1st August, 1923.

Following are the figures referred to:

1920.

1921.

1922.

Number of Actions entered.

21,659

24,790

26,841

Number of Actions heard by the Court.

14,292

16,311

19,553

Number of Orders for Possession made.

8,374

11,335

14,182

Number of Warrants of Possession issued.

1,565

2,388

3,553

Houses for Sale

asked the Minister of Health if he will take steps to initiate legislation that will result in the occupation of 250,000 houses at present held for sale, in view of the present overcrowding of the people?

No statistics are available as to the number of vacant houses held for sale, but the suggestion of the hon. Member will be considered.

As these figures have been established by a competent housing association will the Department consider the problem from that point of view?

These statistics must be an estimate. They are not based on an inquiry.

Has the Minister made inquiry with a view to obtaining statistics as to the number of inhabited houses; and would not that enable him to give the information which is sought for?

It would not answer the question of the number of houses held for sale.

Building Materials (Prices)

asked the Minister of Health if he is aware that building material prices continue to increase and that success or failure of any new Housing Bill depends upon his control of building material prices; and will he state what steps he intends to take to ensure adequate supplies at equitable prices for all municipalities who under take housing schemes under the various Housing Acts?

The question of prices of building materials is engaging my right hon. Friend's attention with other matters affecting the housing of the people, and he hopes to deal with it in introducing the Government's housing proposals.

Is the hon. Gentleman satisfied that the Reports of the Committee on building materials fully reflect local variations and increases of prices of building materials?

It is very difficult for that Committee to get the whole of the information, but I think the view which the Department takes is that the Reports of the Committee do reflect the general changes.

Is it still anticipated that the Government's housing proposals will be introduced before the Easter Recess?

How soon may we expect a declaration from the Government on the housing problem?

Has the hon. Gentleman considered the suggestion which I made that, at the source, the invoices of the material should be taken and that this would provide an absolute guide and guarantee as to the prices in particular localities?

May I have an answer as to when we may expect a declaration from the Government?

Industrial Disputes (Prevention)

asked the Prime Minister whether, as since the 22nd January last there has been an incessant series of strikes, or threats of strikes, or negotiations to avert strikes, he will, in the public interest, announce what policy he will adopt to prevent these obstacles to revival of trade?

I can add nothing to the statements which have already been made on this subject.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the Lord Chan- cellor, in another place, made a statement that the Government were setting up an inquiry to investigate the whole question of industrial disputes? Is that inquiry to be set up, and, if so, when?

Has the right hon. Gentleman given consideration to a renewal of the policy of his predecessors, which brought such tranquillity to industry?

China (Boxer Indemnity)

asked the Prime Minister when he proposes to introduce the Bill authorising the remission of the balance of the Boxer indemnity for the purposes of Chinese education?

The Bill has been prepared, but the date of its introduction cannot as yet be definitely announced.

Is the right hon. Member for Sparkbrook (Mr. Amery) behind this Bill?

National Savings Certificates

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer the total sum invested in savings certificates during the year ended 31st March, 1924, and the amount of repayments during the same period?

Approximately £45,000,000 was received during the year ended the 31st March, 1924, in purchase of National Savings Certificates, and the repayment in respect of capital during the same period amounted to £34,000,000, approximately.

Widows' and Mothers' Pensions

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he will undertake to make provision in the Budget for the urgent necessity of widows' and mothers' pensions?

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer when he will be in a position to inform the House as to the provision of pensions for widowed mothers; and whether, in view of the support of the principle of these pensions by the present House, he will introduce legislation during this Session to bring these pensions into force?

I will answer these questions together. I would refer the hon. Members to the statement which I made in the Debate on this subject on the 20th February. I regret that I cannot at present add anything to that statement.

Is it not a fact that widows' pensions formed one of the chief planks in the Labour platform?

It is quite true that the subject figured in the Labour party programme, but among a number of other questions. I think the hon. Member will realise that it is impossible, in one short Parliamentary Session, to deal with all the subjects that are included in the programme of any party.

Are we to understand that the right hon. Gentleman has dropped widows' pensions?

My right hon. Friend can understand from the answer what his intelligence enables him to comprehend.

May I ask my right hon. Friend if he thinks that by giving such answers as that he helps the cause of public business?

The right hon. Gentleman's question was offensive. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] In my original reply I stated that I had nothing to add to the statement that I made in the Debate on the subject. I stated on that occasion that the Government were giving their consideration to this matter, and that as soon as it was found to be possible to deal with the question by legislation, that would be done.

May I ask, Mr. Speaker, if my question was in the least offensive? Had it been, you would have prevented my putting it. You are the judge, and not the right hon. Gentleman. I was merely asking him a question to obtain information?

On a point of Order. Is it not a fact that this is the second time the Chancellor of the Exchequer has made the same kind of reply? He gave a similar reply to the hon. Member for Burton (Colonel Gretton).

I saw no reason to interfere with the question of the right hon. Member for Rusholme (Mr. Master-man).

Unemployment and Health Insurance

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer the total sum contributed respectively to friendly societies, collecting societies, the benefit section of trade unions, co-operative societies, building societies, savings banks, Post Office, and the employés' contributions to unemployment and the health insurance, for the year ending 31st March, or other more convenient period?

I have not yet been able to obtain all the figures desired. As soon as they have been compiled I will circulate them in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

May I ask the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he did not quote in his speech on widows' pensions an aggregate figure comprising the items enumerated in my question, and whether that aggregate figure was not based on items in his possession?

I have told the hon. Member that we would take this matter into consideration as soon as possible.

Port Wine and Beer (Duties)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if, owing to the large increase of port wine delivered from bonded warehouses, he will consider increasing the duty on port wine, and take a similar amount off the beer duty?

If I were to double the duty on port wine, with the revenue thus obtained, I would be able to reduce the price of beer by one-tenth of a penny per pint.

German Reparation (Recovery) Act

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is aware that, owing to the reduction of the reparation levy on German imports, certain British industries have already been adversely affected; that, owing to this reduction, the Royal Worcester Porcelain Company will have to close down their department which is the chief manufacturer in Great Britain of porcelain chemical vessels, and that Germany will have practically a monopoly of the trade in the said vessels in this country; and whether he will consider the re-imposition of the full amount of the levy in the interests of British manufacturers and workmen?

I have been asked to reply. I am, of course, aware that during the period in which the German Government failed to repay the export levy, the levy operated as a protective duty, a purpose which it was never intended to fulfil. This element of Protection has now been removed. I have no information as regards the second part of the question. The reply to the third part of the question is in the negative.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the gloving industry is also equally adversely affected?

All the relevant facts have been taken into consideration. The matter was fully debated in the House and the House has come to a decision.

Have the Government made any estimate of the number of people they intend to put out of work in Worcestershire by their failure to re-enact Part II of the Safeguarding of Industries Act?

( by Private Notice ) asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in view of the fact that the existing arrangements with regard to the Reparation (Recovery) Act expire on the 15th April, whether they will be continued beyond that date?

His Majesty's Government have agreed with the German Government to extend the existing arrangements for two months, namely, to the 15th June. The penal provisions of the German (Ordinance of the 3rd March will be similarly extended.

Lapsed Insurance Policies

asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury if he can state the total number of policies lapsed during 1923 by insurance companies and societies; and what is the total loss in premiums to the persons assured?

I would refer the hon. Member to the reply given on the 25th March to the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy).

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that the Prudential Assurance Company, Limited, lapsed 1,472,180 policies in 1923 in the industrial branch of the company, involving the loss of millions of pounds paid in premiums, and that the Refuge Assurance Company lapsed 564,642 policies during 1923; and whether he proposes to take any action in the matter?

As regards the first part of the question, I would refer the hon. Member to the reply given on the 25th March to the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy). As regards the second part, the matter was dealt with in the Industrial Assurance Act, 1923, which was passed only 10 months ago.

Foot-And-Mouth Disease

asked the Minister of Agriculture whether his attention has been called to the fact that the veterinary surgeons employed by the Ministry in dealing with foot-and-mouth disease have been staying at the London, Midland, and Scottish Railway Hotel at Crewe; that they have opened an office in the main vestibule of the hotel, and that this office is attended by all farmers, butchers, labourers, etc., requiring permits or other business connected with the outbreak of foot-and- mouth disease in the neighbourhood; and whether, in view of the danger of infection being carried by human beings, and that this hotel is largely used by travellers, he will consider the advisability of establishing the office at some place other than a much frequented hotel?

I am aware that the Ministry's veterinary inspectors at Crewe have an office in the Railway Hotel. It is very desirable that their office should be as conveniently situated as possible for the province which the inspectors have to serve, and in this respect the Railway Hotel, Crewe, is an admirable centre for the Cheshire area. With regard to the last part it is inevitable that there will be a large attendance of stockowners and farmers wherever the inspectors' office is situated, and I am advised that the risk of the spread of infection by this means is not rendered appreciably greater from its situation at the Railway Hotel than if it were situated elsewhere.

asked the Minister of Agriculture whether steps have been taken to close public footpaths in cases where they cross areas affected by foot-and-mouth disease; and, if not, whether he will seek power to do so?

The answer is in the affirmative. Powers have been conferred upon inspectors of the Ministry and of the local authority to prohibit the entry of any person in any field, shed or other place in an infected area by giving notice in writing to that effect to the occupier, notwithstanding the existence of any footpath or right-of-way.

Patent Acts

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is prepared to introduce an Amendment to the Patent Acts providing that, where good and sufficient reasons can be furnished, a sole licence may be granted to a bona fide person desirous of developing commercially still further an article, the patent rights of which no longer exist?

Central Bridge, Llanhilleth

asked the Minister of Transport if he has received complaints from the Abercarn Urban District Council of the dangerous condition of the Central Bridge, at Llanhilleth, Monmouthshire; is he aware that this bridge provides the only way to the main road and to the railway station for people living on the west side of the river and that two children have lost their lives owing to the faulty condition of the bridge; and will he state what action he is taking to get this bridge replaced with one suitable to modern traffic?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative, and I believe the statements in the second part are substantially correct. The bridge is a private bridge of purely local importance, and while I appreciate the difficulties of the problem which it presents to the local authorities, I do not think a grant could properly be made from the Road Fund towards the cost of its reconstruction.

Is the hon. Gentleman using any influence to get another bridge placed here? That is the point of my question.

Near East (Reported Massacres)

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether the numerous private reports affirming that the Bulgarian and Mahommedan populations continue to be the victims of massacres have been confirmed or discussed in any official reports; and if the Government will instruct its representative on the Council of the League of Nations to draw the attention of the Council to the subject with a view to an eventual inquiry by the League?

The hon. Member is, I understand, referring to the reports which have been communicated to the Press from Bulgarian and Albanian sources. As regards Macedonia, His Majesty's Consul at Skoplye has not reported any such massacres; as regards the Albanians, inquiries are being made as to the reported murder of 23 Albanians in the district of Vulchetrine. His Majesty's Government would require far stronger evidence than they yet possess before suggesting an inquiry by the League of Nations.

Aliens

asked the Home Secretary whether he will make inquiries and inform the House as to the number of aliens at present employed in this country as tailors, waiters, caterers or furriers?

I regret that I cannot undertake the inquiries suggested. I would refer the hon. Member to my answer to his question on 19th March.

In view of the large amount of unemployment in these industries, does the hon. Gentleman not think it very desirable to get the information asked for?

Waiters and Waitresses (Conditions of Labour)

asked the Home Secretary if he is aware of the long hours worked and the low pay received by waiters and waitresses working in the various clubs and hotels in different parts of the country; if it is possible to bring them under the control of the Factory Acts; if not, whether they can be dealt with under the Shop Assistants' Hours Bill; and if he will take action in the matter?

Some complaints as to the hours worked by these employés have been received, but I have no definite information on the subject. Waiters and waitresses who are employed wholly or mainly in serving customers in public restaurants and similar premises come within the scope of the Shops Acts, 1912 and 1913, and have the benefit of the weekly half-holiday and other provisions contained in those Acts. The question of the hours of work of these and similar classes of employés can be considered in connection with the amendment of the Shops Acts, and I will bear the matter in mind.

Is the hon. Member aware that in a number of places in London they get 15s. a week?

Is it not a fact that there is plenty of information on this subject in the possession of the Board of Trade, and has been for many months past?

With regard to the question of my hon. Friend the Member for Taunton (Mr. Simpson), I am only too well aware of the facts and of the difficulties he mentioned. I will bear the other point in mind.

If the hon. Member is well aware of the facts of unemployment, why does he not do something?

Post Office

Penny Postage (Cost)

asked the Postmaster-General what is the estimated cost of the reintroduction of penny postage; and what is the estimated cost of the extension of penny postage to foreign countries?

As regards the first part of the question, as I informed the hon. Member for the Frome Division (Mr. F. Gould) on the 8th instant, the sacrifice of postal revenue involved in the re-introduction of penny postage for inland letters is estimated at between five and six millions, allowance being made for the anticipated increase in the number of letters posted. No estimate has recently been formed of the cost of extending penny postage to foreign countries. I will obtain a figure and communicate it to the right hon. Member as soon as possible.

Has the right hon. Gentleman made an estimate of what the increased business would be, owing to the introduction of the penny postage?

Yes. It is estimated that the increase in the number of letters and postcards, resulting from the introduction of penny postage, would total about 300,000,000 a year.

Can my right hon. Friend say whether it is not a fact that his estimated cost of reducing the postage to a penny is less by a million or two than the profit the Post Office has made this year?

Will the Postmaster-General not state whether the actual losses in Post Office operations are not at all concerned with penny postage so much as with telegrams, and in view of that fact, does he not consider that penny postage plays an important part in the question of general industrial development?

Is it not a fact that, in the case of an ordinary letter with a 1½d. stamp on, at least 50 per cent. profit is made by the Post Office?

Will not the right hon. Gentleman reconsider his position with regard to this question, in view of the remarkable statement he has just made that the reintroduction of penny postage would mean an increase of 300,000,000 letters and postcards, and will he consider the effect that it would have on the general business of this country?

Is it not a fact that postage to-day, taking into consideration the fall in the value of money, is considerably cheaper than in 1914?

In reply to my right hon. Friend the Member for Ross and Cromarty (Mr. Macpherson), I may say that the question is still under consideration, and that no decision has been reached. In reply to the hon. Member for Acton (Sir H. Brittain), it is difficult to answer that question, because the cost of handling the letters varies very considerably.

Will the right hon. Gentleman consider the question of giving us penny postage for India?

Battersea Telephone Exchange

asked the Postmaster-General whether he is aware that Nos. 60 and 62, Altenburg Gardens, Battersea South, have been unoccupied for 18 months and three years, respectively; that these houses are now in a very dilapidated state and would, if occupied, house at least six families; and whether, in view of the serious housing problem, he will explain the reasons for the delay in their occupation?

The two houses in question form part of the site for a new telephone exchange to serve the Battersea district. It was originally intended to erect the new building in 1922; and possession of the two houses was obtained by the end of 1921. Subsequently it was decided to adopt automatic telephone working in London, and this necessitated the recasting of the plans and the postponement of building operations. It is now proposed to begin the new building this summer.

Business of the House

Easter Adjournment

The business next week will be as follows:

Monday: School Teachers (Superannuation) Bill—Second Reading; Trade Facilities Bill—Committee.

Tuesday: Trade Facilities Bill—Third Reading; National Health Insurance (Cost of Medical Benefit) Bill—Consideration; West Indian Islands (Telegraph) Bill—Committee; War Charges (Validity) (No. 2) Bill—Second Reading.

Wednesday: We propose to ask the House to meet at 11 o'clock for the Adjournment Motion for Easter, and to meet again on Tuesday, 29th April, when my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer will open the Budget. The two following days will be occupied in continuation of the general discussion on the Budget Resolutions.

Can the right hon. Gentleman state if there will be a statement on housing before Easter?

Will the Teachers Superannuation Bill apply only to England and Wales?

The answer to the last question is in the affirmative. I understand that it would not be in accordance, either with the Standing Orders or with custom, for a statement in regard to housing policy to be made on the Adjournment Motion, and it would not appear that there is any other opportunity on this side of Easter.

Has the right hon. Gentleman found it possible to expedite the sittings of the Standing Committee considering the Prevention of Eviction Bill of my hon. Friend the Member for Withington (Mr. E. Simon), so that, if possible, the Bill might be passed before Easter?

It has not been found possible to make any arrangement which would accomplish that end, however much we have desired it.

I understood the right hon. Gentleman to say that we were going to have the Committee stage of the Trade Facilities Bill on Monday and the Third Reading stage on Tuesday. Do I infer from that that he contemplates no Report stage, and, therefore, that the Government propose to accept no Amendments whatever?

There would, of course, be a Report stage. On this question, might I remind the House that considerable time has already been given to the discussion of this Bill, and that if its passage were further delayed it would seriously interfere with the relief of unemployment?

Inasmuch as the Minister of Health indicated only last week the great desirability of making a statement, in the interests of the country, on the housing question, cannot the right hon. Gentleman take an opportunity on Monday or Tuesday, even after the usual hour, in order that the country may know whether any progress is being made?

My right hon. Friend finds that there are so many other hon. Members wishing to make speeches that he has not been able himself to make as many as he would like.

May I ask what orders the right hon. Gentleman proposes to take to-day?

Can the right hon. Gentleman not give us a definite answer as to how many orders it is intended to take? It is very inconvenient for Members not to know. We have every desire to assist, and we should like to know how many orders are to be taken?

We are shortly asking the House for the suspension of the Eleven o'Clock Rule in order to complete the Treaty of Peace (Turkey) Bill.

Can His Majesty's Government make any announcement as to their policy towards the Reparation Commission?

May I put a question to you, Mr. Speaker, in reference to the announcement of the Deputy-Leader of the House—that it would not be in accordance with the practice of the House for a statement on the housing policy to be made on the Adjournment Motion. Do you rule that such statement would be out of order on the Adjournment Motion?

To expound a policy that requires legislation would be out of order on an Adjournment Motion, as in Committee of Supply.

May I remind you, Mr. Speaker, with all submission, that at the time the late Mr. Joseph Chamberlain announced his Imperial Preference proposals it happened to be before the Adjournment over the Whitsuntide; the late Sir Charles Dilke raised the whole question on the Motion for the Adjournment over Whitsuntide, and the matter was discussed in this House—

Would it not, at any rate, be possible for the Minister to indicate the progress that has been made, for instance, in the negotiations with the builders' operatives on matters in connection with wages and things of that kind without going into matters requiring legislation?

Is the right hon. Gentleman taking the third Order (Poor Law Emergency Provisions Continuance (Scotland) Bill)?

Ordered,

"That the Proceedings on the Unemployment Insurance (No. 3) Bill have precedence this day of the Business of Supply."—[ The Prime Minister. ]

Ordered,

"That the Proceedings on the Treaty of Peace (Turkey) Bill [ Lords ] be exempted, at this day's Sitting, from the provisions of the Standing Order (Sittings of the House)."—[ The Prime Minister. ]

Disorderly Interjections in Debate

Mr. Speaker's Announcement

Members' Apologies

I have to ask the indulgence of the House for a moment or two with reference to an incident that occurred last night. Recently there has been a growing habit of flinging un-Parliamentary expressions across the Floor during Debate, and I shall expect the support of the Whole House in putting a stop to it. [ General cheers. ]

Yesterday, just before the rising of the House, a most disorderly interjection was made by an hon. Member [Mr. Buchanan], and but for the automatic Adjournment I should have "named" the Member to the House, unless he had made a proper withdrawal.

In future I do not propose in such cases to use the lesser penalty of one day's suspension. The credit of Parliament is involved, and I am determined that it shall be protected. [ Renewed cheers. ]

Mr. Speaker, towards the close of last night's sitting, as you have stated, a speech was made in which reference was made to a section of the very poor people whom I represent in this House. That reference so irritated me that I, in the anger of the moment, used an epithet towards the right hon. Gentleman the Member for the Spark-brook Division of Birmingham (Mr. Amery). That expression I now regret. I wish unreservedly to withdraw it, and also to say that I regret even having caused you, Sir, any pain in the matter.

I gladly accept without reserve the very frank expression of regret which the hon. Member has used. I hope that he, on his side, will bear me no ill-will for action taken in the heat of the moment, and under some provocation. I should also like to assure him in anything I said in reference to the speech of the right hon. Gentleman the Minister of Health that I have no intention of making light of the very real sufferings of the unemployed of our great cities, whom we are all deeply anxious to help.

At the moment of the Adjournment last night I know I defied your ruling, Sir, and the Rules of the House. I wish to say that none of us wishes to do that—certainly I ought not. I desire to express my regret now. I do so, and ask your pardon for what I did.

London United Tramways Bill

Order [26th February] that the Bill be committed, read, and discharged. Bill withdrawn.

Bills Reported

Great Western Railway (Additional Powers) Bill,

Reported, with Amendments; Report to lie upon, the Table, and to be printed.

London County Council (General Powers) Bill,

Reported, with Amendments; Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.

Chairmen's Panel

Mr. WILLIAM NICHOLSON reported from the Chairmen's panel; That they had appointed him to act as Chairman of Standing Committee C (in respect of the Prevention of Eviction Bill):

Report to lie upon the Table.

Message from the Lords

That they have agreed to,

Birkenhead Corporation (Ferries) Bill without Amendment.

That they have passed a Bill, intituled, "An Act to amend Sections one, sixty-two, and sixty-five of the Friendly Societies Act, 1896, and for purposes connected therewith." [Friendly Societies Bill [ Lords. ]

Selection (Standing Committees)

Standing Committee C

Mr. WILLIAM NICHOLSON reported from the Committee of Selection; That they had added the following Fifteen Members to Standing Committee C (in respect of the Prevention of Eviction Bill): Mr. Attorney-General, Mr. Neville Chamberlain, Lieut.-Colonel Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John Gilmour, Mr. Arthur Greenwood, Mr. Masterman, Lord Eustace Percy, Mr. Pringle, Mr. Ernest Simon, Mr. James Stewart, Mr. Frederick Thomson, Mr. Trevelyan Thomson, Mr. Turner-Samuels, Mr. Windsor, and Sir Kingsley Wood.

Mr. WILLIAM NICHOLSON further reported from the Committee; That they had discharged the following Members from Standing Committee C: Sir Gervase Beckett, Lieut.-Colonel Court-hope, Mr. Darbishire, Mr. Harbord, Mr. Perring, and Lieut.-Colonel Woodwark; and had appointed in substitution: Mr. Ernest Brown, Captain Bullock, Mr. Foot, Mr. William Robinson, Mr. Samuel Roberts, and Mr. Sandeman.

Reports to lie upon the Table.

Orders of the Day

Unemployment Insurance (No. 3) Bill

[ Progress, 9th April. ]

Considered in Committee.

[Mr. ROBERT YOUNG in the Chair.]

CLAUSE 1.—(Amendment of s. 2 of 13 & 14 Geo. 5,c. 2.)

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Clause stand part of the Bill."

I desire to put forward a request—and I shall do it in a moment— to the Minister of Labour to which I am sure he will accede. It is that he should put down the larger Measure now before us at the earliest possible moment after Easter so that we may have ample time to consider it. He will, I think, agree with me that it is a Measure involving questions of great importance. He would, I am quite certain, desire, so far as his proposals are meritorious, to commend them to the House, while, on the other hand, we desire to claim the equal privilege of criticising them if we consider they are not meritorious. Therefore, the question I put to him is: will he undertake to put down the Second Reading with the least possible delay? We can then get this Bill into Committee, where there will be full opportunities for its discussion.

The larger Bill raises important problems of principle and detail. I can assure the House that I will bring the Bill into the House at the earliest possible moment, in order that full and adequate discussion may be given.

4.0 P.M.

May I ask one question of the Minister on a matter which is causing some of us a great deal of anxiety? Several of these Insurance Bills have now been introduced, and hitherto we have not had a single statement by the Government Actuary as to their effect. Can the right hon. Gentleman give us a promise that at any rate there will be a report of the Government's Actuary at the time the No. 2 Bill comes up for Second Reading, stating what is the effect of all the three Unemployment Bills which we have before the House this Session, because some of us are very seriously perturbed at the idea that in their efforts to do something more generous for the unemployed the Government are likely seriously to prejudice the proper use of insurance in the future to meet various much needed reforms which we have in mind.

I gave instructions this morning that a White Paper should be prepared giving the Government's Actuary's statement as to the estimated financial effects of the new Bill. I am rather in doubt as to whether an addition ought to be made dealing with other Bills, but I will take the matter into consideration. A White Paper will be laid almost immediately on No. 2 Bill.

May I ask one question on a matter of machinery under the new Bill? Will the increased period of benefit apply automatically to all those who are now entitled to receive benefit, or will it be necessary for them to have their cases examined? There are a very large number of those who will come under this Bill in the first few weeks of its operations, and it is obvious that a very serious strain will be placed upon the machinery of the Exchanges if that has to be done.

I do not know whether it is strictly in order to expound one Bill while dealing with another, but my intentions are—and I think the draft follows my intentions—that those automatically entitled to benefit now will come into benefit under the large Act. I think that answer is quite sufficient for the moment, but, if not, I will go further into detail.

Question, "That the Clause stand part of the Bill," put, and agreed to.

Clause 2( Short title ) ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Bill reported, without amendment; read the Third time, and passed.

Supply

Considered in Committee.

[Mr. ROBERT YOUNG in the Chair.]

Civil Services Supplementary Estimate, 1924–25

Class II

House of Commons

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £70,000, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1925, for the Salaries and Expenses of the House of Commons."

The Estimate, which I have to present to the Committee this afternoon, is a supplementary one for £70,000 in order to cover the charge which will be involved if the Committee decides to-day to provide either season tickets or first-class railway vouchers for Members between London and the constituencies which they represent. It will be remembered that when this matter was debated two years ago, in 1921, the Government of the day, in view of the fact that it was a matter concerning Members of the House themselves, left it, as it was bound to do, to the free judgment of the House, and that is precisely the attitude which is being adopted by the Government this afternoon. My whole duty, in a very brief introduction, in this Debate is to summarise the proposals as they are included in this Supplementary Estimate of £70,000, to anticipate as far as I can criticism on points of detail, and then to leave the House free for a Debate, during which we can either supplement the information given now, or my right hon. Friend the Lord Privy Seal (Mr. Clynes) can make any statement which the Government feels called upon to make in this connection. The matter is one for the free judgment of the House of Commons, but, in order that the Debate may not range over a number of proposals which are not before the Committee at all, I propose, briefly and as clearly as I can, to tell the Committee what is involved in this Estimate of £70,000.

The Committee will remember that two years ago steps were actually taken for the issue of vouchers before the estimate or the proposal itself had been finally approved by the House, and, in point of fact, when the discussion took place the proposal, which was rejected by a majority, for a voucher system had been in operation for not more than a week and it had to be discontinued. The Committee will agree that on the present occasion we must avoid an experience of that kind. Accordingly, it is our desire to present this Supplementary Estimate in Committee this afternoon, and to have a perfectly full discussion, and then, if the Committee approve of the Estimate to-day, to put down the Report stage of the Estimate for Monday in order that it may be passed finally, so that if the House agrees with the proposal the vouchers may be available on Tuesday or Wednesday of next week in time for the Easter recess.

Hon. Members will want to know, first of all, some of the simpler details regarding the cost of the scheme. We have put down a Supplementary Estimate for £70,000. That sum, which is based on the best information at our disposal, would entitle hon. Members, if it so happened, to first-class season tickets between London and their constituencies, assuming that the House sat for about 40 weeks in a year, and assuming also that we include in this proposal provision for the recesses. I am, however, going to ask the Committee not to ask us to agree to an arrangement on a season ticket basis, and I hope to give a substantial argument in support of that policy. It so happens that if we take the voucher system on a first-class basis between London and the constituency only—and here I am carefully excluding the Member's home—then, according to the best information at our disposal, it will cost something up to about the same sum—£70,000 per annum. Within that estimate it will enable Members to make about 33 journeys per year between London and their constituencies, and I am quite prepared for substantial differences of opinion in the Committee on that point. Hon. Members may say that that system is too generous, but we are here providing first-class tickets, and, while it is true that many Members may not travel 33 times in one year between London and the more distant constituencies, it is also true that probably many Members living nearer London and entitled to this privilege under the Supplementary Estimate may travel more often, though I should think even in their case the figure which we have suggested probably errs on the generous side.

There is another argument, and I think it is conclusive from the Treasury point of view. Hon. Members will agree at once that we must be perfectly safeguarded against any further Supplementary Estimate. You must make adequate provision within the one sum of £70,000, which was mentioned by my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister when he indicated the amount that would be likely to be involved if travelling facilities were provided for Members between London and their constituencies. Keeping it within that, I think we have erred probably on the generous side, but I believe that to be a sound policy in this matter.

We now come to the suggestion of the voucher as against the season ticket. The Committee will generally agree that if electors and taxpayers were able to say that in a season ticket system there was an element of unnecessary expenditure and that we had paid £70,000 for first-class season tickets whereas in point of fact there was not a full use of the season ticket up to that point we should be exposed to criticism. We suggest, in order to get over any criticism of that kind, to relate this expenditure strictly to the service it is designed to cover, and in order to keep the expenditure as near as we possibly can to what is actually required by Members in the discharge of their public duties, that the voucher system is undeniably the better. At all events, we propose within this Estimate to start on an experimental basis—let me make that perfectly plain—with a voucher system up to the end at least of the present Parliamentary Session. If we find in the course of that experience that it would be better and more economical to provide season tickets for hon. Members between London and their constituencies I have no doubt whatever that it would be perfectly open to the House to come to that decision, but I am going to suggest to-day that on the basis of all the information that we have at our disposal it will be in our interest, both from the point of view of expenditure and of possible criticism from outside, to proceed on the voucher foundation.

Then, with regard to first-class or third-class season tickets, the Committee will expect me to make some statement as clearly and as simply as I can on the relative cost. It so happens that both the voucher and the season ticket systems, in this case on a first-class basis, lead us to an estimate of £70,000, and that, as I have told the House, will enable Members to make the journey between London and their constituencies up to 33 times a year. There is a certain proportion of Members who feel that if this provision is to be made at all it should be limited to a third-class arrangement. I want to make it perfectly plain that on that point, as on the major question of whether provision should be made at all, it would be perfectly open to the House later to come to a decision, and the Government in this matter must accept any decision which the House reaches either on the first-class point or on the question of making any provision at all. Before we discuss the question of third-class vouchers, let me point out that if we provide a season ticket on a third-class basis it would, in the light of the best estimate that we can obtain, cost us about £47,000 per annum, whereas if we proceed on the voucher basis and give hon. Members third-class provision the cost will be £42,000 as against the £70,000 of the Estimate under discussion. I propose therefore to rule out the £47,000 involved in third-class season tickets, and I think hon. Members will prefer, to proceed on the voucher system.

The real comparison, therefore, is between £70,000 for first class and £42,000, if the House declares itself in favour of the third-class system. On the merits of the case, the Committee will not expect me to go into the details. My function is simply to tell hon. Members the exact nature of the proposal and the financial outlay which is involved. Other questions of policy will be dealt with later by the Lord Privy Seal. I think there is a good deal to be said for the arguments used on this subject from the Government Benches in 1921, though no doubt there is considerable economy between £70,000 and £42,000 per annum. Many hon. Members now enjoy first-class travelling facilities, and there is something to be said for the contention that if we are going to make this provision hon. Members are entitled to some degree, of comfort and opportunities for study which is afforded by first-class travelling accommodation.

I want to make it perfectly clear that the Government are not biassed one way or the other. I know there are supporters of the Government in favour of third-class travelling, and they will have an opportunity of expressing their opinion. There are one or two other details of this scheme on which I should like to give the Committee some information. Hon. Members will at once ask why we do not arrange or make provision in the Supplementary Estimate for travelling facilities not only between London and the Member's constituency, but between London and the home of the Member. I am afraid the Prime Minister, in making his statement to the House as to the cost of this scheme, indicated that it would be approximately £70,000, whereas if first-class travelling facilities are provided between London and the constituency of the Member and between London and the home of the Member, which was substantially the proposal of 1921, the cost would be not less than £90,000.

I ought to make it perfectly clear that, if you take the cost of travelling between London and the constituency of the Member and London and the home of the Member, you are on less certain ground in regard to your estimate of the cost. There is a very great deal of controversy as to an expenditure of that amount. I do not think I am betraying any secret when I say that there might be a good deal of opposition to any sum in excess of £70,000 a year, and it is just possible that while hon. Members would support a Vote of £70,000 it might be a different matter to them if a sum like £90,000 was involved. In any case we make it clear that the Estimate does not provide for travelling between London and the home of the Member.

I am bound to recognise, in anticipation of criticism, that that involves an anomaly from which unfortunately we find it impossible to escape. There are many hon. Members who reside in the constituencies they represent, and for the most part they go home every week-end. Those hon. Members will be able to get about in their constituency, and they will get a voucher to their homes. Other hon. Members who do not reside in their con- stituency will be tied down to a voucher between London and their constituency, and they will get no home arrangements. Apparently there is an anomaly in a situation of that kind, and we have exercised all our powers of inquiry to see how that anomaly can be removed. It is impossible to get rid of it unless you decide to make travelling available to the home of the Member as well as to the constituency. It is impossible to make any distinction, and further it is impossible to introduce any scheme under which there would be an option to hon. Members to choose between a voucher from London to their constituency or from London to their home. We must have something definite on which to make our financial provision, and if any option of that kind were offered I do not think that anybody at this Box could guarantee in any shape or form the accuracy of the Estimate.

I would like to say one or two words more about the actual operation of the scheme. Hon. Members will no doubt suggest that it is very much easier to get a season ticket and avoid all further trouble. In any case we are bound to proceed upon an experimental basis until the end of the Session, and then the House will be open to review its decision, and, if it is found that some other course is better, the House can adopt that method. At the moment we have suggested the voucher.

In the event of this Supplementary Estimate being agreed to hon. Members will be supplied with small books of 12 vouchers at the Vote Office of the House of Commons. For the first week or two of the operation of the scheme, if adopted, hon. Members will have to fill in the voucher to the point in their constituency to which they desire to travel, and on presentation of the signed voucher at the booking office of the railway station they will obtain either a single first-class ticket or a return first-class ticket to the point where they wish to go. If it is a return ticket, there is no doubt that it will be a safeguard if it is issued from the London termini to the point desired in the constituency. These return tickets are available only for two months, as against six months under the old system. It is clear that that may lead to some difficulty, especially during the Recess period. We therefore propose to provide for either single or return journey tickets as hon. Members may desire. When hon. Members have received their tickets in the ordinary way, the voucher will be returned to the Accounting Officer of the House of Commons, whose duty it will be to examine the vouchers and make the payment, and see how far they come within the conditions which have been laid down.

As regards University Members, we propose to issue vouchers to any point in their constituency to which they wish to travel. In the case of Scottish Members, it might be Aberdeen, Glasgow, Edinburgh or St. Andrews, and the same rule will apply to representatives of English Universities. The position is clear when an hon. Member represents a city constituency, and he will travel to the city which he represents.

As regards hon. Members representing county constituencies or large areas, they will, at all events, in the first week or two have their voucher made out to the point to which they wish to go, but we propose to ask hon. Members to indicate the headquarters in their constituency to which they wish to travel, and indicate it on their voucher. Such an arrangement is necessary in an estimate of this kind, because if the vouchers are made out to various points in the constituency it will alter the expenditure under the scheme and make it more difficult to find the point at which we can measure the railway charge- I do not think there will be any hardship on Members in getting to the place where the election result is declared, and then doing their own travelling round the constituency, as the case may be. That course is suggested as being economical on financial grounds, and it will make it easier for the Accounting Officer.

I think I have now covered a good deal of the details of this scheme. Hon. Members may ask what safeguard have we against abuse? At all events, that question will certainly be asked outside. I entirely agree that any hon. Member could, or might, give a voucher which he had signed to any third party, who might use it for the purposes of the journey, but to a criticism of that kind I think the obvious answer must be that, surely, there is no hon. Member of the House who contemplates anything of the kind, and I do hope that any criticism outside will not rest upon trivialities of that description. In any event, let me assure the outside public— because it is really to them that this argument is addressed—that there will be the very practical check of the Accounting Officer of the House of Commons, and, with the knowledge of the number of journeys that the average Member would make, and other information of that kind, I do not foresee any difficulty, and I do not think there will be any invidious duty for the Accounting Officer or anyone else. In the second place, it might be asked, "What will happen if these small books of vouchers are lost?" With regard to that point, the voucher could only be used if the signature of the Member were forged, assuming that he had not signed the vouchers in advance. That would expose an abuse of that kind to very severe penalties, and we have the further safeguard that, as the books of vouchers are small, and limited to 12, the loss in any case would not be considerable, and there would be very definite limits to any possible fraud. We have reviewed the whole situation, and, in the light of all the information at our disposal, submit this Estimate to the House of Commons. If there are details on which hon. Members require information in the course of the Debate, either I or my right hon. Friend will later on try to provide it, but I cannot make it too plain that this Estimate is submitted to the House, as all such Estimates affecting our personal affairs must be, without prejudice, relying upon our coming to a decision on this occasion in a manner which will enable us to discharge our public duties with greater ease than we do to-day.

I thought I had made it perfectly plain that this is to be left to the free judgment of the House.

I beg to move, "That the Chairman do report Progress, and ask leave to sit again."

I should like to preface the observations I am going to make by explaining to the Committee that, though I can speak with the concurrence of my right hon. Friend the Leader of the Opposition, and though he approves this Motion, the opinions which I express are my personal opinions, and I do not wish to be thought to bind my colleagues on this bench, or the hon. Gentlemen who sit behind them. The Financial Secretary to the Treasury has discussed a great number of detailed points arising on the Estimate which he has submitted. He seemed to think that that was all that it was necessary to do, and that, provided these details were reasonably explained and argumentatively enforced, the Committee would be satisfied forthwith to pass this Vote. Surely, however, before, we enter upon that discussion of details—whether first-class or third-class fares are to be granted, whether it should be to the home and the constituency or to the constituency only, whether a Member should be permitted to travel by only one line to his constituency or by both when two are available, whether it should take him to different points in his constituency or only to one, whether he should have a season ticket or a voucher, or whether any steps are necessary to prevent our perpetrating individually an open fraud upon the public —surely, before we enter upon all those details, the Committee must consider the general question whether this payment ought to be made at all, whether this is a charge that ought to be placed upon the public, whether, in fact, we ought to entertain any Vote at all for any of these purposes.

I speak for myself, and for myself only. I began my Parliamentary life as a strong opponent of the payment of Members. I have changed my mind. I think—indeed. I am pretty sure, though I have not verified my recollection—that I voted against payment of Members when payment of Members was actually introduced, and, personally, I thought that, apart from any other question, at that moment it was introduced in a wrong way. But is there any man who would contend for one moment that, payment of Members having been introduced, and having existed for so long, and there being so many men now chosen as representaties by the great constituencies and sitting in the House of Commons who could not sit there without some financial assistance—is there any man who would contend that, if he were free to do as Le pleased, he would stop payment of Members to-morrow? I do not believe that one of us thinks that that is possible, and I do not believe that one of us thinks that, if it were possible, it is, in the conditions of to-day, desirable. Let me say, also, if I may, to my hon. Friends behind me, that our party has its own interest in this matter. It is clear that in the House of Commons of to-day, and in the House of Commons in future years, there will be many Members who, in order to discharge the public duties to which they are called by their fellow-citizens, must receive payment from some source. Is it better that the payment should come from a public fund or from some private source, which private source is, therefore, able to exercise a great and, perhaps, in some cases, an intolerant and tyrannical influence over the course of the Member in the discharge of his duties in the House of Commons? For my part, once it be granted that the House must comprise a great number of Members who, for the discharge of their duties, must receive payment, I had sooner that that payment came from public funds, preserving their independence, than from corporate or private funds, where the Member is at least under suspicion that he is no longer wholly a free and independent man. and may, in fact, at times be put to the cruellest choice between what he conceives to be his duty and the necessity of providing for his livelihood.

I have said that we have our interest in this matter. Is there any one of my hon. Friends who has not regretted that that great body of working men to whom most of us owe the seats which we have in this House are not more freely represented in our ranks and on these benches by working men who share our views? How are they to come in now if they are only paid from party funds, and in what position does that put them either for the discharge of their duties in this House or in face of the electorate when they seek the suffrages of a constituency? Surely, we could not look to that source of payment to give us Conservative working men in this House, which does find a salary for many Members of another party. We have our own interest in seeing that it is made possible for members of the working classes who do not take the views of the party opposite to come here as freely as those who profit by the political funds of the trade unions. I have, therefore, come to the conclusion, in the first place, that it is absolutely impossible to go back on the principle of payment of Members, and, in the second place, that, if it were possible, it would be unwise and improper to do so. But, having formed that view, I have to admit that we as a House are in an extraordinary invidious position when, being the guardians of the public purse, we come to consider the voting of money to ourselves; and I think we ought to take every precaution in our power to see that our action is not misrepresented, that the reasons which move us are known to the public, and that they really appreciate the case for doing what we propose to do to-day. Are we quite certain that the public is prepared for this new addition to its burdens at the present time? For my part, I am not, nor can I find in this House, as far as I have been able to gauge its opinion, any such unanimity, not only in regard to the details, on which the hon. Gentleman almost exclusively dwelt, but even with regard to the principle of the payment of a travelling allowance at all. I submit to the Leader of the House and to the Government, sharing their view that this is a desirable thing to do, that this is not the way in which it should be done. You cannot get away from history. You cannot wholly disregard what has happened only a year or two ago—I think in 1921. In 1921 I stood at that Box, as Leader of the House at that time, to recommend to the House a similar proposal. We did what I understand the Government proposes to do to-day—we took off the Government Whips, and left the matter to a free vote of the House; and the House, by, I think, a very considerable majority, rejected the proposal.

Was it not rejected on the ground that the proposal was combined with a rebate of Income Tax on Members' salaries, and two principles were involved?

No, Sir. The hon. Gentleman was not then a Member of the House; he was taking an interval of rest elsewhere. If he looks at the Debate he will see that that was not the case. The Income Tax allowance went through administratively, and because, in fact, it was already the law of the land; and the only question on which the House had to vote was this question of the travelling allowance. It was actually in force at the time, and it had to be recalled and stopped in consequence of the vote which the House gave. If the principle of payment of Members be granted, I think there is a very strong case for taking into account the expenses to which Members are necessarily put in the discharge of their duties in travelling from this House to their constituencies. May I remind the Committee of what the Select Committee in 1921 reported to the House? They said:

I think it is undesirable that this should become matter of public controversy between parties, or between individual Members. It is not desirable that on one side the reproach should be made that we are voting salaries to ourselves, and, on the other side, the retort should be hurled back that it is easy for those to whom £400 or £500 a year is of no consequence to ignore the sacrifices and hardships of those to whom £400 or £500 is all on which they and their families have to live. I believe this subject can be settled by common consent. I do think it ought to be settled by common consent, and I believe it is only if we settle it by common consent that we really shall convince the country that it is right, and put an end, once and for all, to the vulgar suspicions and vulgar charges to which we should otherwise be subjected by our opponents, to whatever party they belong. Therefore, I hope the Government will take some such course as I have indicated.

I am sorry that my right hon. Friend has suggested further delay, after what has already been agreed to by what he called a representative Committee of this House. If we do refer this to a Committee, and if we do come to a decision, whatever decision we come to— and I do not know whether my right hon. Friend, possibly, had in his mind the alternative of raising the remuneration from £400 to some higher figure—but whatever decision we come to, when we carry that decision, we shall again be subjected to the very same criticism that my right hon. Friend tries to evade now. He reminded us of what happened when this was tried before. I would like to remind the House that there was a great deal of cowardice exhibited by Members on this question. I remember perfectly well when the vouchers were originally issued, and I remember examining the figures in the division list of those who voted against the vouchers, and the alarming fact was produced that a large number of those who took no part in procuring the vouchers, and voted against the continuance of them, had themselves used the vouchers, when their names had not appeared in the division list in favour of the proposal.

That is quite true. Then there is the corresponding nonsense which is talked about the undesirability of conveying to the public the impression that any man should ever dream of Parliamentary life as a career. It is ludicrous to think of Parliamentary life as a career. I do not know any career which is open to any man after he has left school or university which is subjected to interruption in the same way as ours is by the constituencies to whom we appeal. And I do not know any Member who ever came to this House—and I believe I have the privilege of being good friends with many, both rich and poor—I do not know any rich man or any poor man who has come to this House who has not lost money, and lost opportunity in business and career, by being a. Member of this House. It does not require to be argued at any great length. After all, each of us represents a constituency, and, during the time we represent that constituency, we are part and parcel of the constituent life of that constituency. There are occasions, over and over again, when we could lend considerable benefit to our constituencies by our presence, of which they are deprived by the fact, either that we live so far away from them, or that it costs so much money to reach them. We are continually, for example, in touch with our municipalities. I represent, with four other Members of this House, the great municipality of the capital of Scotland, and we have, over and over again, in connection with that municipal life, occasions when it would be of enormous advantage to the community were they able to be present on those particular occasions. An hon. Member behind me laughs at that consideration. I do not know why he laughs, unless it be that his experience of this House and the constituency which he represents is so short that he has been unable to understand what it really means.

5.0 P.M.

I will take my courage in both hands, and will give a concrete example. The Royal Scottish Academy opens in Scotland in a week or two. It is a very important institution so far as Scotland is concerned. It devotes itself to promoting the fine arts in Scotland. Scottish Members are asked to be present on an occasion when the Royal Scottish Academy makes its appeal to the public in Scotland. Any Scottish Member who could attend that would involve himself, even on a third-class fare, in an expenditure of at least between £5 and £6. He hesitates, as every man would hesitate, between fulfilling a function of that kind and not fulfilling it, if that be the amount of money involved. But if it were possible, either on a voucher or season-ticket system, for that Member to be present, he would not mind at all the burden of the journey, which, after all, involves a certain amount of physical fatigue. To Members who live in London, and who have access to this House, not on their feet, but by motor car, their easy access to the House is a very different story. But, incidentally, I should on any occasion vote for a first-class fare, for a simple reason. The Member who lives in Scotland, the Member who repre- sents a Scottish division, if he has to go north for any purpose to meet his constituents, if he be only entitled to third-class fare, he loses three days in his Parliamentary week. It takes him a day to reach Scotland, a day to fulfil his engagement, and a day to get back. If you give him a first-class season ticket, he pays for his own sleeping accommodation, he travels each way on two successive nights, and he is only away from his duties in the House of Commons for one day.

An hon. Gentleman behind me asks why cannot he go by night third class. The reason is that it takes a much longer time to get from King's Cross to Scotland third class than from Westminster to the constituency which my hon. Friend represents. If my hon. Friend had had the experience of travelling third class by night on two successive occasions in order to do his duty, he would appreciate that. Members engaged in the public service are not asking charity when they ask that the conditions under which they do this service shall be such as to bring in return from them the best service for the State. Therefore I hope we shall not delay this matter. I am not the least afraid to appear on my platform in my constituency and tell my constituents that I voted in favour of first-class fares. My right hon. Friend the Member for West Birmingham (Mr. A. Chamberlain) has suggested that this Committee ought to be prepared to suggest that we should increase the salaries of Members in such a way as to cover what is involved in the £70,000. I do not say that I would not be prepared to face that, but I do think this Committee should not postpone the matter again by sending it to a Committee who would report in the same way. It is only a question of how much it shall cost and in what particular way it shall be done. I know that the Leader of the Opposition, the late Prime Minister, is in favour of this proposal. He has already said so in writing to those who have been concerned in bringing this immediately before the attention of the Prime Minister. The leaders of the Liberal party are in favour of this proposal. The leaders of the Labour party are in favour of this pro- posal, and every man who is not afraid of the kind of criticism that we get in the Press is in favour of it.

I have not seen the signature of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith) on the requisition, but I have seen the signature of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George), and I have yet to know that he is not a leader of the Liberal party.

My right hon. Friend made a statement which he cannot substantiate. He said that the leaders of the Liberal party were in favour of this proposal. He does not substantiate the statement. It is not a true statement, and I think that in this matter we should not have statements that are not true. It is quite true that the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) voted for this on the last occasion. I think he did. I know also that he put his name to the requisition, but the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith) neither voted on the last occasion nor did he sign the requisition.

There is another stupid interruption. In view of those facts I do not think the hon. Gentleman has any right to say that the leaders of the Liberal party are in favour of this proposal.

All that the intervention of my hon. Friend has proved is that the one right hon. Gentleman gave a lead and the other did not. As far as I am concerned, I was saying, when I was interrupted, that it is only those Members who are afraid of the kind of criticism you get in the Press who will oppose this proposal. The people who make that criticism in the Press are the one large portion of this community who themselves experience in their particular work a contribution out of the public funds to carry it on. The Press of this country could not be carried on but for the fact that Press telegrams go very much cheaper than they ought to be carried, and Members who represent some of those great papers in this House not infrequently are making a point against Members of the House who want to do their duty. I hope the Committee will face the situation, take its courage in both hands and vote in favour of first-class passes.

The difficulties I have felt in this matter have not been as to the desirability of Members being paid their travelling expenses to their constituencies at the public expense. No one seriously disputes that Members should go to their constituencies as often as possible, nor could anyone fail to realise the strain which this duty imposes on Members, and the importance of this duty of keeping touch between Parliament and the constituencies has increased with every extension of the franchise. There must be many of us who feel that, if we are to be more than mere names, we must acquire the expensive gift of being in more than one place at the same time. If we do not acquire this gift, there seems to be a real danger that our democratic institutions will suffer in vitality, if they do not collapse altogether with their own weight. Even if it were not for these serious reasons, and quite apart from any instinctive feelings Members may have that they do not wish their political opponents to be unfairly handicapped in such a matter as railway fares, I should be the last person to desire that any political opponent of mine should be debarred from replying personally to the numerous and pertinent questions which his constituents would probably wish to put to him. To me the desirability of this proposal is in no doubt, nor do I think that the expenditure involved would be out of proportion to the advantages conferred, but we are naturally faced with the question as to whether we have a moral right to endow ourselves, or any number of ourselves, with a substantial benefit without our constituents having been advised of our intentions at the General Election.

This proposal has been described as unconstitutional. That is a serious word. I should be very sorry to do anything unconstitutional or contrary to the practice of this House. I was interested and reassured to find that in the past many of our predecessors were wont to travel to their constituencies, for which they charged, according to their rank, 4s. or 2s. per day during the period of their service there, including the expenditure incurred in travelling. So far as I understand, it is by no means certain that our right in this respect is actually dead. But I certainly do not intend to test this question myself, nor do I wish to pursue this subject into the mazes of constitutional precedent. As a layman, I have considered it merely upon its merits. In a Committee of this House, the question was raised of disallowing a vote to a Member on the ground that lie had voted himself a salary of £400 a year. The Chairman of the Committee then read out an extract from the Report of a special Committee appointed in 1896, to the effect that it had always been held that members of the Government might vote on Motions for the reduction of their salaries, because the general public policy involved would override the personal pecuniary interest. The Report went on to say that this principle, doubtless, would apply to Motions for the reduction of general or individual salaries. I think this is a fair and common-sense principle, which is susceptible of wider application, and I now venture to apply it to our right, as trustees of the public purse, to give ourselves these free railway passes. To my mind the public general interest would entirely outweigh any personal pecuniary gain to any of us. The criterion surely is, Are we thinking of ourselves or are we thinking of our duty? If we are thinking of our duty, then I submit we have a right to act, and if we do not act we would seem to be accepting an unnecessary restriction.

It might possibly have been advisable to put this matter before the country and to give the constituencies a chance of expressing their opinions upon it, but presumably no one would suggest that we should forthwith go to the country on this matter. [HON. MEMBERS: "Why not?"] Hon. Members say, "Why not?" but I hardly think our constituents would be pleased if we went down there and fought an election merely with a view to getting our return fares back free. I believe if in this matter we are satisfied as to our motives we have justification for deciding it now. It may be asked, Why should not Members' salaries be raised? But here there is a very real and a very great difference. Railway vouchers to a station in the constituency can, generally speaking, only be for one purpose. We naturally all enjoy going to our constituencies, but I do not regard a visit to my own as a mere holiday, and I think a railway voucher in this case would be more in the nature of an invoice for services to come than a receipt for work done in this House. While therefore I feel very strongly that the House should proceed with the utmost caution in sensitive matters of this kind, I cannot hold that it is debarred in the present case from doing what many of us feel would be in the general public interest.

I am deeply surprised at the Motion for delay and for further inquiry into a matter upon which right hon. Gentlemen who move it had evidently made up their minds three years ago. I find on looking through the OFFICIAL REPORT that on 1st June, 1921, when the subject was last before this House, the right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Birmingham (Mr. A. Chamberlain) himself moved it on behalf of the Government, and no fewer than 21 hon. Gentlemen opposite, Front Bench men and leading Members of the party who are in this House now, voted for the Motion, including, I think, every Front Bench Member present in this House with the exception of four. I think we may take it that there are 21 hon. Gentlemen who are in the House now and are leading Members of the Opposition, whose minds were made up on the subject on 1st June, 1921, and it absolutely passes my comprehension why they should want an inquiry now.

It is not of very great consequence, but the majority of my Unionist colleagues voted against the proposal.

The majority of the right hon. Gentleman's colleagues who voted against it were swept away. At any rate a Motion for delay and further inquiry is surely met by pointing out that in June, 1921, leading representatives of the Opposition had their minds made up in favour of the proposal. I had an experience last Monday night, coming up from Scotland, which, may be of some use to hon. Members in making up their minds how to vote.

I travelled third class. I always travel third and I should be quite glad to take third-class vouchers if there could be given us facilities for sleeping. But if hon. Members had to travel all night third class, as I did, with six jolly sailormen just home from sea, who had been half poisoned at some whisky shop, and arrive at London in the morning never having had a wink of sleep they would know that one is not in a fit condition to undertake the responsibility for which his constituents have sent him here. I endeavoured, in the course of negotiations to have the subject discussed, to see if it was not possible to get third-class passes with sleeping accommodation, but I was informed by railway Members of the House, as I understand the Government were informed on making official inquiry, that it was impossible to get sleeping facilities tacked on to third-class vouchers. Under these circumstances those of us who live a considerable distance from Westminster and frequently travel overnight are compelled to support a Vote for firstclass passes.

I must ask the hon. Member not to go into the merits of first as against third-class travelling at present but to confine himself to the question of delay.

Remarks have been made about the impropriety of hon. Members voting railway passes which they may use themselves. I think that point was ably met by the last speaker, and it says a very great deal for his courage considering his position that he took the stand he has taken. But I think, if it is not improper, it is highly inadvisable that hon. Members who can go to and from their constituencies for a few coppers on a tram car should make observations which suggest impropriety on the part of others who are not in that position, and if the principle of equality of sacrifice is to be acceded to, if every constituency is to have the same right of regular and direct touch with its representatives—and I submit that is the prime principle which this House ought to consider—the House can do nothing else but supply free travelling facilities between the constituencies and the House of Commons.

As I differ from the Front Bench of my own party, I think I had better say why. I propose to vote against this delaying Motion because I really do not see any advantage in referring this to another Committee. There has been one Committee, and ever since that last Vote I have made my position perfectly clear to my constituents. I had quite a number of questions on it at the last election. I said my action, whenever the matter came up again, would be the same as last time, namely, that I would vote for third-class fares and I would not vote for first. I have consistently maintained that attitude, and the only way I can fulfil my pledge is by not voting for any further delay but giving a perfectly straight vote on that issue and getting the matter settled one way or the other. I cannot vote for first because I am pledged against it. I agree the Scottish minority are sufferers, but we have to take the whole 615 into account, and I think third class is good enough. Even if we had delay we could never get a clear issue at any General Election. I agree that certain candidates, such as myself, will no doubt be asked again and others will not, but I am quite sure that the attitude taken up by the hon. and gallant Gentleman the Member for Dover (Major Astor) is the right one and his speech, which was an extremely courageous one, is the real argument why further delay is of no advantage, because sooner or later, whether it is on the report of a Committee of a few Members or whether it is the result of the next Election or the next after that, Members have to make up their minds and it will finally come back to a vote in this House. There are a great many Members in all parts of the House who quite legitimately think, as a matter of principle, that this is wrong and that is why this must be decided by a free vote of the House. I think the best thing we can do is to thrash out the details beforehand. The Financial Secretary to the Treasury made a very detailed speech and I hope the Committee will discuss some of those details. We cannot do so until we have the Motion to report Progress out of the way. I hope it will be disposed of and I have explained the reason why I feel compelled to vote against one of my leaders.

I should like to point out, what I think some hon. Members have not observed, that the Report of the Select Committee which reported in 1920 is a unanimous Report. They went into the subject and took evidence from a large number of witnesses and its Members were undoubtedly representative of different shades of opinion in the House as a whole. That Committee made its Report and included in it three particular paragraphs. I cannot see, in the light of this Report, what valid reason there is for postponing the discussion today. In paragraph 16 the Report says:

One of the speakers in the Debate on the 1st June, 1921, was a much-respected Member of this House, who has since died, Mr. Charles White, who was Member for one of the Divisions of Derbyshire. I hope the Committee will excuse me if I read an extract from his speech. He had a special right to speak because he had served on the Committee. He gave his own experience. It is better to quote his own experience, because it has nothing to do with anybody who is a Member of the House to-day. He said:

I ask myself, where is the real reason for postponing the decision? The truth of the matter is that we feel very largely that this is an inequality that ought to be rectified. It can be rectified only by this House; there is no other way. This is never going to be made an electoral issue. Nobody is ever going to win or lose an election on this question. We have a duty to perform in this matter, and we ought to take our courage in both hands and decide it now. We shall be open, I have no doubt, to a certain amount of misrepresentation. Nothing is easier than for newspaper articles to be written jeering at Members of Parliament voting themselves public money, but for my part I do not see what advantage is to be gained by postponing a decision. I cannot consent to vote for postponement when I realise that whether we postpone it or not, the fact is that this is a burden which is bearing now to-day, this week, next week unequally upon the shoulders of my colleagues in this House, where we ought all to stand on a common footing.

The hon. Member for Stirling (Mr. Johnston) made a statement which I must be allowed to correct. He said that the majority of Members now sitting on the Front Opposition Bench supported the proposal two years ago. I have taken the trouble to look at the Division list, and I find that, of those who were then Members of the House and are now sitting on this bench, 11 voted for and 21 against The right hon. Member for Spen Valley (Sir J. Simon) said that hon. Members in this House are suffering under a grievance. What is the grievance? They knew when they stood as candidates that if they represented a constituency in the North they would get £400 a year, out of which they could pay their expenses. Whatever the merits of the case may be, and there is a good deal to be said both ways, it cannot be said that they are suffering under a pressing grievance.

They knew that that inequality would exist when they came. There were several people in every constituency willing to take on that inequality. I do think that at this moment to demand that we should agree to this Vote without consideration is inadvisable. There are alternative schemes. If there be inequality, the inequality might be removed by cutting our allowance down to £300 a year and devoting the extra £100 towards the payment of free railway passes. What we have to consider besides our own inequality is the position of the public and the feeling of, or loss of, confidence that might follow our action. I think it is agreed that we shall have an election before long, and, surely, the proper thing to do is to wait and to say, quite candidly, at the election that we intend to support this proposal. If we do that, we shall come back to the House and shall not have the stigma cast upon us that one of the first things we do, even before the Budget is introduced, is to vote money for ourselves to remove inequalities which we knew full well we were undertaking when we asked for the suffrage of the electors.

I cannot accept the Motion moved by my right hon. Friend the Member for West Birmingham (Mr. A. Chamberlain), and I would appeal to him not to press it, as, evidently, the Committee desires to have a straight vote upon the main issue. Every hon. Member who heard the Financial Secretary will agree, that he dealt with great lucidity with the details. The proposal submitted by the Government is not inspired by any design to confer personal gain upon hon. Members, but is put forward as a necessity due largely to the change in the personnel of this House, following upon changes in the franchise and in the composition and constitution of Government Departments. Hon. Members have suggested that we might well leave this matter until there is a General Election.

No; but two or three hon. Members have suggested that it might be left until it could be sumbitted to the electorate at a General Election. We can foresee what the position of this item would be in political discussion, and how small a place it would occupy in the public mind in the effort to reach a decision at the poll, with great Imperial, domestic and world issues at stake. It is indeed unworthy of the House to think of deferring a settlement of this matter until the electors pronounce upon it. If everything decided in this House had to receive prior approval from the electorate, very little would be decided. I listened not only with attention, but with the greatest feeling of appreciation, to the very considerate speech made by my right hon. Friend opposite in support of the main proposal.

There are now two very strong grounds for doing to-day that which more than two years ago he strongly advocated when he was on this side of the House. The proposal then made was one covering nearly double the amount of public money that is now involved in this Estimate. Unsatisfactory as the national finances may be to-day, they are far better than three years ago, and if we are nicely to apportion the capacity of the nation to bear the burden, the load to-day will be found lighter upon the country than it would have been three years ago. The main reason for pressing this matter now is the great increase in the urgency of the problem and necessity for meeting it. A large number of poor men have come to this House since 1921. They are rich in the possession of great public spirit and they are fortified by the immense majorities of electors who sent them here, but they are poor in this world's goods.

One thing that has emerged in this discussion is the almost universal feeling in the House that we should like to have Members of this House of all parties put more upon a footing of equality in respect to facilities for the discharge of their public duties. I would remind the right hon. Gentleman that when speaking in support of the Motion in June, 1921, he submitted to the Committee this view: torates and more exacting constituencies, and demands are made for far more frequent visits in order to meet the people at meetings. Finally, I would suggest that inasmuch as private commercial firms, ordinary small public bodies, and municipalities would never think of calling upon their representatives to pay out of their own pockets their railway fares when travelling to London or elsewhere in discharge of the duties committed to their care, this House ought not to set a lower standard than that adopted, not only, generally speaking, by the parliaments of the world, but even by the local bodies in different parts of the country.

I am sorry that I cannot fall in with the right hon. Gentleman's wish that I should withdraw my Motion. I think that it is inconvenient for the Committee that the discussion should be taken on a Motion to report Progress, and what I would suggest is that we should take a Division on that Motion now and, if the Committee is not in agreement with it, that we should then proceed to a discussion on the question.

As a London Member I wish to say that I agree as to the inequality which exists at present, and I think that something should be done to remedy it. I think that if we are allowed to report Progress we shall have time to consider some means of arriving at a proper solution without imposing an additional burden of £70,000 on the British taxpayers. So far as I am concerned, I think that the London Members' view should be indicated on this question. I think that it should be arranged that by keeping the average over the whole country within a limit of £400, and having a lesser sum paid to London Members and Members whose constituencies are near the House of Commons, you should provide the money to pay the fares for the longer distances, so that hon. Members who have to travel these longer distances would be able to meet their travelling expenses just as well as those Members whose constituencies are nearer the House of Commons.

Question put, "That the Chairman do report Progress, and ask leave to sit again."

The Committee divided: Ayes, 153; Noes, 271.

Division No. 54. ]]

AYES.

[ 5.52 p.m.

Ainsworth, Captain Charles

Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray

Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C.

Allen, R. Wilberforce (Leicester, S.)

Ferguson, H.

Nicholson, O. (Westminster)

Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S.

Fletcher, Lieut.-Com. R. T. H.

Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield)

Atholl, Duchess of

Forestier-Walker, L.

Nield, Rt Hon. Sir Herbert

Baird, Major Rt. Hon. Sir John L.

Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E.

Owen, Major G.

Balfour, George (Hampstead)

Galbraith, J. F. W.

Pease, William Edwin

Barnston, Major Sir Harry

Gates, Percy

Pennefather, Sir John

Becker, Harry

Gilmour, Colonel Rt. Hon. Sir John

Penny, Frederick George

Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake)

Gray, Frank (Oxford)

Perring, William George

Berry, Sir George

Greene, W. P. Crawford

Philipson, Mabel

Betterton, Henry B.

Gwynne, Rupert S.

Pilditch, Sir Philip

Blades, Sir George Rowland

Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton

Bowater, Sir T. Vansittart

Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland)

Raine, W.

Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W.

Harmsworth, Hon. E. C. (Kent)

Rees, Sir Beddoe

Brass, Captain W.

Hartington, Marquess of

Remnant, Sir James

Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive

Harvey, C. M. B.(Aberd'n & Kincardne)

Rhys, Hon. C. A. U.

Briscoe, Captain Richard George

Harvey, T. E. (Dewsbury)

Richardson, Lt.-Col. Sir P. (Chertsey)

Brittain, Sir Harry

Henn, Sir Sydney H.

Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford)

Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James

Hennessy, Major J. R. G.

Robinson, Sir T. (Lanes, Stretford)

Bullock, Captain M.

Herbert, Capt. Sidney (Scarborough)

Ropner, Major L.

Burney, Lieut.-Com. Charles D.

Hill-Wood, Major Sir Samuel

Roundell, Colonel R. F.

Butt, Sir Alfred

Hogbin, Henry Cairns

Russell-Wells, Sir S. (London Univ.)

Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R.

Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (St. Marylebone)

Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham)

Cautley, Sir Henry s.

Hohler, Sir Gerald Fitzroy

Sandeman, A. Stewart

Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City)

Hood, Sir Joseph

Seely, Rt. Hn. Maj.-Gen. J. E. B. (I. of W.)

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Sir Evelyn (Aston)

Hope, Rt. Hon. J. F. (Sheffield, C.)

Spender-Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H.

Chadwick, Sir Robert Burten

Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mosstey)

Steel, Samuel Strang

Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A.(Birm.,W.)

Howard, Hn. D.(Cumberland, Northrn.)

Stuart, Hon. J. (Moray and Nairn)

Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood)

Howard-Bury, Lieut.-Col. C. K.

Stuart, Lord C. Crichton-

Clarry, Reginald George

Hughes, Collingwood

Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser

Clayton, G. C.

Hutchison, W. (Kelvingrove)

Sykes, Major-Gen. Sir Frederick H.

Cobb, Sir Cyril

Iliffe, Sir Edward M.

Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley)

Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K.

James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Cohen, Major J. Brunei

Johnstone, Harcourt (Willesden, East)

Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell-(Croydon, S.)

Collox, Major Wm. Phillips

Jowitt, W. A. (The Hartlepools)

Thornton, Maxwell R.

Cope, Major William

Joynson-Hicks, Rt. Hon. Sir William

Vaughan-Morgan, Col. K. P.

Cowan, Sir Wm. Henry (Islington, N.)

Kindersley, Major G. M.

Ward, Lt.-Col. A.L.(Kingston-on-Hull)

Croft, Brigadier-General Sir H.

King, Captain Henry Douglas

Warrender, Sir Victor

Crooke, J. Smedley (Derltend)

Locker-Lampson, G. (Wood Green)

Webb, Lieut.-Col. Sir H. (Cardiff, E.)

Cunliffe, Joseph Herbert

Lord, Walter Greaves-

Wheler, Lieut.-Col. Granville C. H.

Dalkeith, Earl of

Lorlmer, H. D.

Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George

Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H.

Lumley, L. R.

Winterton, Rt. Hon. Earl

Davies, Sir Thomas (Cirencester)

MacDonald, R.

Wise, Sir Fredric

Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.)

Macnaghten, Hon. Sir Malcolm

Wood, Major Rt. Hon. Edward F. L.

Dodds, S. R.

McNeil, Rt. Hon. Ronald John

Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West)

Doyle, Sir N. Grattan

Makins, Brigadier-General E.

Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L.

Duckworth, John

Marks, Sir George Croydon

Wragg, Herbert

Edmondson, Major A. J.

Marriott, Sir J. A. R.

Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward

Edwards, John H. (Accrington)

Mason, Lieut.-Colonel Glyn K.

Yerburgh, Major Robert D. T.

Elveden, Viscount

Milne, J. S. Wardlaw

England, Colonel A.

Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham)

TELLERS FOR THE AYES :— Commander Eyres-Monsell and Colonel Gibbs.:— Commander Eyres-Monsell and Colonel Gibbs.

Erakine, James Malcolm Monteith

Mond, H.

NOES.

Ackroyd, T. R.

Buckle, J.

Dickson, T.

Acland, Rt. Hon. Francis Dyke

Burnie, Major J. (Bootle)

Dudgeon, Major C. R.

Adamson, Rt. Hon. William

Butler, Sir Geoffrey

Dukes, C.

Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock)

Buxton, Rt. Hon. Noel

Duncan, C.

Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro')

Cape. Thomas

Dunnico, H.

Alstead, R.

Chapple, Dr. William A.

Eden, Captain Anthony

Ammon, Charles George

Charleton, H. C.

Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty)

Astor, Maj. Hon. John J.(Kent, Dover)

Clarke, A.

Emlyn-Jones, J. E. (Dorset, N.)

Attlee, Major Clement R.

Climie, R.

Falconer, J.

Ayles, W. H.

Cluse, W. S.

Finney, V. H.

Baker, W. J.

Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R.

Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L.

Banton, G.

Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock)

Foot, Isaac

Barker, G. (Monrnoutli, Abertillery)

Collins, Patrick (Walsall)

Franklin, L. B.

Barnes, A.

Compton, Joseph

Gardner, B. W. (West Ham, Upton)

Batey, Joseph

Comyns-Carr, A. S.

Gardner, J. P. (Hammersmith, North)

Beckett, Sir Gervase

Costello, L. W. J.

Gavan-Duffy, Thomas

Birkett, W. N.

Cove, W. G.

George, Major G. L. (Pembroke)

Black, J. W.

Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities)

Gilbert, James Daniel

Blundell, F. N.

Crittall, V. G.

Gillett, George M.

Bonwick, A.

Darbishire, C. W.

Gosling, Harry

Briant, Frank

Davies, Ellis (Denbigh, Denbigh)

Gould, Frederick (Somerset, Frome)

Broad, F. A.

Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale)

Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton)

Brown, A. E. (Warwick, Rugby)

Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton)

Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central)

Brown. James (Ayr and Bute)

Davison, J. E. (Smethwick)

Greenall, T.

Buchanan, G.

Deans, Richard Storry

Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne)

Buckingham, Sir H.

Dickie, Captain J. P.

Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan)

Grigg, Lieut.-Col. Sir Edward W. M.

Mansel, Sir Courtenay

Simpson, J. Hope

Groves, T.

March. S.

Smillie, Robert

Grundy, T. W.

Marley, James

Smith, Ben (Bermondsey, Rotherwithe)

Guest, J. (York, Hemsworth)

Martin, F. (Aberd'n & Kinc'd'ne, E.)

Smith, T. (Pontefract)

Guest, Dr. L. Haden (Southwark N.)

Martin, W. H. (Dumbarton)

Smith, W. R. (Norwich)

Hall, F. (York, W. B., Normanton)

Masterman, Rt. Hon. C. F. G.

Snell, Harry

Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil)

Maxton, James

Spence, R.

Hardie, George D.

Meller, R. J.

Spencer, H. H. (Bradford, S.)

Harland, A.

Meyler, Lieut.-Colonel H. M.

Spero, Dr. G. E.

Harris, Percy A.

Millar, J. D.

Spoor, B. G.

Hartshorn, Rt. Hon. Vernon

Mills, J. E.

Stamford, T. W.

Hastings, Sir Patrick

Mitchell, R. M.(Perth & Kinross, Perth)

Stephen, Campbell

Hastings, Somerville (Reading)

Montague, Frederick

Stewart, J. (St. Rollox)

Haycock, A. W.

Morrison, Herbert (Hackney, South)

Stewart, Maj. R. S. (Stockton-on-Tees)

Hayday, Arthur

Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.)

Sullivan, J.

Hayes, John Henry (Edge Hill)

Mosley, Oswald

Sutherland, Rt. Hon. Sir William

Hemmerde, E. G.

Moulton, Major Fletcher

Sutton, J. E.

Henderson, A. (Cardiff, South)

Murray, Robert

Tattersall, J. L.

Henderson, T. (Glasgow)

Murrell, Frank

Terrington, Lady

Henderson, W. W. (Middlesex, Enfld.)

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby)

Hillary, A. E.

Nichol, Robert

Thomas, Sir Robert John (Anglesey)

Hindle, F.

Nixon, H.

Thompson, Luke (Sunderland)

Hirst, G. H.

O'Grady, Captain James

Thompson, Piers G. (Torquay)

Hobhouse, A. L.

Oliver, George Harold

Thomson, Trevelyan (Middlesbro. W.)

Hodge, Lieut.-Col. J. P. (Preston)

Oliver, P. M. (Manchester, Blackley)

Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plalstow)

Hodges, Frank

Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William

Thurtle, E.

Hoffman, P. C.

Paling, W.

Tillett, Benjamin

Hore-Belisha, Major Leslie

Parry, Thomas Henry

Tinker, John Joseph

Howard, Hon. G. (Bedford, Luton)

Perry, S. F.

Toole, J.

Hudson, J. H.

Pethick-Lawrence, F. W.

Trevelyan, Rt. Hon. C. P.

Isaacs, G. A.

Phillipps, Vivian

Turner-Samuels, M.

Jackson, R. F. (Ipswich)

Pilkington, R. R.

Varley, Frank B.

Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath)

Ponsonby, Arthur

Viant, S. P.

Jephcott, A. R.

Potts, John B.

Vivian, H.

Jewson, Dorothea

Pringle, W. M. R.

Wallhead, Richard C.

John, William (Rhondda, West)

Purcell, A. A.

Ward, G. (Leicester, Bosworth)

Jones, Rt. Hon. Leif (Camborne)

Raffan, P. W.

Ward, Col. J. (Stoke upon Trent)

Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontyprldd)

Raffety, F. W.

Warne, G. H.

Jowett, Rt. Hon. F. W. (Bradford, E.)

Ramage, Captain Cecil Beresford

Watson, Sir F. (Pudsey and Otley)

Kay, Sir R. Newbald

Rathbone, Hugh H.

Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline)

Kedward, R. M.

Raynes, W. R.

Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda)

Keens, T.

Rees, Capt. J. T. (Devon, Barnstaple)

Webb, Rt. Hon. Sidney

Kennedy, T.

Rendall, A.

Wedgwood, Col. Rt. Hon. Josiah C.

Kenworthy, Lt.-Com. Hon. Joseph M.

Rentoul, G. S.

Weir, L. M.

Kenyon, Barnet

Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

Welsh, J. C.

Kirkwood, D.

Ritson, J.

White, H G. (Birkenhead, E.)

Lambert, Rt. Hon. George

Roberts, Rt. Hon. F. O. (W. Bromwich)

Whiteley, W.

Lawrence, Susan (East Ham, North)

Robertson, J. (Lanark, Bothwell)

Wignall, James

Lawson, John James

Robertson, T. A.

Williams, A. (York, W. R., Sowerby)

Leach, W.

Robinson, S. W. (Essex, Chelmsford)

Williams, David (Swansea, E.)

Lee, F.

Romeril, H. G.

Williams, Dr. J. H. (Llanelly)

Linfield, F. C.

Rose, Frank H.

Williams, Lt.-Col. T. S. B. (Kennington)

Livingstone, A. M

Royce, William Stapleton

Williams, Maj. A. S.(Kent, Sevenoaks)

Lloyd, Cyril E. (Dudley)

Royle, C.

Williams, T. (York, Don Valley)

Loverseed, J. F.

Rudkin, Lieut.-Colonel C. M. C.

Wilson, Sir C. H. (Leeds, Central)

Lowth, T.

Scrymgeour. E.

Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe)

Lunn, William

Scurr, John

Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow)

McCrae, Sir George

Sexton, James

Windsor, Walter

MacDonald, Rt. Hon. J. R.(Aberavon)

Shaw, Rt. Hon. Thomas (Preston)

Wintringham, Margaret

M'Entee, V. L.

Sheffield, Sir Berkeley

Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.)

Mackinder, W.

Sherwood, George Henry

Woodwark, Lieut.-Colonel G. G.

McLean, Major A.

Shinwell, Emanuel

Wright, W.

Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan)

Short, Alfred (Wednesbury)

Young, Andrew (Glasgow, Partick)

Marpherson, Rt. Hon. James I.

Simon, E. D.(Manchester, Withington)

Maden, H.

Simon, Rt. Hon. Sir John

TELLERS FOR THE NOES. —Mr. Hogge and Mr. T. Johnston—Mr. Hogge and Mr. T. Johnston

Original Question again proposed.

6.0 P.M.

Now that we have got back to the main question, I would like to refer to an observation which was made by my hon. Friend the Member for East Edinburgh (Mr. Hogge) in an earlier part of the Debate. But for that observation I do not think that I should have had any particular desire to take part in this Debate. The hon. Member for East Edinburgh said that no one would be found against this Motion except those who feared criticism in the Press. As I am opposed to this Motion, I wish, with some indignation to repudiate the idea—and I am sure the same can be said for those who take the same view as myself—that I am animated in the slightest degree by fear of criticism in the Press. The right hon. and learned Gentleman the Member for Spen Valley (Sir J. Simon) exhorted Members of the House to take their courage in both hands in order to support this Motion. I do not think that it is a matter of courage. So far a6 I have been able to observe the course of the Debate, it requires at least as much courage to take up an attitude which is susceptible to the reproach that we are wishing to maintain an inequality between Members of this House, as it does to take the opposite view and to support this Vote.

I am opposed to this Vote for a very simple reason, and that is that under existing circumstances I do not think that the Members of the House have a right to put this particular burden upon the taxpayers of the country. I will give my reason for that view. I am not now suggesting that we should defer considering this matter until after another General Election. The right hon. Gentleman, the Deputy-Leader of the House, just before the Division told us—there was a goad deal to be said for the statement—that if everything which is done in this House had first of all to be specifically submitted to the constituencies, very little would be done. I agree. But, after all, we have travelled a very short way from a General Election. This is a matter which was discussed only a year or two ago in this House, which was defeated in this House, although the present proposal was then supported by the bulk of the party that now supports the Government. If the Government and their supporters had in mind that this was a grievance with which the House of Commons ought to deal, it was perfectly open to them to include this proposal in their election programme. The right hon. Gentleman himself, if I recollect rightly, joined with the Prime Minister in putting a manifesto before the country, in which, in considerable detail, the policy of the Labour party was laid before the country.

Why did the Prime Minister and the right hon. Gentleman not then say to the country, "We suffer a grievance in the House of Commons because of the distance that we have to travel and the difficulties that some of us have to face in meeting the expense of travelling. We were defeated in the late House of Commons on this very proposal. If we obtain a majority in the Election we desire to bring the proposal forward again." I do not know whether there is any member of the party opposite who could produce an Election address and show to the House that he laid before his own constituents a proposal of this sort. Certainly it was not laid before the country officially by the Labour party, although within a few months from to-day they had an opportunity of doing so. The hon. Member for East Edinburgh, in explaining the grievance which especially Members from Scotland have, said that he and other Members of the House are occupied in Scotland in municipal politics, among other things, and that that required his attendance very often in Edinburgh in order to discharge his duties.

I am very sorry if I misunderstood the hon. Gentleman. I understood him to say that he had to take part in municipal life in the Scottish capital. However, I will not pursue chat matter. What I suggest is this: It is perfectly well known, and ought to be recognised, that those Members who live a long way from Westminster, whose constituencies are a long way from Westminster, are certainly not expected to go to their constituencies with anything like the frequency that those Members do who live much nearer London. [HON. MEMBERS: "Why not?"] For the very obvious reason that it would be most unreasonable to expect them to do so. Constituents are reasonable people. Is anyone going to contend that for the sake of some social function, or for taking part in some comparatively important public local concern, a Member is expected to go to the Shetland Islands or the Orkney Islands as often as I am expected to go to Kent? People are not so unreasonable as that. Everybody knows that the frequency with which one is expected to go to one's constituency depends to a large extent on the distance that one has to travel. I do not wish to take up any attitude of defence of what have been called the inequalities in this respect. I quite recognise the reasonableness of the grievance that has been put forward from the point of view of those who advance it. But do let us remember that when payment of Members was introduced in 1911—I entirely agree with what fell from my right hon. Friend the Member for West Bir- mingham (Mr. Austen Chamberlain) on that head, and, although I voted against payment of Members at that time, I realise, as he does, that it would not only be impossible but undesirable to go back on that action now—it also was introduced without any reference whatsoever to the country and without any notice to the country that it was to be done. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] There certainly was at the time a considerable amount of objection and of resentment in the country at what had been done. I believe that the reason why it was acquiesced in to the extent that it was, was not that the country gave £400 a year to Members of this House from the idea that that was to be a complete income for Members, but was very largely because it was represented in the country that Members of Parliament necessarily incurred a great deal of expense in carrying on their duties in Parliament, and that a grant of £400 a year was accepted by the country as a rough-and-ready way of covering this expense.

In these circumstances it appears to me that it is not right to require the constituencies to accept the view that the £400 a year was an income upon which Members were expected to live, in the general sense of the word, and to go outside that now and supply an additional grant to cover the expense which was originally supposed to be covered by that £400. I will make a suggestion to the Financial Secretary to the Treasury. I think it is a suggestion which, if carried out, would at one and the same time remove the grievance of the inequality under which Members suffer, and would test to a certain extent the sincerity with which this claim is made. If these expenses are to be borne to relieve Members, they should be borne by the constituencies that send the representatives here. [HON. MEMBERS: "NO."] It appears, to me that the way in which that suggestion is received on the other side is a very strong indication that many hon. Members think that it is the very last thing to which their own constituents would consent.

Would that not be unfair? The people in Glasgow and Scotland generally would be called upon to pay a good deal more per Member than the people in, say, West Ham.

The answer to that is that you cannot, whatever method you pursue, entirely eliminate inequality in some respects. It would have this effect, that if the people in Scotland desired the frequent attendance of their Member and required him to come up from Westminster to Scotland at week-ends, and at frequent other intervals, and if they were sufficiently anxious to get their Member down and were ready to pay his travelling expenses, they would have a perfect right to do so. But what right has this House to say that because a Member wants to travel from here to Aberdeen or to Dundee to open a bazaar, the taxpayers in my constituency in Kent should pay for the expense? It is perfectly fair for the constituency itself to bear that burden, but to suggest that all constituencies, whether they like it or not, should be equally bound to pay for the expenses of Members who do not desire the privilege, and do not require it, seems to be entirely unfair. Having voted on the same grounds against this proposal when it was brought forward two years ago, I intend to take the advice of my right hon. Friend the Member for Spen Valley—though not in the sense in which he intended it—and I am going to take my courage in both hands and vote against this proposal now.

Will the right hon. Gentleman tell us how he would deal with the cases of the many Members of this House whose residences are in the provinces and who are bound, of necessity, to travel up and down between their homes and London every week-end. It is no use saying that they should move their homes to London, because in the insecure state of politics they may be in London one week and in the provinces the next.

I cannot see that my hon. Friend has raised any fresh difficulty. The proposal before the Committee is to pay the expenses of travelling between Westminster and the constituencies, and the only suggestion I make is that instead of that burden being placed on the shoulders of the general taxpayer, it should be placed upon the shoulders of the local taxpayer in those cases where the Member requires it and where the constituencies are willing to pay it. That appears to me to be a fair proposal, and I will vote with a clear conscience against the proposal which is here brought forward.

The right hon. Gentleman has declared his hostility to the proposal before the Committee. May I remind him that, in speaking on this subject on 1st June, 1921, he used these words:

"I am prepared to vote for this particular form or some other form of granting an addition to the remuneration of Members of this House who require it."

At that time, the issue before hon. Members was much wider than the issue with which we are dealing this afternoon. The right hon. Gentleman has seen fit to change his clearly expressed opinion, and although he is going to take his courage in both hands, as he told hon. Members just before he sat down, and vote against the proposal, yet, when he was about to resume his seat on the 1st June, 1921, he said:

"I have stated the principle on which I am prepared to act and I repeat I am willing to vote for the grant of this assistance to those who need it."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 1st June, 1921; cols. 1132–33, Vol. 142.]

If the right hon. Gentleman is anxious to give assistance to those who need it, he will vote for the Supplementary Estimate before the Committee, and those who do not need the assistance need not take the free passes. No doubt, the right hon. Gentleman has had good reasons for the change—

The right hon. Gentleman, I think, has changed from the opinion expressed in 1921.

I cannot allow the hon. Member to repeat that statement. I have in no way changed my opinion. What I was prepared to do then I am prepared to do now. The whole question is how that is to be effected. It is no answer, on that point, to say that an hon. Member who does not require this relief need not take it. I object to my constituents being asked to pay for the travelling of my hon. Friend.

I am within the recollection of the Committee, and I repeat the words which the right hon. Gentleman used in 1921:

"I am prepared to vote for this particular form,"

and so on, and I leave it to the Members of the Committee to decide the issue between the right hon. Gentleman and myself. I had the honour of being Chairman of the Committee which inquired into the question of Members' expenses in December, 1920. That Committee was composed of members of all parties, and its object was to secure opinions from members of all parties. Questions were addressed to every Member of the House at that time, and the Committee sat for several days going through the replies which were received and examining hon. Members who kindly gave evidence. As my right hon. Friend the Member for Spen Valley said, they recommended unanimously that free railway tickets should be granted to Members between Westminster and their constituencies. At that time there was a very strong movement in favour of increasing the salaries paid to Members of Parliament, but the Committee decided not to make any recommendation to increase the £400 a year allowance. At a time when every legislative assembly where the principle of payments to Members by way of salary or allowance obtained was increasing, the amounts paid to those Members, the British House of Commons decided not to increase the £400 a year.

The particular £100 a year allowance was carried into effect by a Minute passed by the Treasury in the year 1913. [HON. MEMBERS: "NO!"] I think if hon. Members read the Report, they will find that what I have stated is correct.

Is it not the case that, after the discussion in the House, the Treasury Minute was abrogated, and then any Member could claim the whole salary so that the rich Members thereafter could get the whole of their salary tax free?

I think the hon. Member for Penistone (Mr. Pringle) has stated the position with his usual accuracy. Every member of the Committee to which I refer considered there was a grave inequality in the present situation. Members coming from the far North had to find considerable sums every week or every month to enable them to keep in touch with their constituencies. On grounds of public policy a Select Committee unanimously recommended that first-class railway travelling facilities should be granted. It may be that some hon. Members will not take advantage of such facilities. It may also be that it will not prove an unmixed blessing to hon. Members to have that privilege, because constituents, knowing the high cost of travelling to-day, are more tender, and do not press their representatives to visit the constituencies so frequently while Parliament is sitting and if this Estimate is passed, the constituencies may be more exacting and may demand more frequent attendances of Members in their constituencies during the Session. May I also remind the Committee that in every Dominion Parliament the Members receive free railway travelling. That system is universal wherever the principle of payment of Members has been adopted. It has been suggested this afternoon that hon. Members should have free railway tickets to enable them to travel to their homes, but Parliament in its judgments with regard to the expenditure of public money should be guided by one principle only, namely, the public interest. It is in the interests of public policy that Members of this House should be enabled to keep in close contact with their constituencies, but it is immaterial to the State where hon. Members reside. That is outside our jurisdiction. Hon. Members may live where they choose, but it is not the duty of a British Government, now or in the future, to grant them free travelling facilities to visit their homes. That cannot be justified on grounds of public policy, but on the larger issue of the necessity for hon. Members to keep in touch with their constituents at times when perhaps public passion is rising, I suggest that, although it may seem contrary to the principles and contrary to the judgment of some hon. Members, any step which is taken to enable hon. Members to keep in touch with their constituents is on the best ground of public policy, and I hope the Committee will pass the Estimate.

This discussion has ranged over a considerable field, and I think it might have been abbreviated very considerably. The whole question could be settled by granting a measure of self-determination to Scotland. Half these troubles would then disappear, and it would be a case of England for the English with the Scottish Members fighting as to who was to foot the bill for these railway passes. Apart from that consideration, I believe this question, however we look at it, is one of principle, and not of detail. We are trustees of the public purse, and as such, when we are about to spend public money which is going to benefit ourselves, be it ever so little, we should examine the question carefully before spending that money. During the recent Election and the Election preceding it, I was asked for my opinion in regard to free railway travel for Members.

I will deal with the hon. Member very briefly. My constituency is just about as far from London as his own. If I may be allowed to continue my argument without interruption, I should like to say that when this question was put to me during the last two Elections, I said I was against the principle of free railway travel. That does not prevent arrangements being made to meet hard cases, as was suggested by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Canterbury (Mr. McNeill). I think that is the right way of dealing with the question, and is a much better way than the wholesale method of spending money which is proposed. This proposal, as such, has not been before the electorate. The electorate intensely disliked the original payment of Members because they felt that they had not been consulted, and I believe that equally they would dislike this proposal. The question of whether Members should travel first-class or third-class is immaterial. I am reminded of a certain hot-tempered General in South Africa who came along a railway platform on one occasion when some officers of his corps were asking for a first-class carriage to convey them on a journey. Parliamentary tradition quite forbids me repeating what the General remarked. I think that, as the constituencies have not been consulted in this matter, we should do far better to defer it till they have.

I intervene to take very strong exception to the statement of the right hon. Member for Canterbury (Mr. E. McNeill) that this question has not been before the country. It has been thoroughly canvassed for years, and I do not think we can accept that statement. The hon. Member for Stafford (Mr. Ormsby-Gore) was prepared to support third-class fares, but not first-class, but I feel very strongly indeed that a collier who comes out of his pit is entitled, if he is travelling on Parliamentary work, to travel first-class. If he goes to a rabbit course, or if I go to a golf match, we travel as we like, but as a Member of Parliament he is entitled to go by the best method of travelling there is. [An HON. MEMBER: "Why?"] Because there is something in the traditions and the dignity of this House. I have a letter from a very charming old lady, a constituent of my own, who writes me somewhat in the following strain: "Don't you think you men in the House of Commons would be better employed taking off the penalties on old age pensioners' thrift than voting yourselves first-class railway fares?"

There is a good deal in that question, but I, for one, believe that Members of this House are entitled to travel first-class. I believe that in ordinary normal times that allowance should be given fully, in addition to the present allowance for expenses, but I believe that at the present time it should not be made an addition to the demand on the public funds. I believe, on the contrary, that we ought to try to undo and rectify the gross inequalities which at the present time fall most heavily upon the shoulders of the hon. Members from the north and sit most lightly on the shoulders of the hon. Members from the Home Counties, who can, perhaps, afford them better. I have made a little calculation as to the difference in the cost of railway fares, and I find that my right hon. Friend the Member for Spen Valley (Sir J. Simon) can get home—not to his constituency, but home—for 2d. while the House is sitting; my hon. Friend the Member for West Ham (Mr. W. Thorne) can get both home and to his constituency for 4d.; it costs me 39s. 9d. to get to my home and constituency; it costs the hon. Member for North Lanark (Mr. Sullivan) £4 3s.; and it costs the Noble Lord the Member for South Battersea (Viscount Curzon) 30s. and costs and his voucher endorsed.

There is one thing which we should seriously consider in this matter, and that is this: While I yield to no man in my pride at being a Member of this House, I take an equal pride in what I believe is a well-known fact throughout the world, namely, that this House calls for greater sacrifices from and gives less | advantages to its Members than any other House in the world. That is something to be proud of and something to go on making sacrifices for. I am not prepared to vote for this grant, but I am prepared to vote for reducing the salaries of all Members proportionately, so that everyone will be on the same footing, and so that the total cost of all the vouchers issued will be more or less equally spread. The present cost of the allowance for expenses, without deducting those few Members—I believe six—who do not draw it, is £246,000. To put the full £70,000 grants on to us all would reduce our allowance by something like £100 a year, but I do not think it would quite amount to that, because the whole of the vouchers would not be taken up. I feel very much, as one to whom the burden is not as heavy, perhaps, as to some of my colleagues on the left, that they should be put on the same footing as any other Member of this House.

It is not in order for the hon. Member to move a reduction at this stage.

The right hon. Member for Spen Valley (Sir J. Simon) and other hon. Members on those benches have given a decision, as far as they are concerned, in favour of the proposal before the Committee. I should like to call their attention to the attitude of their party to the proposal when it was before the House on a previous occasion, and I am sure that they would not wish to be inconsistent in the attitude which they are taking to-day. Unfortunately, their leader at that time, Sir Donald Maclean, is no longer in the House, but he represented their view at that time, and I should like to quote what he said with regard to free railway passes. The House will also remember that at that time there was another proposal before the House, which was to exempt salaries from Income Tax, and in the course of his speech he mentioned the free railway passes, and said:

This is a very delicate question, because every hon. Member who speaks on it must have thrown at him either that he represents a constituency near London or a constituency far away, and surely we ought, as far as possible, to take it that every Member of this House who is speaking on this question is not directed by such a private matter, but by what he considers to be the principle of the matter, whether his constituency is near London or in the North of Scotland. As far as I am concerned, I spoke and voted against the proposal when it was before the House in that Parliament, and I shall now vote against the proposal, because I feel that whatever decision we take in this House must have a great effect on other bodies outside. There are the county councils, for instance. It has been before the county councils in more than one instance that they should have expenses for travelling to the county town from the places where they live, and that proposal has been turned down. If we pass this Measure, it must follow, as a matter of course, that members of county councils will also pass a similar Measure as far as they are concerned, and if once we in this House accept the principle of free railway passes, it must naturally be taken up by lesser bodies throughout the country.

I was very much impressed by the suggestion raised by the hon. Member for South Bradford (Mr. H. Spencer) as to whether we are right in this House in passing a Vote which is, after all, for ourselves, before we have considered the various sums of money that have been demanded by various sections of the community outside. I am very surprised myself at the Government and at the hon. Members who support the Government. They might be in favour of this principle, and on a proper occasion they would, from their point of view, be quite right in putting it forward, but what I am surprised at is that, before in this Parliament any Measure has been passed to give pensions for widows or to give old age pensions for all, they should propose that Members of this House should take £70,000 for their own benefit. Having granted what is demanded, and rightly demanded, by other sections of the community, if the Chancellor of the Exchequer had come down and said: "There is sufficient money left for hon. Members to have further privileges," then we could consider the matter, but before we consider ourselves, I think we have to consider our constituents and the rights of those sections of the community who are very hardly pressed at the present moment.

I suggest that the point that a great many Members of this House find it difficult to exist under present conditions is rather overdone, and that even on the Government Benches at the present moment, considering the Members who are in the Government, and those who hold various posts outside the Government, and the many who are in the employment of trade unions throughout the country, there are very few hon. Members of this House who are in a position where they really cannot afford to pay for these tickets themselves. Surely, if we take up this position and pass this Vote to-day, when other bodies of the community come to us, as they do, and as every hon. Member who has been here for a few years will know, and lobby us in favour of their various suggestions that they should have some of the public money given to them, we shall be in a very difficult position to say "No" to them, if we have already taken some of it for ourselves. In some of the cases they come to us justly demanding money, and in other cases unjustly, and it is for us to decide for ourselves and our constituents whether they are demanding it rightly or wrongly. I do not see how we can turn down various sections of the community who are demanding that public money should be expended on them after we have already taken upon ourselves at such an early stage of this Session to vote ourselves money for our own benefit! If we start upon these proposals where are we going to end? Are we shortly afterwards to come to the conclusion that, after all, there is no reason why we should pay for our dinner at this House? Why not have a subsidy for the Kitchen Committee?

There is no reason, if we pass this, that we should not suggest paying for other things, to pay even for the clothing of hon. Members.

Following up the proposal an hon. Member could come into the House of Commons in the morning and demand other things from the public service. Most of us who sit in this House surely consider it sufficient honour to be Members of the House without payment. Surely a majority of us are willing to give service free, and even to expend money upon it, instead of asking that we should gain pecuniary benefit. I am sure hon. Members on the other side of the House will not in the least suggest that what I am saying is wrong. [An HON. MEMBER: "It is rubbish!"] When I hear hon. Members suggest that because this takes place in Canada and in America it should take place in this country there surely is no comparison between the two. Most hon. Members know that in some cases in Canada a member has to travel a week before he gets to his destination or his constituency. That is slightly different from the position of hon. Members here, even of those who have to go to Scotland, because, after all, that is only a night's journey. In America the members have all sorts of privileges, too, that we have not got in connection with this House. After all, this is the oldest Parliament in the world, and we ought to set a good example to the rest of the world. It does not matter what takes place in other parts of the world. I think Members of this House, as a whole, on principle, do not want these railway passes. I sincerely hope that they will not accept this help. We must in this House keep proper control of the finances of the country. If we are to get and keep that proper control, how can we do it if we vote ourselves money? I think this Measure should go over until another General Election has taken place and before we decide to bring up the total Vote of the House of Commons to nearly £400,000 a year. On the other side of this House we hear of much suffering and much privation that hon. Members tell us we ought to do something for. I hope sincerely that the principles of Socialism do not demand that first and foremost the Socialist Members of the House of Commons should demand that they have extra privileges—that they should have free railway passes paid for out of public funds!

I have not risen to make a speech, but simply to call attention to the fact that the burden on the country is less than one half-penny per head of the population on the proposal that is before us; the proposal of the hon. Member for West Middlesbrough (Mr. T. Thomson) would lower it to a farthing; while the proposal of the hon. Member who has just spoken would add nothing to it.

Can the Minister of Labour tell us whether this free travelling is to apply to Ministers of the Crown as well as to ordinary Members of Parliament?

On a point of Order. As to the method of administration, we ought to know how this matter stands. I understand that in the case of members of the Government who receive £5,000 a year, the £400 a year salary is not included. On that analogy, will they receive this travelling allowance?

There is, however, an interesting point in connection with the original Vote, which was exclusively for Members of the House of Commons who had no ministerial office. There is no indication in this Supplementary Estimate, nor in the footnote, that those who are to benefit by the Supplementary Estimate are to go outside the former class. The salaries are exclusively for Members of Parliament who hold no ministerial office. You cannot give a supplement to the salary and expenses of people who are at present enjoying them. [HON. MEMBERS: "Answer!"]

Members cannot insist upon a Minister of the Crown replying. No doubt the right hon. Gentleman will do so later.

I beg to move to reduce the Vote by £20,000.

The hon. Gentleman, who has just sat down, drew a very lurid picture of the terrible evils that would follow the introduction of paying Members' travelling expenses. Exactly the same fears were expressed in 1911, from different benches in the House of Commons, when the original payment of Members was proposed. Yet we heard to-day from the Front Opposition Bench, from the right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Birmingham (Mr. A. Chamberlain) and also from the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Canterbury (Mr. R. McNeill), their tribute to the excellent result of the payment of Members and their expression of the change of their opinion and their regret that they were so misguided in 1911. I venture to suggest that, if we wait for a few years, we shall have exactly the same recantation from other bon. Members who to-day are opposing this extension of the principle of the payment of Members.

An eloquent defence of the principle was given by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Birmingham. He pointed out the growing injustices which attach to the inequalities between those who live at a considerable distance from the House and those who live, as it were, close by. The arguments he adduced were overwhelmingly in favour of extending the same principle so that it would equalise the travelling expenses. The two points before the Committee are: First, whether we should have payment of expenses in any form, and, in the second place, if we have those, whether they should be on a first-class or a third-class scale. I have put down an Amendment to reduce the sum by £20,000. This corresponds with the figure given by the Financial Secretary when he gave us his statement this evening. I wish to submit to the Committee that whilst it is desirable that we should equalise the inequalities and the injustices which accrue from the present system, we can do it without going to the large expenditure that is foreshadowed in the Government Estimate. My hon. Friend the Member for Smith Bradford (Mr. H. Spencer) suggested that the dignity of a Member of Parliament required that he should travel first class.

The hon. Member, in my judgment, puts forward a false conception of where true dignity lies. Many of us in the course of our avocations travel third class. There is no reason why we should draw first-class travelling expenses because we, are on State, or Parliamentary business. I was very much interested in the illustration given by the hon. Member for West Birmingham of his experience, but I suggest that the particular occasion to which he referred was an exceptional one. It is my lot to travel by night homewards once a week, and I manage generally to get a side seat in a third-class carriage. In that seat I can do a reasonable amount of sleeping.

Be that as it may, my right hon. Friend gave his personal experience, and it seemed to me that I should give what happens to me. I submit, as I say, that these cases are exceptional, and should be taken as such, and an exception to the general rule which the House seeks to adopt. There may be individual cases of hardship, but they are of a temporary nature. The point has been raised of the facilities that third-class travellers cannot get, but that is not a grievance common to Members of Parliament, that is common to the whole travelling public. I submit that we would be doing greater public service by keeping ourselves on a third-class basis, for then we might get consideration from the railway companies, and strive to induce them to put on third-class sleepers. We should do this rather than protect ourselves by travelling first class and leaving the general public in the same position as at the present time. It would be very much easier, and very much more likely to happen for us to induce the railway companies to give greater travelling facilities to the ordinary public in the way of third-class sleepers if we have to use our own influence and our own experience in trying to achieve that end. Therefore, I submit that we shall be following public policy better by limiting this plan to the smaller sum, and we will help to remove the present inequalities better than by protecting ourselves. We will, at any rate, be protecting ourselves from the charge we are seeking to use the public purse to advantage ourselves. It will remove criticism which might very well be raised in certain ill-informed quarters, and it will make clear the fact that we are prepared to suffer a- certain amount of inconvenience rather than make the larger charge upon public funds. I trust the Committee will agree to this Amendment.

7.0 P.M.

The hon. Member for Middlesbrough West (Mr. T. Thomson) said that third-class fares will meet the situation, and he has put forward an argument in favour of them that the public conscience would not be so much aroused against the Members of this House if it passed a Vote for third-class as it would if the House passed a Vote for first-class tickets. Let me point out, however, that whether we pass first-class or third-class tickets, or even pass a Treasury Vote for a twopenny tube ticket, such as we are told is all that is required in the case of some hon. Members.

I am not troubling about that as long as the £400 a year man would benefit. But whether it be a question of the 2d. Tube, the third-class or first-class ticket, the principle involved is that of taking money from the public funds. I, for one, am in favour of the hon. Members of this House having passes from their constituencies to the House of Commons. I was in favour of it when it came before the House on the last occasion, and I voted for it. It was left to the free vote of the House. I intend to do the same again to-night. I have not the slightest fear of anything being said in the constituency I represent. Not once was I called in question for voting in favour of free railway passes to my constituency. When I was elected I gave a promise after the Election—not during it—that as their Member I would return to the constituency once a month to look into any instances they might wish to give me by personal interview, and to take up their case in any particular grievance. I have kept that promise. I am convinced that many of my constituents find it a great relief to them to have their Member going down and taking at first-hand particulars of their case, rather than their having to sit down to try to write out a lengthy statement of the case. I am certain of this also: Throughout the country —I find this in my own constituency and among other constituencies—quite a large number of people at the present time are under the impression that Members of Parliament have given to them, as part of their expenses, free railway passes between their constituencies and this House. I want to know why hon. Members opposite are opposed to the granting of these free passes. They base their objection, as far as I have listened, on the ground of principle and of ourselves taking money out of public funds. How many Members opposite or in any quarter of the House are at the present time declining to take the £400 a year expenses which this House gave them several years ago? When the right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Birmingham (Mr. A. Chamberlain) intimated that Income Tax rebate could be obtained from the whole of the £400 instead of only from the £100 and gave a very fair statement of the reason why the whole £400 should be exempted from Income Tax, how many Members opposite, who oppose free railway passes, accepted the concession which was given to them on that occasion out of the public funds?

The hon. Member for the Isle of Thanet says that he has never accepted it. Do I understand that he has never accepted his £400 a year, or that he has not accepted the Income Tax rebate on the £400?

Of course, I quite understand that the hon. Member is in that position. His income is already far beyond the limit of any Income Tax rebate.

The Ron. Member is accusing hon. Members on this side of having spoken against the rebate, and then having taken it. I spoke against it, and I have not taken it.

It is not a question of taking it or refusing it. It is there, and if your salary or income does not permit of your getting the rebate, you cannot have it.

The right hon. Member for Canterbury (Mr. R. McNeill) put forward a peculiar point of view as to how far he was prepared to vote. He said that he was quite willing that Members of this House should have free railway passes if they were given them by their constituencies. Is not that getting back to the very early days of representation in this country? Why should a constituency in Scotland, why should Orkney and Shetland or any of the Glasgow constituencies, be compelled to pay £4 19s.—the fare from Glasgow third class—when in London a constituency will only have to pay a Member a matter of 2d., 3d. or 4d. for his railway fare? It is placing a burden on the constituency which is farthest from this House. We are supposed to be in this House of Commons free and equal representatives. It is taking away equality of representation when you saddle a constituency with a burden that is not going to be placed on constituencies more favourably situated geographically to this House. The suggestion put forward by the right hon. Member for Canterbury is far-fetched and fantastic, and should not be accepted by this House.

Hon. Members who were in the House at the time will remember the occasion when we received free railway passes for some time before the free vote of the House was taken on the question. According to information given me by the officers of the Coalition Government, although there was only a Vote of something like 190 against 170 for the granting of free railway passes, yet 270 Members took advantage of the books of vouchers which were issued from the Vote Office. Two hundred and seventy Members were prepared to accept and to use free railway passes that were given, but only 170 were prepared to vote and to have their names recorded in the OFFICIAL REPORT as having done so. While it was hidden in the Vote Office, 270 Members could go in and take advantage of these tickets. That is not playing the game with the public. Either you are going to oppose it on principle and decline to take it—a position I would honour and which I would expect honourable men to adopt—or, if you are going to accept the pass from the Vote Office of the Government, be man enough and honourable enough to vote in the Division Lobby in favour of the principle of granting free passes. Unfortunately, however, that is not done.

I hope when the Vote is taken hon. Members will vote for first-class passes. You cannot obtain in this House third-class sleepers by trying to use your influence on the railway companies in this House. We have tried it already by blocking railway Bills, by raising various points in the House, and speaking against the passing of private Bills of railway companies, but on every occasion Mr. Speaker has ruled it out of order on the ground that the question of third-class sleepers is not one that applies to any particular railway company, but applies to all companies; and until all companies bring in one Bill dealing with them all you cannot use your influence to get third-class sleepers. That is what I want the hon. Member for Middlesbrough West to remember when he votes on this subject of third-class passes. I hope Members of this House will consider, not the dignity of Members, but the fast that some of us do quite a lot of our correspondence when travelling to and from our homes, and if we are sitting in a third-class compartment with several other individuals there is no room to open a book, there is no secrecy, and it is no good trying to write a letter. If we are to represent our constituencies properly, and get to know the points of view of the people in our constituencies, and to keep in touch with their conditions, then we have got to travel in comfort in order to be at the beck and call of our constituencies whenever they require us to go to them.

I wish to say a few words on this question, but I will not detain the House very long. A great deal has been said to make this a question of principle. That question has been unduly strained. The House has already accepted in principle the question of payment of Members. The only question before us this evening is whether we should give reasonable facilities to Members to get to and from their constituencies. I represent a very large industrial constituency 270 miles from here. When I was elected I felt it imperative that I should return to that constituency as regularly as possible. I have done so consistently every week-end without a break, and often in between. I have been able to accomplish that largely because I am in possession of a first-class? railway pass that gives me every facility to get to and from my constituency. I am conscious, however, that I have travelled many times to the North East Coast with hon. Members who are sitting opposite, who have not had that same facility, and who have not been able to attend to their constituencies as faithfully and as often as myself. Therefore, I think the same facilities should be extended to those Members who are not able, through simple stress of circumstances, to enjoy that which I enjoy myself.

I want to ask the Financial Secretary to pay attention to this point. Due to the fact that I hold a pass under certain trade conditions, I am able to cover that journey as I like, and as many times as I like, for the sum of£100 odd a year. My constituency is 270 miles from here, which is considerably outside the average distance of constituencies. I, for one, cannot see why the figure should be put down at£70,000. If the railway companies were approached in a proper manner—and I know the Financial Secretary, and those responsible, will do this—I think the same facilities should be given to Members of Parliament as are afforded to me. I would advocate the simple and clear practice of supplying passes to Members and allowing them to use them. They should be first-class passes. I have not the least sympathy with men who talk about third-class passes. I know that if it had not been that I had been able to get a maximum amount of comfort I should not have been able to fulfil my obligations to my constituents, and therefore I am quite ready to extend the same privileges to other hon. Members of this House. I think the conditions are favourable for doing this and extending those privileges to every hon. Member, and if this were done, judging from the cost to myself, instead of the figure being£70,000 a year, I think it really would approximate nearer to£50,000 a year. I hope the Financial Secretary to the Treasury will give some consideration to the statement which I have made. The Amendment moved by the hon. Member opposite could then be withdrawn, in order that this question might be reconsidered on the lines which I have suggested.

I desire to congratulate the hon. Member who has just sat down upon the broad and fair-minded way in which he has approached this question. I want to call attention to the principle which has already been indicated that was laid down in 1911. Notwithstanding all the numerous declarations and criticisms which were made at that time that this House was going to suffer in regard to the allowances which were then granted, we find to-day that there are only six hon. Members who have not accepted that allowance. I was surprised to hear from the hon. Member for Thanet (Mr. Harms-worth) that he was not one of the six Stonewall Jacksons who refused it. Hon. Members are not all so fortunate as to get a windfall of a cool million of money. If we were so fortunate, perhaps we should not trouble about taking this£400 a year, plus a travelling allowance.

I do not know to whom the hon. Member is referring, but I have not noticed such a windfall coming my way. I suggest that upon this matter we should not be personal, but should leave all personal matters out of consideration. May I point out that I was not in the House when the£400 a year was originally debated.

I was pointing out that there have been windfalls, and various other means have been adopted by which Death Duties have been evaded. I have no desire to be personal, but I think it is bad taste for hon. Members who are not in need to refuse to others so small an amount as the Minister for Labour has said will not cost more than one halfpenny per head of the population. The real fear is not as to the amount, but as to the principle.

The same fear has not prevailed with the County Councils Association and they are entirely unanimous in favour of railway expenses being granted to enable the Members of county councils to carry on their public work. It would be very interesting for this House to be told how many hon. Members who are opposing this Vote are in receipt of privileges and facilities by which free passes are granted to them by the railway companies. The day has gone by when hon. Members are prepared to come here and spend their own money simply for the honour of being Members of Parliament, and the electors have come to the conclusion that if they require legislation in the right direction they are quite prepared to pay all the expenses, and give every facility for their representatives to come and give an account of their stewardship.

I have nothing personal to gain from this grant, and I am in an invidious position in opposing it. For the first time I almost wish that I were a Scottish Member of Parliament, and for the first time, as probably for the last time, I find myself in agreement with the hon. Member for Canterbury (Mr. R. McNeill). I disagree with the hon. and gallant Member who has just sat down, and I think this question should be debated in Committee without anybody considering the question of personal means one way or the other. The hon. Member for Thanet said with justice that the original grant of£400 a year to Members of Parliament was made when he was not a Member of this House, and that consequently he has no responsibility for that grant or for accepting it. There are many other hon. Members who would have voted against the original vote for the salaries of Members if they had been in the House at the time. Consequently we feel we are not responsible for the original grant of this money to ourselves. For my own part, I am prepared, before I support the Motion myself to grant further public money, to instruct the Paymaster-General to cease payment to me of any salary whatever.

I am also in the happy position that this proposal does not affect me at all, because my constituency pay my railway fare, and I may inform the House that it is a first-class fare.

The hon. and gallant Member said that hon. Members were showing bad taste in opposing the grant of public money to those who needed it when they were people who did not need such assistance. I do not think that was either a fair or reasonable comment. The last Parliament was known by many appellations, most of them unfavourable, and I think it would be a great pity if this Parliament were to be labelled as one which granted itself a further sum of public money at a time when the finances of the country are more grievously embarrassed than they have ever been before. One hon. Member has referred to the loss Edinburgh suffered through him not being able to be present at the opening of the Royal Scottish Academy of Arts, but I think the capital of Scotland will be able to bear that loss. I think hon. Members have this evening rather nattered themselves by referring to the dire need of their presence in which their constituencies stand at the present time. I am second to no one in regard to the number of times that I visit my own constituency, and I am going there in five minutes' time.

I am under no illusion as to the advantages my constituents will derive from my visit. I am sure that if the account of this Debate is ever read in the constituencies, it will cause not a little laughter and much surprise in regard to the Members who have so freely flattered' themselves in regard to the advantages conferred on their constituencies by their visits. This is a subject of real and grave importance. I disagree with my hon. and gallant Friend when he says that the time has gone by when it would be a necessary, a reasonable, and a decent thing that a man or woman who takes any part in public life should do so without any personal sacrifice at all.

I hope I did not convey anything of that kind. I said that the time had gone by when these institutions should be the preserve of the rich people of the land.

The hon. and gallant Gentleman's remarks rather conveyed the impression that he regarded all those persons who paid their own expenses as an unnecessary burden on the public institutions which they either adorn or do not. The hon. and gallant Member will forgive me if I say that there is room, in Parliament and other public institutions, at any rate, for a leaven of such people, and the more of them, on the whole, that continue to sit in this House and on other public bodies, the better it will be for the public life of this country. Hon. Members have made very freely the suggestion that the original grant of£400 a year did no harm. I am not in a position myself to recollect the Parliament of 1910 and compare it with the present one, but I think there are hon. Members in this Committee who would hazard the opinion that the Parliament of to-day, in some respects, and in a respect which will be particularly affected by that sort of thing, is not, perhaps, quite up to the standard of previous Parliaments. Whether that is so or not, I do not, of course, refer to hon. Members who have been enabled by this£400 a year to come here and who without it could not be here; I refer to the general laxity of tone in these matters, which the Debate this afternoon has very curiously shown. Seldom in this Parliament has there ever been so large an attendance of hon. Members this afternoon. There has only been one Division. [ Interruption. ] An hon. Member says, in language which does him no credit, that that is not true. I do not propose to ask the hon. Member to withdraw that un-Parliamentary expression, but I would point out to him that 412 hon. Members took part in the Division this afternoon— a most unusually large number, and that, of the Divisions which have taken place in this Parliament, this one, in which there was a majority of 150, was quite exceptional. This Debate seems to arouse very special interest, and I do not know that it redounds particularly to the credit of public life. That is a personal opinion, and, obviously, I make no allegation in saying that.

Does not that amount to an allegation? The hon. Member started his speech by saying that he objected to making any personal reflections, and called attention to the personal references made by my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for East Rhondda (Lieut.-Colonel Watts-Morgan). Then he proceeds to declare, or to suggest, that the reason why over 400 Members took part in the last Division was that they were personally interested in the matter. Could anything be worse than that? Is it not much better that a man should make a direct personal accusation than a miserable insinuation?

If the hon. and gallant Member is willing, and I am not called to order by the Chair, I am quits willing, personally, to accuse him of anything he likes, if he prefers that form of attack.

I should like to make some reference to the speech of my right hon. Friend the Member for Spen Valley (Sir J. Simon). He said that we should take our courage in our hands, pay no attention to Press or public opinion, and vote for this grant of public money. I venture, with the greatest respect, to say to him that, in a matter like this, which is so largely a private matter, no hon. Member should have the slightest consideration whatever for the opinion of the Press, of the public, or of the House of Commons. This is a matter in which the private honour of Members is, to a certain extent, affected. Whether it is overborne by their public duties is their own affair. I should not have the slightest hesitation in voting for a grant to any hon. Members who cannot afford to come a long distance, if I could avoid at the same time voting money to hon. Members who can afford it but might still take it. I am reminded that the Financial Secretary has already stated this afternoon that it is proposed that Ministers shall receive this travelling allowance. That, surely, puts them in the category of those referred to by my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for East Rhondda, and I hope that, with the straightforwardness which he never disguises, he will not fail to point that out to his leaders.

I have said that it has been very difficult in some ways for a London Member to oppose this Vote, and I should have had some hesitation in doing so had I not been in the position of having always said that I oppose such grants, and, if the Division is taken at a time when I am in the House to-night, I shall vote in that sense. I am, however, going to do some of that constituency work about which hon. Members have talked this afternoon with so much assurance and pride, but, if I am here, I propose to vote against this grant. I shall do so in no sense in order to deprive of that money hon. Members who want it. Nothing would be further from my thoughts than to prevent, for instance, the hon. Member for one of the Divisions of Glasgow, who has just said definitely that he needs this grant from having it. I should hate to deprive him of it, but at the same time I think it is better that hon. Members—who, after all, are not starving, and who, according to their own account, are carrying out their duties with the greatest possible efficiency—should lack this little extra benefit, and that the principle of Parliament granting public money to its own Members should be denounced.

I do not think it is necessary, at this stage of the Debate, to answer the blasç, "fed-up" sort of speech which has been delivered by the hon. Member for East Willesden (Mr. Johnstone). I prefer to deal with the subject in a serious way, because, although it may be, or may appear to some hon. Members to be, a personal question, there are far deeper issues in a proposal of this description than appear on the surface, or are concerned in the mere amount of the Vote. I was in the House of Commons in 1911, when the payment of Members was first instituted, and I wish to correct the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Canterbury (Mr. R. McNeill) with reference to a statement that he made. He stated that the Vote for payment of Members in 1911 was carried without any reference whatever to the electors. As a matter of fact, the Motion was brought forward at an earlier stage by the gentleman who is now known as Lord Leverhulme, and the subject was debated in this House; but there was an insufficient number even of Liberal Members at that time to oppose the payment of Members, and I believe that, for some reason or other, the Motion was talked out. A final and definite declaration was, however, made by the Leader of the Liberal party in 1910, that, if they were returned with a sufficient majority at the General Election that was then pending, they intended to apply the principle of payment of Members. Therefore, it is not true to say that a verdict on the subject had not been given. As everyone knows, many verdicts have been given since on the same subject, and I do not think there is any real difference of opinion in the country upon it.

The point, however, that I wish particularly to make in this Debate is this: One cannot help noticing, in the Debate we have had to-day, the cleavage—not of opinion, not of party, but the cleavage of class and position. It does not matter whether the hon. Member for East Willesden is a member of the Liberal party. You can come over here on to the Conservative side, and you get a broad-minded Member who has the rights and facilities for travel himself, but who thinks it grossly unfair that, equally important though it may be, poorer Members of the party opposite should have equal facilities with himself to attend to the duties of the State. This is not a question of party. It does not divide men in parties at all, and it never has divided men in parties. There have been Conservatives who have voted for this principle ever since it was introduced into this House. What does divide men most of all on this question is whether they are real democrats, whether they are really in favour of unlimited representation of the people outside. If they are, they must naturally come to the conclusion that you cannot limit the choice for representation of the constituencies in this House to men who, like the hon. Member for Thanet (Mr. Harmsworth), can afford to pay, not merely to sit in the House of Commons, but even to make small contributions in their constituencies for the pleasure of representing them. I am sure the hon. Member for East Willesden will see that, if you were instantly to sweep away payment of Members, if you were to sweep away any of the other advantages attached to Mem- bership of this House, there are many Members who, as I almost was once, would be compelled to disappear from the House unless they could get a man as wealthy as himself to assist them in sitting here.

When I hear a blasé, indifferent speech, I always assume that the speaker is a man of such position that the real things that interest and excite his fellow-countrymen make no appeal whatever to him. That, however, is really the clear issue. If the policy of payment of Members were to be reversed, the result must be, to a- certain extent, to limit the choice of the constituencies in regard to their representation in this House. Why should the hon. Member for Thanet be the only sort of man that can come here to represent a constituency? Why should my hon. Friend, who says he is going to tell the Paymaster-General that he will no longer take his£400 a year, be allowed to come here in preference to me? I can go down to the constituencies, I can go to Stoke, or to Willesden, and say to them, so he informs me, "I am a poor man. I place my views before you, but you must thoroughly understand that, if you elect me, either the constituency or the State must pay me for my services in the House, or I shall not be able to be a Member." Along comes my hon. Friend, or along comes the hon. Member for Thanet, and they inform the constituency that, if they are elected, they have means of their own, they will not require any salary, they will not require any first-class, third-class, or any other fare, and, in fact, that if the constituency itself wants contributions for anything it can have them. I ask my hon. Friend, as a faithful defender of the Constitution, what fairness is there in that as between man and man? There can be no fairness whatever unless you put men who are candidates for, and Members of, this House on an equality, at least as regards decent existence according to the position they occupy, one with another.

Then we hear this higgling proposal of a reduction of the Vote so that third-class fares could be paid. Is there anything so miserable in the world? The least important clerk in a Government office sent on a mission to the nearest town is supplied with a first-class coupon. Because I am a Member of Parliament, I am to take a third. I say there is nothing dignified about it. If you cannot afford to do the thing in a dignified way, it is infinitely better not to do it at all. It is absurd to suggest that Members of Parliament should accept the indignity of travelling third class at the expense of the State, when all other officers of the State are provided with first-class fares. Third-class it may be when they cannot afford anything else. But the idea of the State paying them third-class, and then the people whose business they control are to travel first! There is not a proposition, I suppose, to reduce their fares also?

To-day we are getting a clash, not of party—it is nothing to do with party; it is not even class—but of position. Those who cannot see very far in front of their nose say to themselves that it would be nice to get the old House of Commons back to the position in which it was before—1910, 1810, the good old times when nobody sat in this House unless he was a gentleman and wore a topper, like my hon. Friend opposite. My hon. Friend will discover some time that this old country has travelled ages beyond that. You have got to accept the poor man in this House, and you have got to accept him in the constituencies. You cannot by any mortal means raise barriers against the constituencies choosing even a pauper to represent them, if they wish it. Every inequality between Members of this House, when it comes to a question of bare existence and transit between their constituencies and the place where they do their work and perform their duties, is an attempt to side-track democracy, in the interests of those who have means at their disposal.

I think hon. Members will agree that the Committee has had considerable discussion of the Amendment, the effect of which would be that, instead of providing first-class railway vouchers, by reducing the Estimate by£20,000, the sum would permit of only third-class railway vouchers. Before coming to that, I want to say a word or two in reply to a suggestion made by my hon. Friend the Member for Sunderland (Mr. L. Thompson). As I understand his suggestion, it turns first of all on the idea that the voucher might be regarded as a trader's ticket, and, secondly, upon the possibility of any concession by the railway companies that would reduce the charge. I am advised that it is impossible to put this voucher in the category of a trader's ticket. I do not think any kind of argument could meet that objection. Then with regard to the question of asking for concessions from the railway amalgamations, there is no reason why I should not tell the Committee that the railway companies are quite willing to be generous in this matter. But the Committee will remember that in 1921, to say nothing of any other legislation affecting railway companies, there was passed the Railways Act of that year, which placed the four railway amalgamations in Great Britain in very definite relations to the State. For many reasons, therefore, it is important that this House should be perfectly free as regards concessions because of possible legislation at any future time, and I think the hon. Member will see at once the important House of Commons or Parliamentary point that is involved. We, therefore, conclude that we are bound to put this more or less upon a business footing, and that is the basis of the estimate of£70,000 for the supply of first-class vouchers between London and the constituencies which should provide, I think, in terms of finance, for journeys up to 33 a year.

The only other point with which I am called upon to deal is the controversy-en the question of first-class and third-class vouchers. It is my duty to be quite impartial in this matter in submitting the facts. The facts are, that the Estimate provides for £70,000, and we are speaking now purely on a voucher basis, that is a first-class voucher basis. If the third-class voucher basis be taken, which, I understand, is the real proposal of the Amendment, the cost to the State would be, approximately, or as near as we can estimate, £42,000 a year. I have discharged my duty to the Committee if I place before hon. Members the two figures, but I want to add, that while the Government are leaving this to the free judgment of the House, we have, first of all, the very definite statements which were made by hon. Gentlemen opposite, who were then the Government of the day, when this matter was discussed in 1921, when they said specifically that if the concession was to be given, it should be given in a proper manner on a first-class basis. Looking to the kind of duties that hon. Members have to discharge, I think it was a perfectly reasonable condition that they should be entitled to comfort on long journeys, and be given an opportunity to overtake work on those journeys, because it has been our duty on many occasions to try to overtake in that way.

There is another argument I put forward with some hesitation as a Scottish Member. Hon. Members know that if there is to be any real value in this to Scottish Members—that is, if they are to travel overnight—a third-class voucher has very little meaning at all, because at the present time you cannot get third-class sleeping accommodation. You can only get sleeping accommodation with a first-class voucher, and let me point out here—I think it is very clearly a Scottish argument—even if Members get a first-class voucher to any point in Scotland, they personally will be charged £1 per night over and above the voucher for the sleeping berth on the journey to and from Scotland. I think, therefore, that the hon. Member will keep in view not only the position of Members in Scotland, but also that of others in the North of England who have to use sleeping accommodation. I do not seek in any way—it is not my duty—to try to influence the Committee to-night, but I have submitted these facts to hon. Members in the hope that we may now come to a decision.

May I ask you, Mr. Young, how you are going to put this question? The original Question, as I understand it, is that £70,000 should be granted, since when an Amendment has been moved to reduce that sum, so that if you put, as is usual, that a reduced sum be granted—

I may save the hon. and gallant Gentleman the trouble of pursuing the subject of how I am to put the Vote. I shall put, "That a reduced sum be granted."

Then how will it be possible for those Members who wish no sum at all to be voted to record their votes in that sense?

I shall put the Question as it is generally put when dealing with Votes of this kind.

In the course of debate hon. Members asked the Minister a question, and Major Entwistle, who was then occupying the Chair, said the Minister would be replying later on. That question was whether or no Cabinet Ministers were to be entitled to these passes if granted. Are we entitled to have a reply to that?

The position is that they were included in the scheme of 1921. It is proposed to include them in this scheme, but I understand my hon. Friends below the Gangway intend to promote a separate Amendment, and I should, therefore, be out of order in arguing this now.

The hon. Gentleman who has just sat down has told us about some mysterious Amendment coming from below the Gangway. This is a most vital point.

Since the point was raised in an intervention of mine, let me assure the hon. and gallant Gentleman chat the right hon. Member for Camborne (Mr. L. Jones) is going to move an Amendment which will clear up the issue.

Is the Financial Secretary to the Treasury satisfied that it is a wise and proper thing to prevent men who live a long way from here from having sleeping accommodation?

Question put, "That a sum, not exceeding £50,000, be granted for the said Service."

The Committee divided: Ayes, 73; Noes, 281.

Division No. 55. ]]

AYES.

[ 8.0 p.m.

Barnes, A.

Harris, Percy A.

Remer, J. R.

Barnston, Major Sir Harry

Harvey, T. E. (Dewsbury)

Robertson, T. A.

Bonwick, A.

Herbert, Capt. Sidney (Scarborough)

Robinson, S. W. (Essex, Chelmsford)

Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W.

Hogbin, Henry Calms

Scrymgeour, E.

Briant, Frank

Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (St. Marylebone)

Simon, E. D.(Manchester, Withington)

Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive

Howard, Hn. D.(Cumberland, Northrn.)

Simpson, J. Hope

Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James

Howard-Bury, Lieut.-Col. C. K.

Smith-Carington, Neville W.

Burney, Lieut.-Com. Charles D.

Jackson, R. F. (Ipswich)

Spero, Dr. G. E.

Cautley, Sir Henry S.

James, Lieut. Colonel Hon. Cuthbert

Stamford, T. W.

Cobb, Sir Cyril

Kedward, R. M.

Starmer, Sir Charles

Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips

Keens, T.

Stewart, Maj. R. S. (Stockton-on-Tees)

Cove, W. G.

Kirkwood, D.

Sutherland, Rt. Hon. Sir William

Davies, Sir Thomas (Cirencester)

Lane-Fox, George R.

Tattersall, J. L.

Deans, Richard Storry

Linfield, F. C.

Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley)

Dodds, S. R.

M'Entee, V. L.

Thompson, Piers G. (Torquay)

Duckworth, John

Macnaghten, Hon. Sir Malcolm

Thurtle, E

Edwards, John H. (Accrington)

Marks, Sir George Croydon

Titchfield, Major the Marquess of

Ferguson, H.

Masterman, Rt. Hon. C. F. G.

Wheler, Lieut.-Col. Granville C. H.

Foot, Isaac

Moulton, Major Fletcher

White. H. G. (Birkenhead, E.)

Forestier-Walker, L.

Naylor, T. E.

Wintringham, Margarel

Galbraith, J. F. W.

Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield)

Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward

Gould, Frederick (Somerset, Frome)

Oliver, George Harold

Greene, W. P. Crawford

Oliver, P. M. (Manchester, Blackley)

TELLERS FOR THE AYES. —Mr. Trevelyan Thomson and Mr. Hobhouse.—Mr. Trevelyan Thomson and Mr. Hobhouse.

Groves, T.

Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William

Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

Perring, William George

Harmsworth, Hon E. C. (Kent)

Rees, Sir Beddoe

NOES.

Acland, Rt. Hon. Francis Dyke

Birkett, W. N.

Church, Major A. G.

Adamson, Rt. Hon. William

Black, J. W.

Clarke, A.

Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock)

Blades, Sir George Rowland

Clayton, G. C.

Alexander. A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro')

Bowyer, Captain G. E. W.

Climie, R.

Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S.

Briscoe, Captain Richard George

Cluse, W. S.

Ammon, Charles George

Broad, F. A.

Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R.

Ashley, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Wilfrid W.

Brown, A. E. (Warwick, Rugby)

Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K.

Aske, Sir Robert William

Brown, James (Ayr and Bute)

Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenoik)

Astor, Maj. Hon. John J.(Kent, Dover)

Buchanan, G.

Compton, Joseph

Attlee, Major Clement R.

Buckingham, Sir H.

Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities)

Ayles, W. H.

Buckle, J.

Craig, Captain C. C. (Antrim, South)

Baird, Major Rt. Hon. Sir John L.

Burnle, Major J. (Bootle)

Croft, Brigadier-General Sir H.

Baker, W. J.

Butler, Sir Geoffrey

Crooke, J. Smedley (Deritend)

Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

Butt, Sir Alfred

Darbishire, C. W.

Balfour, George (Hampstead)

Buxton, Rt. Hon. Noel

Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H.

Banton, G.

Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R.

Davies, Ellis (Denbigh, Denbigh)

Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery)

Cape, Thomas

Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale)

Batey, Joseph

Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City)

Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton)

Beckett, Sir Gervase

Charleton, H. C.

Davison, J. E. (Smethwick)

Dickson, T.

Kennedy, T.

Scurr, John

Dixey, A. C.

Kenyon, Barnet

Sexton, James

Doyle, Sir N. Grattan

King, Captain Henry Douglas

Shaw, Rt. Hon. Thomas (Preston)

Dudgeon, Major C. R

Lansbury, George

Shepperson, E. W.

Dukes, C.

Lawrence, Susan (East Ham, North)

Sherwood, George Henry

Duncan, C.

Lawson, John James

Shinwell, Emanuel

Dunnico, H.

Leach, W.

Short, Alfred (Wednesbury)

Eden, Captain Anthony

Lee, F.

Simon, Rt. Hon. Sir John

Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty)

Lloyd, Cyril E. (Dudley)

Smillie, Robert

Elveden, Viscount

Lord, Walter Greaves-

Smith, Ben (Bermondsey, Rotherhithe)

Emlyn-Jones, J. E. (Dorset, N.)

Lowe, Sir Francis William

Smith, T. (Pontefract)

England, Colonel A.

Lowth, T.

Smith, W. R. (Norwich)

Eyres-Monsell, Com. Rt. Hon. B. M.

Lumley, L. R.

Snell, Harry

Finney, V. H.

Lunn, William

Snowden, Rt. Hon. Philip

FitzRoy, Captain Rt. Hon. Edward A.

McCrae, Sir George

Somerville, A. A. (Windsor)

Fremantle, Lieut. Colonel Francis E.

MacDonald, Rt. Hon. J. R.(Aberavon)

Spence, R.

Gardner, B. W. (West Ham, Upton)

Mackinder, W.

Spencer, H. H. (Bradford, S.)

Gardner, J. P. (Hammersmith, North)

McLean, Major A.

Spoor, B. G.

Gavan-Duffy, Thomas

Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan)

Stanley, Lord

George, Major G. L. (Pembroke)

Maden, H.

Stephen, Campbell

Gibbs, Col. Rt. Hon. George Abraham

Makins, Brigadier-General E.

Stewart, J. (St. Rollox)

Gillett, George M.

Mansel, Sir Courtenay

Stuart, Lord C. Crichton-

Gilmour, Colonel Rt. Hon. Sir John

March, S.

Sullivan, J.

Gosling, Harry

Marley, James

Sunlight, J.

Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton)

Martin, F. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, E.)

Sutton, J. E.

Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central)

Martin, W. H. (Dumbarton)

Terrington, Lady

Greenall, T.

Maxton, James

Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby)

Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne)

Meyler, Lieut.-Colonel H. M.

Thomas, Sir Robert John (Anglesey)

Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan)

Mitchell, R. M.(Perth & Kinross, Perth)

Thompson, Luke (Sunderland)

Gretton, Colonel John

Mond, H.

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Griffith, Rt. Hon. Sir Ellis

Montague, Frederick

Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell-(Croydon, S.)

Grigg, Lieut.-Col. Sir Edward W. M.

Morrison, Herbert (Hackney, South)

Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow)

Grundy, T. W.

Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.)

Thornton, Maxwell R.

Guest, Capt. Hn. F. E. (Gloucstr., Stroud)

Mosley, Oswald

Tillett, Benjamin

Guest, J. (York, Hemsworth)

Muir, John W.

Tinker, John Joseph

Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton)

Murray, Robert

Toole, J.

Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil)

Murrell, Frank

Tout, W. J.

Hardie, George D.

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

Trevelyan, Rt. Hon. C. P.

Harland, A.

Newton, Sir D. G. C. (Cambridge)

Turner-Samuels, M.

Hartington, Marquess of

Nichol, Robert

Varley, Frank B.

Hartshorn, Rt. Hon. Vernon

Nixon, H.

Viant, S. P.

Harvey, C. M. B.(Aberd'n & Kincardne)

O'Grady, Captain James

Wallhead, Richard C

Hastings, Sir Patrick

Paling, W.

Walsh, Rt. Hon. Stephen

Hastings, Somerville (Reading)

Parry, Thomas Henry

Warne. G. H.

Haycock. A. W.

Penny, Frederick George

Watson, Sir F. (Pudsey and Otley)

Hayday, Arthur

Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings)

Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline)

Hayes, John Henry (Edge Hill)

Perry, S. F.

Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda)

Hemmerde, E. G.

Pethick-Lawrence, F. W.

Webb, Lieut.-Col. Sir H. (Cardiff, E.)

Henderson, A. (Cardiff, South)

Philipson, Mabel

Wedgwood, Col. Rt. Hon. Josiah C.

Henderson, T. (Glasgow)

Ponsonby, Arthur

Weir, L. M.

Henderson, w. W. (Middlesex, Enfld.)

Potts, John S.

Wells, S. R.

Hennessy, Major J. R. G.

Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton

Welsh, J. C.

Hillary, A. E.

Pringle, W. M. R.

Westwood, J.

Hindle, F.

Purcell, A. A.

Wheatley, Rt. Hon. J.

Hirst, G. H.

Raffan, P. W.

Whiteley, W

Hodge, Lieut.-Col. J. P. (Preston)

Ramage, Captain Cecil Beresford

Wignall, James

Hodges, Frank

Rathbone, Hugh H.

Williams, A. (York, W. R., Sowerby)

Hogge, James Myles

Raynes, W. R.

Williams, David (Swansea, E.)

Hohler, Sir Gerald Fitzroy

Rea, W. Russell

Williams, Dr. J. H. (Llanelly)

Hone. Rt. Hon. J. F. (Sheffield, C.)

Rees, Capt. J. T. (Devon, Barnstaple)

Williams, Lt.-Col. T.S.B.(Kennington)

Hore-Belisha, Major Leslie

Remnant, Sir James

Williams, T (York, Don Valley)

Howard, Hon. G. (Bedford, Luton)

Rendall, A.

Willlson, H.

Hudson, J. H.

Rentoul, G. S.

Wilson, Sir C. H. (Leeds, Central)

Iliffe, Sir Edward M.

Richards, R.

Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe)

Isaacs, G. A.

Richardson, Lt.-Col. Sir P. (Chertsey)

Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow)

Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S.

Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

Windsor, Walter

Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath)

Ritson, J.

Wise, Sir Fredric

Jephcott, A. R.

Roberts, Rt. Hon. F. O.(W. Bromwich)

Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.)

Jewson, Dorothea

Robertson, J. (Lanark, Bothwell)

Woodwark, Lieut.-Colonel G. G.

John, William (Rhondda, West)

Robinson, W. E. (Burslem)

Wright, W.

Johnston, Thomas (Stirling)

Romerll, H. G.

Yerburgh, Major Robert D. T.

Jones, Rt. Hon. Leif (Camborne)

Roundeil, Colonel R. F.

Young, Andrew (Glasgow, Partick)

Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly)

Royce, William Stapleton

Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd)

Rudkin, Lieut.-Colonel C. M. C.

TELLERS FOR THE NOES. —Lieut.-Colonel J. Ward and Mr. Mills.—Lieut.-Colonel J. Ward and Mr. Mills.

Jowett, Rt. Hon. F. W. (Bradford, E.)

Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham)

Kay, Sir R. Newbald

Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney)

Original Question again proposed.

I beg to move to reduce the vote by £7,000.

I wish to raise a specific point, which has already been mentioned in Debate, but in regard to which we have had no reasoned answer from the Government. I have no hesitation in voting for the grant of free travelling to Members of Parliament. That question was decided by this House when it decided to pay Members of Parliament. Of all the expenses which we have to meet, the one we have most right to expect to be paid by the public is the one for Members travelling between this House and their constituencies, and it should be first-class travelling. The nature of our occupation, and the fact that we have frequently to deliver speeches at the end of our journeys, makes it necessary that we should have first-class fares. But I do not think a grant for free travelling should be paid to Ministers, who are already in receipt of far larger salaries than private Members. Men drawing £5,000 a year out of the public funds can very well afford to pay their own travelling expenses. I propose, therefore, a reduction of the sum by £7,000, which is 10 per cent, of the Vote proposed, and I think about 10 per cent, of the Members of this House are members of the present Administration. Without amplifying a point which needs no amplification, the state of the pubic finances makes it difficult for the House to make a decision in favour of paying travelling expenses at all at the present time. However, we have decided on that, but I cannot agree to giving these extra expenses to people who are already in receipt of ministerial salaries.

Before this Question is put, may I ask, supposing this Amendment be carried, how would the Committee have an opportunity of deciding upon the main issue as to whether we are entitled to pay Members of Parliament or not?

Is it not possible that the Question could be put so that in some way the Committee would have an opportunity of deciding upon the main issue?

I am putting the Question as it is always put in relation to these Supplementary Estimates.

I hope the Government will not accept this proposal. There is no point of principle whatever between Ministers and other rich men in the House. I hope the Government will have nothing to do with it, and that the House will carry the proposal as the Government originally suggested.

The Amendment is designed to exclude all members of the Government from the provision which the Committee has now decided to make, namely, first-class vouchers.

The Committee, of course, has still to decide on the issue as a whole. In reply to my hon. and learned Friend, I cannot make it too clear that this is not a matter on which the Government takes sides. I find it necessary to repeat that in order to keep the discussion on the lines laid down—a perfectly free vote of the House. It would be very difficult from every point of view to separate Members of the Government in a proposal of this description. In the scheme of 1921, Members of the Government were definitely included, but, apart from that, I think you have a very strong argument on the merits of this case. Hon. Members refer to Members of the Government enjoying £5,000 a year, but there are many Members of the Government who enjoy less, and it should be remembered that even on salaries of £5,000, £2,000 or £1,500, or whatever it may be, there are many unavoidable burdens which cannot be classed as waste or anything like that, but are necessary to the efficient discharge of the duties for which the Minister is responsible. Not only that, but when we join any Government we lose certain rights in the matter of Income Tax as regards the £400 which is paid to private Members. Under the practice now in force, the whole of that, for all practical purposes, is regarded as expenses. That £400 disappears with the Minister s salary. A Minister enjoys no Income Tax concession in respect of his salary as a Minister of the Crown unless he can point to any connection with the discharge of the duties of his office and the expenses which are necessarily incurred in that discharge. Without going into the ramifications of Income Tax at all, there is a very real hardship for members of any Government in this connection. It is not confined to us. Not only that, but in many cases a Member who joins a Government requires to sacrifice his previous occupation, which he may or may not recover. The salaries during the time of office, no doubt, in some cases compensate to some extent and in other cases do not. In all the circumstances I feel perfectly satisfied that the House will not agree to this Amendment.

When I asked a question to-day as to the meaning of this Vote in relation to Ministers of the Crown, I think there was general surprise at the Financial Secretary's answer. The assumption, I think, made by Members in every part of the House was that the concession regarding travelling expenses was to be made only to those Members who are in receipt of £400 a year. The Financial Secretary has told us it was intended, when the Vote was put forward in 1921, to include Ministers. I have taken some trouble to go through all the proceedings. I have read the Report of the Committee in connection with which that Vote was put forward, and I have read the whole of the Debate, and neither in the Report nor in the discussions in this House was there the slightest indication that it was the intention either of the Committee in making the recommendations or of the Government in putting forward the Vote that Ministers of the Crown should share in the privilege. I have since had the advantage of a conversation with my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Greenock (Sir G. Collins), who was Chairman of the Committee that investigated the matter.

Was it also made clear in the Debate that Ministers were not to be included in the Vote put forward?

There was a report dealing with the position of Members of Parliament who were in receipt of £400 a year. It was to the effect that Members in receipt of £400 a year were unequally treated in respect that some of them had a short journey to their constituencies and others a long one, and to rectify that inequality they were going to give free travel, so that those who had a long distance were to be in the same position as those with a short distance. Obviously, if you are simply dealing with inequality in relation to Members who have £400, the position of the Cabinet Minister was never within the purview of the Committee. There are two grounds put forward here which were the grounds before the Committee then, and the grounds before the House on 1st June, 1921. They are the grounds, first of all, of inequality and, secondly, of need. So far as inequality is concerned I do not think we need be concerned very greatly as to the inequality of conditions affecting Ministers who have salaries of £5,000 a year. The hon. Gentleman speaks of the burden that falls upon Ministers. It is true there are burdens that fall upon Ministers but they all know about them when they undertake the office. The same applies to a Member of Parliament. I can understand a claim being put on behalf of a man who has only £400 a year, granted that that was a fair remuneration in 1911 when the value of money was very different, as compared with a man now who has £5,000 a year. I do not think we are greatly worried about inequalities affecting people who pay Super-tax. No one would worry about that. If every Member had a salary on which he had to pay Super tax I do not think this question would have been raised. But here you have the Super-tax payer getting a grant from public funds in respect of travelling.

The other case in regard to Members of Parliament was on the ground of need. It was represented that there were many Members who were in actual need, to whom the cost of travelling to their constituencies meant actual hardship and privation. That argument cannot be put forward in regard to Cabinet Ministers. It is true the hon. Member for Crewe (Mr. Hemmerde) has stepped into the breach and suggested that there is no difference between the position of members of the Cabinet and other rich men in the House. I submit that there is. We are dealing with an increment to the remuneration of men in the public service who are receiving public money, and it is in respect of that public service and the receipt of public money that we are arguing this. We have heard a great deal about the woes of the unemployed, and there are other needy people in the country, and this House will be doing a very wrong thing, in these days when there is so much need outside and unemployment, in granting to people who have £5,000 a year a sum equivalent to £100 a year in respect of free travelling.

[HON. MEMBERS: "Divide!"] If this reduction goes to a Division—[HON. MEMBERS: "Divide!"] Hon. Members by their interruption are only delaying the hour at which this Debate will close. [HON. MEMBERS: "Divide!"] I shall continue until hon. Members cease to interrupt. [HON. MEMBERS: "Divide!"]

May I appeal to hon. Members to listen to the hon. Member? It is only the third speech on this reduction.

Is it not a perfectly legitimate method that we are using, according to the ruling of Mr. Speaker? We do not want their tickets. Let them keep their tickets.

I was only making a request that hon. Members should give the hon. Member a hearing.

[HON. MEMBERS: "Divide!"] I was very much interested—[HON. MEMBERS: "Divide!"]—to hear the reply of the Financial Secretary to the Treasury, who quite convinced me that, if we are to take this Vote, we should take it as a whole. Those of us who disagree with this principle want to vote against the whole principle of free railway passes. [HON. MEMBERS: "Divide!"] I have no intention of voting in favour of this reduction if it is pressed to a Division, because I do not think it would be fair that hon. Members should vote for providing themselves with free railway passes, and then try to get a certain amount of credit to themselves in the country by voting against passes being given to Members of the Government. We hear a great deal about hon. Members who represent Scottish constituencies, and I should imagine that a proposal such as this would not come from a Scottish Member, because it is really fooling with the question, as to whether Members of the Government should have passes or not. There are hon. Members on this side who feel that we ought to have a straight vote on the principle of this question.

[HON. MEMBERS: "Divide!"] If the Government are singled out in this way it will be a disgrace to the House. There ought to be no distinction, and if we do make a distinction the people outside, regardless of party, will say that we are punishing the Government because it is a Labour Government. The position at the present time is an impossible one. This House, with the greatest power in the world, is punishing its poor Members. We ought to vote for the fullest amount, and I shall do that. Principle has been referred to. As far as I am concerned, I am a free man. There is no Whip, and I am not pledged to anyone here or anybody in my constituency. The principle that I wish to apply is to see the nation pay its way, and to pay properly the expenses of those who have to do its business. It is a matter of business with me in the first place, and afterwards it is a matter of justice and fair play, and there is none in the present system. The representative of a constituency in London has practically no travelling expenses to pay. The point as to Income Tax which has been made is a perfectly good point. If you fill up your forms properly, the travelling expenses loom as the largest item.

Question, "That a sum, not exceeding £63,000, be granted for the said Service," put, and negatived.

Original Question again proposed.

When the question came up in June, 1921, the figure that was quoted then was £75,010, and that included railway fares between London and hon. Members' homes and their constituencies. Since then there has been a reduction in railway fares, and it seems to me that the sum of £70,000 is very much in excess of what is really required.

The real difference between the £130,000 in the 1921 Estimate, and the present Estimate, is that the 1921 Estimate provided for the Irish Members' higher railway fares, and vouchers not only to the constituency but to the homes of hon. Members. The present Estimate is on the generous side, but I think the hon. Member will agree that it is better to do it in that form.

Original Question put.

The Committee divided: Ayes, 245; Noes, 112.

Division No. 56. ]]

AYES.

[ 8.36 p.m.

Adamson, Rt. Hon. William

Hayes, John Henry (Edge Hill)

Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock)

Hemmerde, E. G.

Ritson, J.

Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro')

Henderson, A. (Cardiff, South)

Roberts, Rt. Hon. F. O.(W. Bromwich)

Ammon, Charles George

Henderson, T. (Glasgow)

Robinson, S. W. (Essex, Chelmsford)

Astor. Maj. Hon. John J.(Kent, Dover)

Henderson, W. W. (Middlesex, Enfld.)

Robinson, W. E. (Burslem)

Attlee, Major Clement R.

Hillary, A. E.

Romeril, H. G.

Ayles, W. H.

Hindle, F.

Royce, William Stapleton

Baker, W. J.

Hirst, G. H.

Royle, C.

Banton, G.

Hodge, Lieut.-Col. J. P. (Preston)

Scrymgoour, E.

Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery)

Hodges, Frank

Scurr, John

Barnes, A.

Hoffman, P. C.

Sexton, James

Batey, Joseph

Hogge, James Myles

Shaw, Rt. Hon. Thomas (Preston)

Beckett, Sir Gervase

Hore-Belisha, Major Leslie

Sherwood, George Henry

Berkeley, Captain Reginald

Howard, Hon. G. (Bedford, Luton)

Shinwell, Emanuel

Birkett, W. N.

Hudson, J. H.

Short, Alfred (Wednesbury)

Black, J. W.

Isaacs, G. A.

Simon, E. D.(Manchester, Withington)

Blades, Sir George Rowland

Jackson, R. F. (Ipswich)

Simon, Rt. Hon. Sir John

Broad, F. A.

Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath)

Simpson, J. Hope

Brown, A. E. (Warwick, Rugby)

Jephcott, A. R.

Sinclair, Major Sir A. (Caithness)

Brown, James (Ayr and Bute)

Jewson, Dorothea

Smillie, Robert

Buchanan, G.

John, William (Rhondda, West)

Smith, Ben (Bermondsey, Rotherhithe)

Buckle, J.

Johnston, Thomas (Stirling)

Smith, T. (Pontefract)

Burnie, Major J. (Bootle)

Jones, Rt. Hon. Leif (Camborne)

Smith, W. R. (Norwich)

Butler, Sir Geoffrey

Jones. Morgan (Caerphilly)

Snell, Harry

Butt, Sir Alfred

Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd)

Snowden, Rt. Hon. Philip

Buxton, Rt. Hon. Noel

Jowett, Rt. Hon. F. W. (Bradford, E.)

Spence, R.

Cape, Thomas

Kay, Sir R. Newbald

Spoor, B. G.

Charleton, H. C.

Keens, T.

Stamford, T. W.

Church, Major A. G.

Kennedy, T.

Stephen, Campbell

Clarke, A.

Kenyon, Barnet

Stewart, J. (St. Rollox)

Clayton, G. C.

Kirkwood, D.

Stewart, Maj. R. S. (Stockton-on-Tees)

Climie. R.

Lansbury, George

Stuart, Lord C. Crichton-

Cluse, W. S.

Lawrence, Susan (East Ham, North)

Sullivan, J.

Clynes, Rt Hon. John R.

Lawson. John James

Sunlight, J.

Compton, Joseph

Leach, W.

Sutton, J. E.

Costello, L. W. J.

Lee, F.

Tattersall, J. L.

Cove, W. G.

Loverseed, J. F.

Terrington, Lady

Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities)

Lowth, T.

Thomas, Sir Robert John (Anglesey)

Craig, Captain C. C. (Antrim, South)

Lunn, William

Thompson, Luke (Sunderland)

Davies, Ellis (Denbigh, Denbigh)

McCrae, Sir George

Thompson, Piers G. (Torquay)

Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale)

M'Entee, V. L.

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Davies. Rhys John (Westhoughton)

Mackinder, W.

Thomson, Trevelyan (Middlesbro. W.)

Davison, J. E. (Smethwick)

McLean, Major A.

Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow)

Dickie, Captain J. P.

Maclean, Nell (Glasgow, Govan)

Thurtle, E.

Dixey, A. C.

Maden, H.

Tinker, John Joseph

Dudgeon, Major C. R.

March, S.

Titchfield, Major the Marquess of

Dukes, C.

Marley, James

Tout, W. J.

Duncan, C.

Martin. F. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, E.)

Trevelyan, Rt. Hon. C. P.

Dunnico, H.

Martin, W. H. (Dumbarton)

Turner-Samuels. M.

Eden, Captain Anthony

Masterman, Rt. Hon. C. F. G.

Varley, Frank B.

Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bcdwellty)

Maxton, James

Viant, S. P.

Elveden, Viscount

Meyler. Lieut.-Colonel H. M.

Wallhead, Richard C.

Emlyn-Jones. J. E. (Dorset, N.)

Mitchell, R. M.(Perth & Kinross Perth)

Walsh, Rt. Hon. Steven

Finney, V. H.

Montague, Frederick

Ward, G. (Leicester, Bosworth)

FitzRoy, Captain Rt. Hon. Edward A.

Morrison, Herbert (Hackney, South)

Warne, G. H.

Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E.

Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.)

Watson, W. M. (Dunformline)

Gardner, B. W. (West Ham, Upton)

Mosley, Oswald

Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda)

Gardner, J. P. (Hammersmith, North)

Muir, John W.

Webb, Lieut.-Col. Sir H. (Cardiff, E.)

Gavan-Duffy, Thomas

Murray, Robert

Webb, Rt. Hon. Sidney

George, Major G. L. (Pembroke)

Murrell, Frank

Wedgwood, Col. Rt. Hon. Josiah C.

Gillett, George M.

Naylor, T. E.

Weir, L. M.

Gosling, Harry

Newman. Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

Welsh, J. C.

Gould, Frederick (Somerset, Frome)

Nichol, Robert

Westwood, J.

Graham. D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton)

Nixon, H.

White, H. G. (Birkenhead, E.)

Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central)

O'Grady, Captain James

Whiteley, W.

Greenall, T.

Oliver, George Harold

Wignall, James

Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne)

Oliver, P. M. (Manchester, Blackley)

Williams, A. (York, W.R., Sowerby)

Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan)

Paling, W.

Williams, David (Swansea, E.)

Griffith, Rt. Hon. Sir Ellis

Parry, Thomas Henry

Williams, Lt.-Col. T. S. B.(Kennington)

Grigg, Lieut.-Col. Sir Edward W. M.

Perry, S. F.

Williams, T. (Pork, Don Valley)

Groves, T.

Pethick-Lawrence, F. W.

Willison, H.

Grundy, T. W.

Philipson, Mabel

Wilson, Sir C. H. (Leeds, Central)

Guest, Capt. Hn. F. E.(Gloucstr., Stroud)

Ponsonby, Arthur

Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe)

Guest, J. (York, Hemsworth)

Potts, John S.

Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow)

Hall, F. (York. W. R., Normanton)

Purcell, A. A.

Wintringham, Margaret

Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil)

Raffan, P. W.

Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.)

Hardie, George D.

Raffety, F. W.

Woodwark, Lieut.-Colonel G. G.

Hartshorn, Rt. Hon. Vernon

Ramage. Captain Cecil Beresford

Wright, W.

Harvey, T. E. (Dewsbury)

Rathbone, Hugh H.

Young, Andrew (Glasgow, Partick)

Hastings, Sir Patrick

Rees, Capt. J. T. (Devon, Barnstaple)

Hastings, Somerville (Reading)

Rendall, A.

TELLERS FOR THE AYES. —Lieut.-Colonel J. Ward and Mr. Toole.—Lieut.-Colonel J. Ward and Mr. Toole.

Haycock, A. W.

Rentoul, G. S.

Hayday, Arthur

Richards, R.

NOES.

Alexander, Brg.-Gen. Sir W. (Glas. C.)

Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich)

Remer, J. R.

Allen, R. Willberforce (Leicester, S.)

Harland, A.

Rhys, Hon. C. A. U.

Ashley, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Wilfrid W.

Harris, John (Hackney, North)

Richardson, Lt.-Col. Sir P. (Chertsey)

Aske, Sir Robert William

Hartington, Marquess of

Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford)

Balfour, George (Hampstead)

Harvey,C. M. B.(Aberd'n & Kincardne)

Robertson, T. A.

Barnston, Major Sir Harry

Hennessy, Major J. R. G.

Robinson, Sir T. (Lanes, Stretford)

Betterton, Henry B.

Herbert, Capt. Sidney (Scarborough)

Roundell, Colonel R. F.

Bonwick, A

Hogbin, Henry Cairns

Rudkin, Lieut.-Colonel C. M. C.

Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W.

Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (St. Marylebone)

Russill-Wells, Sir S. (London Univ.)

Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W.

Hohler, Sir Gerald Fitzroy

Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham)

Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive

Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley)

Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putnty)

Briscoe, Captain Richard George

Howard, Hn. D.(Cumberland, Northrn.)

Seely, Rt. Hn. Maj.-Gen. J. E. B. (I. of W.)

Buckingham, Sir H.

Howard-Bury, Lieut.-Col. C. K.

Shepperson, E. W.

Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James

Illfie, Sir Edward M.

Smith-Carington, Neville W.

Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R.

James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert

Somerville, A. A. (Windsor)

Cautley, Sir Henry S.

King, Captain Henry Douglas

Spencer, H. H. (Bradford, S.)

Cobb, Sir Cyril

Lambert, Rt. Hon. George

Spero, Dr. G. E.

Croft, Brigadier-General Sir H.

Lord, Waller Greaves-

Stanley, Lord

Crooke, J. Smedley (Deritend)

Lorimer, H. D.

Starmer, Sir Charles

Cunlifie, Joseph Herbert

Lowe, Sir Francis William

Steel, Samuel Strang

Darbishire, Charles W.

Lumley, L. R.

Stranger, Innes Harold

Davies, Sir Thomas (Cirencester)

Lyle, Sir Leonard

Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser

Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.)

MacDonald, R.

Terrell. Captain R. (Oxford, Henley)

Deans, Richard Storry

Macnaghten, Hon. Sir Malcolm

Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell-(Croydon, S.)

Dodds, S. R.

McNeill, Rt. Hon. Ronald John

Thornton, Maxwell R.

Duckworth, John

Makins, Brigadier-General E.

Vaughan-Morgan, Col. K. P.

Edmondson, Major A. J.

Mansel, Sir Courtenay

Ward, Lt.-Col. A. L.(Kingston-on-Hull)

Edwards, John H. (Accrington)

Marks, Sir Geon>c Croydon

Warrender, Sir Victor

England, Colonel A.

Moulton, Major Fletcher

Watson, Sir F. (Pudsey and Otlcy)

Eyres-Monsell, Com. Rt. Hon. B. M.

Newton, Sir D. G. C. (Cambridge)

Wells, S. R.

Ferguson, H.

Nicholson. William G. (Petersfield)

Wheler, Lieut.-Col. Granville C. H.

Fletcher, Lieut.-Com. R. T. H.

Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William

Wise, Sir Fredric

Forestier-Walker, L.

Penny, Frederick George

Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward

Galbraith, J. F. W.

Perring, William George

Yerburgh, Major Robert D. T.

Gray, Frank (Oxford)

Phillipps, Vivian

Greene, W. P. Crawford

Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton

TELLERS FOR THE NOES. —Mr. Harmsworth and Major Colfox.—Mr. Harmsworth and Major Colfox.

Gretton, Colonel John

Pringle, W. M. R.

Gwynne, Rupert S.

Rea, W. Russell

Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

Rees, Sir Beddoe

Resolution to be reported upon Monday next (14th April).

Committee to sit again upon Monday next.

Poor Law Emergency Provisions Continuance (Scotland) Bill

Order for Second Reading read.

I beg to move, "That the Bill be now read a Second time."

This Bill deals with the administration of Poor Law in Scotland. Before 1921 it was a fundamental principle of Scottish Poor Law that an able-bodied person was not entitled to relief Owing to the widespread unemployment and consequent distress which then obtained, Parliament decided, as a temporary measure, that emergency relief should be provided in Scotland, as in England, to destitute able-bodied persons out of employment. For this purpose the Poor Law Emergency Provisions (Scotland) Act, 1921, was passed. It imposed upon parish councils in Scotland the duty of providing that relief. The Act of 1921 would have expired on 15th May, 1923, but under Section 3 of the Local Authorities (Emergency Provisions) Act, 1923, it was continued in operation, subject to certain amendments, for another year until May, 1924. Unfortunately the emergency, to meet which the Act of 1921 was passed, still continued, and unless legislation is obtained before 15th May next, the power of Poor Law authorities in Scotland to provide relief for the destitute able-bodied will lapse. That is the reason for this Bill. The Government are of opinion that provision must be made to continue this relief. The principal part of Clause 1 of this Bill is to continue the operation of the Act of 1921 for another year, namely, until 15th May, 1925.

Although 324 parish councils have made payment for relief of the destitute able-bodied unemployed, the problem of such relief has affected only a limited number of the parishes in Scotland—less than 100 out of a total of 900 parishes. The parishes affected, however, contain more than three-quarters of the population of Scotland. To show the seriousness of the problem, it may be stated that in 36 of the most hardly hit industrial parishes the average weekly expenditure on relief of the able-bodied unemployed during the calendar year 1923 was £22,410, as against an average for 1922 of £22,070. The 36 parishes concerned are mainly, if not entirely, the same during the two years. There are one or two parishes included in the 1922 figures and not included in the 1923 figures, and vice versa, but the population of the 36 parishes remains in the two years practically the same, about 2,640,000. The average number of able-bodied persons relieved, including their dependents, in the 36 parishes referred to, during 1923, was 137,000 per week, as against an average of 133,000 per week during 1922. The average expenditure during 1923 in the most hardly hit parishes has been substantially the same as during 1922 There was, however, an indication of improvement towards the close of 1923. During the last four weeks of 1923 the average weekly expenditure fell to £17,298, or a reduction of about £5,100 on the average for the year. During the four weeks ended 15th March, 1924, the latest date for which complete figures are available, the average weekly ependiture fell to £16,245.

Would the right hon. Gentleman say whether these figures of expenditure relate to the expenditure under this Bill for unemployed able-bodied persons, or whether they include the ordinary outdoor relief?

They relate to the Bill that we are discussing. As indicating the improvement, so far as employment is concerned, the figures supplied to me by the Ministry of Labour are as follows: At 27th March, 1922, the number of unemployed persons in Scotland, excluding part-time workers, was 216,930. At 6th March, 1923, the figure had fallen to 179,000; and at 31st March, 1924, the figure had fallen to 145,880 persons, which explains the reasons for the fall in the average sum paid by the parish councils of Scotland. The weekly sums provided by the parish councils by way of relief to the able-bodied have been considerably increased where the gaps occurred in the unemployment benefit. During 1923 the gap amounted to six weeks. Working from the average during the rest of the year, it 16 estimated that the cost to parish councils of a gap has been about £14,000 a week. In connection with gaps, when a deputation, representing the most important industrial parishes in Scotland, was received by the Minister of Labour and myself on 21st February last, the Minister of Labour indicated what was being done by the Government in regard to the removal of the gaps. The deputation expressed their appreciation of these measures and admitted that if the big gap was removed, if unemployment benefit was made continuous to the end of the benefit year in October, instead of ceasing, as it otherwise would have done, in this month of April, the position of parish councils would be-considerably relieved.

In comparing the figures for 1923 with those of 1922, it should be remembered that the gaps in 1922 were more considerable even than those in 1923. They extended to some 13 weeks, thus increasing the average weekly expenditure of the parish councils for that year. Another proof of the seriousness of the problem is that in Scotland the total number of unemployed persons at the end of March, as I have already quoted, notwithstanding the improvement, still remains at a figure of 145,880. Notwithstanding the proposal for extending unemployment insurance, it is obviously necessary that the parish councils should have power to continue the provision of relief at least for another year. The time which has elapsed since the present Government took office has not been sufficient to enable us to go into the whole question of the Poor Law and Poor Law relief as we would have wished. In view of the necessity of legislation on the subject of this Bill, we are merely asking Parliament to continue the Act of 1921 for another year subject to one small Amendment. The Amendment proposed in Clause 1 will empower parish councils to assist destitute able-bodied persons who are out of employment and their dependants to emigrate where they express a desire to do so. Numerous instances have been brought to the notice of the Board of Health where parish councils and others concerned were agreed that the case would be best met by such assistance. The difficulty up to now has been that, so far as our Scottish Poor Law is concerned, there was no power. The Poor Law authorities in England have that power, to assist emigration and considerable use has been made of it. It is thought that the Scottish Poor Law authorities should have a similar power.

9.0 P.M.

The Clause is general and does not apply only to emigration to the Colonies, though, in practice, it may be supposed the large majority of cases assisted will be proceeding to countries within the Empire. If the Clause is passed, it is proposed to recommend our parish councils to work in close touch with the Overseas Settlement Committee. I observe there is an Amendment on the Order Paper to the effect that this Bill be not proceeded with unless provision is made for reimbursing the parish councils from State funds for the money they are spending in relief of the able bodied unemployed. I want to say, frankly, at this stage, that the present Government is in a large measure coming to the relief of our parish councils with a view to reimbursing them for a considerable proportion of the money they are spending on the relief of the unemployed able-bodied in Scotland. The estimated cost of the relief of the able-bodied unemployed in Scotland in the financial year ending 15th May, 1924, is £1,200,000. That year includes seven gap weeks involving additional cost to the parish councils, to the extent of £14,000 per week, and the saving through the closing of the gap to the parish councils, by means of the two Unemployment Insurance Bills now before Parliament, is estimated at about £322,000, which means that the Government by the closing of the gaps alone are coming, in a large measure, to the relief of the parish councils for the money they are spending on relieving able-bodied unemployed persons in Scotland. Assuming unemployment continues as in the present year it is estimated that the cost to the parish councils for the financial year ending 15th May, 1925, would be £1,420,000 if the big gap had not been closed. The saving to the parish councils by the closing of the gap therefore represents about 23 per cent. It represents that the Government are, through the closing of the gaps alone, coming to the assistance of the parish councils to the extent of 23 per cent, of the total amount of money spent in the relief of able-bodied unemployed. Apart from the closing of the gaps additional benefits are proposed in these two Bills, and these would have meant, had they been in operation, during the financial year 1923–24 an estimated saving to the parish councils of about 31 per cent., so that between the closing of the gaps and the additional benefit with which I shall presently deal in more detail the total reduction has been no less than 54 per cent, of the total money spent in relieving the able-bodied unemployed. As I will show, that does not by any means represent all that has been done by the Government in these two Bills for the relief of the parish councils. I will take two examples of the way in which these two Bills relieve the burdens of the parish council. Let me first take it from the point of view of the parish councils and the total money spent by some of the parish councils. Take Old Kilpatrick— its actual expenditure at the moment, under present conditions, is £350 per week. The expenditure under the new benefit scheme would be £176 per week. Glasgow parish council's actual expenditure is £5,665 per week. If the new benefit scheme proposed in these Bills had been in force that sum would have been reduced to £3,205. Edinburgh parish council's actual expenditure is £l,843 per week; if the new benefit scale proposed in these Bills had been in operation that would have been reduced to £l,280. Take another example showing how it works out in the case of the individual while still coming to the relief of the parish.

The almost uniform scale paid by the authorities in Scotland for a man and his wife, where there are no children, amounts to 22s. 6d. Under the present arrangement, the unemployment benefit amounts to 20s., leaving 2s. 6d., therefore, to be met by the parish council, but under the new arrangement that will be in operation after the two Bills have been passed, that man and wife will be entitled to get 23s., and the parish council will not require to put up a single farthing in their case, thus being relieved to the extent of 2s. 6d. a week. If you take the case of a man and wife and one child, the uniform scale at the moment is 26s., of which 21s. is provided by the unemployment benefit, and the parish council has to provide 5s. Under the new arrangement, when it is in operation, such a family will receive 25s., and the parish council will only require to pay 1s., thus being relieved to the extent of 4s. a week.

Then the family does not get extra, but it is merely a grant to the borough councils or to the boards of guardians?

No, I am not saying that the unemployed person is not to get any increase of benefit. My point is the reverse.

But I. understood the right hon. Gentleman to say the parish councils would be relieved because the money would be coming from another source, and that would reduce their relief by that amount.

Let me male it clear. Take the case of a man and wife and four children. The uniform scale amounts now to 36s. 6d. a week, and under the present arrangements the man gets from the unemployment insurance 24s., and the parish council, to bring it up to 36s. 6d., require to pay 12s. 6d. Under the new arrangements, that man would get from the insurance benefit 31s., and the parish council would require only to make him up 5s. 6d. in order to raise him to the uniform scale.

That is the point I was asking. That means that the unemployed man will receive no additional benefit; he will only receive it from a different source.

I understand that if the unemployment benefit is increased, the total amount which the unemployed person has to receive from the unemployment benefit and from the parish council is not to be increased. It merely means that he gets more from the unemployment fund and less from the parish council. I am not quarrelling with it, but merely asking.

All that I want to say in reply to that question is that my hon. Friend is interested in relieving the Parish Councils, and I was trying to show what additional relief would be given.

I have been trying to follow the figures, and what I want to do is to make sure that I understand them, for otherwise we may get confused.

I also have tried to follow these figures, and I think that even the right hon. Gentleman is finding it difficult enough from his admirably typed manuscript, but will he tell us if what was asked by the hon. Member for West Bermondsey (Mr. Kedward) is correct, namely, that supposing an unemployed man was receiving 25s. 6d. a week from some source or other, whether or not during the gap, before these recent alterations closing the gap, is he going still to receive 25s. 6d. a week, part of which is to come from the unemployment benefit? What we want to know is whether the-unemployed man is getting any more.

I was pointing out that the Government, through the two-Unemployment Insurance Bills, are providing more for the unemployed man,, and that consequently the parish councils, if he is to remain at the figure he is getting now, will require to give less, but may I say both to my hon. Friend the Member for Forfar (Mr. Falconer) and to my hon. and learned Friend the Member for the Park Division of Sheffield (Mr. Storry-Deans) that that is a matter for the parish councils. They will say whether they will pocket the whole benefit or give something extra to the unemployed man. It is estimated that the total saving to the parish councils, as I have already pointed out, by the closing: of the gap and by the additional benefits that I have dealt with, will amount to no-less a sum than 54 per cent, of the total money being paid by the parish councils,, which is the burden of my hon. Friend's Amendment —54 per cent, of the total sum; spent in relieving the unemployed able-bodied person.

In addition, may I point out that there is still another benefit provided for in the two Bills that I have named, the real value of which I cannot assess. As hon. Members know, provision is made in one of the two Unemployment Insurance Bills at present before the House for paying, out-of-work benefit to unemployed boys-and girls between the ages of 14 and 16 at the rate of 5s. and 4s. per week respectively. I cannot state in figures the-amount of additional relief which this wilt give to the parish councils; all that I can say is that I am convinced it will secure for them a considerable amount of additional relief to the 54 per cent, which I have already named. We had a deputation from the parish councils of the larger industrial districts and centres of Scotland, who met the Labour Minister and myself as far back as 21st February last, and suggested that they should be given an Exchequer grant of 50 per cent, of all the expenditure on unemployment in excess of the proceeds of a rate of 6d. in the £. The benefit proposed in the unemployment insurance bill before the House now will, I am informed, be considerably in excess of any benefit that would have accrued from such a grant as that for which the deputation asked.

I desire, in concluding my remarks, to take the opportunity of expressing my appreciation of the valuable work done by the parish councils of Scotland in connection with the provision for relieving the able-bodied unemployed. The work came upon them without any opportunity beforehand of preparation, suddenly, and the parish councils have carried on that difficult and delicate work in an efficient and sympathetic way. They have carefully investigated cases and they have dealt with them, I think, fairly and generously. The existence of the power of relieving the able-bodied has been found of the greatest importance in all districts of Scotland, even including some of the highland parishes. The parish councils of some of our highland parishes were not able to participate in this until October, but since October last they have been providing relief to the unemployed, mainly in the form of goods, such as potatoes, to the extent of a sum amounting £2,500. What I have pointed out that the Government is proposing to do is not only provide a larger measure of relief to our parish councils than any former Government has proposed, but it also lifts the burden off our parish councils to such an extent as to give effect to the pledges that many Members of this House have given to their constituents. If the hon. Member for Stirling Burghs (Sir G McCrae) will examine what I have said, or if he has listened carefully— as I have no doubt he has—he will agree that there is little or no reason for moving an Amendment to our Bill, the Second Reading of which I am now moving. If the Amendment were carried what would happen would simply be this: that we should not get this Bill through the House, before 15th May, and I know the parish councils would be in a position of not being able to give relief to the able-bodied and the unemployed men and women in our parishes.

Looking at what the councils are doing by way of relieving the burden of the parish councils, I do not think that any Member for a single one of our Scottish constituencies need have any hesitation in voting for the Bill.

I have an Amendment on the Paper to leave out all after the word "That," and to add, instead thereof, the words

"this House recognises the necessity of continuing the provision for the relief of able-bodied unemployed, but is of opinion that such provision ought to form a national charge and this Bill ought not to be proceeded with unless on the footing that provision will be made for reimbursing parish councils in respect of nil expenditure properly incurred by them in carrying out its provisions."

I should like first to reassure my right I hon. Friend as to the Amendment itself which, it is quite clear, is not a hostile Amendment to the Bill. We support the Bill by recognising the necessity for carrying on the provision for allowing in Scotland the payment of relief to able-bodied men—

But in that case will the Amendment be in Order? Its effect would be to kill the Bill. It cannot be in Order to move two contrary things in one Motion.

To put myself in order, if necessary, I should wish to move a direct negative. I should like to associate myself with my right hon. Friend in what he has said in appreciation of the work of the parish councils of Scotland, for there is no power, according to the Scottish Poor Law, whereby the parish councils may assist the able-bodied person. To get over that difficulty the Act of 1921 was passed. The parish councils were assured that this was purely a temporary provision which was only to run for a few months. The Scottish Board of Health subsequently made an extension for one year. That extension was extended for still another year. At that time the parish councils in Scotland resented, and rightly resented, being asked to bear this enormous burden for a further period, and now we are in the position still of having to go to them. I congratulate the right hon. Gentleman upon his very clear statement of what is really a very intricate problem. Nevertheless, even after what he said, I shall proceed to show that he has omitted, perhaps, the main consideration which places a burden, and a burden which is, unfortunately, not appreciated, on the parish councils. I should have thought that the right hon. Gentleman would have welcomed my Amendment because the parish councils were unanimously of opinion that this charge should be made a national charge. The Scottish Board of Health—the central authority—supported that view very strongly. The general public of Scotland also supported that view, and I was glad to find, not only from the election speeches of right hon. Gentlemen on the Government benches, but from the deliberate declaration in this House by the Minister of Labour that he also associated himself with that view, and made a very distinct declaration of the policy of the Government on this particular question. He said in a Debate on the 10th March:

"So far as we are concerned, that is the point of view from which we approach this question, that unemployment is a national responsibility, that the under-feeding of people who are unemployed is not economy, that it is not justice, and that the nation ought to shoulder in the fullest degree this responsibility."

Then he went on to speak of the gap. He said:

"Our first step by legislation was the policy of getting rid of the gap, that monstrous injustice which was a national burden in a double sense. It threw the burden on the workers who would not go to the Poor Law authorities. Here may I say that, once we break that spirit of independence of the British worker, we have broken a thing that will take generations to replace. Millions of British workers will starve before they will go to the Poor Law authorities. Yet, when these people were suffering by virtue of the fact that they could not get employment, when the evidence was conclusive that they were suffering, they were suddenly thrown upon the Poor Law guardians or had to tighten another hole in their belts."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 10th March, 1924; col. 1991, Vol. 170.]

That was said with reference to the gap. But I expected my right hon. Friend would have welcomed the Amendment which I have to propose; but seeing he has taken up this position—a position which rather astonishes me—

On a point of Order. Is it the Secretary for Scotland or you who ruled the Amendment out of order?

Have you ruled the Amendment standing in the hon. Member's name as being out of order?

The hon. Member for Stirling Burghs (Sir G. McCrae) has told me that it did not mean anything, and that therefore he moved the negative. What I propose to do is to put the Question "That the Bill be read a Second time upon this day six months."

I am sorry if I have not made myself clear to my hon. Friend the Member for North Lanark (Mr. Sullivan). It is quite inequitable that this burden should remain on the local Poor Law authority, because the area is too small for that burden to be placed on the parish council. It would, be quite inequitable to so place this burden, even supposing it were borne by the whole of Scotland, but to put it on a small portion, and that where unemployment is greatest, where the need is greatest, is a proceeding which cannot be justified. Those who followed the figures of the right hon. Gentleman would agree that that really was the effect of what he said, because to a large extent it proved my case. Now the burden is placed so inequitably over the different areas in Scotland, that if we confine ourselves to the charge for the relief of able-bodied unemployed, the rate for that specific charge in Glasgow is 7d., and in Uphall 2s. 5¼d. That would be bad enough, but what the right hon. Gentleman has left out of account is, that the parish councils—and this is a serious point—have up to date not been able to meet their expenditure out of the rates. They have had to borrow, and they have been piling up debt. According to figures given me by the right hon. Gentleman, the expenditure on this part of relief amounted to £3,230,000, and towards that a sum has been sanctioned to be borrowed of £2,700,000, which means that all that has been paid out of the rates is some £600,000. At this moment there is a millstone of debt hanging round the necks of those parish councils. The right hon. Gentleman has given us illustrations from 36 parish councils, which I will deal with a little later on. What I wish to point out is, that unless the Government do something they have left the burden of £2,700,000 which these parish councils are quite unable to bear. No doubt permission was given to spread that expenditure over a number of years, but even with that, this limited number of parishes has been asked to bear a burden which is absolutely inequitable. I come to what the right hon. Gentleman has said about what the Government has done to relieve the situation. I absolutely welcome the statement he has made. I only wish it had gone a little further, because he said that expenditure for this year, under this head, on this limited number of parishes, was to be £1,400,000. The estimate of what they were to get by way of relief from the gap and from the increase in the unemployment benefit, which was to amount to 54 per cent, or £750,000. That still leaves about £700,000 of illegal expenditure, according to the Poor Law of Scotland, which is only allowed to be paid because of the continuance of this Emergency Provisions Act. I would like to point out that the right hon. Gentleman himself showed how inequitable was this system, because he said that out of a total number of 900 parish councils, less than 100 were paying out for this relief. That is a very serious matter, and on a more limited number still the expenditure amounted to £22,400 last week, which was now reduced to £16,000 a week. There is £16,000 a week of what is illegal expenditure that is being placed as an unjust burden—

On a point of Order. I should like to ask the hon. Member, through you, is it not a fact that laws have been passed through the House of Commons legalising the payment of unemployment benefit to able-bodied persons from the parish councils of Scotland?

The hon. Member should not interrupt a speaker in that way on a point of Order. He must ask the leave of the hon. Member who is speaking.

That was an inequitable burden, and the right hon. Gentleman has for the most part proved my case. Having regard to the pledges which the Government gave and the statement made by the Minister, I cannot understand why they should not accept the Amendment which was placed on the Paper. If it is looked upon as a hostile Amendment, that is a matter for the Government, but I should like to point out that unless the Government are going to take some steps to relieve the parish councils of Scotland of that burden of £2,700,000 of debt, they will find themselves in a very great difficulty indeed. Successive Ministers have shirked this question, and I had sincerely hoped that now we had got a Minister who would face the situation and remedy this undoubted grievance. I trust that even yet we shall have an announcement from the Government which will relieve this great anxiety on the part of the parish councils of Scotland, and this relief should be given, because when they undertook this responsibility they did expect they would be reimbursed by the State. Nevertheless, it has gone on year after year, and the time has now come to deal with it. If, as was stated by the Secretary for Scotland, the cost is going to be so small, surely he will have no difficulty in convincing the Chancellor of the Exchequer of the equity of the proposal which has been urged on successive Governments.

We have all listened with very great pleasure to the speech of the Secretary for Scotland. It has been shown in that speech that there is still a gap which requires to be filled up, and if the Under-Secretary for Health is able to fill up that gap it might bring about unanimity amongst the Scottish members. Every hon. Member must realise the difficulty of the right hon. Gentleman, in having to deal with this matter at such short notice. Originally this Act was passed as a temporary measure, and it was renewed last year. The late Government only regarded it as a temporary measure, and they had no desire to put the stamp of permanency on it. The Secretary for Scotland suggested that the Government were ultimately, in some way or other, going to consider the whole question of the Poor Law, but he did not say that if we gave him the power, steps would be taken during the ensuing year for the purpose of taking such action that there would be no need to continue the Measure beyond that period. If the Under-Secretary can assure us that he has in mind that at the end of the year the Government will be able to make provision for the unemployed from other sources, in my view there would be no great difficulty in Members from Scotland coming to his assistance. In the absence of an assurance of that kind, and if next year we shall be asked again to renew this Bill, we should view this proposal with the greatest apprehension. In the nature of things, whilst employment is such a great social problem, this proposal can never be accepted as a solution even from the point of view of the unemployed, or the ratepayers of Scotland, or the parish councils. It is bad for the parish councils, for the ratepayers, and doubly bad for the unemployed.

In my view both in England and in Scotland the proper way is to deal with this matter from a national point of view. While that is true of the United Kingdom it is especially true in regard to Scotland. There are great difficulties in this matter in England where the areas are very large, but in Scotland, as a rule, the areas are very small, and yet they have to carry this heavy burden of the unemployed. I think that is absolutely indefensible. The parish councils undertook this duty because they were called upon by Parliament to do so, but they have found it impossible to raise the money required from the ratepayers and they have been compelled to borrow about 75 per cent, of the whole amount required. That is not a state of things that can go on from year to year.

What about the position of the unemployed man? I think hon. Members above the Gangway will agree with me that this is not an ideal method of dealing with this problem, but that it is one of the worst that can possibly be conceived. I still continue to hope that we shall be able to get a solution which will deal with the question of unemployment apart from the question of relief of any sort or kind. I hope that such steps will be taken that there will be work for every willing worker. Pending that time, however, what are we going to do? I think that no public man in this country has so frequently, so eloquently, and so well put the case that the present method is utterly wasteful, as the Lord Privy Seal. Again and again he criticised right hon. Gentlemen opposite, when they were in charge of the affairs of the country, for giving money to people and not getting work in return. I understood his view to be that if you have only to deal with re- lief measures, what you have to do is to try and secure some return in the form of productive work for the money expended. Could anything be worse, from, the point of view of reaching an ideal of that kind, than this wretched system of sending men to apply for Poor Law relief for the purpose of supplementing what they get in unemployment benefit? Surely, we want some sort of co-ordination. If a town council, such as that of Edinburgh, is prepared to give a certain amount of work to unemployed people, and a man goes and applies for a certain amount of Poor Law relief, he cannot, if he is getting Poor Law relief, get work at the same time from the Corporation. Could anything be more stupid than a system which sends certain men in a direction where they cannot possibly be employed, for they are receiving relief? A man has to spend the time that he should be spending in looking for employment, in calling at the office of the local authority and having interviews.

I admit the impossibility of carrying out all these ideals this year, but my right hon. Friend has given us a case in which he says a man, his wife and one child, will only have to receive 1s. a week from the parish council. They now get 26s. altogether, and the Unemployment Fund is now going to give them 25s. Surely, I shall carry the House with me when I ask my right hon. Friend to go to his advisers and say to them, "For Heaven's sake get that other shilling from the Unemployment Fund, and do not waste a man's time and energy by compelling him to go to the parish council and ask for a paltry shilling." Surely, in the interests of true national economy, it is far better that no one should be compelled to go to the parish council in that way. I am glad that my right hon. Friend is now in his place. I addressed my appeal, as I was bound to do in his absence, to the Under-Secretary, but, if I might put my appeal to him himself, it is this: Can he give us an assurance that this Measure, for which he asks for one year and one year only, will be a temporary Measure, and that during the year which is before us he will bend his energies to discovering some better method of dealing with this question? I think I can speak for my friends when I say that if we get that assurance from him we shall have achieved the object we desire, and I imagine that if we secure an assurance of that kind it would not only be welcomed in this part of the House, but in all parts of the House, and by the Scottish people; and my right hon. Friend would add to the excellent work he has done in so many other fields, something which would be a lasting monument in solving one of our great Scottish social problems.

Do I understand that the hon. Member for Stirling Burghs (Sir G. McCrae) moves, "That the Bill be read a Second time upon this day six months?"

Do I understand that you have ruled my Amendment out of order, unless it take the form of a direct negative?

Yes; the hon. Member ruled it out of order himself by saying that it did not mean anything. He said that he did not mean to kill the Bill, but the Amendment would kill the Bill, and so I told him that I could only put it in the form "That the Bill be read a Second time upon this day six months." Does the hon. Member wish that?

I must say that I share the views expressed by the last two speakers as to the need of coming to the help of the parish councils. I think the original suggestion that the parish councils should deal with able-bodied people in Scotland was a very bad one, and long after the Coalition Government is dead and forgotten, the people of Scotland will blame them for making pauperism popular in Scotland. We cannot get back the money that the parish councils have paid to able-bodied people, or, at any rate, there is very little likelihood of getting it this year, but the Secretary for Scotland has put forward proposals, as between himself and the Minister of Labour, showing that 54 per cent, of the estimated cost of able-bodied persons for the next year will be met, or that at any rate relief will be given to that extent. I do not think the Secretary for Scotland was wholly fair to himself even when he made that statement, because he overlooked the fact that unemployment insurance is now to be applied to youths and girls. A lad who is over 14, if there is no income coming into the house, or if there is not sufficient income, will be entitled to get relief from the parish council, and the same applies to a girl. Under the new proposals 5s will be paid for the lad and 4s. for the girl, so that the cumulative effect of these new proposals—the closing of the gap and the extension of benefit—will to a great extent relieve the rates in Scotland. I was sorry that the hon. Member for Stirling Burghs wanted to negative this this year. I think that that would have been a bad thing, even supposing that we do not get everything we want, and every Scottish Member on these benches is pledged in favour of the parish councils. It would be very foolish to say that this was to be discontinued when we are getting help such as we never got before. I hope the House will judge this proposal calmly. It is a big improvement on what we had last year, and I think that is mainly owing to the sympathetic manner in which the Secretary for Scotland has dealt with it. I hope hon. Members will accept it as an instalment, but we still keep in mind that in the time to come we shall try to throw this burden off the ratepayers of Scotland.

As far as our own parish council in Dundee is concerned, they made strong representations that the step—on the carrying out of which we congratulate the Government— should be carried out with regard to the gap, and undoubtedly that has given us, as it has given elsewhere, substantial relief. To that extent we congratulate the Government. We have, however, had strongly in view just the point that has been raised by the hon. Member for North Lanark (Mr. Sullivan), that we have to carry out this proposal in such a fashion that it can be placed, as it should have been placed long before now, on a national basis. We cannot forget that the peculiar situation arose on this kind of question when pressure was being put upon the people in Dundee owing to the serious position there, as elsewhere. Something had to be done immediately, and my predecessor held out the view to a deputation which came from Dundee, urging steps to be taken immediately, that it was a matter for the parish councils, and when the deputation informed him that there was all the difference in the world between the law of Scotland and the law of England, he intimated that it was something which was news to him, and that he would take steps to see that this would, for the time being, be remedied.

That was how steps came to be taken, but undoubtedly the impression was very clearly marked in the minds of the parish councils represented, and the ratepayers, generally, that that step was to be rectified, and that this thing was f o be dealt with on an altogether different basis. My difficulty with regard to the Amendment is, that I do not want applicants placed in any unfortunate predicament, and we have the statement of the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary for Scotland that he cannot get any other than this thing done now, and if we leave it over the situation will be somewhat hazardous. In looking at the question from a national point of view, of course, at the same time one has to keep in remembrance the very fact of the English law being different. In this case it would mean that Scotland was urging something which England had not got—a rather peculiar position. It is generally the reverse way, because England gets the benefits and Scotland gets none. That is why we want national relief, and something substantial done for Scotland. We want to impress upon the Secretary for Scotland that this thing has got to be remedied, because, in the event of another party coming into power, there is no saying what may transpire. If the Government should have the opportunity—as I certainly think they will have in another Session—to deal with the business, then I should expect the Secretary for Scotland, whether the present occupant of the office or his successor, to pursue this task and get this put on a proper footing. It is a very unfortunate thing to have any man or woman asking for parochial relief when it is a question of sheer unemployment.

10.0 P.M.

The right hon. Gentleman has pointed to the temporary character of this Measure. We all know, of course, that this is an entirely novel experiment in the law of Scotland, and has been rendered necessary by the severe economic pressure. The Act of 1921 was continued a year ago for one year, and my right hon. Friend is asking for it to be continued another year. My hon. and gallant Friend who was then Parliamentary Under-Secretary for Health, in introducing this Bill a year ago, pointed out very clearly that it was merely a Measure of a temporary character, made necessary by the exceptional circumstances of the time, that it was necessary to carry it in the meantime, but, of course, the future had to be looked to, and there was no idea of it being a permanency. My right hon. Friend opposite has found, as I said last night in discussing another matter, that when in office one is faced with hard, concrete problems. I remember sitting on the other side a year ago and listening to many speeches attacking the attitude of the then Government, but my right hon. Friend has found, a year later, that he has got to ask the House to continue this Measure for another year. Of course, it is a hard burden on the parish councils in Scotland, and I should like to join in what has been said by other speakers in giving a word of praise and congratulation to them for carrying on this very difficult work under most trying circumstances, a work which is entirely novel, and which has been thrown on comparatively few parishes, albeit they contain such a large proportion of the population of Scotland. That difficult work has been performed by these councils in a way altogether admirable, but, of course, we look to a reform, ere long, of our rating system in Scotland affecting the Poor Law and parochial rating. The late Government were considering proposals to this end, and I have no doubt, amongst his other arduous duties, my right hon. Friend will have to consider very seriously that very difficult problem.

But until that is faced and dealt with, the present pressing problem has to be met in an emergency Measure such as this. Of course, it is perfectly true—and the Dunedin Committee, which reported some time ago, pointed it out very clearly—that a question like this of unemployment is in many ways a national problem, and that, in the end, it probably will be right that it should be shared between the locality and the central exchequer. But these are all matters that will have to be very carefully gone into, and can only be dealt with in a comprehensive measure of rating reform. In the meantime, this pressing problem is with us, and must be dealt with. I do not desire to detain the House longer to-night. We view the matter exactly as the Government do, as an emergency matter; we had to deal with it in that manner a year ago; and the Government, facing the problem to-day, have also to deal with it as an emergency matter, and have introduced this Bill, which is to operate for a year only. My hon. Friend the Member for Stirling Burghs (Sir G. McCrae) found that if he seriously challenged this Bill, and were successful, it would be impossible for the parish councils in Scotland, after 15th of May, to pay relief to able-bodied people. That, of course, is an impossible position, as he realises, and, therefore, we, on this side of the House, give the Government our support in doing what we did before them in dealing with this great and difficult emergency, that is, carrying on for a brief period. My hon. and gallant Friend, in introducing the Bill a year ago, was asked for a firm undertaking, such as hon. Gentlemen below the Gangway have asked for to-night, that, before a year was out, a definite scheme of Poor Law and rating reform should be passed. While saying the problem was being fully investigated he, on that occasion, declined in such a difficult matter to give a definite undertaking, and I should think my right hon. Friend the Secretary for Scotland, being the cautious Scotsman I know him to be, will be very unwilling to give any definite undertaking to-night.

I think the Secretary for Scotland can congratulate himself to-night on the fact that the proposals he has made have been received, if not cordially, at least with some degree of satisfaction, making the best of what one might call a bad case, in this respect, that Members on this side of the House have not been satisfied with the conditions that obtained in the past by which this grievous burden was put on the parish councils. But it was no fault of ours. We have inherited this matter and we have got to make the best of it under the circumstances; and I submit we have made a great advance on anything that has been done previously. It is all right for the hon. Member for Stirling Burghs (Sir G. Macrae) to declaim about what we are not doing, but at the same time, it is what we are that is a matter of note. We have pointed out, and the figures have not been, challenged, that we are going to reduce expenditure by the parish councils in the ensuing year by a figure approximating to £720,000, without counting the other advantages and benefits, which will add very considerably to that amount, I hope. In that way we are undoubtedly reducing the burden of the parish councils, which it is desired to reduce. We cannot give a pledge as to what will happen next year, but I think Members ought to take the pledge as it is contained in the statement in the Bill itself The Bill only represents legislation for one year, and if the conditions that obtain at the moment have passed away at the end of the year, then there will be no necessity, but to ask us to pledge ourselves to introduce legislation and anticipate a condition of affairs that is going to continue as at present would, I think, not be proper, and I do not think it would be at all wise. Take the circumstances as they are. Unemployment, if it is not rapidly falling, is falling. On the 17th of March the figure of unemployment in Scotland was 151,000. The expenditure is going down, one might say, very rapidly. There was one month last year when the expenditure reached £24,000 per week for the month. The average for the year was £22,000. But by the end of the year, in December last, it had fallen to £17,000, and now—

Yes, by the month of December the expenditure was £17,000 a week. Those are the figures.

Might I point out to my hon. Friend that I hold in my hand the White Paper published by the Government, showing that the amount is very much larger than that—an amount of £22,000 a week.

I will let it go at that —that I have made a mistake for the moment. My figures are not wrong. It may be true that, depending on memory, I have made a mistake as to the month; but I am not incorrect in stating that now the figure has fallen to 16,250. If the expenditure goes down at the same rate, and apart altogether from the 54 per cent. decrease that is going to be brought about by the Government's increased benefits, then we can say that at end of the year, and undoubtedly by May, 1925, there should be little necessity for meeting this outlay at all or for the passing of the Bill. The Government, I think, can claim that it has done everything that can possibly be done, as things are at the moment. The revenue of the Government is not unlimited. Members on that side are making very strong demands, as are Members on this side, for money to meet other objects. The Government has done its best under the circumstances, and I do think that the Member for Stirling Burghs and his friends should adopt the position that the Member for one of the Divisions of Aberdeen has done, declare that we have not done badly, and allow this Bill to get its Second Reading.

The debt, I think, is some £2,700,000. At the moment I cannot give a statement with regard to that. I have not the least doubt but that the matter will be considered and proposals made ultimately which will relieve that burden.

I must ask the indulgence of the House as an English Member for intruding in this Debate, but this is the first time hon. Gentlemen on the Treasury Bench have made a claim which must be challenged, the claim that they are carrying out their election pledges to make unemployment a national burden by, if you please, increasing benefits out of the Unemployment Insurance Fund. That is the most extraordinary claim that has ever been made, and it is important that it should now be challenged. Hon. Members opposite, quite rightly, have insisted that unemployment benefit is not a dole because it comes so largely out of the pockets of the insured person—the working-man himself. What are these proposed increased benefits? Whence comes the funds to fill up the gap? Do they come from the Exchequer mainly? No. They come from mortgaging in advance the earnings of the working man and paying them out as relief at the present moment. You say you are relieving the parish ratepayer.

You are relieving him at the expense of the wage-earner himself and I am certain that was not the sense in which the constituents of hon. Gentlemen opposite understood their promises at the last Election. Right hon. Gentlemen hope to get great kudos from these new contributions towards the relief of local rates, but I must warn them that they will not be able to conceal that their use of the Unemployment Insurance Fund for this purpose means a continuance of the present high rate of contributions and amounts to nothing less than the mortgaging of the future earnings of the working man to pay to relieve the ratepayers of the present. The Under-Secretary for Scotland excuses himself for not giving a pledge—I did not ask him for a pledge, and it would be rather unreasonable to ask it—because, after all, trade is so much better. I wonder how long it will be before hon. and right hon. Gentlemen on that Bench can talk with the same voice. From that Bench the other day we had the Minister of Health telling us he saw no hope of an improvement in trade in this country, and especially in Glasgow. May I suggest to the Under-Secretary that he should consult with his colleague, and then come again and try to sing the same tune for once.

I should like to congratulate the right hon. Gentleman upon having introduced his proposals on this occasion in the form of a Scottish Bill, and having rejected the practice which was adopted by the last Government of tackling these on this occasion provisions or to a purely English Measure. We are therefore in a position to discuss this issue sharply as it arises in connection with proposals that apply solely to Scotland. I would also congratulate him upon having made a long step in advance from the position which was taken up last year by the Government which was responsible for introducing similar proposals. I agree with the Noble Lord that so far as unemployment insurance provisions are concerned, this cannot be regarded purely as a subvention from the Treasury, though perhaps he will keep in view that under the proposals of the Bill which I understand is going to be introduced dealing with the increase in the unemployment grant, the burden the State is now about to shoulder is a much larger one being a third of the total amount of the contributions which are required under the new Bill. Therefore to that extent there is a substantial subvention forthcoming from the Exchequer. But I think I may appeal to the right hon. Gentleman to carry the thing a good deal further, because I feel he ought to be able to count particularly upon the whole-hearted support of his Scottish colleagues in insisting that this ought to be made entirely a national burden. I was very glad last Session to be able to co-operate, as was done on many occasions, with our hon. Friends who now sit behind the Government Benches. On the occasion of the Second Reading of the Bill last year, we had the wholehearted support of hon. Members in drawing attention to the gross injustice still placed upon the ratepayers of Scotland by asking them to shoulder this additional liability. Hon. Members, who now occupy positions of responsibility, supported us whole-heartedly in that, and I have no reason to believe that they have changed their minds. I believe that the Secretary for Scotland will find among his own friends a very large measure of support for the proposal which we put forward again from these benches that this matter should be reconsidered, and some further effort should be made to mitigate the heavy burden which is placed upon the Scottish ratepayers. I believe I have the Minister of Labour with me on this point, judging from a speech he delivered the other day when he said that an unfair and uncalled-for burden upon them, which is being placed in an unfair and capricious manner upon individual parishes throughout Scotland. I need not elaborate that point further than to point out that public opinion in Scotland has been focused upon this matter for a very considerable time, and has made it quite clear that this unjust system ought to be brought to an end. I would refer to the Report of the Dunedin Committee, and the conclusion at which that Report arrived upon local taxation in Scotland and rating reform. Dealing with the incidence of this particular taxation, it said:

I understand that the right hon. Gentleman is going to meet representa- tives of the Scottish parish councils at a conference. Might I represent to him that if he is considering, as I understand he is, the administration of this particular form of relief, he should consider favourably the views of the Scottish parish councils who have had this matter in hand so long and who are faced with a position of great difficulty. I sincerely hope that he will try to carry them with him. They are not ungenerous and are not approaching this in any grudging spirit, but with a desire to avoid any resort to methods which are likely to be injurious in their effect.

For instance, the right hon. Gentleman is seeking to continue the proposal that this relief should be given to the unemployed tenants has suggested that it should take the form of payments to be made by the parish councils to the factors or owners of houses where the unemployed tenants live. I submit that that is a very dangerous form of administration, and I trust sincerely that he will not press the Circular which was issued from the Board of Health in Scotland to the parish councils, suggesting to them conclusion and to relieve the parish councils of the whole burden.

I would make an appeal to my colleagues that we may get the Bill now. They know from the intimation made by the Prime Minister the other day that I haves a very important meeting at Clydebank to-morrow dealing with a subject in which we are all interested, and unless I can get the Bill through now it will be impossible for me to leave in time to be at Clydebank and keep my engagement. I can assure my colleagues that it is not through any desire to avoid a discussion that I am anxious to bring this matter to a conclusion now. I would rather that time had permitted me to go into some of the points that have been raised, but possibly another opportunity will be afforded later on.

The Secretary for Scotland may go and fulfil his engagement. We will not take any advantage of his absence.

I do not wish in any way to prolong the Debate, but I desire to ask a question arising out of the statement which I understood was made by the Under-Secretary for Health with regard to these loans. The position has been that under the Act of 1921 the loans were repayable in five years, and under the Act of 1923 this was extended to 10 years. I understood the Under-Secretary for Health for Scotland to intimate that there is some kind of pledge on behalf of the Government.

The matter is of such importance that there should be no doubt about it. I want a direct answer to the question, what exactly was meant by the hon. Gentleman? As I understood him, he gave some undertaking of a very far-reaching character, of the nature of some step being taken by the Government to remit these sums. I ask that the matter should be cleared up definitely.

I was present and heard the Under-Secretary's statement, and I did not understand him to give any definite pledge regarding the loans.

Does the right hon. Gentleman realise that this means £10,000,000 for England at least? Has he consulted the Chancellor of the Exchequer before giving any pledge to remit these loans?

I do not think there is any necessity for pressing this matter. There has been no pledge, and I can give no pledge.

I am sure that we have no desire to detain the Secretary for Scotland, in view of the fact that his train leaves in a very short time. But several hon. Members have addressed the House this evening, and, having spoken on more than one occasion in the past on this subject, I am anxious, even at this hour, to address one or two questions to the Under-secretary. He painted a very rosy picture of the industrial situation in the coming months. It appears to be a characteristic of Ministers always to take a rosy view of the future. I only trust that they may be fortunate in their forecasts. The Under-Secretary and the Secretary for Scotland pointed out that the parish councils would be much relieved this year by the two Insurance Bills which the Government are introducing. It must be a matter of peculiar gratification to my Liberal colleagues to know that the sound financial proposals of the Insurance Acts of the past are now going to assist the parish councils in Scotland. The Insurance Acts have passed through a period of deep depression, and, now that trade is improving, the finance is so sound that the benefits are to be increased with corresponding reductions of the parish council rates throughout Scotland.

I am anxious to ask the Secretary for Scotland to deal not only with the future but with the past. He has quoted tonight several cases of extreme burdens having been placed in the past on different localities. I do not suggest for one moment that he is in any sense responsible for these burdens being placed on these localities, but I do ask him that in the intervening months, before this Bill is renewed next year, the extreme inequality which has arisen and which exists to day between parish councils in different parts of Scotland shall receive his consideration. I do not suggest that the Secretary for Scotland can come forward this evening and deal with this problem, but I hope in the coming months he will take steps to analyse the situation, and if he does so I am convinced he will agree with me that the burden is unequal and it ought not to be outside the power of the Government to redress that burden.

Question, "That the Bill be now read a Second time," put, and agreed to.

Bill read a Second time, and committed to a Standing Committee.

Treaty of Peace (Turkey) [Expenses]

Resolution reported,

"That it is expedient to authorise the payment, out of moneys to be provided by Parliament, of expenses incurred under any Act of the present Session to carry into effect the Treaty of Peace between His Majesty and certain other Powers, and certain Conventions, Protocols, and Declarations connected therewith."

Resolution agreed to.

Treaty of Peace (Turkey) Bill [Lords]

Considered in Committee.

[Lieut.-Colonel Sir JOHN GILMOUR, Temporary Chairman.]

CLAUSE 1.—(Power of His Majesty to give effect to Peace Treaty, etc.)

I beg to move, at the end of line 25, to insert a new Sub-section:

"(4) Any expenses incurred in carrying out the said Treaty, conventions, protocols, and declaration shall be defrayed out of moneys provided by Parliament."

In common with my friends in this part of the Committee, I have no desire to block the conclusion of a peace settlement with Turkey, but as this is the last occasion on which those who desire to register a protest against the Straits Convention which is included in the Treaty will have an opportunity of expressing their opinion, I rise now for that purpose.

I think it would be better if the hon. and gallant Member were to speak on the Question "That the Clause, as amended, stand part of the Bill," and that we should first deal with the Amendment.

Will the Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs explain what this Amendment is?

As I explained on the Second Beading of the Bill, Clause 1 required a fourth Sub-section which had not been inserted in another place, as it was beyond the competence of the other House to do so. The Amendment is that this Sub-section (4) should now be inserted.

Can the hon. Gentleman state what sum is necessary for this purpose? Has any Vote been taken in the House, or is there any particular amount provided in the Estimates to defray this charge?

This Sub-section (4) is for the expenses that are included in the various tribunals and commissions set up under the Treaty. The amount will appear later on in the Finance Bill, but it cannot be estimated at present, and this is really to safeguard the House, in order that this Bill may have in it a Sub-section to cover the expenses incurred under the Treaty.

The hon. Gentleman says the amount will appear in the Finance Bill, but no such thing can conceivably happen under the Rules of the House. Last night we passed the Committee Stage and to-night the Report Stage of the Financial Resolution leading up to this Amendment, which we are now asked to insert in this Bill, providing for certain expenditure, but no sum of money has been foreshadowed to the Committee up to the present. The hon. Gentleman says it will be provided some time, but surely it is the custom, when you introduce a Resolution in Committee of Ways and Means, or a Financial Resolution, and insert a provision in a Bill empowering you to expend the taxpayers' money, to have something in the Estimates, even if it be only a token Vote. Is there in the Foreign Office Estimates for the financial year commencing 1st April, 1924, any Vote, token or otherwise, for the sum of money which you are taking power to expend? If not, will it be in the form of a Supplementary Estimate, when will that Supplementary Estimate be introduced, and has the Foreign Office any idea of what the amount will be?

May I direct the hon. Gentleman's attention to the fact that Mr. Bonar Law, when this question was raised in a previous Parliament, set up what I hope will become the practice of all Governments, namely, to lay a White Paper whenever a Money Resolution is passed by this House, giving as near as might be an estimate of the expenditure involved. We have not had such a Paper to-day, but in its absence surely the Under-Secretary should give us some notion of what expense we are committed to by agreeing to this Amendment.

I am sorry that I did not know hon. Members intended to raise this point, but I think I can meet their request. As the Committee knows, a White Paper was circulated, dated 27th February, indicating the kind of expenses which would be involved in carrying out this Treaty. In point of fact, I am told that provision has been made in the Diplomatic Services and other Estimates for 1924–25, and while I cannot give the figure to-night, I think it will probably be correct to say that approximately the amount involved will be £l,500.

Yes, I think so.

Amendment agreed to.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Clause, as amended, stand part of the Bill."

Before I deal with the Convention, I should like to make an explanation on behalf of my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Caithness and Sutherland (Sir A. Sinclair) that arose on the Second Reading last night. It was felt in some quarters of the House, I think, and particularly above the Gangway, that when my hon Friend rose to continue the discussion it was a, breach of faith. It was arranged that the discussion should continue till 8.15, but the Prime Minister sat down unexpectedly early, and so far as we were concerned there was no breach of the understanding that had been come to.

I assure the Committee that the protest we desire to make against the Straits Convention is in no sense a partisan protest. Many causes have been adduced for the humiliation this country has suffered in this Treaty, but one of the greatest causes has not been mentioned, and it is this, that one of the most serious crises in the Eastern question occurred at the very moment of a great political crisis here. That is a fact. It was a great misfortune from our point of view that the crisis at home was connected apparently with the Eastern question, also that a great many other matters arose just when we least desired it, and when things were in a very critical state. I think the breach in the home front was more serious to us than the breach in the Allied front which took place a couple of years ago, and the feeling as to that has been So serious to our interests and prestige in the East that I can assure hon. Members that I have no desire to bring any partisan spirit whatever into the discussion.

We feel, however, that in this Convention we are undertaking a very serious obligation which ought to have been more fully discussed, and about which we should have had more information before it is passed by this House. I absolutely agree with anyone in this Committee who says that one of the most important interests in this country is to conclude peace with Turkey. I agree for my part, and I would not block peace in any way. But I am convinced that this Convention is not necessary for peace with Turkey, and may be a very serious element in preventing good relations with Turkey in the future. It is on that ground that I myself, and I think many of my Friends here, are most anxious. We are not convinced that everything has been done to explore the possibility of dropping this Convention by an agreement with Turkey and the Allies. This Convention, as everybody knows, is unpopular in Turkey. It is not understood in this country. If it were understood here it would be unpopular in this country like other obligations of this kind. So far as one knows, no very great importance is attached to it by the other Allies, and so far as the records of the Lausanne Conference show it was maintained almost entirely by the British delegates to that Conference.

We think, therefore, that there was a real opportunity in the many weeks that elapsed before this Bill was introduced into this House, for sounding Turkey and the Allies as to the possibility of the comparatively small Amend- ment in Article 143 by detaching the Straits Convention from the rest of the Treaty and its Annexes, and concluding the peace settlement without this great blot. We are very sorry these opportunities were not explored.

My right hon. Friend the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) appealed yesterday to the Prime Minister to explore those possibilities even now at the last moment. I am afraid it may be too late. If there is any possibility of exploring them still, I hope the Government will do so. The protest against this Convention we desire to register is based on three main grounds: I do not want to go into them at any length, but only wish to mention them. The first protest is against the method of negotiation and signature. When I moved my Amendment on the Second Reading I made no suggestion that the Dominions to the representation of the whole Empire by Earl Curzon and Sir Horace Rumbold. I said I assumed they had accepted that situation. Therefore, there was no more to be said. I pointed out that the Treaty which the two plenipotentiaries negotiated on behalf of the Empire went much beyond the peace settlement. It incurred a new, a serious, a dangerous obligation, and for that reason it was particularly unfortunate that precedent had been departed from, and that this Treaty was negotiated and signed by plenipotentiaries taken solely from this country.

The Prime Minister in his speech yesterday suggested that the procedure of negotiating the Treaty of Lausanne differed in no serious respect from the procedure in regard to all the Treaties negotiated between this Treaty and the Treaty of Versailles. He said that in regard to the Treaty of Neuilly, the Treaty of Trianon, and the Treaty of Sevres, the process had been the same as in regard to this Treaty of Lausanne. I have since taken the trouble to look at the Treaty of Sévres, and I find the plenipotentiaries named in the Preamble are: On behalf of the British Empire: Great Britain, Sir George Graham; Canada, Sir George Halsey Perley; Australia, Mr. Fisher. New Zealand accepted the British plenipotentiary, Sir George Graham; South Africa, Mr. Blanckenburg; India, Sir Arthur Hirtzel. All those plenipotentiaries signed the Treaty of Sévres on behalf of their countries. That is really a different form and a very important form. I do not know what part the Dominion plenipotentiaries actually played in the negotiations, for the negotiations wandered about from one country to another. They began in London, went to San Remo, and were conducted at different places at different times and what is important is that they were plenipotentiaries who had the right to participate at any moment. They signed as plenipotentiaries on behalf of each Dominion. That procedure was not followed in regard to the Treaty of Lausanne, and in view of the very serious obligation contained in the Treaty of Lausanne, that was a very serious omission. It was in order, if possible, to elucidate the situation created that I put down my Amendment to the Second reading. Since the Dominions were not represented in the manner they were in the other Treaty, it was essential that this House should be informed how they stood and what they felt about the Treaty of Lausanne. The Prime Minister said that messages had gone to the papers to explain what had happened, and he argued that that showed that they had no objection to make. I think experience should have told him that that is a very dangerous argument, because the absence of objection is not adequate in these cases.

Only two years previously, long before the crisis arose, all these papers had been going out steadily to the Dominions, and there was not one point in that crisis upon which they had not been informed for weeks and months, and yet in two Dominions during the crisis two of the Premiers stated that they had no information. It was only when their attention was called to information in their own offices, which they had overlooked, that they admitted that the Government here were not in fault. That was an important precedent, and it shows that the mere absence of objection is not an adequate proof that the Dominions knew to what they were being committed. The information was only produced in this House as a result of the Amendment which we put down, but the information we secured has shown how mistaken it may be to rely upon purely negative evidence of that kind. We now know that the premier Dominion does not accept the settlement contained in the Straits Convention, and I think that is a serious fact which we ought to have been in possession of before we began this Debate.

As far as the Government are concerned, no one knows better than my hon. friend that, by the Imperial Conference Resolution, unless all the Dominions acquiesce in regard to publication, His Majesty's Government have no alternative. If that practice were departed from, private and confidential communication would be impossible. I want to make that clear, because I think it is unfair to separate and even talk about a premier Dominion. That in itself gives offence. I make no distinction between the Dominions, and I treat them all absolutely on the same footing as far as the Government are concerned. I want my hon. Friend to remember that as far as the Government were concerned, we asked them clearly and specifically, in accordance with the Conference Resolution, if they desired publication, and the refusal of one, of course, rendered publication impossible. That is our position.

11.0 P.M.

I am not sure that either of the interruptions of the right hon. Gentleman was very relevant, but I am glad that he made them. In regard to the publication of Papers, I absolutely agree that Papers cannot be published unless all the Dominions consent, and, if the right hon. Gentleman will notice, I did not press him yesterday when he said that one of the Dominions had not consented, nor did I even ask which it was. My only reason for pressing for information was that there was a definite conflict between the statements of the Prime Minister of Canada and the Prime Minister here, and that was a point which had to be elucidated. So much for the first point that the right hon. Gentleman made. As to the second point, that of calling Canada the premier Dominion, I do not know whether he makes that point seriously. I am perfectly certain that in Australia, New Zealand, and South Africa not the slightest offence would be taken at the fact that Canada was called the premier Dominion, because it was a Dominion nearly 40 years before any of the others. That the right hon. Gentle- man should make a point of that kind shows, to my mind, considerable ignorance of the feeling in the Dominions. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh!"] Well, I apologise to the right hon. Gentleman, but I do not think it is a very serious point.

The second objection which we have to this obligation is that, in our opinion on these benches, we are paying a very heavy price for a thing called the freedom of the Straits, which, as denned in this Convention, is not really worth very much. The demilitarisation Clauses in the Straits Convention are what we are told secures the freedom of the Straits. To my mind, they do not secure it at all, and all the comment that has been made in the Turkish Press for some weeks past, and particularly during the last fortnight, shows that the Turks, and I think all serious naval and military critics, do not regard the demilitarisation Clauses as any real obstacle to closing the Straits, if they had to be closed. What is unquestionably true is that the demilitarisation Clauses weaken Turkey in the defence of Constantinople. There is no doubt about that whatever. Therefore, Turkey has a serious claim upon those who forced these demilitarisation Clauses upon her, and, since we have weakened the defence of Constantinople, that means that we are, and shall be, bound in honour to carry out our obligation if Constantinople is threatened. I say that that is a serious obligation, and what we have got in return for it is not worth the dangers which we incur. I do not wish to enlarge upon that theme. A great deal might be said about it, but, having made my protest, I pass on.

The third objection is that this obligation is not, in point of fact, incurred and accepted by the Empire as a whole. I will not go into the whole argument again as to the partition of the Empire into different geographical zones carrying different obligations within them. We shall come very soon to discuss that most important question when the Treaty of Mutual Security is brought before the House, as I suppose it will be. I am perfectly certain that right hon. and hon. Gentlemen on the other side of the Committee, at any rate, will protest against that Treaty, on the ground that it does partition up the British Empire in that way. I have heard one of the most distinguished ornaments of the Front Opposition Bench denounce it in public already. If that argument is put forward against that Treaty, I cannot understand why it is not equally good against the obligation contained in the Straits Convention. This is a very serious and dangerous new practice that has been adopted. It is the first time that Britain has acted in these matters as a purely European Power, without knowing for absolutely certain that the whole Empire was with her. I will only mention one reason why it is, to my mind, dangerous. In moments of crisis throughout the Empire, all imaginations are stirred. When the danger is realised, people are roused to a higher pitch, and will take action together which they would never contemplate in normal times. But these obligations which are imposed are discussed in normal times. People's eyes are turned inwards; they are thinking about their own affairs; and the existence of an obligation of this kind is a constant irritant, dangerous to the unity of the Empire. It is essential for us in this country to realise that the Dominions are more and more looking at Europe with the aloof and questioning eyes of the United States. If we are to keep these great democracies acting with us in the cause of peace, we must realise that we cannot act as a purely European Power, but must act always as a world Power, and make sure that their opinion is with us in whatever we do. That is the third ground on which we protest against this Convention. I hope that even now it may not be too late to make inquiries as to whether it cannot be separated from the Treaty and dropped. It may be too late, and in that case we protest. We are certain that the protest we are making to-night will be justified in the years to come.

As I was, to my own regret, unable to be present during the Debate on the Second Reading of this Bill, I should like, if I may, to make a few very short observations on the speech to which we have just listened. I do not wish in the least to go over the ground which was very sufficiently covered during the Debate on the Second Beading, and I do not think the hon. and gallant Gentleman who has just spoken has added anything to the speech he made on that occasion, but I should like to say how completely I and, I believe, most of us who sit on this side of the House, dissent from the whole tone and spirit of the remarks which he has just made. As regards the point which he made before, and has made again, that the Dominions were not sufficiently consulted in this matter, I do not think it would be possible to conceive a more complete mare's nest than that which the hon. Member has brought forward. The Prime Minister and my right hon. Friend the Leader of the Opposition, in the Debate on the Second Reading, went very fully, I think, into the answers that were given on that point. But there is one consideration which I am not sure was touched upon, and which the hon. Gentleman who has just spoken appears to me to have entirely ignored. He complains that there was nothing but negative evidence of the attitude of the Dominions. If my recollection is right—and I am sure my right hon. Friend the Colonial Secretary will be in a position to correct me if I am wrong—not only were the Dominions fully consulted beforehand with regard to representation at Lausanne, but they were fully seized of the whole attitude of the Government, and fully aware that an important Treaty was in contemplation. Not only so, but actually, when it came to the point of signatures, they were asked whether they desired to go to Lausanne to sign a Treaty, either by the High Commissioners or otherwise, and they said they had no desire to go to Lausanne, they had no desire to put separate signatures upon this instrument, and they were perfectly content that the signatures of Lord Curzon and Sir Horace Rumbold would be sufficient.

That being so, it seems to me inconceivable that anybody at this time of day should take the point that the Dominions were not fully consulted, and that the actual procedure followed was not entirely with their concurrence and to their satisfaction. Apart altogether from that, the hon. Gentleman went on to utter a great warning on the ground that obligations were here accepted by this country as a European Power, and not as an Empire as a whole, and he seemed to speak as if the unbroken practice in the past has been to treat the Empire as a whole, and to invite the concurrence of each separate part. Why, the greatest obligation of all, the obligation which brought us into the War itself, the obligation to defend the neutrality of Belgium, was an obligation with which the different parts of the Empire never had anything to do. The different component parts of the Empire, until the signing of the Treaty of Versailles, have always held themselves perfectly free either to give military, financial and other assistance to the Mother Country, or to withhold it. It has been the growing practice, as the hon. Member must know. The first occasion, if I recollect rightly, when help from outside parts of the Empire was offered to this country, was at the time of the Russo-Turkish War, when Indian troops were sent to Europe more as a demonstration than anything else. Of course, in the South African War different parts of the Empire came forward voluntarily as a matter of patriotism to offer their help. When the Great War broke out, they were under no obligation whatsoever, but they came spontaneously and patriotically and gave their assistance. It is quite true, when the Great War ended, that then, and for the first time, they were represented when peace was made.

I would be very glad if the right hon. Gentleman would explain how the Dominions could enter into obligations to this country before the Dominions came into existence themselves.

As a matter of fact, Canada was a Dominion in the time of the South African War. The Dominion of Canada was never consulted in regard to the South African War, and, so far as I recollect, they took no part in the peace that brought that war to a close. So far as the principle is concerned, the interruption of the hon. and gallant Gentleman was entirely irrelevant. The hon. and gallant Gentleman says they have not accepted the obligations of the Straits Convention. I am not going to argue now whether they have severally accepted that obligation or not, and I do not think that is a matter of very great consequence, because, if the hon. Member is right that this obligation must require action on the part of this country at any future time, it would, of course, be open to the Dominions to consider whether it is incumbent upon them, either under the terms of the Treaty or on the more general principles on which they have acted in the past, to come forward and give assistance. If they consider they are not bound by the obligation in this Treaty, that there will be no coercion at all events from this country.

I want to say something about the Straits Convention to which the hon. and gallant Gentleman has directed the greater part of his remarks. He has repeated his protest and made an appeal to the Government that, even at this last moment, something should be done to sever this Convention from the Treaty. I want to say, as being in this House at all events, more entitled than any other individual to speak on behalf of Lord Curzon, who was responsibe for that Treaty that, however unsatisfactory this Treaty of Lausanne may be— and I agree with my right hon. Friend the Leader of the Opposition that there are points on which we should like to have seen it different—the one feature in it for which, I think, Lord Curzon would refuse to apologise, and for which certainly I, on his behalf, offer no apology, would be the decision on the Straits Convention. It is the one part of the Treaty on which, I think, we may look with complete satisfaction, and I want to say, on behalf of Lord Curzon, that this particular part of the Treaty represents, under the whole of the circumstances of the case, a very real triumph for British diplomacy, for which Lord Curzon ought to be given credit. I do not agree with the hon. and gallant Gentleman that the obligations which we have accepted are either onerous or dangerous. It appears to me that the objection taken by the hon. and gallant Gentleman is one which must become an objection to the whole obligation which we undertook as a member of the League of Nations.

If our undertaking under this Convention is to be condemned we have no business to be in the Council of the League of Nations or to have anything to do with it, because the obligation we undertake is a joint one with all the great maritime Powers of the world, including Japan, and it is an obligation strictly limited to such action as may be directed by the Council of the League of Nations, which cannot impose upon us any obligation which the Government at the time the question may arise is not prepared to acquiesce in and to instruct our repre- sentative, accordingly, upon the Council of the League. I, therefore, dissent most emphatically from the whole idea that there is any dangerous obligation, that there is any high price paid, or that what we claim in return for that price is not worth having. No one in the past has more emphatically recognised the vital British interest in the freedom of the Straits than, the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George). Nothing could be more inconsistent with the attitude he took up in the Second Reading Debate. This Convention gives us exactly what the right hon. Gentleman has, over and over again, said to be a vital British interest. It gives us the freedom of the Straits for navigation both by mercantile vessels and vessels of war. Moreover, the whole notion that there is no reality whatever in the demilitarised zones is one which I believe he will find it exceedingly difficult to get support for from any reputable military or naval authority. The hon. Gentleman has boldly stated exactly the contrary. He has told us naval and military authority regards this as of no value whatever. I challenge him to give the name of any naval or military authority who will carry weight in this House, who will pledge himself to say these demilitarised zones are of no value for the purposes we have in view. I want, at this last moment, in supporting the Government in ratifying this Treaty, to say we regard the Straits Convention as one of the most valuable parts of the Treaty on which we may unfeignedly congratulate ourselves, and that we dissociate ourselves altogether from the tone of protest of the right hon. Gentleman.

I regard the Treaty of Lausanne as, on the whole, the most humiliating Treaty that has ever been inflicted by a vanquished nation upon its victors. I agree with the case that has been put up from the Front Opposition bench that our plenipotentiaries were confronted with great difficulties. I thought the historical summary that was given by the Leader of the Opposition was entirely fair. I do not wish to minimise the difficulty, nor do I desire to disparage the eloquence, the sincerity, or the pertinacity of the British plenipotentiaries; but I think their task was rendered far more difficult than it should otherwise have been by the neglect of an elementary precaution. The Committee should remember that we had a powerful British Fleet in those Eastern waters. I believe there is not a sailor in the British Navy who would not say that it would have been quite possible for the British Fleet to have prevented a single armed Turk from crossing from Asiatic Turkey to European Turkey if orders had been issued to that effect.

So far from that being the case, we were told that it was not so by the Admiral on the spot.

Expert opinions then differ. I have heard expert opinions to the other effect. I cannot believe that, with the British Fleet in the Sea of Marmora, it was impossible to prevent the passage of thousands of Turks into European territory. Their passage, undoubtedly, did make the position of General Harington particularly difficult, and aggravated the difficulties of our representatives at Lausanne.

I pass now to the Straits Convention, to which my right hon. Friend directed the greater part of his attention. He unnecessarily magnifies the differences which divide him from my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Oldham (Sir E. Grigg). I cannot imagine that he dissents from the general principle which underlay the argument of my hon. and gallant Friend. My hon. and gallant Friend was particularly solicitous that on occasions when Great Britain undertakes an important liability which may in conceivable circumstances result in war, she should have the assurance of the consent, the goodwill, and the co-operation of all parts of the Empire. That was the governing principle which underlay the speech of my hon. and gallant Friend, and I am sure it is a principle which the right hon. Gentleman cordially accepts. My hon. and gallant Friend expressed a very considerable degree of anxiety as to the course which had been pursued on this occasion. My right hon. Friend says that great trouble and pains were taken by the Government to apprise the Dominions of what was being done, and that they were perfectly willing to accept Lord Curzon as their plenipotentiary at Lausanne. I do not in the least challenge the statement, but will my right hon. Friend forgive me for saying that his speech did not entirely meet the point raised by my hon. and gallant Friend. I can quite conceive that the Dominion Premiers, being apprised of the fact that Great Britain was about to enter into negotiations with Turkey affecting the political situation in the near East, may have said, "We are perfectly ready to trust our affairs to Lord Curzon." That was a very reasonable and natural attitude for them to take up.

The point which I wish to bring out is that the Dominions may not have realised that in the course of these negotiations Great Britain would be committing itself to an important and serious liability in the Straits. I submit that, in view of this feature of the negotiations, a feature which may not have been anticipated originally when the negotiations were initiated, that adequate caution does not appear to have been taken to secure that active assent and co-operation from the Dominions which we should naturally look to secure on so great an occasion.

The right hon. Gentleman was, correct when he told the Committee that up to the end of the great war it was not the practice to invite the Dominions to act as plenipotentiaries or to sign treaties. They did not do so after the South African war in spite of the fact that many of the Dominions contributed important contingents. But I respectfully submit that the precedent which was created at the end of the Great War does mark a new chapter in our history, and that after that precedent has once been created, after the Dominions have once been called on to co-operate in a settlement and to affix their signature to the Peace Treaty it is impossible to go back. Consequently, though I admire, and always did, the skill of my right hon. Friend in the debate, I was not altogether satisfied with the solidity of his reply to my hon. and gallant Friend.

This Treaty imposes some very serious liabilities upon the League of Nations. I agree entirely with my right hon. Friend the Leader of the Opposition in his hope of great things from the inclusion of Turkey in the League of Nations. But you cannot impose these great obligations upon the League of Nations without fortifying it with additional pecuniary assistance Here you have the League of Nations entrusted with a really vast task. It is called in to solve one of the greatest international difficulties that ever perplexed the political world, and I say at once with some knowledge of the League of Nations finance and work that it is impossible to expect the League of Nations to do the work which it will be called on to do under this Treaty, unless members of the League are willing to strengthen its finances.

I agree entirely with the Prime Minister that it is desirable to give the new-Turkey a real chance. I hope that we shall. Though there are many men at the head of Turkish affiairs who are patriotic, strenuous, high-minded and anxious to promote the best interests of their country, at the same time I cannot feel that degree of sanguine hope which animated my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy). I remember when I was younger and more ingenuous than I am now I joined in a movement in Oxford to welcome Talaat Pasha, afterwards the artificer of the Armenian massacres, and his colleagues on the committee of Union and Progress. At that time we hoped that there would be a regenerated Turkey, and that Turkey was going to enter into the circle of enlightened and progressive nations. Those hopes have been sadly disappointed, and, although I earnestly trust that this Treaty may create more cordial relations between Great Britain and Turkey, and that Great Britain will co-operate with Turkey in developing the industry and commerce of the desolate regions of Asia Minor, too long languishing under an obscurantist and capricious rule, nevertheless, knowing the history of the Turk in the past, I cannot be very sanguine about the prospect which is opened up before us by the Treaty of Lausanne.

I rise for the purpose of putting before the Committee the claims of the British nationals in Turkey On 4th August, 1914, war was declared upon Germany, but war was not declared upon Turkey until 1st November of that year. On 1st August, 1914, there were in this country, in the shipyards of Messrs. Vickers Armstrong, two Dreadnoughts, which were being constructed for the Turkish Navy, in respect of which £T5,500,000 had been paid to the contractors and in respect of which about £800,000 was due on Treasury Bills, which were ultimately taken up by the British Government and paid to the contractors. These warships were not paid for by the British Government, probably for quite good and sufficient reasons, because it is well known that immediately after that time Turkey began mobilising. But at the same time there was another warship in the docks in this country. It was being constructed for the Chilean Government. It was taken over by the British Government and duly paid for. But what I happened to our materials in Turkey as the result of these Turkish warships not being paid for? Immediately requisitions were made upon our nationals up to the £5,000,000, and those goods were requisitioned at a time when we were technically at peace with Turkey. I put a question to the Prime Minister recently as follows: This is the first time one has known His Majesty's Government to deny that there was any obligation at that time to refund that sum, and as a matter of fact, these moneys are still in hand. That is to say, the British Government not having paid for these ships and this country having taken over these ships, there is at the present moment something like £T7,000,000, principle and interest, which should be available to settle the claims of our nationals who had to "stand the racket" because of the action—probably the very proper action—which we took in August, 1914. Then we come to the position during the War when the majority left Constantinople and, thereafter, I admit quite frankly the position of our nationals in that field was precisely the same as that of our nationals in any other field. The Armistice came in 1918, but the Peace with Turkey not until 24th July, 1923. These people have been extraordinarily unfortunate in this respect— that the claims which were prepared and the case which was drawn up on behalf of the British nationals in Turkey having been sent in, were unfortunately lost by the authorities in the East. As a matter of fact, our representatives at Lausanne had no particulars of that case and no particulars of those claims before them, and I do not know how far the interests of the British nationals in Turkey were neglected in consequence. It is quite possible that if the particulars of the case had been there the results would have been very much the same, but the fact remains that everything prepared in this respect up to that time was lost.

The firms who suffered loss in Turkey by requisition and in other ways, cover almost every branch of trade, and include merchants of every description, ship repairers, shipowners and so forth. We had an offer of the setting aside by His Majesty's Government, in 1921, of the sum of £5,000,000 to be devoted to ex gratia payments to our nationals, and we know the Sumner Commission has reported upon this and fixed the proportions payable. From a reply which the Prime Minister made on 21st March, I learn that any advances payable to our nationals in Turkey are repayable advances, and it is obvious we have still to settle the claims of our own nationals in these countries. At Lausanne there was first provided a sum of £Tl5,000,000 in satisfaction of these claims to be paid in gold by 37 annuities of £900,000 each, and that was subsequently reduced to £Tl2,00O,OO0, payable in 37 annuities of £720,000 each, and finally it was renounced entirely. On the other hand, Turkey was to renounce her claim to £T5,000,000 deposited in Berlin and Vienna for the purposes of the issue of Turkish notes and there is this question of £T7,000,000 in respect of the battleships. The method of distribution is to be left to a Commission which has yet to be set up. I put this fact to the House. It is obvious that the £T5,000,000 which is to be available to our nationals in respect of claims against Turkey will be insufficient to cover these claims and I suggest there is an obligation of honour on this country in regard to our own nationals. Considering that by our action in August, 1914, we left our own countrymen to bear the burden of requisition, we should assume liability to them and we should place this sum of money in a contra account, provided that the sum of £T5,000,000 in gold proves insufficient to meet the claims, as we are pretty sure it will be insufficient. In these circumstances, I think our nationals have a claim upon us in this way for bare justice. Great Britain throughout has sustained her reputation for generosity. We have been lavish in the sums we have paid to the refugees of other nations, and we have distributed large sums of money, but I think we should do bare justice to our nationals, and I ask the Prime Minister to see that immediately after the ratification of this Treaty the Committee is set up, in order that these claims may be assessed, and that it may be made a matter of contra-account with what is in our hands at this moment as the value of these two battleships, should the money be insufficient.

I hope the Committee will proceed to agree to this Bill without further delay, in spite of the somewhat exaggerated language of the right hon. Member for the Combined Universities (Mr. Fisher), who described this as a "most humiliating Treaty." I honestly believe it is, in ail the circumstances, an exceedingly good Treaty. I can claim no greater acquaintance with the Turks than can be gained across no man's land, but I can claim some little acquaintance with the Arabs, and it is because I believe that this Treaty will enable us to carry out, even though belatedly, our agreement with the Arabs that I think it is of great importance that we should get this Treaty settled, so as to be able to go ahead with the other question. I think it is unfortunate that the right hon. Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George), who chooses to come down here and make a very contentious speech, should not remain here to see the Debate out. He has been for so long the Lord High—

I wholeheartedly withdraw what I have said, and most sincerely apologise. There were some things in that speech with which I cordially disagree. I believe that those allegations about the Straits Convention are absolutely unfounded. I have fought in those parts of the world, and can claim to know the geography, and I believe that those allegations of mobile artillery firing over the hills, and of artillery placed on the peninsulas in the Sea of Marmora and obstructing navigation there, are perfectly ridiculous. I think it is most unfortunate that allegations of that kind should be made when we are trying to make peace with Turkey. We are trying to make peace and not considering arrangements for making a fresh war. The architects of the Treaty will not claim it as an entirely satisfactory Treaty—it is not a dictated Treaty—but, considering the enormous difficulties, which we owed to the unfortunate action of the right hon. Member for Carnarvon Boroughs, I think it is an extraordinarily successful Treaty. Further, we want to know what its critics propose to put in its stead. The hon. and gallant Member for Oldham (Sir E. Grigg) said just now that he was not at the making of the Peace Treaty. I was, and I remember that at that time the right hon. Member for Carnarvon Boroughs made the suggestion for dealing with the Turks that we should sail away to the Island of Prinkipo and make the Treaty there. The more conferences there are, the better pleased will be the right hon. Gentleman, we know, but does he really propose to go and hold another conference and make another Treaty when we are on the very threshold of concluding a Treaty which holds out the prospect of a new era? We now have a new Turkey to deal with. Does the right hon. Gentleman propose to hold a fresh conference, in another part of the world, and to reopen the whole question? I earnestly hope that, without further consideration, we shall go a step further towards ratifying this Treaty, which does hold out a fresh hope of making peace, and offer a real chance of trade and commerce in that part of the world.

For a very few moments—[HON. MEMBERS: "Divide, divide!"]—I am speaking on behalf of a number of my hon. friends who desire to enter their protest against the Straits Convention. [HON. MEMBERS: "Agreed!"] The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Canterbury (Mr. E McNeill) spoke of the Convention in words which I think were the very strongest criticism of the Treaty itself, for he said that the Convention was the most valuable part of the Treaty. If that be so it means that the Treaty is very, very far from being what we desire. We on this side do not desire to delay peace. [HON. MEMBERS: "Divide!"] We have nothing but a feeling of friendship for Turkey. We want to see her make a new start. We look forward with hope to her future relations with Europe, but we recognise that the Straits Convention was not desired by the Turks. It was pressed upon the Turks against their will, and while we should be delighted for the Straits to be demilitarised we object to the menace of the uncertain obligations that are imposed upon this country and the Dominions. The right hon. Gentleman said it was merely a question of obligation to the League of Nations, but he knows quite well that Lord Curzon only induced the Turks to accept the arrangements by assuring them that this involved an additional security not contained in the Covenant of the League of Nations. Some day the right hon. Gentleman opposite may be Foreign Secretary and he will find it no very pleasant task, if the unfortunate contingency should arise, to have to explain that the words of the noble Lord the late Foreign Secretary were of no account, and that he was only bound by the letter of the Treaty. We do not want to have uncertain obligations of that kind binding our future. [HON. MEMBERS: "Agreed!"] We are whole-heartedly in favour of peace, but we do want to make a strenuous protest against the uncertain and dangerous obligations included in this Convention.

The Prime Minister rose in his place, and claimed to move, "That the Question be now put."

Question, "That the Question be now put," put, and agreed to.

Question, "That the Clause, as amended, stand part of the Bill," put accordingly, and agreed to.

Clause 2 ( Short title ) ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Schedule

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Schedule stand part of the Bill."

In regard to that part of the Schedule—[HON. MEMBERS: "Divide!"] which refers to the functions of the Straits, I should like to draw the attention of the Committee to a very grievous error into which it has been led by the right hon. Gentleman the Leader of the Opposition (Mr. Baldwin) and by the right hon. Member for Canterbury (Mr. R. McNeill). The Committee to-day, and the House yesterday, were told by these right hon. Gentlemen that the obligations entered into under Article 10 of the Covenant of the League of Nations were something far greater than the obligation which this country may be called on to meet under the Straits Convention. That could only proceed from an imperfect consideration of the terms of the documents. Article 10 of the Covenant of the League of Nations is a joint guarantee under which the members of the League—[HON. MEMBERS: "Divide!"]

I am not quite sure that the hon. and gallant Gentleman is in order. This is only a list of the Conventions in the Treaty which are already passed.

[HON. MEMBERS: "Divide!'] On that point of Order, my intention is to press the Government to omit No. 1, the Convention respecting the regime of the Straits. I submit that I am in Order. The guarantee under Article 10 of the League of Nations is an entirely general guarantee. It calls on the members of the League to respect and preserve against external oppression.

Is it not the invariable custom that, when we have passed the Clauses of a Bill which affected action on certain matters set out in the Schedule, we cannot discuss what is contained in the Schedule, but only the elimination of one of the items of the Schedule, without going into a particular Amendment?

I have put the question, "That the Schedule stand part." The hon. and gallant Member (Captain Berkeley) is in Order in asking that a certain part of the Schedule should be omitted.

Is it not a fact that really the only effective way in which the hon. and gallant Member can possibly make his point is by omitting Number 1 of the Schedule? No Amendment to the Bill, I submit, could possibly secure what he has in view, namely, the refusal to ratify this Convention, save the Amendment he is pressing to move, to omit paragraph 1. [HON. MEMBERS: "Divide!"]

Is it not a fact that the only possible end the hon. and gallant Member (Captain Berkeley) has in view is to waste time?

I quite agree that an hon. Member cannot move an Amendment on the Schedule.

[HON. MEMBERS: "Divide"!] Very deferentially I venture to submit that I am entitled to move that this first item on the Schedule be deleted. ["HON. MEMBERS: "Divide"!]

No, I must rule that it is not in order.

Question, "That the Schedule stand part of the Bill," put and agreed to.

Preamble agreed to.

Bill reported, with an Amendment.

Bill, as amended, considered.

Motion made and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read the Third time."

12 M.

I believe that when the difference between the obligation entered into under Article 10 of the Covenant of the League of Nations and that entered into under Article 18 of the Straits Convention, has been realised; it may seem fit to the Prime Minister to reconsider the proposal put forward from these benches that he will ratify the Treaty with a reservation regarding the Straits Convention. [HON. MEMBERS: "Divide!"] The extension of the principle in Article 18 of the Straits Convention is really enormous. Here is a short passage from that article:

"Assuming the case that the freedom of the navigation of the Straits is imperilled by a violation, what happens. The high contracting parties and in any case France, Great Britain, Italy and Japan, acting in conjunction will meet such violation, attack or threat of war by all the means that the Council of the League of Nations may decide for that purpose."

Surely that is an enormous extension of the very general terms of Article 10 of the Covenant of the League of Nations. Take what would occur in the Council of the League of Nations supposing you had Article 10 invoked. All the Powers concerned would be free to determine how far each or any of them was prepared to co-operate in quelling the disturbance. It would be possible for a Power a long way from the Straits to say "We are not concerned in this; we will co-operate with the League but we must not be asked to send ships or troops." There is no compulsion in the matter. You can seize a nation by the scruff of the neck and throw them at each other's throat. The case under the Straits Convention is entirely different. Suppose this country goes to the Council of the League in the event of hostilities—[HON. MEMBERS: "Divide!"] You would go to the Council of the League of Nations hampered in advance by your guarantee under Article 18. [HON. MEMBERS: "Divide!"]

I would ask the House to give the hon. and gallant Gentleman a few minutes.

The case is quite different from that envisaged by Article 10. Under this Article you go to the Council of the League of Nations hampered in advance. You set your hand to this Convention under which you yourself, one of the Members of the Council, are pledged, to carry out whatever warlike measures the Council of the League may direct. If you are pledged in advance to the major thesis you cannot dispute the minor thesis. You cannot enter into disputations with the Council of the League of Nations. You would hamper and obstruct the League of Nations in deciding on the measures which are to be put into operation for the purpose of giving effect to this article. I only wish to point out the difference because not only was the argument advanced by the Leader of the Opposition, but it was repeated by the right hon. Gentleman to-night when he said if you object to this Convention you had no business in the Council of the League. If the right hon. Gentleman, not in the heat of a Debate but in the quiet of his study, will take the two documents and compare them, probably he will revise his hasty judgment, and perhaps while he is doing so, he will consider whether Lord Curzon is the kind of man who would be likely to say that this was an additional and supplementary guarantee if in fact it was not so. The Prime Minister yesterday made great play with the suggestion that ratifications of the Treaty Conventions should be deposited in one document. That is Article 143. Has he directed his attention to Article 20 of the Convention itself? That Article says:

"The present Convention 6hall be ratified. The ratifications shall be deposited at Paris as soon as possible."

This seems to suggest that the draftsmen of the Treaty were in some doubt as to whether there should be one instrument of ratification or more than one, and surely that is worth consideration! I do beg of my right hon. Friend to reconsider this position, as to whether he is willing to attach to the ratification a reservation with regard to the Straits Convention.

Question, "That the Bill be now read the Third time," put, and agreed to.

Bill read the Third time, and passed, with an Amendment.

Indian Affairs

Ordered, That the Lords Message [ 3rd April ] relating to the appointment of a Committee on Indian Affairs be now considered.— [ Mr. F. Hall. ]

Lords Message considered accordingly.

Ordered, That a Select Committee of Eleven Members be appointed to join with a Committee appointed by the Lords, as mentioned in their Lordships' Message, as a Standing Joint Committee on Indian Affairs.

Message to the Lords to acquaint them therewith.

Committee nominated of Mr. Clarke, Sir Henry Craik, Lieutenant-Colonel Meyler, Mr. Wardlaw-Milne, Mr. Ramsay Muir, Mr. Scurr, Mr. Hope Simpson, Mr. Snell, Mr. Wallhead, Earl Winterton, and Colonel Sir Charles Yate.

Ordered, That the Committee have power to send for persons, papers, and records.

Ordered, That Five be the quorum.—[ Mr. F. Hall ]

The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.

Adjournment

Resolved, That this House do now adjourn.—[ Mr. F. Hall. ]

Adjourned accordingly at Nine Minutes after Twelve o'Clock.