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Commons Chamber

Volume 179: debated on Thursday 11 December 1924

House of Commons

Thursday, December 11, 1924

The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.

Private Business

Westlothian (Bathgate District) Water Order Confirmation Bill,

"to confirm a Provisional Order under the Private Legislation Procedure (Scotland) Act, 1899, relating to Westlothian (Bathgate District) Water," presented by Sir JOHN GILMOUR; and ordered (under Section 9 of the Act) to be read a Second time upon Friday, 19th December, and to be printed. [Bill 8.]

Civil Contingencies Fund, 1923–24

Copy ordered "of Accounts of the Civil Contingencies Fund, 1923–24, showing (1) the receipts and payments in connection with the Fund in the year ended the 31st day of March, 1924; (2) the distribution of the capital of the Fund at the commencement and close of the year; together with Copy of the Correspondence with the Comptroller and Auditor-General thereon."—[ Lieut.-Colonel Guinness .]

Oral Answers to Questions

Questions

Ex-Service Men (Mental Cases)

asked the Minister of Pensions whether he is aware that a statement has been made by the Ex-Services Welfare Society that no less than 6,000 ex-service men are at present inmates of pauper lunatic asylums and in daily contact with the ordinary inmates of such institutions, most of whom are incurable; that the cost of maintaining these men is on an average 5s. 5d. per head, and in some cases less than 6d. per day per patient, and the average cost of surgery and dispensary treatment 2d. per week; and will he give his earnest consideration to the matter and frame a scheme under which these men may be removed to more congenial surroundings, where they may have more chance of recovery and receive such treatment as will recognise their right to the greatest measure of comfort, such as would be afforded by segregation, in recognition of their past service?

I am aware of the statement referred to in the first part of the question, and I would add that I deprecate most strongly the term applied to these institutions. Public asylums in this country are carried on at the charge of the county and borough rates and under the control of the county and borough authorities, and the description of them as pauper lunatic asylums on the ground that a proportion of the patients in them are to some extent supported by boards of guardians, is very gravely misleading and needlessly offensive, not only to the relatives of ex-service men, but to those of the many thousands of civilian patients.

Ex-service men, whose unfortunate mental condition has been found to be due to their war service, or aggravated thereby, and who, therefore, as certified patients are, under the general law of the land, in public asylums, are there on the footing of private patients, and the entire cost of their treatment is defrayed by my Department. That cost amounts on the average, not to the figure stated, but to 25s. a week, in addition to which allowances are paid both to the men themselves and to their families.

With regard to the latter part of the question, I would point out that the Government made provision in 1923 for separate special accommodation for those cases in which they were medically advised that a chance of recovery or improvement was offered by special treatment in the form of occupational training and instruction. For this purpose two institutions were opened in which at the present time 415 cases are accommodated. I would add that all cases of ex-service men in public asylums are under periodical inspection by medical officers of the Ministry in conjunction with those of the Board of Control, and every case that appears at all suitable for treatment in some other class of institution is removed from the asylum.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that these statements have been made again and again by the Ex-Services' Welfare Society under the name of very respectable persons like Sir Frederick Milner, and does he say that these institutions were not hitherto and until the name was changed precisely the same kind of institutions as were formally known as county asylums? Will the right hon. Gentleman take it from one who has been on a visiting committee for 20 years that there have been a great number of persons in those institutions who have been maintained by the guardians?

It is quite true that a pamphlet was issued by the Welfare Society, but the pamphlet has been withdrawn—and very properly. I may say that I am entirely in agreement with the description of the "Daily Herald" that the pamphlet was a callous one, was not accurate, and was calculated to cause unnecessary pain and suffering.

Is it not a fact that some of these ex-service men are still retained in lunatic asylums where, according to the answer, they were taken?

Under the law all certified men have to be in asylums. When I was Minister of Pensions previously a special place was started for these ex-service men, but their friends often objected to their removal to these special institutions and preferred that the men should be in the county asylums.

Do I understand from the right hon. Gentleman that the reference in the "Daily Herald" was to this question?

Naval and Military Pensions and Grants

Appeals

asked the Minister of Pensions whether he can now announce the abolition or considerable extension of the time limit allowed in which appeals from the Ministry's decisions can be made to the Pensions Appeal Tribunal?

I fear that I should have no authority to adopt the course suggested, because the time limit is laid down by Statute. At the same time, I would remind my hon. and gallant Friend that an arrangement, whereby cases in which an appellant is shown to have been prevented by some unavoidable cause in making his appeal in the time allowed are put to the Tribunal, is in operation. In this connection, I may, perhaps, be allowed to draw the attention of my hon. and gallant Friend to the answer by my right hon. Friend the Member for West Bromwich on the 17th July last of which I am sending him a copy.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that there are no notices posted up in the different offices of the Ministry of Pensions throughout the country pointing out that the men must make their appeal to the medical board within twelve months? Is the right hon. Gentleman also aware that through the ignorance, in this matter, of these men that thousands of them throughout the country have failed to appeal: that being so, will the right hon. Gentleman take into consideration cases of the kind and would he allow an appeal?

I am, of course, going into the question, but I have already pointed out that the Minister is limited in his action by Statute.

In view of the large majority on the opposite side of the House, would the right hon. Gentleman undertake to introduce legislation to give effect to what is required?

Will the right hon. Gentleman not consider the extension of legislation with a view to developing the policy of his predecessor?

I quite realise the point. As I said, I am going very fully into the matter, but it is one of great difficulty.

asked the Minister of Pensions if, in view of the hardship in many cases of ex-service men who have seen active service and whose pensions have either been reduced or discontinued by the appeal tribunals on the grounds that the cause of their ill-health was existent before joining the Colours but aggravated during military service, he will take the necessary steps to secure the rehearing of such cases as soon as possible?

Neither the Ministry nor the statutory appeal tribunals have power to reduce or discontinue a pension on the grounds stated by the hon. Member. On the contrary, compensation is payable under the Royal Warrant for a case of disability aggravated by war service so long as such aggravation persists, on the same terms as if the disability had been caused entirely by war service.

If I send the right Hon. Gentleman the facts of a case I have in mind will he undertake to investigate it and see if something can be done?

Royal Air Force (Major T. S. Impey)

asked the Minister of Pensions whether his attention has been drawn to the case of Major T. S. Impey, of the Royal Air Force, who after examination on 27th September last, was granted temporary retired pay at the rate of £54 from 31st May, 1924, to 26th September, 1925, but who has since been informed that as he has already received a short-service gratuity of £245 6s. 10d., the temporary retired pay will be withheld; and under what Regulations an officer who has been granted retired pay in respect of disability is deprived of that benefit by reason of having already received a short-service gratuity?

I am looking personally into this case, which is, I understand, one of a type presenting difficulties of rare occurrence. I will communicate as early as possible with the hon. Member.

Will the right hon. Gentleman direct his special attention to this kind of case where a man has received a gratuity for services while apparently in a sound state, and there is subsequently a risk of his being permanently deprived of the payment of compensation?

I am obliged to my hon. Friend for bringing the case to my notice. I am going into the matter.

Education Grants

asked the Minister of Pensions whether the question of altering the Regulations which govern the making of education grants by the Special Grants Committee has been under his consideration; and whether any alteration is proposed?

I am not quite clear in what direction the hon. Member contemplates that alteration of the Regulations is called for. Representations on one or two points affecting the Regulations have, I believe, been laid before my predecessor by the Special Grants Committee, which shall receive consideration.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that over 50 per cent, of these cases recommended by the local War Pensions Committee for educational grants are turned down by the Special Grants Committee because they say that the Regulations do not permit the Committee to make the grant? Surely, after 50 per cent, of these cases have been investigated by the local committee, and found to be seemingly eligible, the Regulations should not stand in the way? Will the matter be gone into?

Parents' Pensions

asked the Minister of Pensions whether he is aware that in the instructions issued by his Department to committees assessing pensions to de pendants, it is laid down that the capacity of relatives to contribute to dependants is to be taken advantage of to the fullest extent; and if, in view of the fact that the procedure often involves burdens and hardship upon relatives, has to be con stantly revised owing to their changing circumstances, and is contrary to the spirit of the State's responsibility for the service rendered to the State, he will consider the question of instituting a more humane and sympathetic procedure?

No instruction in the terms suggested by the hon. Member has been issued. The only class of pension now awarded to parents is that determined by the condition of need and incapacity for self-support. This pension, which may amount to 20s. a week, is administered on the basis (laid down by the Select Committee on Pensions in 1919) of the reasonable expectation of support which the deceased son might have been expected to contribute had he survived. While, therefore, some regard must reasonably be had to the other constituents of the family who would under normal circumstances have shared with the deceased son the support of the parent, such share may always be modified where the normal circumstances of the case would not justify the charge and instructions have been issued to this effect. Moreover, I am glad to say that, with the precise object of avoiding the constant review to which the hon. Member has drawn attention, I was enabled to make arrangements in 1923 for pensions of this class to be awarded for prolonged periods, during which they should not ordinarily be subject to review.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that a large number of cases have fallen within the indictment contained in the question of pensioners being supported by their relatives, who have fallen on hard times? There is no pension at all. It is very difficult to re-open the question.

If the hon. Gentleman will send me facts of cases I shall be very happy to go into them.

Voluntary Funds

asked the Minister of Pensions what is the total amount disbursed from the King's Fund to disabled men during the current year to date; and what is the balance of this fund and any other voluntary funds now remaining in the hands of the Ministry?

During the current year grants amounting in the aggregate to £25,000 have been made out of Voluntary funds in the hands of the Ministry. The grants have been made to widows and children of disabled men, as well as to disabled men themselves. The balance of the voluntary funds not already earmarked for specific distribution is approximately £58,000.

Aliens

District Boards

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he will introduce legislation to set up unpaid boards throughout the country before whom all aliens must appear by a given date and prove to the satisfaction of the district board that their residence in this country is not against the interests of our own countrymen, failing which proof they will be repatriated?

I do not, as at present advised, consider the legislation suggested either necessary or desirable, but my hon. Friend may be assured that I am giving the closest personal consideration to the whole alien problem.

If the right hon. Gentleman cannot see his way to do so, is it possible for him to create a poll-tax on these gentlemen, who evidently prefer England to their own country?

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that, owing to the employment of alien seamen by British shipowners, there are many British seamen unemployed in Cardiff and other places?

As regards the first question, I must refer my hon. Friend to the Chancellor of the Exchequer. With regard to the second question, I am aware of the fact.

Admission Regulations

asked the Home Secretary whether any and, if so, what alteration or modification has been made in the regulations affecting the admission of aliens and, in particular, destitute aliens entering the United Kingdom during the last 12 months; whether, having regard to the number of unemployed British workers, he will consider what further steps he can take under the existing legislation to stem the tide of foreign imported labour; and, if necessary, will he promote such amending legislation as will effect that object?

No alteration of the kind indicated was made in the last 12 months. No alien is allowed to come here to seek employment, and no alien can come to take up employment unless a permit has already been obtained from the Minister of Labour by his prospective employer. Such permits are not issued if British labour is available, and there is not to my knowledge any tide of foreign imported labour flowing into this country. As at present advised, I do not think any fresh legislation is required, though if I think otherwise I shall not hesitate to ask for it.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether any destitute aliens were landed in this country during the past 12 months?

Yes, I am afraid I am bound to say that some did creep in—get in. It is the constant effort of immigration officers to find those who come in as stowaways and turn them out.

Messrs. Soermus and Ulman

asked the Home Secretary on what grounds it is proposed to deport Messrs. Soermus and Ulman; and whether any definite charges will be made against them?

asked the Home Secretary whether he has received any application from Soermus, the Russian violinist, for an extension of his permit to remain in this country on behalf of himself and Ulman, his pianist; if so, whether it has been refused; and on what grounds?

Neither Soermus nor Ulman is being deported from this country, and no question arises of charging them with any offence; they are both being required to leave at the expiry of the period for which permission was granted them by my predecessor to remain in this country, namely, 31st of this month. They are being treated in the same way as any other alien who has been allowed to land in the United Kingdom subject to a time limit.

May I ask what is the precise objection to extending the period of the permit, if asked for?

Simply that these two gentlemen asked for a permit to come over here some months ago. They were given that permit. Then they asked for an extension, and they got it from my predecessor. Then they asked for another extension and they got it to the 31st December. They were told that was final, and it is my opinion that it is final.

May I draw attention to the last part of my question, which has not been answered? Have they asked for an extension, and why it expires on the 31st of this month? If that application has been made or refused, on what grounds has it been refused?

They have made repeated applications for an extension of the period, and I have personally refused it.

I asked on what grounds had this been done, and that question has not been answered.

I am not prepared to state the grounds upon which I decline to allow any alien to remain in this country.

Is the Home Secretary prepared to apply the same conditions to the case of the ex-King Manuel of Portugal, and is the right hon. Gentleman going to ask him to leave this country?

Is the right hon. Gentleman not able to give the House any more satisfactory explanation of his refusal to grant an extension than that he has not made up his mind?

Will the Home Secretary give some consideration to the fact that Soermus has been domiciled in England previously, that he has an English wife and children who are, to all intents and purposes, English, and that he is a very great musical artist; and that this case deserves very special consideration such as is given to people who are of high social status?

As this question has been put, I ought perhaps to say that Soermus has been once deported from this country three or four years ago. He applied for leave to come back and wrote a letter to the late Prime Minister. It was forwarded to the Home Secretary in the last Government, and he, in his discretion, thought it right to limit the period. It was an application to come back here to see his wife, and it was limited specifically to a certain period of time. That has since been extended and this musician has been playing at concerts here in spite of an undertaking which he gave not to do so. [An HON. MEMBER: "Why should he not do so"] I do not want to be led into a discussion of the alien question, but the object of a great deal of this legislation was to preserve work for British people. As I have already written to hon. Members opposite, I am not prepared to alter my decision, and he will have to leave on the 31st of this month.

I beg to give notice that after Questions I shall ask leave to move the Adjournment of the House on this matter.

Naturalisation

asked the Home Secretary the number of aliens who applied for certificates of naturalisation for each of the years ending 31st October, 1920, 1921, 1922, 1923 and 1924; and how many of such applications were granted and how many refused?

It will perhaps serve the hon. Member's purpose if I give the numbers of certificates of naturalisation granted in each of the calendar years named and during the first eleven months of 1924, and also the numbers of refusals.

In 1920, 1921, 1922 and 1923 there were 2,259, 1,247, 894 and 1,125 certificates granted and in the first eleven months of 1924, 878. During the same periods, 331, 200, 85, 120 and 115 applications were refused.

Registered Residents

asked the Home Secretary if he can state the number of aliens of German, Polish and Russian nationality resident in this country on 30th September, 1924?

The figures available relate to aliens who are either resident here or are in this country for more than two months and are accordingly required to register. On the date specified the aliens (both male and female) registered included 19,845 Germans, 6,164 Poles and 89,240 Russians.

Questions

Women Police

asked the Home Secretary how many towns have tried the experiment of women police; in how many cases their services have been dispensed with; and if he will give, respectively, the names of those towns where the work of these policewomen has been approved and those where it has not?

I am sending the hon. Member a return showing the forces in which policewomen have been employed since 1919. In most cases I have no information as to the views formed by the several police authorities regarding the policewomen's work, apart from the fact of the authorities having dispensed with them or continued to employ them, as the case may be. Some information is contained in the evidence given before the Committee presided over by my right hon. Friend the First Lord of the Admiralty, to which my hon. Friend may like to refer.

Can the right hon. Gentleman inform the House what is the general policy of the Government in respect to this matter?

Is it not true that there is an overwhelming opinion that policewomen are not only a national but a moral necessity?

Is the right hon. Gentleman also aware that there is an overwhelming opinion that if the woman is employed as a police officer, she should do the work of a police officer, and not call on a policeman to finish it for her?

Is it not true that women police during the War arrested drunken men when policemen could not do it?

asked the Home Secretary what is the number of women police employed in the Metropolitan police force; and whether he is proposing to increase their number if he decides to increase the number of men in the force?

The present strength is 24. I have decided to increase the establishment to 50, and steps are being taken to recruit up to this figure.

Pillion Riding

asked the Home Secretary whether his attention has been called to the resolutions which have been passed by town and city councils and other public bodies, calling attention to the dangers constantly arising from the practice of pillion riding on motor bicycles, and calling upon the Government to introduce legislation to make this practice illegal; and what steps, if any, he proposes to take?

I have been asked to reply. I have received certain representations from various quarters on the subject, but on the information before me I do not consider that a case has been made out to justify the prohibition of the practice, which would require legislation.

Has the attention of the right hon. Gentleman been called to the fact that, in recent times particularly, a great number of fatal accidents have been caused by this practice?

I do not think the number of fatal cases is greater than it was a year or two ago. I may point out to my hon. Friend that it would require legislation to do this, and if he has studied the Gracious Speech from the Throne he will see that there are one or two items of legislation already outlined there, and therefore there will not be much time to spare.

Accused Persons (Detention in Prison)

asked the Home Secretary whether his attention has been drawn to the remarks of Mr. Justice Swift in the case of Veronica Lewis Simpson upon the fact that accused had been detained in prison awaiting trial from the 7th July to the first week in December, for an offence in which in ordinary circumstances he would have sentenced the woman to one day's imprisonment; and whether he proposes to take any steps to prevent the recurrence of similar cases in the future?

asked the Home Secretary whether his attention has been drawn to the case of Mrs. Veronica Lewis Stephen, who was kept in Holloway Prison for five months awaiting trial at the Surrey Assizes for bigamy, and who was eventually discharged, the Judge remarking that in the ordinary way the sentence would have been one day's imprisonment; and whether, in view of this and similar cases, it is the intention of the Government to promote legislation defining more explicitly than at present the circumstances under which people without means are granted bail on their own recognisances?

asked the Home Secretary whether his attention has been drawn to the case referred to by Justice Swift at the Surrey Assizes on Tuesday, 2nd December; whether he is aware that this woman, although untried, had been detained in prison for four months; and whether he will take steps to obviate such occurrences?

I will answer this question and Nos. 16 and 17 together. I am making inquiry into the circumstances of this particular case. The Criminal Justice Bill, which has been before the House during the last two Sessions, contains provisions which would to a large extent obviate the prolonged detention of persons awaiting trial. I hope that it may be possible to pass this Measure during the present Session. My Department has from time to time for many years urged magistrates to grant bail in all possible cases, and I propose again to draw their attention to the matter.

Will the right hon. Gentleman consult with the Lord Chancellor to see whether it would be possible in certain cases where there is a long interval between Assizes to hold special Courts?

That, of course, is a matter for the Lord Chancellor. I am fully convinced that these long gaps without bail are thoroughly wrong, and I will do my best, after consultation with the Lord Chancellor, to stop it.

Spain (Blasco Ibanez' Book)

asked the Home Secretary on what grounds action has been taken to prohibit the sale in this country of a book written by Sefior Ibanez?

I would refer the hon. Member to the reply which I gave to questions on this subject yesterday.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that his officers, in calling upon the booksellers in regard to this book, divulged to the booksellers the nature of the book; and does he not think that an undesirable practice?

If any hon. Member desires to impugn the conduct individually of one of my officers, I must have details before I can make inquiries. I am not personally aware of the fact mentioned by the hon. Member.

Police

Appeal Tribunals

asked the Home Secretary whether his attention has been called to the urgent need of appeal tribunals in the police force; and, if so, what steps he proposes to take for their establishment?

My attention has been drawn to the matter, and I am giving it my consideration, but I am not yet in a position to make any statement.

Will the right hon. Gentleman, in giving consideration to this matter, take into account not only the London police, but also provincial police forces?

Pensions

asked the Home Secretary whether it is the intention of the Government to equalise conditions as between those police pensioners who retired before the 1st April, 1919, and those who retired on or after that date; and whether he will state the average pension of a policeman in each of these categories after the same number of years' service in each case?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative. The maximum pension for a constable in the Metropolitan Police on retirement after 26 years' approved service in March, 1919, was £92 3s. 8d. per annum, and at the present date is £156 10s. 9d., or £165 4s. 8d. if the constable has been granted the special long service increments.

Does the right hon. Gentleman not consider that there is an obvious injustice in making this distinction between two categories of men who have done service of equal value to the State?

I had very great sympathy with this case before I took office, but the point has always to be taken into consideration when the increased pension arises.

Will the right hon. Gentleman specially consider the cases of those men who were actually advised to retire a few days or weeks, and in some cases even a few hours, before this practice came into operation?

If there are cases of that kind, which the hon. and gallant Member can bring before my notice, I will consider them.

In view of the many anomalies which the right hon. Gentleman will discover on this question, will he help himself and the pensioners by having some inquiry made into the matter? Many superintendents who retired before March, 1919, are actually receiving a less pension than constables who retired later.

Will the right hon. Gentleman consider the cases of those who were retired on the eve of the 31st March, and who were reinstated because they had done such excellent service and were recommended by the local authorities to the Home Office to receive the new scale of pay?

If the right hon. Gentleman is going to consider the case of the ex-pensioners of this country, will he also consider the case of the ex-pensioners of the Royal Irish Constabulary?

I do not think the latter come under my jurisdiction at all. When I say that I will consider this matter, I must ask the House not to take it that I agree that this can be done. All I have promised, in courtesy to my hon. Friends, is that I will consider the case, but the House must understand that this decision was made long before I came into office, and I was not responsible for it.

General Election (Hackney Carriages)

asked the Home Secretary whether he has any information as to the illegal use of licensed hackney carriages for conve3dng voters to the poll at the recent General Election; whether any special observations were made by the police on polling day; and whether any prosecutions have been undertaken?

I only know of three cases in which the police have had occasion to consider the institution of legal proceedings in respect of this offence during the last Election, and I have no information as to the result. The police had no special instructions from the Home Office on the point.

Are the department in fact taking action with regard to the people who use these carriages?

No, the only information I have is that certain chief constables in provincial districts wrote to inquire what the law was on the subject. We told them as best we could, and whether they are taking proceedings or not I do not know.

But it is the duty of the Public Prosecutor, when these cases are brought before his attention, to prosecute?

No. I think not. I think there is no duty on the Public Prosecutor to prosecute in any of these electoral questions unless there is widespread corruption. Then it becomes a matter for him.

Could the Government bring in a Bill to prohibit anybody being brought to the poll?

Saturday, 27th December

asked the Home Secretary if he will consider the desirability of making a pronouncement on the question of declaring Saturday, 27th December, a bank holiday, in order to obtain uniformity in the closing of shops on that day?

The declaration of the 27th December as a bank holiday would be a Treasury matter, and I would refer the hon. Member to the answer which is being given by my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer to Question No. 50.

asked the Prime Minister whether it is the intention of the Government to proclaim Saturday, 27th December, a bank holiday, as was done in 1919?

No, Sir. The arrangement in 1919 was made in view of the special conditions prevailing just after the War, and it is not considered advisable to repeat it.

Questions

Workmen's Compensation Acts (Codification)

asked the Home Secretary if he has considered the promise of the hon. Member for Oswestry, when acting as Home Secretary in the 1923 Parliament, to give his attention to the codification of all Acts of Parliament dealing with the question of compensa- tion for injury to workmen; and if he intends taking any steps towards the realisation of such promise?

I appreciate the importance of securing the consolidation of the Workmen's Compensation Acts, and the promise given by a former Home Secretary will be carried out as soon as practicable. I cannot, however, say at present when it will be possible to introduce the necessary Bill.

Irish Prisoners

asked the Home Secretary whether any Irish political prisoners are still imprisoned in this country; if so, how many; and whether any of these have not yet been brought to trial?

There are some convicts who were sentenced to penal servitude in Ireland, and who, owing to the fact that there is no convict prison in Northern Ireland, are serving their sentences in England. I have no information in regard to their offences. As regards persons convicted in England, while I am not in a position to analyse a prisoner's motives, I know of no case which could reasonably be described as political. There are no such prisoners who are being detained without trial.

Home Office (Clerical Staff Promotion)

asked the Home Secretary whether he is aware that between 1920 and 1924 only one promotion to the clerical class from the ranks of typists or writing assistants took place in his Department, contrary to the national Whitley agreement, under which suitable members of the grades concerned were to be promoted while appointments were being made from temporary staff examinations; and whether he will make inquiries as to recent promotions in the Pensions Ministry and Post Office and consider whether similar promotions can be made in his Department to fill a percentage of existing clerical vacancies?

I am aware that only one promotion to the clerical class from the ranks of women typists or writing assistants has taken place in the Home Office. All the present members of the women typing and writing assistant classes have been engaged since the War, and the best qualified of them were serving in the Department as temporary clerks or temporary typists in 1919 or 1920, when examinations for the post of woman clerk were held, for which they were eligible. They either failed to enter for the examination or entered and were not successful, and the fact that none of these women has yet been promoted does not, I think, in the circumstances afford any ground of complaint.

Royal Air Force

Pilots and Observers (Emergency List)

asked the Secretary of State for Air how many pilots and observers, respectively, are available on the active or reserve lists and liable to be called up for duty in emergency; and what were the comparable figures in August, 1914?

There are on the active list 1,938 qualified officers and airmen pilots, 274 officers and airmen under instruction as pilots, and 45 officers qualified as observers. In the Reserve there are 548 officers qualified as pilots and 59 qualified as observers. Comparable figures for 1914 are not available without an amount of research which would, I think, not be justified.

Do these figures include officers of the Army and Navy who are qualified?

I am not quite sure whether they do. I think they do, but I will inquire and let my hon. and gallant Friend know.

Would not the encouragement of civil aviation in the Dominions have a good effect in this connection?

Dependants' Allowances

asked theSecretary of State for Air, in view of the number of fatal accidents that have taken place, and are taking place, in the Royal Air Force, whether sums of money are invariably payable by way of pension or otherwise to the dependants of officers and men, respectively, when these meet their death from a cause attributable to the conditions of the Service; and, if not, in what conditions they are payable?

The Regulations relating to the grant of pensions and gratuities to widows and allowances to children or dependent relatives of officers and airmen are laid down in Chapter 43 of the King's Regulations and Air Council Instructions for the Royal Air Force, 1924. This volume, which has been laid before the House and is also on sale, shows the conditions governing eligibility for the various grants. A brief summary of the provisions is bound, by itself, to be misleading, but, subject to the hon. and gallant Member's supplementing my answer by referring to the volume in question, I may say that pension and gratuity are issuable to the widows and allowances to the children (subject to age limits) of officers and airmen whose death is directly attributable to the conditions of service, and, if no widow nor child is left, allowances are admissible for other dependants (that is, parents or brothers and sisters) where they were largely dependent on the deceased, and their pecuniary and other circumstances appear to the Air Council to justify the grant.

asked the Secretary of State for Air whether, when an airman dies in the Service from a cause attributable to the conditions of the Service without leaving a widow or child, the Air Council have no power to grant an allowance to his dependants unless the pecuniary or other circumstances of these justify the grant; if so, whether he will state the basis upon which these pecuniary or other circumstances are gauged; and whether he will take steps to see that power is given to pay an allowance to such dependants in the future wherever these suffer financially from the loss of one who has met his death in the Service and has been accustomed to make an allowance to such dependants?

In answer to the first part of the question, one of the conditions governing the eligibility of depend- ants other than widows and children (that is, parents, or, if there is no parent living, brothers or sisters) for allowances, is that their pecuniary and other circumstances are such as, in the opinion of the Air Council, to justify the grant. In answer to the second part, each case is considered on its merits and in the light of all the varying circumstances, and no basis or formula of universal application can be laid down. In answer to the last part, the Regulations are already designed to afford reasonable relief in the kind of dependency to which the hon. and gallant Member refers, and I do not think that any extended powers are necessary.

Is the right hon. Baronet aware that there are many cases in which the dependants of privates who have been killed have been denied any pension or allowance by his Department, on the ground that they were thought to be sufficiently well off; and will he undertake to regard their cases more sympathetically, in view of the fact that they had hitherto been supported by the deceased?

I should be surprised to find that that is so, but if the hon. and gallant Member can give me any cases I shall be glad to have them looked into.

Gretna (Sale of Property)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what the Government intend to do with the land and property belonging to the nation at Gretna?

It has been decided to proceed with the sale of the portions of the Gretna property which were not disposed of at the public auction held in July last.

In view of previous statements as to the great advantage of the production of shells under the social ownership of works, would not the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in the interests of the whole State, have that which he found so good in the production of war materials now used for purposes of peace production?

This matter has been very fully considered, and, as the hon. Gentleman knows, an enormous number of suggestions have been made in the time of the late Government for the utilisation of this property, or portions of it, for national purposes or national industry, but every one of those solutions and suggestions has broken down in practice, and it only really remains now to obtain the best possible sum which can be reached by open tender in the market.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that a suggestion was made for the production of industrial alcohol, which he, as a War Minister, I make bold to say —[HON. MEMBERS: "Order!"] Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that no investigation was made on that by technical men qualified to say whether or not that process could be carried out?

I gave a good deal of attention to the papers on this matter, which had been the subject of much discussion in the late Parliament, and I was convinced that there was really no practical proposal capable of standing examination which would enable these properties to be utilised. A great effort has been made, and we felt that the best thing was to dispose of the property in the ordinary way.

Questions

Government Publications (Public Libraries)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is aware that the prices of Government publications vary from about 30 per cent, to 800 per cent, above pre-War charges, and that the subsidy of 50 per cent, to public libraries granted in March, 1924, was practically negatived, so far as the smaller public libraries are concerned, by the withdrawal of the free list; whether he has received an appeal from the Library Association and a supporting resolution from the Association of British Chambers of Commerce on the subject of the distribution and cost of Government publications; and whether, in view of the great importance of such publications, he will consider the advisability of granting an increased subsidy to public libraries and of recognising about 20 public libraries in selected geographical areas as depository libraries where all Government publications could be consulted by the public immediately after publication?

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is aware that the United States of America law provides for over 600 libraries receiving, if they so desire, one copy of every printed publication of a public character; and whether, in view of the increasing desire on the part of the public for information upon which greater reliance can be placed than is possible with the major part of the public press, arrangements of a somewhat similar character to those in the United States of America can be made, either in the case of all or a limited number of public libraries in Great Britain?

The Library Association have recently renewed to me an application formerly made to my predecessor for the supply of all Government publications free to 20 selected public libraries, but after full consideration I have come to the conclusion that the concession of the late Government in authorising the Stationery Office to supply at half price any publication to any public free library maintained out of the rates, or any library of a university in receipt of Government grants, represents a full recognition of any claim which the ratepayers of any area may have upon the general body of taxpayers in this matter. The question of the prices of Government publications is being kept continually under review, and I may say that, owing to the lower level of contracts now in force, it will be possible to make a material reduction in the scale on which Parliamentary publications are priced as from the 1st January next.

Will the right hon. Gentleman consent to receive a deputation on this matter, and will he give the House an assurance that no Government publication will be priced at any more than the cost of production?

I shall, naturally, be glad to hear any representations on the subject, but I do not think we can make a bigger concession at the present time, considering that libraries have, in the last six months, instead of the subsidy of £250, received for £882 publications which would have cost in the ordinary way £1,780.

If there is a little debate on every question, it gives no chance to other Members who come later on.

Teachers (Training and Examinations)

asked the President of the Board of Education whether he is able to announce any decision with regard to the holding of the acting teachers' certificate examination in the future?

asked the President of the Board of Education whether the Departmental Committee on the Training of Teachers has yet reported; "and whether he is in a position to state if an examination of uncertificated teachers is to be held in the near future?

asked the President of the Board of Education whether the Departmental Committee on the Training of Teachers have made any Report yet; and, if not, can he say when a Report may be expected?

I understand that the Report of the Departmental Committee on the Training of Teachers is expected to be ready for presentation some time between Christmas and Easter next. I am afraid that at this moment I can only repeat the opinion expressed in the House on 2nd July last, by the right hon. Member for Newcastle Central (Mr. Trevelyan), and previously by my right hon. Friend the Member for Ripon (Mr. E. Wood), that it is impossible to make any statement on the future of the examination until the Report of the Committee has been received.

Would the Noble Lord say how there is any connection between this Report and his ability to make a statement? These people have always had this examination year after year; why should it be contingent on the Report? Cannot the Noble Lord announce it for one year?

Is the Noble Lord aware that a similar answer was given to a similar question as far back as last February, and may I suggest to him that he should apply some gunpowder to his Department and get a move on?

There is, naturally, a connection between the training of teachers and the examination. With regard to the second supplementary question, it is not a case of Departmental action being slow; it is a case of an independent Committee, which has been asked to report to me, under the chairmanship of Lord Burnham, and which is about to present its Report.

My question refers to a Departmental Committee, not an independent Committee.

I must ask hon. Members to study the Order Paper. It is not fair to other Members that there should he so many supplementary questions.

Ottoman Loans

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what is the position of the Ottoman four per cent, loan of 1891, and of the Ottoman three-and-a-half per cent, loan of 1894, secured on the Egyptian tribute?

The position remains as described in the reply given to a similar question by my hon. Friend in the last Parliament on the 9th October last.

Did redemption of the bonds take place in the month of October in these years 1891 and 1894?

Portugal (Export Credits)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if Portugal has repaid the credits given by the British Export Credit Department in 1922?

The agreement with the Portuguese Government provides that the credit shall be discharged by monthly payments. These payments have been duly made by the Portuguese Government.

Members of Parliament (Railway Passes)

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the necessity for economy in public expenditure, he will revoke the decision in regard to the Government meeting the cost of free travel by rail to Members of the House of Commons between London and their constituencies?

This question was fully discussed and the decision left to a free vote of the House. I am not, therefore, prepared to take any steps in the matter as suggested by my hon. Friend.

If it is impossible for the Prime Minister to do that, would it be possible for him to grant a travelling allowance to people going to and from their work, which will be exempted from Income Tax, so that they will not feel that Members of Parliament are put on a preferential basis?

That is a question which should be put to the Chancellor of the Exchequer.

Will the Prime Minister consider whether London Members could not be granted facilities for travel equal to the other people in the provinces?

Zinovieff Letter

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the reflections recently made upon some of the higher officials of the Foreign Office in connection with the Zinovieff letter, he will take the first opportunity of allowing the House of Commons to express a vote of confidence in that arm of the Civil Service?

I do not consider the course suggested by my hon. Friend to be either necessary or desirable.

Coal (Retail Princes)

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the fact that Coals of a secondary quality, costing about 20s. per ton at the pit-head, are being retailed in London at 47s. to 48s. per ton, he can see his way to extend the terms of reference to the Royal Com mission on Food Prices so as to include an inquiry into this related matter?

The terms of the Royal Commission are already very wide, and, having regard to the desirability of obtaining early reports, I do not think it would be wise to extend the terms of reference, but the question of retail coal prices is not being overlooked.

Occupied German Territory (Evacuation)

asked the Prime Minister whether His Majesty's Government has considered the question of evacuating the first zone of occupied territory at the end of the five years as laid down In the Treaty of Versailles; if so, what conclusion has been reached; and if he is aware that this zone is due for evacuation in January next?

The matter is being carefully examined by His Majesty's Government. The hon. and gallant Member will realise that a decision is subject to Allied agreement on a question of fact, namely, to what extent Germany will, by 10th January, 1925, have carried out the conditions precedent to evacuation prescribed by the Treaty of Versailles.

Do we understand that no agreement has been reached, and, if so, is it not possible for our Army to remain in occupation of Cologne indefinitely?

The statements the hon. and gallant Gentleman may have seen are entirely unauthorised and without foundation.

If our Government are satisfied that the Germans have carried out the Treaty, are we not free to carry out our obligation to withdraw?

Income Tax (Arrears)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what was the total of arrears unpaid of Income and Super-tax at 30th November; and what was the similar total on the same date in 1923?

I regret that I am unable to give particulars of the arrears of Income Tax outstanding at 30th November. It is considered, however, that the 'arrears now outstanding (in respect of previous years of assessment) have fallen to a comparatively small sum. The approximate amount of Super-tax estimated to be due to be paid, but not paid, by 30th November last is £9,000,000; at 30th November, 1923, the corresponding figure was about £8,000,000.

Excess Profits Duty

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what is the total to the last available date of the receipts on account of Excess Profits Duty; and what is the total of refund?

The gross total receipts of Excess Profits Duty (including Munitions Levy) from its inception to 6th December, 1924, were approximately £1,403,000,000. Total repayments in the same period amounted to £216,000,000.

Entertainments Duty

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether the public generally has been given the advantage of the remission of Entertainments Duty, or whether any complaints have reached him on this score?

I understand that my predecessor was satisfied that, generally speaking, the remissions of Entertainments Duty in the last Budget had reached the public. I have not myself been able as yet to form an independent opinion. I have only so far received two complaints in a contrary sense.

In his investigation will the right hon. Gentleman undertake to see whether redistribution of seats has taken place which in fact nullifies the benefit given by the late Chancellor?

Germany (Taxation)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if the German Government has reduced taxation recently; what is the taxation per head; and is this taxation equal to or greater than the British taxation per head?

I understand that the German turnover tax has been reduced from 2j per cent, to 2 per cent, from the 1st October, 1924, and to 1½ per cent, from the 1st January, 1925, and certain reductions have been made in the Income Tax and the tax on Bourse transactions and some other taxes. With regard to the comparison of taxation per head in Germany and Great Britain, I would prefer not to give any statistical data, on the grounds stated by the right hon. Gentleman my predecessor in a reply to my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for the Fareham Division on the 8th May last.

Are we to understand that that is carrying out the Treaty of Versailles?

German Reparation Levy

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he is aware that the Custom authorities endeavour to collect a reparation levy of 26 per cent, upon financial bonds imported into this country from Germany, although this duty is not properly chargeable; and whether he will give instructions for this practice to be stopped?

It is not the practice of the Customs authorities, so I am informed, to collect reparation levy upon financial bonds imported from Germany. If the hon. and gallant Member will supply me with details of any case that he has in mind, I will cause inquiry to be made.

Communists (Deportation)

asked the Prime Minister whether he will consider the introduction of legislation providing for the compulsory deportation from this country of all known Communist agents of foreign extraction?

I have been asked to take this question. I have considered carefully the powers vested in me under the existing law, and I am of opinion that they are sufficient to enable me to deal suitably with the matter so* far as aliens may be concerned. As regards persons who, though of foreign extraction, are in fact British subjects, the position is quite different, and I am afraid that in their case deportation would not be a practicable course.

Is it a fact that certain Communist agents who were expelled from Berlin were admitted into this country last year, and are they still in England?

I must have notice of that question. I cannot answer for all the acts of my predecessor.

Food Prices (Royal Commission)

asked the Prime Minister if the inquiry into food prices by a Royal Commission includes investigation into the high rents charged to the majority of retailers?

I have been asked to reply. Any computation of the overhead costs of retailers will necessarily involve consideration of the rents which they pay, and the Commission will no doubt be prepared to hear evidence on this aspect of the matter.

Will the Commission in taking evidence take cases such as I may give now? Are they prepared to consider the fact that in 1913–14 the streets known as Buchanan, Gordon and Jamaica Streets in Glasgow had a rental of £158,000, whereas this year the rental is £239,000? Will that come under their purview or shall we have to bring it before the Commission?

I could not pretend to say anything as to the details of the evidence which will be given. In view of the wide opportunities of the Commission I am sure they will take evidence on any reasonable matter having to do with the inquiry

asked the Prime Minister why no working-class woman who has to manage a working-class house has been made a member of the Food Prices Commission; whether he is aware that it is this class upon whom the excessive prices of everyday necesseries bear most harshly; and whether he is prepared to reconsider the constitution of this Commission with a view to representation upon it of such women?

I have been asked to reply. The Royal Commission has not been constituted on a representative basis, the members having been invited to serve in their individual capacities. Obviously, however, experience of the kind indicated in the question is of the utmost importance, and I understand that the Commission will take an early opportunity of ascertaining the working-class women's point of view.

Since this is not a representative Committee will the Govern-men take steps before the Commission goes any further to place upon that body some of these women who formed the large majority of the women of this country so that they will have an opportunity of going thoroughly into the matter of prices as they affect them.

Safeguarding of Industries

asked the Prime Minister what form of inquiry it is proposed to set up with the object of safeguarding employment in those basic industries which are now exposed to unfair competition as a result of the dumping of semi-finished products from countries with depreciated currencies, low wages, long hours, and a standard of living which our own people would not tolerate?

I have been asked to reply. Proposals will be submitted to the House in accordance with the declared policy of the Government, but I am afraid I cannot make any statement as to the details of the Measure before its introduction.

Murdered British Subjects, Egypt (Compensation)

asked the Prime Minister if he will consider the suggestion to adequately compensate the families of British soldiers and civilians who have been murdered in Egypt since 1919 out of the £500,000 exacted from the Government of that country as a penalty for the assassination of Sir Lee Stack after due compensation has been given to the late Sirdar's family?

On 23rd November His Majesty's Government publicly announced their decision that the fine of £500,000 to be paid by Egypt should, subject to the provision of compensation for the victims of the outrage of 19th November, be applied as they might thereafter direct to benevolent objects in the Sudan for which country Sir Lee Stack laid down his life. The hon. Member will realise that in these circumstances it is not possible to give effect to the suggestion contained in this question.

Will the right hon. Gentleman inform the House whether for the purpose of pensions the officers who were recently killed in the Sudan will be regarded as having been killed on active service?

Inter-Allied Debts

The following question stood on the Order Paper in the name of Colonei WEDGWOOD:

57. To ask the Prime Minister whether negotiations of any sort are proceeding between the French and Americans as to the funding of the French debt to America or its reduction in amount; and, if so, whether His Majesty's Government is taking parallel steps with regard to the French debt to this country or is represented at the inquiry so that our interests may not be prejudiced?

I think this question was covered yesterday in the Chancellor of the Exchequer's statement.

"Workers' Weekly" (Withdrawal of Prosecution)

asked the Prime Minister if it is proposed to hold an inquiry on the Campbell case; and, if so, who will compose the Committee?

It is not proposed to advise the holding of any inquiry into the Campbell case. The late Prime Minister rejected the decision of the last House of Commons and preferred to seek the verdict of the country on the conduct of the late Government in regard to the case. That verdict was final and decisive, and I see no useful purpose in re-opening the matter. Bui more particular reference must be made to one point. The late Government gave instructions that no political prosecution should be directed by the Attorney-General without the sanction of the Cabinet. Such an instruction, in the opinion of the Government, was unconstitutional, subversive of the administration of justice and derogatory to the office of Attorney-General. His Majesty's Government have therefore given directions that the instruction be excised.

I was unaware that this statement was to be made. Is not the Resolution in accordance, precisely, with the Resolution referred to by Lord Birkenhead as having been passed by a Conservative Government before?

Can the Prime Minister say whether the late Cabinet, of which he was the Prime Minister, and previous Cabinets frequently discussed and instructed the Attorney-General on public prosecutions?

As the Prime Minister and the present Cabinet have seen fit to overturn what they allege is the decision of the previous Cabinet, do not they think it even more necessary now, since that declaration has been made, to go into the inquiry asked for in the question?

In view of the Prime Minister's answer, may I ask whether he will give this House, not in this Session, but immediately in the new Session, an opportunity to discuss the whole situation?

Not the Campbell case, but the answer which the Prime Minister has now given, which suggests that the late Government did something different from previous Governments. That is the point we wish to discuss.

In considering it, will the Prime Minister allow us also to publish information from the Cabinet Minutes?

I have specifically refrained from quoting any Cabinet Minutes. I am quoting the instruction.

Aliens (Messrs. Soermus and Ulman)

( at the end of Questions ): I beg to ask leave to move the Adjournment of the House for the purpose of discussing a definite matter of urgent public importance, namely, "the refusal of the Home Secretary to extend permission to Soermus and Ulman to remain in this country after the 31st December, 1924."

The hon. Member for Govan asks leave to move the Adjournment of the House for the purpose of discussing a definite matter of urgent public importance, namely, the refusal of the Home Secretary to extend permission to Soermus and Ulman to remain in this country after the 31st December, 1924. This is not a Motion that I can submit to the House under the Standing Order. It does not appear to me to comply with the terms of the Standing Order.

May I ask in what degree or manner it does not comply with the terms of the Standing Order? I think the question of urgency arises, in that there can be no other opportunity of taking a decision of the House on this question, and that the time expires on the 31st December, when these two gentlemen are required to leave this country. I wish to ask on what grounds it does not come within the scope of the Standing Order relating to the Adjournment of the House.

On a point of Order When the ordinary administration of the law is apt to bear harshly upon an individual within a limited period, surely it is within the rights of Members of this House to raise in this House such a question as a matter of definite and urgent public importance. This is a matter that comes within the scope of a Government Department, and the order to deport i;-being issued by the Home Secretary, it is this House which can call into question the action of the Home Secretary, and I submit that as this notice of deportation falls to be executed within such a short period of time, this House, sitting as it does only the remainder of this week and next week, has its only opportunity now to raise this question, which can only be raised on the Standing Order of the House relating to the Adjournment of the House.

I do not think it is necessary to discuss the matter. I am perfectly clear that the Minister has acted in the ordinary administration of the law. This is not a case which I can, under the Standing Order, put to the House.

May I ask whether the good order of the House will not be severely endangered if a decision given by you after due consideration is questioned and argued upon?

An hon. Member is entitled, within proper limits, to make a submission to me. I will take care not to have too much of it. I am perfectly clear on the point that I should be departing from the precedents and from the Standing Order if I permitted this Motion.

Is it not a fact that the question of the execution of a condemned man or woman has been raised in this House—I cannot at the moment charge my memory with dates, but I am certain that my memory is not playing me false—and that the Home Secretary's action in not giving a reprieve has been challenged in this way?

Business of the House

asked the Prime Minister if he can name the date to be set apart for discussing the claims of Army pensioned ranker officers; and, if this cannot be fixed before the Adjournment for Christmas, whether it is possible for him to give a date early in the New Year?

asked the Prime Minister whether the Government will be able to give a day before Christmas for a discussion on the Geneva Protocol; and, if not, whether he is able to undertake that the Government will give such a day early in the coming Session?

Owing to the short time available for necessary business, I cannot give a day for the discussion of these subjects before the House rises, and I regret that it is not yet possible to say on what date they can be raised.

Will the right hon. Gentleman undertake to grant the claims of the ranker officers without any discussion, in view of the fact that it was the clearly expressed opinion of the House in the last Parliament?

That is a matter which the present House would be competent to debate.

In reference to No. 62, would the right hon. Gentleman not give a date early in the coming Session?

It is perfectly obvious that there will have to be a very serious discussion, but I cannot yet say at what period that discussion will take place. It will take place as early as the Government can make arrangements.

Would the Prime Minister kindly state what business it is proposed to take next week?

On Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday we shall continue and conclude the Debate on the Address. The official Opposition Amendment on Foreign Affairs will be taken on Monday, an Amendment on Housing on Tuesday, and on Wednesday the Liberal Amendment.

On Thursday, the remaining stages of the Law of Property Act (Postponement) Bill and the Law of Property (Amendment) Bill; the British Sugar (Subsidy) Resolutions in Committee of the Whole House and in Committee of Ways and Means; War Charges Validity Resolution in Committee of Ways and Means; and, if time permit, other business.

On Friday, the Motion for Adjournment until Tuesday, 10th February.

There is one Bill about which I am a little anxious. The Financial Resolution is down on the Paper to-day for the Irish Free State Land Purchase (Loan Guarantee) Bill. It is really of great importance that this Bill should become law, if possible, by the end of the year, and I hope very much that it may be to the convenience of the House to see that the Bill goes through. There will be an opportunity for ample discussion of its principle, if anyone so desires, in the course of the Debate on the Financial Resolution, even if we have to suspend the Eleven o'Clock Rule for that purpose.

So far as the Irish Free State Land Purchase (Loan Guarantee) Bill is concerned, we shall be very glad to co-operate to get it through. What does the Prime Minister mean by "other business" on Thursday? Does not this list include all that has been arranged?

I am not aware whether it does or not, but that phrase is in common form.

China Indemnity (Application) Bill,

"to make further provision for the application of money paid on account of the China Indemnity, "presented by Mr. RONALD MCNEILL; supported by Lieut.-Colonel Guinness; to be read a Second time To-morrow, and to be printed. [Bill 11.]

Message from the Lords

That they have passed a Bill, intituled, "An Act to confirm a Provisional Order under the Private Legislation Procedure (Scotland) Act, 1899, relating to Aberdeen Harbour." [Aberdeen Harbour (Rates) Order Confirmation Bill [ Lords. ]

Also, a Bill, intituled, "An Act to confirm a Provisional Order under the Private Legislation Procedure (Scotland) Act, 1899, relating to the Edinburgh Chartered Accountants Annuity, Etc., Fund." [Edinburgh Chartered Accountants Annuity, Etc., Fund Order Confirmation Bill [ Lords. ]

Also, a Bill, intituled, "An Act to confirm a Provisional Order under the Private Legislation Procedure (Scotland) Act, 1899, relating to Scrabster Harbour." [Scrabster Harbour Order Confirmation Bill [ Lords. ]

Also, a Bill, intituled, "An Act to confirm a Provisional Order under the Private Legislation Procedure (Scotland) Act, 1899, relating to Glasgow Corporation." [Glasgow Corporation Order Confirmation Bill [ Lords. ]

Also, a Bill, intituled, "An Act to postpone the coming into operation of the Law of Property Act, 1922, until the first day of January, nineteen hundred and twenty-six." [Law of Property Act (Postponement) Bill [ Lords. ]

And also, a Bill, intituled, "An Act to amend the Law of Property Act, 1922, and the enactments thereby affected, and to facilitate the consolidation of the Law relating to conveyancing and property, settled land, trustees, the registration of pending actions, annuities, writs, orders, deeds of arrangement and land charges, the administration of estates, the registration of title to land and university and college estates." [Law of Property (Amendment) Bill [ Lords. ]

LAW OF PROPERTY (AMENDMENT) BILL [Lords.]

Read the First time; to be read a Second time To-morrow, and to be printed. [Bill 6.]

LAW OF PROPERTY ACT (POSTPONEMENT) BILL [Lords.]

Read the First time; to be read a Second time To-morrow, and to be printed. [Bill 10.]

ABERDEEN HARBOUR (RATES) ORDER CONFIRMATION BILL [Lords.]

Ordered (under Section 7 of The Private Legislation Procedure (Scotland) Act, 1899) to be considered To-morrow.

EDINBURGH CHARTERED ACCOUNTANTS ANNUITY, ETC., FUND ORDER CONFIRMATION BILL [Lords.]

Ordered (under Section 7 of The Private Legislation Procedure (Scotland) Act, 1899) to be considered To-morrow.

SCRABSTER HARBOUR ORDER CONFIRMATION BILL [Lords.]

Ordered (under Section 7 of The Private Legislation Procedure (Scotland) Act, 1899) to be considered To-morrow.

GLASGOW CORPORATION ORDER CONFIRMATION BILL [Lords.]

Read the First time; and ordered (under Section 9 of The Private Legislation Procedure (Scotland) Act, 1899) to be read a Second time upon Friday, 19th December, and to be printed. [Bill 9.]

Orders of the Day

Expiring Laws Continuance Bill

Order for Second Reading read.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read a Second time."—[ Lieut.-Colonel Guinness ].

Under this hardy annual we renew from year to year a whole series of Acts of Parliament, passed originally many years ago, which can be most easily extended beyond the natural period of their termination by inclusion under this Bill. The Bill is generally passed at the tail end of the Session when everyone is completely tired of all the subjects that can be discussed under it. The opportunity afforded on this occasion, in having the Bill brought before a brand new Parliament which is able to take a keen interest in the vast body of legislation which has been passed periodically and practically without discussion in the last 20 years, is unique. There was a time when the Agricultural Rates Act came up year after year. That was 20 years ago. Now I hope that this new House will give some attention to the various temporary Acts of Parliament which are bundled together in this Bill, and which we are asked to perpetuate on the Statute Book for another year. Many of the Bills in the Schedule are Bills which even a new Parliament is not likely to take a very keen interest in. The Labourers (Ireland) Act, the Seal Fisheries (North Pacific) Act, the Wireless Telegraphy Act of 1904, and the London Cab and Stage Carriage Act may be continued for another year for all I care. The Coal Mines (Minimum Wage) Act, which is continued, we will support unanimously. On the other hand, I would like, more detailed information as to the Grey Seals Protection Act of 1914, which is to be continued for another year. Then we come to the Courts (Emergency Powers) Act, so far as it relates to Orders made, by any Court before the 31st day of August, 1922. That I leave to the Solicitor-General, who takes special interest in it. We come next to the Local Government (Emergency) Provisions) Act of 1916. Why this should be renewed from year to year, instead of being embodied in the permanent legislation of the country, I do not know.

Is it in order for the right hon. Gentleman to raise questions about particular Bills as being suitable for retention in the Schedule? Has it not often been held that on the Second Reading these points may not be taken, and must be reserved for the Committee stage?

The hon. and gallant Member is quite right. Fortunately I refreshed my memory this morning, and I found two rulings by my predecessor—one on 9th September, 1887, and the other on 21st October, 1902. No doubt there are many others. They all lay it down that the Committee stage, and not the Second Reading, is the stage at which exception must be taken to particular Bills.

I am perfectly aware of those decisions. I have been very careful to keep within the limits of legitimate discussion by generalising on the Bill that is before the House. I hope on the Committee stage to deal at some length with some of these items. I desire now merely to call the attention of Members of the House to the opportunity that is afforded by this Measure for more detailed discussion on the Committee and Report stages. In particular, I point out to my hon. Friends behind me that one of the Acts which is to be continued by this Bill is the Aliens Restriction (Amendment) Act of 1919.

I hope I shall keep within the ruling. If I have exceeded it, I apologise. I think I am within the scope of the Debate on the Second Reading in calling attention to the various items in order that Members may be prepared with more detailed arguments for the subsequent stages of the Measure.

This is not the time or place for the instruction suggested by the hon. and gallant Gentleman.

4.0 P.M.

I will not say what use might be made of the Aliens Restriction Act, but I do hope that not only the 1919 Act but the principal Act of 1914 will be duly studied in order that we may have an adequate discussion upon this question, which is becoming more pressing for hon. Members on that side of the House and on this.

With every respect, surely it is possible on the Second Reading on the Expiring Laws Continuance Bill, without going into the details of any of these Measures which it is proposed to continue, simply to catalogue the Bills that are to be continued by this Act. That has, I believe, always been held to be legitimate on the Second Reading of the Measure. What has been objected to in the past, subject to your better knowledge of this matter, has been any question of detail of these Bills. I do not propose to go into details, but I believe I am within my rights in listing the Measures that are to be debated in detail on the Committee stage.

I should like to ask one question. What is the point of the exclusion of Ireland from the Expiring Laws Continuance Bill, which, I think, is rather a novelty, and how does that bear on the Measures relating to Ireland which are in the Schedule?

I do not rise for the purpose of opposing this Bill, and I shall try to keep within your ruling just expressed. I am quite aware that this is an annual Bill and that the Second reading of it almost as a matter of course goes through, detailed criticism being reserved for the Committee stage. But there are a few observations that I should like to make. When I look through the Schedule of this Bill, I find that it contains 24 Acts of Parliament, the continuance of which is desired, and, without going into details, I am safe in saying that the bulk of these Acts of Parliament are war emergency Measures. These Measures, of course, were never properly debated at all, first, because war was a time for action and not for talk, and rightly so, and, secondly, be- cause they were put before the House as temporary Measures, and argument which would have been quite appropriate to a Measure if put forward as a temporary one would have been wholly out of place if applied to it as a temporary Measure. Indeed, a rationally-minded person might consistently say, "I am opposed, root and branch, to this Bill as a permanent Measure, but it will have my wholehearted support as a temporary one." Under these circumstances, a great deal of this legislation has got upon the Statute Book never, as I have said, properly debated at all. It has never been possible to debate them as permanent Measures and year after year they are continued under this Expiring Laws Continuance Bill.

Of course, it may be said that it is open to any hon. Member to raise what objection he has to any particular Act before the Committee, but in my submission that is a wholly objectionable and fallacious course. As I understand—I may be wrong, but I think I am not—an amendment in Committee has to be to reject the Bill. It is not possible to amend it or to modify it It may well be that many of us would be of opinion that some temporary Measure ought not to be rejected, but still, if it be going to form part of our permanent legislation, we would like to see it considerably modified. That is one objection. Another objection is this: You have a Bill entirely dealt with in one stage. Why should one of these Acts be deprived of the ordinary course of a First, Second and Third Beading like every other Bill? The third point is this: When legislation is introduced in the ordinary course a printed Bill is circulated. We have the opportunity of studying its provisions in advance. We have the great opportunity and the great advantage of hearing the Minister in charge expound and make clear its provisions. In a case like this anyone who objects to the continuance, in this insidious manner, of one of these Acts, that, as I say, has never been debated, has himself to go to the Acts of Parliament, has himself to turn up the Official Report, and has himself to acquire all the knowledge by a great deal of trouble that is necessary, and, knowing human nature as we do, it results and has resulted in very few persons taking the trouble and in allowing legislation by a back door, unconsidered and undiscussed, first to be passed and then to be continued indefinitely until one day we wake up to the fact that it is part of the permanent law of the country.

I hope you will not think I am going into particular Measures, but I am prompted to speak on this subject at all by reason of two Measures that I see here. They are numbers 10 and 11. These Bills deal with coroners' juries. I do not know whether it may be a good or a bad thing to have coroners dealing with cases without juries, but I do know that that would be a fundamental change in our law and is worthy of discussion. It never has been discussed. The year before last the then Home Secretary stated that this matter would be brought forward as an independent Measure. I wish to know whether that assurance is to be carried out by the present Home Secretary, because, if so, I will not for my part make any objection in Committee. There is not much use in making general criticism unless one has something constructive to offer. My humble suggestion is this: when the House of Commons passes a Measure and deliberately says, as it has done in nearly every one of these cases, that that Measure is only to be operative for a definite time, and that statement has had an effect upon Members' minds in voting for it, then the proper, the logical, and, I submit, the wise course is that when it has run its course, the Minister having charge of the Department under which it comes should bring forward a fresh Bill which can go through all its stages. Then we should know where we were and should not find these Coroners' Juries Bills and other Measures that we have never discussed slip on to the Statute Book under the guise of the Expiring Laws Continuance Bill.

I want to make the suggestion to my hon. and right hon. Friends that they should consider whether it be possible another year to add an explanation in the Schedule giving shortly the effect of each of these Bills, the continuance of which this Bill is intended to secure. I suggest that for myself and for hon. and learned Gentlemen opposite, it may be possible, if we so desire, to consult all these Statutes and acquaint ourselves with the effect of this legislation. But surely there can be no objection, in order that the House may know exactly what the Bill does and does not do, to a short explanation being added by the draftsmen stating in each case what is the effect of the legislation. If that had been done this year, a good deal of the discussion we have had might conceivably have been avoided.

There appears to be what might almost be called incipient opposition to the Second Reading of the Expiring Laws Continuance Bill, and I rise to make a suggestion which I think might have some effect in smoothing the passage of this Measure. The Expiring Laws Continuance Bill, of course, is a nuisance. We all know that. It is a nuisance to the Members of the House for the reasons put forcibly by my hon. and learned Friend (Mr. Harney), and it is a nuisance to the Financial Secretary to the Treasury, because of the opportunity it gives for extended and sometimes irrelevant debate. The tendency of the Bill is to accumulate Acts unnecessarily. Acts remain in it which ought to become permanent and other Acts remain in it which ought to be wiped off the Statute Book altogether. In a recent year what appeared to me to be an admirable procedure was adopted. A Select Committee was appointed and went through the Expiring Laws Continuance Bill Act by Act, put some of them into a Schedule which made them permanent, and wiped some off the Statute Book altogether, leaving only those statutes in the Schedule which were really of a temporary and renewable nature. That Select Committee was presided over by Major-General Seely. Its work, I think, gave general satisfaction, and its recommendations were adopted without a dissentient voice. I want to ask the Financial Secretary whether he does not think it would be very desirable that that procedure should become permanent and that year after year a Select Committee of this House should sit on the Bill and make recommendations similar to those of that Committee. If that were done, I cannot but think that it would save a great deal of time in the discussions of this House.

I feel it is very difficult to criticise a Government which is such a short time in office, and I realise that a Bill such as this would have been before Parliament even if their predecessors were still on those benches. I would point out that this Bill was originally devised for legislation of an essentially temporary character, and in the long schedule which we are to discuss in Committee there still remain, five years after the War, a large number of Acts which are purely of a War character, and were passed temporarily with the idea that a year or two after the conclusion of hostilities they should disappear from the Statute Book. It seems anomalous that, at the end of 1924, after several changes of Government, Parliament should be asked to renew these Measures for another year. Included in this Bill, however, are other Acts which, by their nature, cannot be called "temporary" without a great stretch of imagination. I give as an example the Wireless Telegraphy Act. Wireless telegraphy, when first introduced, was a complete novelty, and people wondered whether it would be of commercial advantage or not. Now it is as much a part of our economic and industrial life as the telephone, yet we are governed with reference to this invention by an Act of 1904, which is renewed from year to year.

Last year there was considerable discussion on this subject. I do not suggest at this festive' season, when wireless is in such general use, that even in Committee there should be a general discussion on our wireless system, but we have a right to ask the Postmaster-General to assure Parliament that before we again have to consider the continuance of certain expiring laws, proper legislation will be introduced dealing with the status of wireless telegraphy. Another very important Measure which can by no means be described as "temporary" is the Local Government (Emergency Provisions) Act. There have been many discussions on this subject, and surely in 1924 we should not be renewing a Local Government (Emergency Provisions) Act dating from 1916—from the middle of the War. If the Government wish to get this Bill rapidly through Committee, they should give the House a reasonable undertaking that they will consider the details of the Acts mentioned in the Schedule, and also give an undertaking that it will not be necessary to include Acts of a permanent character in this compre- hensive Measure next year, but that proper legislation will be framed during the intervening months.

I should like to congratulate the hon. Members who have just spoken on their ingenuity in keeping in order for what, I should think, is a record period on this Bill— warned as they were by the sad fate of the right hon. and gallant Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme (Colonel Wedgwood). The House is indebted to the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Norwich (Mr. Hilton Young) not only for his contribution to-day but for setting up a Select Committee to go into this matter when he was at the Treasury. There is no doubt it is an advantage to the House that the Acts included in this annual Measure should, from time to time, be considered from the point of view of their suitability. That was the recommendation of the Select Committee, and it is a recommendation which the new Government propose to observe. The Select Committee, presided over by General Seely, did not recommend an annual inquiry. They said that if their recommendations were carried out and if the Schedule were thus reduced to small dimensions, a periodical review at intervals of three years by a Committee would prevent further congestion.

As a matter of fact the points raised in this Debate were, for the most part, dealt with by the Committee to which I have referred. The hon. and learned Member for South Shields (Mr. Harney) dealt with the War measures which he said were still to be found in the Schedule. That matter was reported on by the Committee, and their recommendations were taken into account and carried out in subsequent Bills. The lists which had been included were sifted, and in most cases, if not in all, full effect was given to the recommendations of the Committee. They prepared one list of Acts— such as the Act dealing with sand grouse in the breeding season—which should become permanent, and they placed in another list, for reasons known to themselves, other Acts, including an Act for the protection of grey seals, which should not become permanent, and those recommendations have been carried out. Complaint was made that the Aliens Act and the Wireless Telegraphy Act were still in the Schedule instead of being dealt with by new legislation. Both these Acts were included in the list of those which the Committee recommended should be kept in the Bill from year to year.

In the Parliament before last, the then Home Secretary said in reference to Coroners' juries that an independent measure would be brought in. We know he found it impossible to do so and we want to know if the present Home Secretary will do so?

I think that question is a very good example of the inconvenience of trying to raise these detailed matters on the Second Reading. The Treasury which is charged with bringing in this Bill can only be responsible for its general form. There are about a dozen departments concerned, and as it is not in order for these Acts to be discussed in detail on the Second Beading, it is obvious that the departments concerned should answer such questions at the appropriate stage. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Oxford University (Lord H. Cecil) asked a question as to a reference to Ireland in the last Clause of the Bill. The Bill proposes to limit its operations to reserved Northern Ireland subjects and to exclude from the effects of the Bill any application of the measures which are thereby being renewed to Southern Ireland. It is obvious that this is necessary because we have transferred the powers of legislation on these matters to Southern Ireland, and unless we have that provision, we should be trenching on the transferred services.

That will be limited to Northern Ireland. Nothing in this Bill will apply to Southern Ireland. The hon. and learned Member for South East Leeds (Sir H. Slesser) asked if it would be possible to prepare a memorandum? I am afraid any such memorandum would be rather long, but that is a matter which might well be considered by the Select Committee, which, I hope, next year, at the end of the triennial period, will re-examine this matter. I would also point out that in regard to this Bill we are merely the loyal executors of our predecessors. This Bill was introduced only a few weeks ago, almost in the exact form in which the House sees it to-day. We have no difference with our predecessors in that respect, because the Bill carries out to the best of our ability the recommendations of the Select Committee, which went into the matter three years ago.

Question, "That the Bill be now read a Second time," put, and agreed to.

Bill read a Second time, and committed to a Committee of the Whole House for To-morrow.—[ Mr. Guinness .]

Canals (Continuance of Charging Powers) Bill

Order for Second Reading read.

I beg to move, "That the Bill be now read a Second time."

This matter but for the form in which a previous continuing Act was drawn up, would have been included in the Expiring Laws Continuance Bill. I am advised that a fresh Bill is necessary in order to carry out the purpose which is intended. Before the War the charges which canal companies were entitled to make were subject to a statutory maximum. During the War, if this statutory maximum had been continued, most of the canal companies would have gone into bankruptcy. Consequently when the Ministry of Transport Act, 1919, was passed the Minister was given powers to take possession of these undertakings and at the same time, at his discretion, to increase the maximum charges in order to enable these undertakings to carry on. That power was vested in him for a period of between three and four years, and towards the end of that period the Canals (Continuance of Charging Powers) Act, 1922, was passed giving the Minister continuing powers; which powers expire on 15th February next. The Minister was allowed, after reference to the Rates Advisory Committee, to vary the charges then in existence, and an important provision was put in to safeguard the public. It was provided that if any Chamber of Commerce, Chamber of Trade, Chamber of Agriculture, or any public body made a demand, the Minister should refer any rate to the Rates Advisory Committee so that the rights of the trading public were amply safeguarded. As those powers expire on 15th February, it is necessary that some- thing should be done. In 1923, when I was Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry, the then Government authorised me to announce that the Cabinet had decided that this particular Act of 1922 should be placed in the Expiring Laws Continuance Bill, with a view to enabling the canal companies to carry on for another 12 months. As I say, owing to the form in which the Act of 1922 is drawn it is not possible to put it into the Expiring Laws Continuance Bill, and therefore I am bringing in this separate Measure to enable these extra charges, subject to the Rates Advisory Committee's approval, to be continued for 12 months and no more after the 15th February next. I hope, after this explanation of a humble but necessary Bill, the House will give it a Second Reading.

I think this Bill is one of a type. The Government took over not only canals but also railways and harbours, and when they took over those means of transport they raised the fares and the freight rates. A year after the conclusion of peace all these means of transport, railways, canals, harbours and docks were to revert to their owners, subject to the original contract made between the owners and the Government as to the charges which they were entitled to make. In the case of the railways, the action of the Coalition Government was to concede to the railway owners the cancellation of all their previous contracts between the railway companies and the public, and to allow the companies to charge, instead of a 1d. a mile, l¾d., and now 1½d., and to exceed the maximum freight rates which they were entitled to charge under their original powers. That settled the matter so far as the railways were concerned, and the railway companies have been on velvet ever since, while the trading community has been forced to pay the increased rates and to go down on their knees to the railway companies to beg for reductions of those rates. We passed the Act in this House, a permanent Act, and, therefore, so far as the railway companies are concerned, the traders and the people of this country have no grounds for complaint, as Parliament did it, but, so far as canals, harbours, and docks are concerned, we have not yet signed away the rights of the public of this country.

From year to year we extend permission to the owners of canals, harbours and docks to charge more than they are legally entitled to do for the use of those means of communication, and we are asked now to continue for one year more this endowment of one particular form of capitalist enterprise. We have done it so often that I suppose we shall go on doing it year after year, unless some pro test is made, and unless the people of this country awake to the fact that Parliament is year after year taking the money of the public and putting it into the pockets of private corporations. I believe canals to be a specially vicious case, because the canals are of three characters. There are a few canals still in the hands of private canal companies, independent of the railways, which pay a dividend and do good business. The Aire and Calder Canal—

29 out of over 100. Some of them are doing good business, some are paying big dividends, and why on earth should the people of this country be asked to subscribe to the excessive dividends of these prosperous canal companies?

I pointed out that any public body of traders or agriculturists could go to the Rates Advisory Committee through the Minister and protest against any extra charges.

That has always been open to them, but they have not been able to take advantage of it, and any body of traders which goes before the Rates Advisory Committee knows the extraordinary difficulties they have to confront. But why do you put the onus on the public to get these reductions, instead of giving the public their rights? Why force the public, by such an Act as this, to pay more than they are statutorily bound to pay under the original powers? So far as those companies which are paying good dividends are concerned, there can be no possible ground for saying: We entitle you by law to charge more than you are entitled to charge now. Then we come to the second class of canal companies, those companies which are more or less derelict. Some of them are actually derelict. You enable these to charge higher freight rates, but they can- not charge them. No goods are carried, and the canal goes out of condition, but in spite of that, you are doing an ill-service at the present moment to the (transport facilities of this country by allowing these canal companies that do not pay to keep on functioning. The Minister of Transport ought to know better than anybody else that his great schemes of road development must depend very largely on taking over some of these derelict canals and using them for the new motor ways that are required.

I hope he will, though he shakes his head now, take a number of these canals for conversion into the modern form of locomotion, but by endowing the canal companies in this way with this power to charge a fictitiously high freight rate, you are increasing the compensation that the Government will have to pay when it buys out these companies in order to use those strips of territory for another purpose. The third case is that of those canal companies—and I believe they are a majority of the whole—which are the property of the railway companies of this country. Whatever you may say about the canal companies, whether they are or are not able to pay if they charge merely the statutory rates, surely you would not suggest that the railway companies of this country have mot done sufficiently well out of the Railways Act of 1919 or 1920 to enable them to conform to the law and charge for transport on the canals the legitimate charges which they undertook not to exceed when they acquired the canals from the original canal companies and added them to the railway monopoly.

I believe, myself, that a great deal more use could be made of some of these trunk canals which are paralleling the railway lines of this country, but it is obvious that no use can be made of them as long as the railway companies are entitled to charge these excessive freight rates for transport by canal. You may make out a case for increasing the freight rates on the railways, owing to the additional cost of maintaining the permanent way and operating the railways, but, so far as the canal is concerned, the company does not operate the canal. The maintenance of the permanent way of a canal is a mere trifle, and the operation is all done by carrier companies, which have to pay these rates, and not by the railway company providing its own wagons, and consequently you are giving to the railway monopolies in this country a power to strangle out the alternative transport by means of canals. You are asking us to do this year after year, and you are concealing the fact that the public are being asked to pay a vast sum.

I do not know whether we could have, before this debate is over, the exact figure which the passage of this Bill puts into the pockets of these private corporations, but I should say it could not be less than half a million and may exceed a million a year, a tax levied upon the trade of this country, and particularly upon those trades which need the raw materials, such as the iron and steel trades and the building trades. This tax is levied upon these trades for the benefit of concerns which are most of them, apparently, according to the Minister of Transport, in a position to pay satisfactory dividends or in a position to carry on, by means of the co-operation of the owning company, the railway company which has bought them up. For all these reasons, I hope this House will consider very carefully before they extend this power to bleed the public for another year. I see the hon. Member for Moseley (Mr. Hannon) in his place. How many times has he been going, in recent years, cap in hand, to the railway companies to beg them to reduce rates in the interests of the trade of this country—

—begging for a reduction of rates, which are strangling the trade of the country? Yet to-day he will go into the Lobby and vote for another monopoly being put in a legal position to extract higher freight rates than they were originally entitled to. You cannot have it both ways. If you complain of the extortion of these transport monopolies, vote with us; if you believe that it is necessary that the monopolies should be in a position to extort money from the trade of the country, vote for the Bill; but in this issue, as in every other issue that comes before the House, the House is ultimately divided into two sections only, those who support monopoly and those who are against robbery.

Question put, "That the Bill be now read a Second time."

The House divided: Ayes, 257; Noes, 81

Division No. 2.]

AYES.

[4.42 p.m.

Acland-Troyte, Lieut.-Colonel

Doyle, Sir N. Grattan

Loder, J. de V.

Agg-Gardner, Rt. Hon. Sir James T.

Drewe, C.

Looker, Herbert William

Albery, Irving James

Edmondson, Major A. J.

Luce, Major-Gen. Sir Richard Harman

Allen, J.Sandeman (L'pool, W. Derby)

Edwards, John H. (Accrington)

Lumley, L. R.

Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S.

Elliot, Captain Walter E.

MacAndrew, Charles Glen

Applin, Colonel R. V. K.

Ellis, R. G.

McDonnell, Colonel Hon. Angus

Ashley, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Wilfrid W.

Erskine, Lord (Somerset, Weston-s.-M.)

McLean, Major A.

Astbury, Lieut.-Commander F. W.

Erskine, James Malcolm Monteith

Macmillan, Captain H.

Astor, Viscountess

Evans, Captain A. (Cardiff, South)

Macnaghten, Hon. Sir Malcolm

Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

Evans, Capt. Ernest (Welsh Univer.)

McNeill, Rt. Hon. Ronald John

Balfour, George (Hampstead)

Everard, W. Lindsay

Macquisten, F. A.

Balniel, Lord

Fairfax, Captain J. G.

Maitland, Sir Arthur D. Steel.

Barclay-Harvey, C. M.

Falle, Sir Bertram G.

Makins, Brigadier-General E

Barnett, Major Richard W.

Fanshawe, Commander G. D.

Malone, Major P. B.

Beamish, Captain T. P. H.

Fermoy, Lord

Manningham-Buller, Sir Mervyn

Beckett, Sir Gervase

Fielden, E. B.

Margesson, Captain D.

Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W.

Finburgh, S.

Marriott, Sir J. A. R.

Bennett, A. J.

Ford, P. J.

Mason, Lieut.-Col. Glyn K.

Berry, Sir George

Foxcroft, Captain C. T.

Meyer, Sir Frank

Bethell, A.

Frece, Sir Walter de

Milne, J. S. Wardlaw-

Betterton, Henry B.

Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E.

Mitchell, S. (Lanark, Lanark)

Birchall, Major J. Dearman

Ganzoni, Sir John

Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham)

Bird, E. R. (Yorks, W. R., Skipton)

Gates, Percy

Moore, Sir Newton J.

Boothby, R. J. G.

Gault Lieut-Col. Andrew Hamilton

Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C.

Bourne, Captain Robert Croft

Gee, Captain R.

Morrison, H. (Wilts, Salisbury)

Bowater, Sir T. Vansittart

Gibbs, Col. Rt. Hon. George Abraham

Nail, Lieut.-Colonel Joseph

Brass, Captain W.

Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John

Nelson, Sir Frank

Briggs, J. Harold

Grace, John

Neville, R. J.

Briscoe, Richard George

Grant, J. A.

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

Brocklebank, C. E. R.

Greene, W. P. Crawford

Nicholson, O. (Westminster)

Brooke, Brigadier-General C. R. I.

Grotrian, H. Brent

Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield)

Brown, Brig.-Gen. H. C. (Berks, Newb'y)

Guinness, Rt. Hon. Walter E.

Nuttall, Ellis

Brown-Lindsay, Major H.

Gunston, Captain D. W.

Oakley, T.

Buckingham, Sir H.

Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich)

O'Connor, T. J. (Bedford, Luton)

Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James

Hall, Capt. W. D'A. (Brecon & Rad.)

O'Neill, Major Rt. Hon. Hugh

Bullock, Captain M.

Hammersley, S. S.

Penny, Frederick George

Burman, J. B.

Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry

Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings)

Burton, Colonel H. W.

Harland, A.

Peto, Basil E. (Devon, Barnstaple)

Butler, Sir Geoffrey

Harney, E. A.

Peto, G. (Somerset, Frome)

Cadogan, Major Hon. Edward

Harrison, G. J. C.

Philipson, Mabel

Caine, Gordon Hall

Harvey, G. (Lambeth, Kennington)

Pielou, D. P.

Campbell, E. T.

Harvey, Major S. E. (Devon, Totnes)

Power, Sir John Cecil

Cautley, Sir Henry S.

Haslam, Henry C.

Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton

Cazalet, Captain Victor A.

Hawke, John Anthony

Preston, William

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Sir Evelyn (Aston)

Henderson, Capt. R. R. (Oxf'd, Henley)

Price, Major C. W. M.

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord H. (Ox. Univ.)

Heneage, Lieut.-Col. Arthur P.

Radford, E. A.

Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood)

Henn, Sir Sydney H.

Ramsden, E.

Christie, J. A.

Hennessy, Major J. R. G.

Rawson, Alfred Cooper

Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston Spencer

Henniker-Hughan, Vice-Adm. Sir A.

Reid, D. D. (County Down)

Churchman, Sir Arthur C.

Herbert, S. (York, N. R., Scar. & Wh'by)

Rentoul, G. S.

Clarry, Reginald George

Hilton, Cecil

Rhys, Hon. C. A. U.

Clayton, G. C.

Hoare, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir S. J. G.

Rice, Sir Frederick

Cobb, Sir Cyril

Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (St. Marylebone)

Roberts, E. H. G. (Flint)

Cochrane, Commander Hon. A. D.

Holt, Captain H. P.

Robinson, Sir T. (Lancs., Stretford)

Cohen, Major J. Brunel

Hope, Capt. A. O. J. (Warw'k, Nun.)

Ropner, Major L.

Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips

Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley)

Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth)

Conway, Sir W. Martin

Hudson, Capt. A. U. M. (Hackney, N.)

Rye, F. G.

Cooper, A. Duff

Hudson, R. S. (Cumb'l'nd, Whiteh'n)

Salmon, Major I.

Cope, Major William

Hume, Sir G. H.

Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham)

Couper, J. B.

Hume-Williams, Sir W. Ellis

Sandon, Lord

Courtauld, Major J. S.

Huntingfield, Lord

Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D.

Courthope, Lieut.-Col. George L.

Hurd, Percy A.

Savery, S. S.

Craig, Captain C. C. (Antrim, South)

Hurst, Gerald B.

Sexton, James

Craig, Ernest (Chester, Crewe)

Hutchison, G. A. C. (Midl'n & Peebles)

Shaw, Lt.-Col.A. D. Mel. (Renfrew, W)

Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry

lliffe, Sir Edward M.

Shaw, R. G. (Yorks, W. R., Sowerby)

Crook, C. W.

Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H.

Shaw, Capt. W. W. (Wilts, Westb'y)

Crooke, J. Smedley (Deritend)

Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S.

Shepperson, E. W.

Crookshank, Col. C. de W. (Berwick)

Jackson, Sir H. (Wandsworth, Cen'l)

Simms, Dr. John M. (Co. Down)

Crookshank,Cpt. H. (Lindsey, Gainsbro)

Jacob, A. E.

Sinclair, Col. T. (Queen's Univ., Belfst.)

Curzon, Captain Viscount

Jephcott, A. R.

Skelton, A. N.

Davies, A. V. (Lancaster, Royton)

Joynson-Hicks, Rt. Hon. Sir William

Slaney, Major P. Kenyon

Davies, Maj. Geo.F. (Somerset, Yeovil)

Kindersley, Major Guy M.

Smith, R. W. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, C.)

Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.)

King, Captain Henry Douglas

Smithers, Waldron

Dawson, Sir Philip

Lane-Fox, Lieut.-Col. George R.

Somerville, A. A. (Windsor)

Sprot. Sir Alexander

Titchfield, Major the Marquess of

Wise, Sir Fredric

Stanley, Col. Hon. G. F. (Will'sden, E.)

Vaughan-Morgan, Col. K. P.

Womersley, W. J.

Stanley, Lord

Wallace, Captain D. E.

Wood, B. C. (Somerset, Bridgwater)

Stott, Lieut.-Colonel W. H.

Ward, Lt.-Col. A. L. (Kingston Hull)

Wood, Rt. Hon. E. (York, W. R., Ripon)

Stuart, Crichton-, Lord C.

Warner, Brigadier-General W. W.

Wood, E. (Chest'r, Stalyb'ge & Hyde)

Stuart, Hon. J. (Moray and Nairn)

Waterhouse, Captain Charles

Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West)

Styles, Captain H. Walter

Watson, Rt. Hon. W. (Carlisle)

Woodcock, Colonel H. C.

Sugden, Sir Wilfrid

Wells, S. R.

Yerburgh, Major Robert D. T.

Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby)

White, Lieut.-Colonel G. Dalrymple

Young, E. Hilton (Norwich)

Thompson, Luke (Sunderland)

Wignall, James

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Williams, Com. C. (Devon, Torquay)

TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—

Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell-(Croydon, S.)

Williams, Herbert G. (Reading)

Commander B. M. Eyres-Monsell

Tinne, J. A.

Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George

and Captain Hacking.

NOES.

Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock)

Groves, T.

Runciman, Rt. Hon. Walter

Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro')

Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil)

Salter, Dr. Alfred

Attlee, Clement Richard

Hardle, George D.

Scurr, John

Baker, Walter

Hartshorn, Rt. Hon. Vernon

Shiels, Dr. Drummond

Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery)

Hayes, John Henry

Smith, Ben (Bermondsey, Rotherhithe)

Barnes, A.

Henderson, T. (Glasgow)

Smith, H. B. L. (Yorks, W.R., K'ghley)

Batey, Joseph

Hirst, W. (Bradford, South)

Smith, R. (Yorks, W.R., Penistone)

Beckett, John (Gateshead)

Hore-Belisha, Leslie

Snell, Harry

Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W.

John, William (Rhondda, West)

Snowden, Rt. Hon. Philip

Briant, Frank

Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown)

Stewart, J. (St. Rollox)

Broad, F. A.

Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd)

Taylor, R. A.

Cluse, W. S.

Kelly, W. T.

Thurtle, E.

Compton, Joseph

Kirkwood, D.

Tinker, John Joseph

Connolly, M.

Lee, F.

Viant, S. P.

Cove, W. G.

Lowth, T.

Walsh, Rt. Hon. Stephen

Crawfurd, H. E.

MacLaren, Andrew

Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda)

Dalton, Hugh

Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan)

Webb, Rt. Hon. Sidney

Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale)

March, S.

Wedgwood, Rt. Hon. Josiah

Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton)

Mitchell, E. Rosslyn (Paisley)

Westwood, J.

Day, Colonel Harry

Montague, Frederick

Wheatley, Rt. Hon. J.

Dennison, R.

Morris, R. H.

Wilkinson, Ellen C.

Duncan, C.

Naylor, T. E.

Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe)

Dunnico, H.

Ponsonby, Arthur

Windsor, Walter

Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty)

Potts, John S.

Wright, W.

Gillett, George M.

Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

Graham, Rt. Hon. Wm. (Edin., Cent.)

Riley, Ben

Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne)

Ritson, J.

TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—

Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan)

Robinson, W. C. (Yorks, W. R., Elland)

Mr. Kennedy and Mr. Warne.

Bill accordingly read a Second time, and committed to a Committee of the Whole House for To-morrow.—[ Colonel Ashley ]

Agricultural Rates (Additional Grant) Continuance Bill

Order for Second Reading read.

I beg to move, "That the Bill be now read a Second time."

The Bill to which I want the House to give a Second Reading is a short one. It contains only two operative Clauses, and I do not want to take up more of the time of the House than is necessary just to explain what it is and why I am introducing it this afternoon. This Bill is a Bill to continue the provisions of the Agricultural Rates Act of last year. When I introduced that Bill last year, I explained to the House that it was only a temporary Measure. I was engaged at the time in the preparation of a Bill for the reform of valuation and rating right through the country, a Bill of a general and permanent character, designed, among other things, to include some permanent settlement of the question of agricultural rating, and the Bill of last year, now an Act, was therefore introduced for the purpose of giving relief to-the agricultural industry by bridging over the gap until the larger Bill was introduced in the1 House of Commons. Substantially that is still the position, except in so far as progress has been made with the Valuation and Rating Reform Bill, of which a draft has been circulated to local authorities for their comments, and which I hope to be able to introduce net year.

In the meantime, it is necessary to continue the Act of last year, and I would like, very shortly, to explain the purpose and scope of the Act. Put in a few words, it is this: Whereas the occupiers of agricultural land in England and Wales have been allowed, under the Act of 1896, to pay only one-half the rates upon their agricultural land, under this Act that was reduced to one-quarter, and the deficiency thus occasioned in the rates was made up by a contribution from the Consolidated Fund, paid into the Local Taxation Account. I estimated last year that that would amount to about £2,750,000, and, fact, I find that it came to a little more than that, namely, £2,859,700. I imagine that this year the amount of the Exchequer (contribution will be very much about the same as it was last year. The Bill, of course, also applies to Scotland, but, as the methods of rating in Scotland are different from what they are in England, the way of affording relief has also to be modified in the case of that country. But the effect is substantially there as it is in England and Wales.

I recollect that last year some opposition was offered to the provisions of the Bill. The right hon. and gallant Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme (Colonel Wedgwood) found an opportunity of trotting out his favourite hobby-horse, the taxation of land values, and it may be that he will desire to repeat that again this year. My right hon. Friend the Member for Carmarthen (Sir A. Mond) described the Bill as pernicious in principle, and futile in practice, a description of it which at once brought up his colleague, Mr. Lambert, who, I am sorry, on personal grounds, is one of the casualties of the election, and he said the Bill introduced the one gleam of agricultural sanity which had been seen in this House for many years. What, I think, the House will agree with me in is, that whatever we may think of this method of assisting the ^agricultural industry, at any rate this would be the worst possible moment to make a change, and reverse a decision which was come to last year. My right hon. Friend the Minister of Agriculture has called together a Conference, in which all interests in agriculture will be represented, in order that they may try and devise some policy which will have the effect of preserving and promoting the industry, and, at the same time, be acceptable to all parties of the State, and so ensure continuity. I cannot imagine anything that could be more disastrous to the prospects of a successful result of that Conference than another reversal of agricultural policy so far as this Bill is concerned. Remembering, as I say, that it is only a temporary Measure, and that it will not be until we get this Valuation Reform Bill that the House will see what are the permanent proposals of the Government, I hope the House will allow the Second Reading to pass without opposition. This Bill would naturally have been included in the Expiring Laws Continuance Bill, but to have done so would have required a Financial Resolution. The Bill is so drawn that if it be necessary to reintroduce it another year it can be included another time in the Expiring Laws Continuance Bill, without the necessity of a separate Financial Resolution. The second Sub-section of the first Clause is the one which enables that to be done.

5.0 P.M.

There is only one other small point to-which I need allude, and that is the second Clause, which deals with the Scilly Isles. It appears that there was some oversight in the drafting of the Bill of last year, in that it was not recollected that in the Scilly Isles there are no boards of guardians. The administration of poor relief in those islands is carried on, not by boards of guardians, but by overseers of the parishes, and the overseers are not included in the definition of spending authorities, in the Schedule of the Act of 1896. The result of that omission was that, technically, the Scilly Isles were not able to obtain the relief under the Act which last year was enjoyed by the rest of the country, and although we cannot entirely make up to them what they have lost, this Bill proposes not only to give relief in future, but to date back the relief so far as we can and enable them to obtain relief for the second half of the current year. I do not think there is any other point which I need touch upon, and I therefore commend the Second Reading to the House.

I think all Ministers of Health are unduly optimistic in the speeches they make. The right hon. Gentleman says that this is only a temporary Bill and that some time next year he is going to introduce and pass into law a Rating and Valuation Bill which will set all right. I have heard that from every Minister of Health and President of the Local Government Board for the last 20 years. They are always going to introduce that Bill next year. Sometimes it gets as far as the Second Reading but it never gets any further. I deprecate this appalling optimism on the part of the Minister of Health. I do not think h? believes in it himself.

He has put into this Bill just that little? Clause which will enable us to see year by year this Bill, with all the other hardy annuals, brought up in the Expiring Laws Continuance Bill, just as the original Act of 1896 was a temporary Measure and was put into the Expiring Laws Continuance Act, 1897, and has appeared in it ever since. I think that this Bill, now that we are able to list it in with the others, will become the same form of hardy annual. The right hon. Gentleman was unkind' enough to suggest that I should get up and oppose this Bill in order to try to put forward my own scheme for the taxation of land values. I think that this Measure and its parent of 1896 was a landlords' endowment Act. [HON. MEMBEES: "Why not?"] That is precisely how I am going to consider it. In recent years I have bought land, and if I am not here to-day to offer a vigorous opposition to this Bill, it is that by this Bill I am richer by £20 this year than what I was last year. Really, it is expecting too much of human nature to imagine that we can come down to this House and oppose a perfectly reasonable Measure like this. It is true, it is not my money, it is somebody else's money; but you give me the right to pocket it, and I am very glad to have it. I come therefore and say that if I get canal shares by next year you will not get a Division on the Canal Shareholders Endowment Bill either. After all, there are limits to the way we can be expected to stand up for the public interest in this House.

I consider that this Bill renders an invaluable service to a valuable class of the community. The landlords of this country have far too many hard things said about them. A lot of narrow-minded people think they are living on the public when, as a matter of fact, they are rendering a public service by their mere existence, and that they should have public money put into their pockets is merely in keeping with what has made this country what it has been and what it is. We are carrying on the great tradi- tions of our predecessors, and we are establishing the landed aristocracy of Great Britain where it ought to be. We welcome this Bill, not merely because it enables the landed aristocracy of this country to employ gardeners and chauffeurs and so assist unemployment, but because it gives us some of the best material for turning out that Government in four years' time.

I should like to ascertain from the right hon. Gentleman whether there is any intention of pressing forward the general rating Bill, because some of us who represent the necessitous areas are only too conscious that we have been at a very great disadvantage for a long time in not being able to get allowances to relieve the conditions in which those areas are placed. Not only should we like to ascertain if it is his intention to come forward with the general Bill, but there is certainly one other Bill which I understand is coming forward and on which representations have been made, that is the Rating of Machinery Bill. If that comes forward, are the Government going to allow a free vote to the House and still further complicate the whole question of rating which, so far as our necessitous areas are concerned, is going to put a very heavy burden on the rest of the community? We dislike very much the idea of giving these various reliefs, first to the agriculturists and then others, while the necessitous areas have enormous burdens and are left entirely out of consideration.

Some of us who represent industrial areas pure and simple claim our right in the ownership of the country as well as those who claim to be wholly interested in the land. Whatever endowment or benefit may be given to those who live in the rural areas of the country can only be given at the expense of the great mass of the population of this country. Some of us have no objection to the proper machinery being provided for dealing with the distress among the agricultural community. We are not opposed to them on any grounds of hostility. We would just like to remind hon. Members of the fact that districts like that which I have the honour of representing are in a far worse position economically from the standpoint of rating than any agricultural constituency of Great Britain. We have a rate mount- ing up to nearly 30s. in the £. During the slump in trade, from 1918 up to the present moment, our board of guardians has been compelled to borrow £2,000,000 to meet the distress in our area. We cannot get any relief. We have done our best by deputations to Ministers and appeals to the public conscience. We are paying out at the present moment no less a sum than £37,000 weekly in relief of unemployment in our own locality. Surely if the agricultural areas can make a claim for public assistance and can demand from the Government this particular singling out, we are entitled in these great urban areas, surrounded as we are by poverty, to ask that equal consideration shall be given to our claims, and that the poor shall not always have to keep the poor and the dog always be fed upon its own tail. Yet that is the situation we are now in.

We are quite prepared to recognise the necessities that may prevail in agricultural areas, but we do want you to remember that the' great majority of the population of Great Britain live in the urban areas, the manufacturing and industrial districts, and their claims never receive the same amount of consideration from the right hon. Gentleman as the claims of the rural areas. I do not know whether this is a bribe or a sop to Cerberus. [An HON. MEMBER: "It is an act of justice!"] Yes, justice with her eyes bandaged. It is not justice from an all-round point of view. It is not justice to all the community. It simply means this, that the money which is coming out of the Consolidated Fund to meet the deficiency in rural areas is coming out of the pockets of the men and the women who work in the industrial areas. It cannot come from anywhere else. It is not fair, when all of us are suffering alike, those in the great industrial areas side by side with those who live in the rural areas. If the burden is going to be lightened, then it ought to be relieved from all alike instead of particular bonuses being given for one section. Treat the whole community as one.

I am making this appeal. I have made it very often in this House since I have been a Member of it. The right hon. Gentleman himself represents a district that is hit as hard as we are, and has been for the last six years. He has been very sympathetic when he has replied to us previously on matters relating to the very heavily rated areas. I am appealing to him now to give us some kind of idea of what the Government are prepared to do-to assist those of us who are getting almost to the end of our tether. £2,000,000-borrowed in six years to meet the necessities for which we ourselves are not responsible! We have not made the unemployment in West Ham, and we have not been responsible for the thousands of people who are clamouring round the relieving officers' doors. We are the victims of it. I make this appeal. The other House was not strong enough to do-it. This House is at least strong enough. If right hon. Gentlemen on the other side, having the big majority, are prepared to do justice, they will get us to go into the Lobby with them to see that justice is done.

I have been very much struck by the speech of the hon. Member for Silvertown (Mr. J. Jones). Is the injustice so great as he thinks? What would be a fair wage earned in Silvertown? Would it be £4 a week?

The average wage paid in the factories in Silvertown amounts to about £2 3s. 4d. a week.

Let me take it at 10s. or, say, £20 a year rateable value. With a 30s. rate he would pay £30. What does the farmer pay? Suppose he has a farm of 200 acres, he pays £200 a year for his land and about £40 for buildings. The most he could earn as income is about £200 a year, or £4 a week, the same as the man in Silver-town. Taking the average rate, he has to pay about 2s. in rates on his land or about £20 a year. He would pay 8s. on his buildings. Now take a rateable value of about £30 a year, for the buildings this is £12. He would still pay in rates £32 a year. Where is the injustice?

On a point of Order. The hon. and learned Member is always saying £4 a week in Silvertown. The wages for a skilled engineer in Silvertown are £2 18s. 6d. The unskilled man gets 10s. a week less.

It does not affect my argument. I do not want to go into a discussion with the hon. Member on the classes of labour. Take a man who is earning £4 a week as being a fair comparison with the farmer who earns £4 a week. The point I put to the House is that this is a measure of bringing about a more equitable system of rating for occupiers of agricultural land who have been very hard hit during the last few years, and are at the present time—it is only a means of bringing about some fair dealing between the various classes of ratepayers in the country.

An hon. Member opposite wanted to know the exact position of the valuation and rating proposals, and exactly what would happen after their introduction into this House. So far as the proposals are concerned, a very unusual course has been adopted in order to expedite the consideration of the matter. A Bill has been drafted and has been circulated amongst all the local authorities in the country, and the Ministry is now in possession of the observations of the various authorities on these proposals. I think the House will agree with the Minister that that is a wise step which will have done a great deal to expedite the consideration of the Bill when it reaches this House.

I have no doubt that the local authorities will see that hon. Members are conversant with their views. It is simply a matter at the moment of informal discussion between the Minister and the local authorities in view of expediting a very complicated and difficult matter. Therefore, hon. Members, I think, will see that substantial steps have been taken towards the purpose of the Bill which the Minister certainly hopes, and I think with good ground, to be able to introduce in the new year.

The hon. Member for Silvertown (Mr.J. Jones) will forgive me if I do not enter into a discussion as to the position of the urban areas, with which I fully sympathise, and which so many hon. Members represent. I would not like myself to be drawn into a discussion on this Bill as to the respective merits and demerits of the urban areas as compared with the agricultural areas. I hope, however, that the House will recognise that this Bill is a necessary Bill. I may say in answer to the observation of the right hon. and gallant Gentleman the Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme (Colonel Wedgwood) who described this Bill as a Bill to give public money to private owners. The Bill is one in which, I think, we have the concurrence of the ex-Minister of Health. If he had been standing here to-day he would, I think, have been introducing this Bill himself. I hope that the House will, after these explanations have been given, give us the Second Reading.

The object of this Bill, I am sure, must be quite clear after the explanations which have been given. That, however, if I may say so, does not relieve the Ministry of Health from responsibility in dealing with this problem at the earliest possible moment. There can be nothing more undesirable than that our rating system should be left on such a basis that the only way in which justice can be done is by making a charge on the Consolidated Fund for relief to certain classes of ratepayers. The rating system in the agricultural areas—everyone who is acquainted with agriculture knows—is on an unjust basis. The anomalies in the agricultural areas make the present rating system quite out of date. But if you are going merely to relieve the burdens upon the agricultural ratepayers by a charge year after year on the Consolidated Fund we are in danger of making permanent what is really one of the worst systems associated with our local finances. The Parliamentary Secretary, whom I congratulate on his accession to office, has really, if I may say so, put the Departmental point of view. May I, for a moment, ask one of the Ministers—I presume it ought to be the Financial Secretary to the Treasury—whether he would inform the House how the financial portions of this Bill are to be authorised by the House? Is there to be a Money Resolution?

The Bill not being mainly financial in its purpose, it is only necessary to take the Financial Resolution before the Committee stage.

That is to say, before the Clauses are reached which deal with the interception of the money, and we shall have an opportunity of discussing this matter of intercession. That is more a Treasury matter than a Ministry of Health matter. I hope, however, that the Treasury are not going to extend this custom of interception which is one of the most pernicious practices which the Treasury have to submit to at the hands of the other Departments. It is certainly a House of Commons point as well as a Treasury point that this process of interception should be kept down to the narrowest possible limits in order that these grants year by year may not be taken out of the purview of the House For these reasons, founded, as they are, on our regular financial customs here, I, for one, certainly cannot regard the Bill as a desirable Measure.

I know there are difficulties in dealing with the present situation, but I hope the Government are not going to shelter themselves either under this little Measure, or, as hinted by the Minister of Health, of bringing in this Measure year after year under the Expiring Laws Continuance Bill. That would only be making permanent what is a thoroughly unsound system. I shall riot, for my part, oppose the Bill this year, but if it comes up again in the same form, or any attempt is made next year to bring it under the Expiring Laws Continuance Bill, I hope there will be a general opposition to such an unsatisfactory way of dealing with such a problem.

Question, "That the Bill be now read a Second time," put, and agreed to.

Bill read a Second time, and committed to a Standing Committee.

Irish Free State Land Purchase [Loan Guarantee.]

Considered in Committee, under Standing Order No. 71A.

[Mr. JAMES HOPE in the Chair.] Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That it is expedient to authorise the Treasury to guarantee the payment of the principal of and the interest on any loan issued by the Government of the Irish Free State for the purposes of land purchase in the Irish Free State, so that the securities so guaranteed do not in the aggregate exceed thirty million pounds sterling in nominal amount, and to charge on the Consolidated Fund any moneys required to fulfil any such guarantee." — [ King's Recommendation signified .]

The Resolution of which we ask the Committee to give us the Committee stage to-day is to enable us to introduce a Bill to carry out long-standing commitments for land purchase in the Irish Free State. The Committee will remember that already Great Britain has found £131,000,000 for the object of Irish land purchase. It is proposed that this process, which has been very beneficial in Ireland, shall be completed by a Measure which will be based on this Resolution. The present plan is based on a financial agreement between the Imperial Government and the Irish Free State to deal with matters arising out of the Treaty, and which provided that the Free State Government should finance the completion of land purchase by the issue of an Irish stock at 4½ per cent. to be guaranteed as to capital and interest, subject to agreed provision for redemption, by the British Government. The security for the payment of interest and sinking fund will be provided by a charge on the Central Fund of the Irish Free State and on any special funds established for the purpose with priority over any future charges.

Last year, in pursuance of this agreement, the Irish Free State passed an Act to deal with the machinery of land purchase. Under the Land Act of last year, owners will be paid in 4½ per cent. bonds. The purchase price is fixed in relation to the rent in each case of tenanted land. The standard price depends on the annuity which the tenant will pay after the land vests in the Land Commission. The standard purchase annuity is fixed at 65 per cent, in the case of rents fixed prior to August, 1911, and at 70 per cent. for rents subsequently fixed. The standard price is arrived at from that annuity, and is the capital sum which represents the standard purchase annuity capitalised at 4¾ per cent.

Let me give an example. Take a holding for which the present rental, fixed before 1911, is £l00 a year. 65 per cent. of that will be a standard purchase annuity. That, at 4¾ per cent., represents a capital of £1,368. Over and above that there is a bonus of 10 per cent., which brings the total sum up to £1,505. The Committee will, therefore, see that in the case of those earlier rents the landlord, the seller, will get 15 years' purchase on his present gross rental, while in the case of the later rents he gets rather more, that is, 70 per cent. compared with 65 per cent. In the case of untenanted land the price, in default of agreement, will be fixed by the Land Commission, with provision for appeal to the Judicial Commission. It is very urgent that the British Parliament should implement their bargain, because already under the Irish Land Act some of this land has been vested in the Land Commission. As soon as it is so vested the landlord ceases to receive rent. On the other hand, he has to go on paying encumbrances of perhaps 7 per cent., towards which he is either receiving nothing, or, when the bonds are issued, will be receiving 4½ per cent. As a matter of fact, as soon as the bonds can be allocated, the superior interest will be paid off. So it is very important, if justice is to be done to all parties, that as soon as the bonds are issued the British guarantee shall be available, to make sure that they are not put on the market at a depreciated price.

The Bill which we shall base on this Financial Resolution is the same Bill as was introduced by the late Government, and I am glad to find that this is in no sense a party question, and that we have support from all quarters of the House. The guarantee to be given by the Bill is limited to the sum of £30,000,000 in bonds. The rental of the tenanted land which will be taken over is, of course, already known; £1,200,000 approximately; that will involve bonds to the value of £18,000,000. With the untenanted land it is rather less easy to fix a definite estimate. The whole of the untenanted land in the congested districts will be taken over, and so much of the other untenanted land in other parts of Ireland as is necessary to relieve congestion. Assuming that about half-a-million acres of untenanted land are taken over at a price of about £20 an acre, there will be sufficient money within the £30,000,000 to complete the whole operation and also to finance various sub- sidiary purposes, such as costs and the paying off of certain interests.

The guarantee under the Bill will run for 80 years. This long period is necessary because, although the bonds will be redeemable by half-yearly drawings over a period of 67 years, there must be a considerable margin of time, owing to the fact that there will be some delay in deciding on the untenanted lands to be bought, and there will be a further delay in transferring these untenanted lands to their new owners and bringing in the contribution of those owners in the form of purchase annuities to the service of the debt. The Bill provides for the service of the loan on the basis of 4½ per cent. interest and 4½ per cent, sinking fund, and this will be secured, first, on the purchase annuities, and, secondly, on the Irish Free State Central Fund, which corresponds to our Consolidated Fund. The guarantee is only to take effect when the Treasury and the Secretary of State for the Colonies are satisfied that the Irish Free State has carried out the necessary arrangements. I think, therefore, the House may be satisfied that in assenting to this Financial Resolution, and the Bill which will be based upon it, they will merely, as so often before, be backing Dominion credit with our own British credit, without any real risk to the British Exchequer.

The proposal of which this is the preliminary stage is, I understand, one which would have been made in any case by the late Government had they remained in office. It carries out an arrangement which, I believe, was made at the time of the Irish Treaty, and is governed, as I understand, by the Financial Agreement which was parallel to that Treaty. It is not open to the House now, if it is to be bound by undertakings which were given then, to upset the arrangement made, but I hope the Ministers who are in charge of this proposal will not think it improper that we should examine briefly the heavy obligations which are involved in this Resolution and the Bill which will follow. The right hon. Gentleman who has just explained the Resolution has given us many details of the working of purchase in individual cases, which of course are difficult to follow as they are read out and without examination on paper. If I do not misunderstand his description, they amount to this: that land purchase is proceeding in Ireland on exactly the same system as it has proceeded in the past, and that the only alteration made under this guarantee is one of interest. I hope I am not wrong in assuming that the only change is one of interest.

Naturally the capital sum is affected, but I understand the system is the same; the only difference has been in the change of interest brought about by purely market conditions, and not in any way affected by political considerations. If the Secretary of State for the Colonies is going to reply, the first point which I should like him to make clear is that this change is a matter of market conditions alone and is not a change made for any political considerations. The second thing I would like him to make clear is: does this £30,000,000 mean the completion of Irish land purchase? It has proceeded by stages for a great many years now, and it was bound to be completed sooner or later. Whether land purchase should have included the unoccupied and untenanted lands has often been matter for controversy, and it would be interesting to the Committee if the Secretary of State for the Colonies would make it clear on what grounds untenanted lands are to absorb something like £12.000,000 out of the £30,000,000 to be guaranteed. The Secretary of State for the Colonies is undertaking by this measure to bring to an end the financial relations between the British Exchequer and the Irish Land Purchase scheme. But we are the guardians of the British purse, and I am sure he will not take it amiss if we want to know if that money is to be used to the best advantage and whether it does finally close that account. The Financial Secretary to the Treasury has not made it very clear to the House what security we have for the guarantee that we are giving Nearly the whole of this land is within the territory of the Irish Free State, if not the whole of it.

The Irish Free State Government is separated now from our own—the ties between us are of a slender, though I hope of a permanent description —but the obligations which are entered into by the Free State Government depend, primarily, upon the desire of the British Government to fulfil their honourable obligations, and, secondly, on the worldly wisdom which governs all those who in the future might wish to borrow on the London market. If there were any sign of them failing in their obligations with regard to Irish land purchase, I think it is certain they would find it difficult to raise money in the future on the London market. I would also like to-ask why the Irish Free State Government have not raised this money themselves. The Irish Free State Government have made attempts at borrowing in London; negotiations have proceeded in many quarters, as is well known in the money market. Why did the Irish Free State-Government not raise this money themselves? If one might supply part of the answer without full knowledge I think it would amount to this, that the Irish Free State Government could not borrow in the London market at much less than ½ per cent. more than we can borrow, and it is to secure themselves against that extra expenditure of J per cent., and the Irish Land Purchase scheme from the extra charge involved in that ½ per cent., that we are asked to give this guarantee. If the Secretary of State for the Colonies would give us this fuller information, I think he would probably find the House quite ready to give the guarantee, but only on the understanding that British interests have been protected as well as the Irish interests—both of landlands, and of land purchases.

I am not antagonistic to this Resolution in any way, but there is one point I wish to put to the Financial Secretary to the Treasury. I have here the Memorandum explaining the Financial Resolution, and the bonds for £30,000,000. In the Memorandum there is a Clause ( b )which states:

"( b ) for the establishment and regulation of a sinking fund for the purpose of the redemption at par of the securities, 60 as to be guaranteed within a period of eighty years from the passing of the Bill."

The right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Swansea (Mr. Runciman) stated that the market price of these 4½per cent. bonds might vary. My question to the Financial Secretary to the Treasury is whether it will be possible, supposing British credit goes on to a 3½ per cent. basis to redeem these bonds and issue further bonds at 3½ per cent.? There would be a saving of at least 1 per cent., which all comes out of the taxpayers' pocket really, and it is these one or half per cents, even which will reduce our taxation.

Before the Secretary of State for the Colonies replies might I make an observation on this Resolution? In the first place, it is being taken under Standing Order 71A, which I believe was intended, in the spirit in which it was first passed, to be used only in cases of emergency, that is, if a Financial Resolution had to be put down without notice. I hope private Members, like my hon. Friend who has just sat down, and other hon. Members on these benches both above and below the Gangway, will watch the financial proceedings of the Government closely, and that we shall jealously guard our rights with regard to Financial Resolutions to see that they are only put down after full notice, and with full opportunity for criticism and questions.

May I at once answer that? Full notice was given of this Resolution. I gave notice on the day the House met for the Gracious Speech, and it was on the Paper yesterday. In answer to the hon. Member for Ilford (Sir F. Wise), the loan is not being issued by this country, but by Ireland, and it was part of the Agreement with Ireland that it should be based on this 4½ per cent, arrangement.

But we have the guarantee. It does not matter where it is issued, we have the guarantee, and if the British Government credit goes, as I sincerely hope it will within 80 years, to a 3½ per cent. basis, a loan like this could be paid off and a new one issued.

I accept what the right hon. and gallant Gentleman has said and withdraw what I said. I would like to say how glad I am to see the right hon. and gallant Gentleman back in his post, which he had Very little opportunity of adorning on a previous occasion, though he does it admirably now. I hope this Government are not going to make it a practice, and I am glad they have not started to take these Resolutions in Committee or the Report stage at a late hour of the night. No greater duty rests on Parliament than to watch all financial expenditure as closely as possible. I have a more general observation to make. During the recent Election we were told a great deal by hon. Gentlemen opposite about the necessity of keeping money at home. In this matter I am very willing to help the Irish Free State, but after all that is not part of his country now, and the £30,000,000 we are now dealing with happens to be the same amount as the proposed loan to Russia was going to be. This proposal seems to excite very little interest on the benches opposite, but I would like to point out that we are guaranteeing this very substantial sum not for expenditure in this country but for the payment of principal and interest of any loan issued by the Irish Free State for land purchase. Quickly does the spirit of elections evaporate.

I do not oppose this proposal on its merits, but I would remind the Secretary of State for the Colonies and hon. Gentlemen opposite of the pledges they gave to the electors about keeping money at home, and I call attention to the way they are carrying that pledge into practice. I was glad to hear what the right hon. Gentleman opposite said in answer to a question about a possible future reduction in the cost of money. I am told that it is anticipated, not as the result of the return of a Conservative Government, that money will become cheaper, and I hope full allowance will be made by the Treasury for taking advantage of cheaper money rates in the future. I presume that has been done in this case, and I hope that in the future we are going to have a prudent and careful financial administration by the Secretary of State for the Colonies, who is going to be the head of the greatest spending department of the country.

I hope the Colonial Secretary will make it quite clear how much interest is going to be charged.

There seems to be a slight misunderstanding in regard to some of the questions raised by the hon. Member for Ilford (Sir F. Wise), the hon. and gallant Member for Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy), and the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Swansea (Mr. Runciman). This is not a question of the raising of money either by the Irish Government or by this Government. The whole question is one of guaranteeing the payment of the principal and the interest on any bonds issued by the Government of the Irish Free State for the purpose of land purchase in the Irish Free State, and this is done in order that those bonds should represent to the landlords, who have already in many cases suffered a great deal in recent years, not merely their nominal but their full value under Free State legislation. It is desirable that the guarantee of the British Government should stand behind the bonds issued for land purchase by the Irish Free State.

Although the Irish Free State has met every obligation into which it has entered, when that Government started on its career its financial position was not as strong as that of the British Government, and this is part of the obligation undertaken by them towards the landlords in Ireland. Therefore1, we should try to make the position secure and ensure that the landlords will not have to incur a very heavy loss by depreciation. There is no question of raising money and no question of advantage one way or another, whatever may be the rate of interest on which payment of the landlords is calculated. It is not a question of raising money in the market, but only of the calculation upon which the landlords are being paid off.

The bonus is 10 per cent., as has already been explained by my right hon. Friend. I might point out that the Irish Free State has power, if money becomes cheaper, to redeem their bonds within 30 years.

We are only guaranteeing Free State legislation. We stand behind their Bill in order to see that the landlords shall not be the losers by any temporary weakness of Free State finance. The original financial agreement provides for 4½ per cent., but it may be possible to bring the interest down. I have been asked why the untenanted lands are calculated to cost £12,000,000. There are, as my right hon. Friend explained, over 500,000–600,000 acres to be dealt with, and if an average value of £20 an acre is allowed for it will be seen that the margin provided is not very wide. Our security in this matter is really the same as we have previously had for the £130,000,000 of the previous land purchase. We have the security of the solvency of the Free State as a British Dominion. I may point out that previous land purchase payments have been regularly and punctually made, and I do not think there is any reason to assume that there will be any failure in this respect on the part of the Irish Free State.

I do not think this Parliament is assuming any real obligation or incurring any expenditure. What it is doing is simply strengthening the position of the Free State in the market conditions of the moment, and those conditions are such that if the bonds are issued unguaranteed and the landlords have already parted with some of their bonds they will incur considerable loss. That is what makes it a matter of real urgency. Although I think we have complied with the condition of giving reasonable notice of this proposal, we regard it as a matter of urgency to those affected. A large amount of this stock has already been issued, and it ought to be allocated to the owners concerned. Many of them have overhead charges running against them, and other expenses of one sort and another, and some of them will find themselves compelled to part with their bonds, and if our guarantee is not given until some time in the spring a great many of these men will be losers.

On the other hand, a number of persons in the market will have bought their bonds under these circumstances, and the result will be that they will have made an unfair profit. If we can get this Measure through before Christmas, as we hope to do, I may say that we have a definite understanding with the Irish Free State that they will introduce a small amending Measure to comply with the conditions of this Bill as soon as they assemble after the New Year. We have every hope that the people who are to get these bonds will be able to get full value as early as possible in the New Year, and they will thus save what can be saved out of what for many of them is the wreck of their fortunes.

I have no criticism to offer on the very clear statement we have just heard from the Colonial Secretary. I have heard it myself with approval. I was not fortunate enough to hear the earlier statement of my right hon. Friend opposite, but the Committee will observe that the many questions which have been put have been quite friendly, and they have convinced me that it would be helpful at the later stages of this question to have some kind of a printed statement or a White Paper issued.

After the explanation which has been given by the Colonial Secretary we certainly should not wish to delay what is proposed. I am glad the right hon. Gentleman has cleared up the matter of the issue. I understand that this is to be a transaction of payment to the owners in terms of bonds. It will not mean that there will be any large issue of Irish land stock, but that the owners will hold the bonds, and all that will happen will be that those bonds will be more saleable in the market if the owners wish to turn them into money.

Question put, and agreed to.

Resolution to be reported To-morrow.

High Court of Justice (King's Bench Division)

I beg to move,

6.0 P.M. This is a legacy which we have inherited from our immediate predecessors on these benches. It is a Motion which my predecessor, the late Attorney-General, was going to move, if circumstances had not intervened, and I am now moving it with, I hope, the support of the Opposition, as they had the pledge of my support when they were proposing to move it a few months ago. The House will probably want to know just a little about the history of this matter, and I can put it quite shortly. In 1873, when our legal system was reformed under the Judicature Act, there were 18 Common Law Judges. In 1876, that number was reduced, when the Court of Appeal was set up, to 15, and it remained at 15 until 1907, when it was raised to 16. In 1910, when the state of business in the King's Bench Division showed a marked congestion, an Act was passed which raised the total number of Judges back to 18, 17 being puisne Judges and one Lord Chief Justice. But the Act provided that, as vacancies occurred, they should not be filled, so long as the total remained at 15 in all, without an Address from both Houses of Parliament, That involved, of course, the two Houses of Parliament maintaining control over the number of judicial appointments.

Under the power so conferred, resolutions were passed on various occasions since 1910, and the last time was in 1920, when my predecessor, the present Lord Chief Justice, asked for two Judges to be appointed, which brought the number back to 18. At the time when that Motion was made there was again congestion. Thanks to the appointment of the two Judges, that congestion was to some extent relieved, but in 1923 the two vacancies so filled up recurred, through the death of Mr. Justice Bray and the retirement of Lord Coleridge. The result has been, I am sorry to tell the House, a very grave increase in the congestion of business in the King's Bench Division, so that, unhappily, to-day the position is markedly worse than it was in 1920, when the House last intervened. At Michaelmas, 1920, there were 965 actions awaiting trial. At Michaelmas, 1923, that number had been reduced, owing to the appointment of the two Judges, to 731, but at Michaelmas this year the number had risen to 1,191, an increase of 20 per cent, on the 1920 figures and of nearly 50 per cent, in the one year since 1923.

When one looks at the character of the business, it becomes even more serious, because, as the House probably knows, jury actions take, on an average, nearly twice as long to try as non-jury actions. There are longer speeches, and altogether the proceedings are more1 elaborate. When Lord Hewart moved in 1920 for an Address, there were only 15 jury actions awaiting trial. To-day, at Trinity, 1924—the last figure I have—instead of there being 15, 364 of the actions were jury actions, so that they were actions which would take a great deal longer to try. The House' will remember that we are steadily getting back to the pre-War system of jury actions for the greater part of our Common Law work, a system which I am sure the House would not wish to alter, but which does involve a greater expenditure of judicial time. In addition to the Common Law work, the divorce work has grown very largely, and the House' knows that the Common Law Judges have been called upon largely to assist in that work. They have been called upon, first of all, by making divorce cases triable at assizes, so that the Common Law Judges who go on circuit take a number of the divorce cases; and, secondly, there has been the loan of a King's Bench Judge to the Divorce Division in order to help them with their arrears. In spite of that assistance, there are more divorce cases now awaiting trial, namely, 918, as against just over 800 a year ago; so that there again there is an increased congestion of business.

There are one or two other factors of which I have to remind the House. Since the Act of 1910, more than one extra kind of court has been created which the House has thought, and in my view rightly thought, should be presided over by a High Court Judge. There has been, for instance, the War Compensation Court, over which the Lord Chief Justice presides. There has also been the Court of Awards to Inventors, over which a Chancery Judge presides, and that, of course, prevents a Chancery Judge from giving any help to the King's Bench side. There have also been from time to time quasi judicial commissions over which the House has thought it right that a King's Bench Judge should preside—such commissions, for instance, as the Revoca- tion of Naturalisation Commission, where the functions are eminently judicial in character, the Commission on the legal relation of insanity to crime, over which Lord Justice Atkin presided, and the inquiry into the case of ex-Inspector Syme, which was presided over by Mr. Justice Talbot. All these have taken a certain amount of judicial time which the House thought fit to ask of His Majesty's Judges. There have been also numerous Commissions outside judicial hours on which Judges have sat from time to time without any remuneration.

That seems, in my submission, to be an almost overwhelming case, and I only want to say a word or two in anticipation of one or two possible alternative objections. First of all, it is said that the Judges are expensive. Well, a King's Bench Judge costs £5,000 a year and his clerk £400 a year, so that the total gross expenditure is £10,800, nearly half of which comes back in Income Tax and Super-tax to the State. Against that, it has to he remembered that we have been obliged during the last year to appoint Commissioners of Assize, and they cost, during the year 1923–24, £3,100, which at once swallows up a portion of that expenditure. It has also to be remembered that the appointment of additional Judges means that more work is brought to the Courts, and, therefore, more fees are paid, so that, in practice, the Judges really pay for themselves. Then it has been said—and this, of course, is a criticism which deserves attention—why not increase the judicial hours by shortening the Long Vacation? That does sound an attractive proposal. No doubt a period of ten weeks sounds like a long holiday, but two or three things have to be remembered. First of all, so far as the Judges themselves are concerned, it has to be remembered that the strain of judicial work is probably the biggest strain to which a man's faculties can be put. It is a good deal harder work, as some Members of the House, who have had experience of arbitrations, know from experience, to have to keep your faculties concentrated upon seeing the whole of a case and both sides of a case, than the work of an advocate, who merely has to get up and present one side at a time. The strain really is a very great one.

Moreover, it has to be remembered that the Judges, almost alone of our civil servants, have had no increase of remuneration, although the expenses have enormously increased since the War. You have to hesitate before you make the position of a Judge less attractive than it has already become to men in leading practice at the Bar, because counsel's fees, as some of us know, have gone up considerably, whereas judicial salaries have remained constant. It has to be remembered, also, that the Long Vacation is not entirely an institution for the benefit of Judges. During the Long Vacation many solicitors in busy practice find their one opportunity of bringing their work up to date and clearing off arrears. There have been created, during the last few years, a series of rules by means of which any urgent case can always be tried during the Long Vacation, so that the just criticism which used to be levelled at the Long Vacation that it interfered unduly with the possibility of a suitor getting his case on no longer holds good. It is fair to say, however, that, although these rules have been in operation now for three or four years, they have not in practice been largely taken advantage of by suitors, for the reason, I think, that the months of August and September and the beginning of October, when the Vacation runs, are months in which it is not easy to collect witnesses and clients and everybody else concerned in the administration of justice or the trial of an action, and in practice suitors have found the inconvenience to outweigh the advantage in most cases. In practice, therefore, there does not seem to have been much of a demand for the trial of cases during that "close season.'

For all these reasons, in my submissoin, the only solution that we can reasonably apply to the present existing congestion is the appointment of two Judges whose places were vacated by the loss of Mr. Justice Bray and Lord Coleridge last year. I might add, on the question of the Long Vacation, that, as some Members of the House will remember, the late Government stated, through the mouth of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Seaham (Mr. Webb), speaking or behalf of the Prime Minister, that in their view it was not practicable or desirable to shorten the Long Vacation. These are the reasons for which I commend this Resolution to the House, and I would only like, in conclusion, to remind the House of this, that in our view justice does not exist for the benefit of Judges or of lawyers, but exists for the benefit of litigants; and, next to impartial justice, speedy justice is almost the most important thing that you can have. The denial of speed in justice is very often the denial of justice itself, and that is especially true in the case of the poorer litigant, who cannot afford to wait to have his case tried. Therefore, I ask the House with some confidence to give us the power to appoint these two additional Judges to restore the strength of the King's Bench Division to the figure at which it stood two years ago, and in that way, I hope, enable us to overtake these arrears, and give to every one of His Majesty's subjects a speedy determination of any right which he desires to bring before the Courts.

As the Attorney-General has said, this is the same Resolution as that for which the late Government were responsible. The matter was very carefully considered by the late Lord Chancellor and the Law Officers of the Crown at that time, and we came to the same view precisely as that which has been expressed by the Attorney-General. There can be no doubt at all in the first place that the arrears to-day are very serious indeed, and, when we consider all the anxiety and the uncertainty which are necessarily entailed by people being kept in suspense before their legal differences are adjusted, it becomes evident that everything that can be done to reduce this congestion and reduce the difficulty which now exists for dealing with this great mass of litigation is and ought to be employed by this House. There is only one reason really for this great congestion of business and that must be shortage of Judges. In direct proportion as this House decides to increase the number of these Judges this congestion will disappear. A line has to be drawn between the necessary saving of expense in having too many Judges, but on a balance of consideration two more Judges will really have the effect, in our opinion and in the opinion of the present Government, of dealing with this matter adequately. It is a very curious fact that in the days of Queen Elizabeth, for example, when the population was immensely less than it is to-day, the number of Judges was not very much less than it is at present. If you were to take the proportion of Judges to the population, you would find that per head each Judge is now responsible for more persons than was formerly the case, and I do not know that people are any less litigious now than they were in the good old days. Therefore, I agree that there is a case clearly made out, and we have agreed to the appointment of these Judges.

May I make one observation which occurs to us on one other method whereby Ave think the arrears in the Courts might be reduced. I do not myself think that it is at all a practical idea to put very much more work on to the County Court Judges. I have of recent years probably had more experience of work in the County Courts than my right hon. and learned Friend, and I am sure he will agree with me that the congestion in those tribunals is almost as bad as in the High Court. But I am impressed by the fact that a reform ought to be made in our circuit system. We have had a number of Committees inquiring whether the best use is made of Judges on circuit. There axe difficulties in the number of small towns claiming the right and the interest which necessarily comes through having a High Court Judge in their midst. Possibly the sheriff or the clergyman, or whoever it may be on whom these interesting and archaic duties of entertainment fall, like to have a Judge in their midst, but we know as a fact, those of us who have consulted the Judges at all on the matter, that there is a good deal of waste of time in the present circuit system, whereby Judges of the High Court who are urgently needed for serious and important business in large centres waste their time going round from one small circuit town to another, where they are very frequently the recipients of a pair of white gloves. That being so, we hope the Government will not leave this question merely with the appointment of these two Judges, but will see that this question of the reform of the circuit system is seriously considered and that not too much attention is given to the local patriotism which demands that a Judge shall go to every little market town because Judges went there in the reign of Henry III. Subject to that, it seems to us that this Resolution must necessarily be passed if we wish to get rid of these arrears.

I agree entirely—I went into the matter at some length—with what my right hon. and learned Friend had said about the expense of this particular matter. I believe that a great number of fees are lost to the State where you have great arrears in litigation because people lose confidence in the speedy adjudication of their cases and possibly go to arbitration, which may be an excellent thing from another point of view but does not bring in as much money to the State. Therefore to a very large extent when we deduct the cost of sending commissioners of assize, which we have had to do during the last few years, and add to that the savings which would be necessarily brought about by the increase of public business in the Courts, I very much doubt at the end of it all if the cost to the State is very much, or at all, more than is spent at present. Against that you have the possibility of enormous saving to the trader, enormous saving to the worker and enormous saving to anyone who is concerned in litigation for having his case speedily determined. An enormous amount of money is necessarily lost when people have to wait, as they sometimes do, nearly a year before they can get their matter determined. For all these reasons, whether it be a good or a bad omen, I feel compelled, and the party to which I belong feel compelled, to agree with the Resolution.

I desire to associate myself with the views which have been expressed by my Friends the Attorney-General and the ex-Solicitor-General. There is no doubt whatever that the inflow of cases into the Courts far exceeds what I may call the outflow of justice, and there is a very disquieting pool of arrears in existence. When one listens to what the Attorney-General has to tell us, really it is somewhat surprising that the arrears are not greater. Many years ago we had the same number of Judges. Two were cut off, and now we only ask to bring the number back to what it was some years ago. Since then litigation has increased both in volume and in complexity. The growth of population has added to its employment. That means more litigation. The complexity of society has called for the necessity of more Courts, needing more Judges, and the result of these two things is that to-day the Judges are unable to cope with the amount of work that comes along. A good number of persons unconnected with the law do not quite realise what the Attorney-General dwelt on, namely, the very serious matter it is to have cases held over for a long time before trial. First of all, a man may be looking for his money, and delay may have very disastrous business consequences. A great number cannot stand that pressure—cannot stand the anxiety and the business unsettlement attendant upon the suspense—and they compromise and agree to take less than they are really entitled to. That is a great wrong. Then there is a third case. Delay in cases coming on for trial means that witnesses may die, perhaps preventing litigants from having their cases justly dealt with, or they may go away, and a great deal of expense is incurred in keeping in touch with them and having their evidence taken here or abroad. When one thinks of that, if I may make a humorous observation, one perhaps understands why, when Hamlet in his moment of gloom was cataloguing the various ills which would drive a man to commit suicide if he was not frightened of another place, he mentioned very early in that category "the law's delay." Even in Elizabeth's time it was considered a serious matter.

It is often put forward, especially by members of the party to which I belong, that there is no real justification for this additional expense. There is no expense at all. When you take the Income Tax and the Super-tax off, as my right hon. Friend has pointed out, the £10,000 is reduced perhaps to £4,000. When you take off from that £4,000 the amount that is paid for Commissioners you will further reduce it to £2,000, and then when you take into account that for every case that is tried a certain amount is paid into the Treasury I am not sure that, so far from the appointment of the Judges being an expense, it is not one of those delightful things that fulfil the double function of enabling a Government to reward their faithful servants and at the same time benefit their pockets. The Attorney-General also said it has been suggested that more work might be got out of the existing Judges. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] My hon. Friends who "Hear, hear" so enthusiastically have only one conception of work, and that is the class of work that we do in Parliament, but I can assure them that if the cleverest of them—and many of them are very clever—were to apply their minds, as Judges can, for five or six hours at a stretch to concentrated attention, they would show far less or that brightness that we see exhibited here. After all in this House, whatever our labours, we are in a constant state of refreshment, either by staying in this House and listening to its easy eloquence or being driven from the Chamber and finding refreshment somewhere else.

If you take it, then, that you cannot get any more hours into the day, can you get any more days into the year? Of course, there is the old question of the Long Vacation. I agree that it is appropriately called the Long Vacation, but I also agree that the Judge's work is very exacting. It does not end even after the five or six hours that he spends in Court. There are judgments to prepare. He must keep himself au fait with the law as it is going on, and he must be prepared to meet on equal terms such a doughty opponent as the Attorney-General. That requires some study before he comes into Court at all. The result is that they require a Long Vacation. Further, solicitors, who really cater for keeping the Courts going during the time the Judges are sitting, have very little opportunity of attending to those miscellaneous matters that keep accumulating in a solicitor's office, and they would regard it as a very great hardship on them if they did not have this period of two months in which to look round and get their ordinary miscellaneous work in order. For these reasons, I have no hesitation in giving my support, as a Liberal lawyer, and speaking from the very select group in which I find myself, to this proposal.

I agree with another remark of the Attorney-General, that our Judges are not very well used at the present time. There was a period when a Judgeship offered one of the glittering prizes. It no longer does so. When you cut down the salary by the amount of taxation, when you consider the cost of living, and when you bear in mind that the Judges are the only, or almost the only, set of permanent high officials whose salaries have not been increased proportionately to the contraction in the value of money, it was quite a proper observation for the Attorney-General to make that there is a danger, if some privileges are not conceded to them, of driving from being applicants those whom we would like co see filling the highest positions on the judicial bench. I hope, therefore, that the House will pass this Resolution, and that in the result litigants will receive a speedier hearing of their cases.

As we are now dealing with the expenditure of public money, I presume that it is not outside the duties of an ordinary Member of Parliament to express an opinion on the proposal which has emanated from lawyers in every quarter of the House. Surely, when lawyers in every part of the House agree, an ordinary Member had better be vigilant. The case made by the Attorney-General was based entirely on the statistics of cases which are now waiting for the decision of the courts. Those statistics, undoubtedly, are overwhelming. If that were the whole story, there can be no doubt that the House ought to pass this Resolution without any further consideration; but the late Solicitor-General has already drawn the attention of the House to the fact that committees have sat with a view to easing the pressure on the courts on such subjects as the Assizes, the towns that are visited from time to time, many of them needlessly, and I presume there has also been under the consideration of the Government and of the legal authorities, the length of the Long Vacation. I am sure that the subject could not have been dismissed as summarily and pleasantly as it has been by the three distinguished lawyers who have addressed the House.

I am aware that the Judges do work under very great pressure, and it is of prime importance that their intellectual freshness should not be made stale; but they are not the only distinguished persons who work under great pressure. His Majesty's Ministers have no long vacation, and the pressure on them is just as great. We have a right to demand of them just as much freshness of mind as the litigant has to demand, and rightly so, freshness of mind on the part of the Judges in the High Court. The case against shortening the Long Vacation has not been made, out, and I hope the Attorney-General is not going to dismiss that subject without further consideration. The shortening of the Long Vacation could do something, but it would not do all that is required to reduce the pressure. The late Solicitor-General referred to the dreadful effect of the overcrowding in the Courts. He said that a large number of litigants were driven to arbitration, as if that in itself were a great misfortune. May I, as an ordinary commercial and business man, tell him that there are many of us who would rather go before arbitrators than go into the Courts. Certainly, in the industry with which I am connected, we get speedier justice before the arbitrators, at much less expense and without employing so many distinguished gentlemen to put our views before the Courts.

The important point that the House has to consider to-day is not only reducing the pressure in the English Courts, but I think we ought also to take within our purview the whole question of the administration of justice in Great Britain. It is true that our Judges here are hard worked, but what of the Judges in Scotland? I have no doubt there are some Scottish lawyers in the House to-day, and there is not one of them who would deny the fact that the 15 Judges in the Scottish High Court, exactly the same number we have here, are far less hard worked. They are able to have whole days to themselves in, the course of the term, and those of us who have seen Scottish Courts at work know that they are not overcrowded—certainly not overcrowded with litigants. Would it not be within the policy of His Majesty's Government to consider not only the condition of the English Bench but of the Scottish Bench at the same time?

I cannot accept the view, and I am sure there are other hon. Members who will not accept the view, that the Judges pay for themselves. If they pay for themselves, then why stick at the appointment of two? You might quite easily go further, and make a profit on them. The fact is, that there is a charge on the Consolidated Fund. There may be an appropriation-in-aid on the other side, but there is certainly a charge on the Consolidated Fund. It is not only a question of increasing the charges on the Consolidated Fund. My hon. Friend the Member for South Shields (Mr. Harney), who, appropriately, speaks from what were the Irish Benches, says that the amount which is deducted from the salaries of the Judges puts them in the position of being lees remunerated than many of the distinguished lawyers who practise before them, and that that may result in the future in our not having sufficient competent men of distinction to sit on the bench.

I think he made a passing reference to the power of patronage which is in the hands of the Government in the appointment of Judges. I am sure that nobody grudges that. From recent experience we can say that all the Governments within our time have exercised the greatest possible care in the selection of those whom they place on the bench. That is one of the reasons why we as a country have every reason to be proud of our judiciary. At any rate, there is an extension of patronage, and before there is an extension of patronage, and a further charge is placed upon the Consolidated Fund, the Government should undertake that they will make further inquiries into the possibilities of reducing the pressure upon the Courts, and in particular that they will consider the ease with which business is got through in Scotland, and the number of Judges who are to be found in the High Court there, compared with the inadequate number of Judges here.

It has become a well-known custom in this House, as the Attorney-General said, of successive Governments to use High Court Judges for what is semi-political work. The Judges have very great advantage in becoming conciliators in great trade disputes, in presiding over Royal Commissions, and so forth, because they are drawn from an arena which is not political, but, at the same time, this system of calling upon members of the Bench to perform arbitration duties and semi-political work is bound to interfere with the prosecution of their duties in the Courts. I hope, therefore, that the Government in taking a new survey of the judicial work which is to be performed on the English and the Scottish Benches, will also take into account whether or not they can avoid this constant call upon Judges who ought to be at the service of litigants. If such a class is required for that kind of work, it will be far better to set aside men of non-controversial careers—men who are not known as partisans—to do this impartial work. If it must be from the Judges of the High Court that such arbitrators and conciliators and chairmen of Royal Commissions are to be drawn, let there be Judges specially set apart for the work. Do not let us confuse the work of the Judges. If the Attorney-General would undertake to make inquiries into these matters, and perhaps at some later stage in this Session, or in this Parliament, give some indication of the way in which the pressure can be eased by the reconstruction of duties, he will be doing a real service not only to the Bench but to litigants as a whole.

I hesitate to add to the very proper feelings of alarm experienced by the last speaker on finding three lawyers, recruited from different parts of the House, practically unanimous in their views on this matter. I am afraid that when he finds a fourth lawyer expressing the same views he will come to the conclusion that this matter bears signs of some terrible conspiracy. Something has been said about the work in the Long Vacation, and the necessity of shortening it and getting more work, if it can be done, out of the Judges. I want to point out to the House that the judicial system of this country is unlike the judicial system of nearly every other country in Europe, where the Judges are members of the Civil Service and rise, after a long term of employment in the Service, to the position which they ultimately occupy.

Under our judicial system, the Judges are always chosen from the practising members of the Bar, and the result is that they are very seldom chosen until they have passed some years in the work of their profession and have acquired great experience, which they are able to bring to the service of the country. That in turn entails that when appointed to the judicial office they are generally somewhat advanced in years. That is almost a necessity of the British system of appointment. If you work a man too hard, you do not get the best out of the machine which you are employing. If any Member of this House has had to sit in a judicial capacity for any length of time, he must know what a terrible strain it entails and how very tiresome an occupation it is. As counsel, we go before the Judges with our cases all prepared, and with our masses of authority. We throw the authorities at the Judge. Counsel on the other side does the same, and the Judge brings a fresh mind to bear, and has to make up his mind as best he can.

Under our present system the Judge has to give unremitting attention from 10.30 in the morning until 4 o'clock in the afternoon, and when that goes on for a considerable time, I can assure anyone that it is a very great strain. Untold gold would not tempt me to occupy a position of that kind. Any Member of this House who has experience of judicial work will soon learn of the great strain that it entails. In view of the fact that the Judges are appointed from those who are more or less advanced in middle age, if you do not give them proper rest and a proper vacation you are not getting the best work out of them. It is an uneconomical proposition to work them too hard. Therefore, I hope the House will not insist, either now or on any other occasion, on the shortening of the vacation, which is none too long for those who are called upon to do the work of the country.

Reference has been made to the circuit system. That has been tinkered with times out of number. There have been Committees after Committees sitting to consider the economies that could be effected in judicial time, with the result always that you are met with violent opposition from the towns to which the Judges are sent. The circuit system is one which they appreciate, and they are very loth to give up the privileges which they enjoy. The opposition comes not from the Judges themselves, not from those who wish economies in time, but from the constituents whom hon. Members represent in this House. It may be possible to effect more improvements, but do not let this House think that the judicial system on circuit is an archaic system which has escaped the attention of the authorities, and which no attempt has been made to alter. We are very proud of our Judges in this country. With some experience of the judicial systems of Europe, I say that our Judges are the finest body of Judges that the world can produce. This is the only country in which the judicial system is incorruptible and in which the Judges stand above suspicion of all kind. They are absolutely impartial. They bring to their work the best intellects, often, that the country can produce. The one legitimate criticism upon the judicial system of this country is the delay which it entails. It now lies in the power of this House to remedy that very obvious defect, and I sincerely hope that the Motion, which is brought forward by general consent, will now be approved.

The expedition with which the House has disposed of its business has resulted in the anticipated 10 o'clock Motion coming on at an abnormally early hour. I wish to say something now, because I put down, in anticipation of this Debate, a question to the Attorney-General, and I gave the Attorney-General long notice in order that the House might be informed to what extent judicial power has been diverted from its proper channels to other things during recent years. No doubt a good deal of dissatisfaction has existed outside when questions have arisen in regard to the appointment of additional Judges, because of the habit of this House to withdraw members of the Bench for other work which is not strictly judicial. It is a great tribute to the unrivalled position which the English Bench holds in the eyes of the world, that the Judges should have been withdrawn again and again to preside over tribunals in order to introduce that element of well-known impartiality. I have in my hand the information which is published in the OFFICIAL REPORT to-day by courtesy of the Attorney-General—I very much appreciate it—and it shows the extent to which Judges have been withdrawn.

From the Court of Appeal one very able Judge has been withdrawn, for the purpose of dealing with the Irish Deportees Committee and the question of insanity in relation to criminal trials, for 17 whole days and five afternoon sittings. A far more serious withdrawal is that of the present Lord Justice Sargant to preside over the Royal Commission on Awards to Inventors. I do not quite see why it should be necessary to withdraw an eminent Chancery Judge from his work for that purpose. The Commission sat for 33 days in 1922 and for 25 days in 1923, and Lord Justice Sargant's successor also sat for six days in 1923 and has been engaged on one day in each week during the present legal year on the same Commission. I find also that the Lord Chief Justice has been withdrawn for the purpose of the War Compensation Court for 15 days. I do not know whether that includes his predecessor. Mr. Justice Rowlatt, in connection with the Income Tax Forms Committee, sat for 12 days; Mr. Justice Salter on the Certificate of Naturalisation Committee for seven days: Mr. Justice Rigby Swift on the same Committee for three days; and Mr. Justice Talbot on the Syme Committee for four days. Then there is other information with respect to which it is difficult to obtain precise figures.

If it had been proposed to make these additional appointments permanent, I should have been disposed to offer objection, but as it is intended merely to appoint two additional Judges for the time being, and in the event of any vacancies on the Bench in future, it will not mean a re-appointment of necessity without a further Motion by this House, I am not prepared to criticise the proposal. But I think that in the interests of the taxpayer, at a time when taxation is so heavy, even this scrap, scrap though it may be, in the ocean of public expenditure ought to be saved if there are reasonable grounds for doing so. In course of time the number of Judges will again fall to the statutory number of 15, and it will be necessary then to come to the House under the Act of 1910 to pass an Address in order to raise the number. It is due to the public that such a Motion should be debated at reasonable length.

I agree entirely with the observations of the last speaker regarding the Long Vacation and the necessity for curtailing hours. I think there is some hope that the Criminal Justice Bill, if passed, will result in the course of a few months in the Assize calendar being considerably lightened by transferring to the Quarter Sessions a number of cases which can now be dealt with only at Assizes. On the other hand, by way of compensation, the Justices of Petty Sessions are, by that Bill, to have very much enlarged powers. The proposal is to give Justices additional power which will lighten the calendar of Quarter Sessions, and Quarter Session, in turn, will lighten the Assize calendar. That may, in itself, shorten the Criminal Assize in this country. I am glad to have had an opportunity of making these observations, because I do not like any body of taxpayers to believe that these appointments are not absolutely necessary in the interest of the country.

There has been a very general disposition in all quarters of the House to accept the Resolution which my right hon. and learned Friend has proposed, if I may judge from the observations that have been made, but out of respect to the right hon. Member for West Swansea (Mr. Runciman), who did adopt an attitude of criticism if not of opposition, perhaps I may refer to one or two of the matters which he mentioned. I am not quite clear as to what was his proposal for the use of the Scottish Judges or the alteration of the Judicial Bench in Scotland, but perhaps the fact that the right hon. Gentleman lives near a town which is north of the Tweed and yet is in England, has suggested to him the possibility of using the Scottish Judges in connection with the administration of English justice. But that is a matter which will have to be discussed upon another occasion and is hardly germane, perhaps, to the Resolution now before the House. With regard to the use of Judges for purposes other than those of the trial of causes and of criminal cases, that is a matter which has frequently been discussed, and, as the last speaker* has said, it is really a result of the happy confidence which the public have in the Judges that they are so frequently withdrawn for purposes in which the public are deeply interested.

So far as the War Losses Commission and the Certificate of Naturalisation Committee and the Commission for Awards to Inventors are concerned, most people who are familiar with the matters that come before those bodies consider that they are, almost strictly speaking, matters for which Judges ought to be employed, inasmuch as many questions of a purely legal character are often raised before those tribunals. The right hon. Gentleman suggested that it would be no ill thing if the lack of Judges did drive parties to arbitration proceedings, to which he is rather prone to go, rather than to the Courts. Everybody has his likes and dislikes. The right hon. Gentleman prefers arbitrators. He is free to go to them. There are other persons who prefer Judges, and the appointment of the two extra Judges is in order to provide for those persons who prefer to resort to the Courts for the settlement of their disputes. I think it is common knowledge amongst lawyers that arbitration proceedings, especially in regard to those important matters to which the right hon. Gentleman referred, in connection with business or shipping interests, are by no means without their rewards for the lawyers, because they generally result in an application to the Courts in order to assist, to put it mildly, the proceedings before the arbitrator So far as the Long Vacation is concerned, that is a matter that is always with us. When there is any real public demand for the shortening of the Long Vacation and when the opinion of those whose opinion is worth hearing on this matter agrees with the public demand, the Long Vacation will be shortened. The Attorney-General has said that when the matter was considered comparatively recently by another Government, the opinion was again expressed—it has been repeatedly expressed—that it is not in the interests of the administration of justice that any alteration should be made. The hon. and learned Member for South-West Leeds (Sir Henry Slesser) referred to the possibility of saving time on circuit. He will remember that a Bill was introduced by the last Government, entitled the Administration of Justice Bill, in which proposals were made—it will be introduced again—that may, if hopes are fulfilled, result in the saving of time on circuit. There will be ample opportunity for the hon. and learned Gentleman and other hon. Members to read and criticise those proposals with a view to shortening the time of the learned Judges who are engaged in work on circuit. The only other suggestion was that, in view of the possibility that Quarter Sessions might relieve Assize Courts of some of the criminal business, it might not be necessary to appoint these two Judges. I am not sure that the right hon. Member for Ealing (Sir H. Nield) went as far as that.

At any rate the saving of time that Quarter Sessions may assist to make is some way off, and the addition of Divorce Court work to the duties of the Judges on circuit is likely to counteract whatever saving is effected by the proposals of the Criminal Justice Bill, to which reference has been made.

I pointed out that before it became necessary to renew a Motion like this, the probability was that the operation of that Bill might make all the difference.

That is undoubtedly so. This is not a proposal to add permanently to the strength of the judiciary, but a proposal to meet, not perhaps an emergency, but a position which is really becoming serious, and I hope that the House will feel that an adequate case has been made out for the immediate appointment of two additional Judges.

I would join with the hon. and learned Gentleman who raised the question of economy. But I am actuated by other reflections. At present there is this admitted shortage of Judges. I think it has been very unfortunate that certain retired Judges—one in particular—have had to come back to the Bench in view of the congestion of business. It is difficult for a lawyer to draw attention to these facts, but it is not so difficult for a layman. I propose, therefore, to put this matter before the House. These two Judges will, I hope, make it unnecessary for Judges who have retired after long and meritorious service to have to come back to the Bench, I am sorry to say not with altogether admirable results.

The hon. and gallant Member has been here long enough to know that criticism of His Majesty's Judges is not allowed.

I had anticipated that, and I will put before you this consideration. I am referring to a retired Judge whose salary is not on the Consolidated Fund. That is a loophole through which I hope you will allow me to squeeze.

I certainly will not. Above all things, the separation of the administration of justice from politics is a principle of our very Constitution. An hon. Member is not allowed to criticise except in the specific manner prescribed by Standing Orders.

7.0.P. M.

I would not think of pursuing the matter further, but it was because I thought those two had not been separated that I ventured to make this somewhat mild criticism.

Question put, and agreed to.

Resolved,

"That an humble Address be presented to His Majesty representing that the state of business in the King's Bench Division requires that vacancies (not exceeding two) should be filled in the number of puisne Judges of the King's Bench Division, notwithstanding that the number of those Judges amounts to fifteen or upwards, and praying that His Majesty will be graciously pleased to fill such vacancies accordingly in pursuance of the Supreme Court of Judicature Act, 1910."

To be presented by Privy Councillors or Members of His Majesty's Household.

Electricity (Supply) Acts

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That the Special Order made by the Electricity Commissioners under the Electricity (Supply) Acts, 1882 to 1922, and confirmed by the Minister of Transport under the Electricity (Supply) Act, 1919, in respect of the borough of East Retford and the rural district of East Retford, in the county of Nottingham, which was presented on the 9th day of December, 1924, be approved."—[ Colonel Ashley. ]

On the principle involved, I think I may be allowed to raise this question. Last night the hon. Member responsible for these Motions presented, I think, eight without any objection from this side of the House. Last year our Government, on very numerous occasions, brought forward a similar number, and, in many cases, for no reason at all, they were objected to in a mean party spirit. I do not intend to object to a single one of these Orders to-night, but I have always objected to this attitude. I felt that our Government would have brought forward the same Orders if we had been in office, and I object to certain people criticising a thing that they would have done merely because they are not in a position to do it. I rise to protest against the tactics that were pursued by certain colleagues of the right hon. Gentleman's party on that occasion, because they knew we, as a minority party, could not do anything. I only rise to say that I hope the right hon. Gentleman will get them to adopt the same tactics of a weak or any other party in power as would be adopted on the other side of the House.

I quite appreciate the hon. Member's point of view. May I explain that I was not here on the night to which he refers, but I do know that my hon. Friend who in the late Government held the office of Minister of Transport (Mr. Gosling) had, unfortunately, to put down nearly 13 or more of these Orders, and they were not objected to because they were Orders, but they were objected to on the part of some hon. Members who said, "Why cannot they be spread over several nights, instead of taking them all at once?"

If that had been the objection I would not have objected to it. Those hon. Members had no intention to object at all. I think you ought to get your colleagues to adopt the same attitude.

I have no personal knowledge of what the hon. Member is speaking about. I have to get, with the consent of the House, about 28 or 30 of these Orders through before Christmas, and, the best way to meet the convenience of the House is to divide them and take seven each evening, so as not to take up more time after Eleven o'Clock than is necessary. These Orders are urgently needed by local authorities and would give a certain amount of employment.

My recollection of last year's incident is that the number agreed to as legitimate was somewhat less than the number passed last night, and somewhat less than the number proposed to be passed here to-day. I think it is legitimate that, while these orders go through much as a matter of course— every one of them is conferring very great powers either on local bodies or upon private companies—the number should be so limited that this House or those districts interested in the particular Orders should be able to keep a reasonable eye on them, and I would suggest that the hon. and gallant Gentleman should reduce the number from what he is bring- ing forward to-day and certainly from what he brought forward last night.

I think the suggestion was my own on that occasion, that not more than eight should be put down at one time.

Question put, and agreed to.

Resolved,

"That the Special Order made by the Electricity Commissioners under the Electricity (Supply) Acts, 1S82 to 1922, and confirmed by the Minister of Transport under the Electricity (Supply) Act, 1919, in respect of the borough of East Retford and the rural district of East Retford, in the county of Nottingham, which was presented on the 9th day of December, 1924, be approved."

Resolved,

"That the Special Order made by the Electricity Commissioners under the Electricity (Supply) Acts 1882 to 1922, and confirmed by the Minister of Transport under the Electricity (Supply) Act, 1919, in respect of the urban district of Golborne in the county palatine of Lancaster, which was presented on the 9th day of December, 1924, be approved."

Resolved,

"That the Special Order made by the Electricity Commissioners under the Electricity (Supply) Acts, 1882 to 1922, and confirmed by the Minister of Transport under the Electricity (Supply) Act, 1919, in respect of the urban districts of Clayton West, Emley, Farnley Tyas, Flockton, Kirk-burton, Kirkheaton, Lepton, Skelmanthorpe, and Whitley Upper, and part of the rural district of Halifax, all in the West Riding of the county of York, which was presented on the 9th day of December, 1924, be approved."

Resolved,

"That the Special Order made by the Electricity Commissioners under the Electricity (Supply) Acts, 1882 to 1922, and confirmed by the Minister of Transport under the Electricity (Supply) Act, 1919, in respect of the parish of Milton, in the rural district of Lymington, in the county of Southampton, which was presented on the 9th day of December, 1924, be approved."

Resolved,

"That the Special Order made by the Electricity Commissioners under the Electricity (Supply) Acts, 1882 to 1922, and confirmed by the Minister of Transport under the Electricity (Supply) Act, 1919, in respect of the urban districts of Luddenden Foot, Marsden, Meltham, Mytholmroyd, and Stainland, all in the West Riding of the county of York, which was presented on the 9th day of December, 1924, be approved."

Resolved,

"That the Special Order made by the Electricity Commissioners under the Elec- tricity (Supply) Acts, 1882 to 1922, and confirmed by the Minister of Transport under the Electricity (Supply) Act, 1919, in respect of the borough of Daventry, the rural district of Potterspury, and parts of the rural districts of Brixworth, Daventry, Hardingstone, Northampton, and Tow-cester, all in the county of Northampton, and the urban districts of Bletchley, Newport Pagnell, and Wolverton, and the rural district of Newport Pagnell, all in the county of Buckingham, which was presented on the 9th day of December, 1924, be approved."

Resolved,

"That the Special Order made by the Electricity Commissioners under the Electricity (Supply) Acts, 1882 to 1922, and confirmed by the Minister of Transport under the Electricity (Supply) Act, 1919, in respect of the parish of Hartshill Hamlet, in the rural district of Atherstone, and the parish of Weddington, in the rural district of Nuneaton, in the county of Warwick, which was presented on the 9th day of December, 1924, be approved."

—[ Colonel Ashley .]

The remaining Government Order was read and postponed.

Unemployment Benefit

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House do now adjourn."— [ Commander Eyres Monsell .]

I want to raise a subject to-night of interest to those who particularly represent industrial divisions in this House of Commons. For some considerable time, under the Unemployment Insurance Act, large numbers of working people, who have been unemployed, have been suffering under a sense of grievance which has found expression from time to time in this House. Last year, when a colleague of mine held the honoured position of Minister of Labour, some of us, in the smaller group with which I am associated, thought it necessary to put down an Amendment to the National Insurance Act, which would have limited the operation of this injustice. The injustice I refer to is that of having men and women refused unemployment benefit on two or three, what I may term, flimsy grounds, unfair grounds, and, if one might so call it, dishonest grounds, with cruel effect on the poor people who are affected. When the Act was being discussed, my colleague, the Member for Camlachie (Mr. Stephen) put down an Amendment, which, if it had been carried, would have meant that unemployment benefit would have been refused only for one reason. The Employment Exchange official would come along to a man or woman and say, "There is a situation, there is a job; refuse to take it and your benefit is stopped." Under his Amendment they were the only people whose benefit would have been stopped. Before I came to this House I worked at my trade, week in and week out. We were occasionally unemployed, and were registered at the Employment Exchange. The moment a man goes to the Employment Exchange he is offering himself for work.

One of the great arguments to establish Employment Exchanges, one of the things that made me, at that time comparatively a youth in the Labour movement, support their inauguration was this. I could never understand from my earliest days working in a factory how it was that a man left Glasgow to spend the few shillings he might possess to go to a place like Greenock, 30 miles off, to look for work. Might it not have been much more reasonable if the Employment Exchange had got in touch with the management of various shipyards and other undertakings and asked them if they required men, and, if so, advised the unemployed to go, or, if not, to let them know not to go because men were not wanted. I myself have waited from half-past five in the morning to half-past eight for a foreman to turn up and then to be brutally told that there is no job. That was neither good for the man looking for work nor the person who had to give it. If the man registers at the Employment Exchange he is making application for work, and there should be machinery for connecting the man who is looking for work and the person Who wants to employ him. For that reason the hon. Member for Camlachie (Mr. Stephen) last year put down an Amendment. There was a discussion on the question in which I think the hon. Member who now occupies the post of Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Labour, and for whom I have great personal respect, took part. I have never met the right hon. Gentleman the Minister of Labour previously, but I have met the Parliamentary Secretary and I have a great regard for him, and he will remem- ber the discussion on that occasion. We were then asked to withdraw the Amendment and we were given to understand not only by our own Minister of Labour, but by Members in all quarters of the House—by Dr. Macnamara, a former Minister of Labour, and, I think, by the present Parliamentary Secretary—that no woman or man would be refused benefit who was genuinely and anxiously looking for work. We were asked not to press the subject, and we were told that no one would suffer, and on that understanding we withdrew our Amendment.

Since then I have been in contact with the administration of this Act. I live in the Division which I represent, I meet the folk there and I know scores of cases which I could bring to the notice of the new Minister of Labour. It may be said that I am unduly suspicious. The charge may be made against me that my prejudices are stronger than those of other people, but I say that in the South Side Employment Exchange in Glasgow since the General Election the committees of management, if they were cruel before— not cruel personally, but cruel in their decisions—have become very much worse. I could quote cases wholesale of young men who came to me with the record of scores of places where they had been looking for work—decent young men, born as well as any hon. Member of this House, honest and clean in their habits, who have searched here and there for work—and because the period of unemployment covered a fair length of time they have been refused benefit. I know a case of one man in Kilwinning in Ayrshire who got definite certificates signed by foremen saying he had been with them looking for work, and in that case it was only after the greatest possible trouble that we got the man's application re-heard. At the moment scores of good women and good men are being refused benefit because, it is alleged, they are not genuinely looking for work I put it to the Minister that the greatest criminal is entitled to a fair trial —indeed, the greater the criminal the more reason why he should have an impartial and decent trial. If that rule applies to the criminal it should apply to the unemployed person. We find that a man gives whatever proof he can to the committees and they do not lead any proof against him, They never try to dis- prove his case. He is simply told, "You have been two years out of work. It does not matter whether you have been looking for work or not, whether you are genuine and honest and industrious or not. You have been two years or three years out of work and for that reason we must refuse you benefit."

I know it will be said to me that the committees are the judges of local circumstances and that we of the Labour party have adequate representation on them. May I however raise one point in regard to women. We find in the poorer quarters very few women who can represent the poor women owing to the times at which the committee meetings are arranged. The Minister of Labour should go into the question of whether or not the times of these meetings are so arranged as to allow of the poorer working women being represented on the committees. I shall quote the case of a girl who came to me in my own constituency and I may remark that it is a case typical of thousands. This girl had been employed regularly at a works in my constituency. Everybody at the committee agreed that she was genuinely looking for work. They said to me, however, that the girl was not so robust in build as other girls and they came to the conclusion that she could not get benefit because her chance of obtaining work was less than the chance of other girls. On six occasions this girl's application was turned down by different committees. I went to the manager of the Employment Exchange who ultimately granted a new committee. I appeared myself for the girl and only then was she granted benefit, and if nobody had appeared for her what had happened before would have happened again and again.

I wish to urge the importance of this question on the House and on Members who represent industrial areas. I understand the Minister of Labour is Scottish, and that he knows the City of Glasgow as he knows the City of Birmingham, part of which he represents. I put it to him there is no social problem which should appeal more to this House than the problem of the idle women. It is a grave social problem to allow women to walk the streets without any income at all. I do not wish to go into the question in detail. Every Member here, whether he be Tory, Liberal, or Labour, must agree that you cannot allow a youthful female population to walk your streets unemployed without having dreadful social consequences in the future. For that reason I ask the Minister of Labour to see that in every case, particularly in cases concerning female labour, where any doubt does exist, if there are to be any leanings at all they should be on the side of the interests of those who are applying for unemployment benefit. It is to be remembered that in these matters one is dealing with a population who are not clever in the sense of knowing Acts of Parliament, and therefore when they appear before the committees it should be made certain that there is a full attendance. I have been told of hundreds of cases where decisions have been given when only one or two members of a Committee were present. I am sure the Minister of Labour would not willingly have such things happen.

It is said that four or five years out of work is far too long a period, and that a man in that time should be able to get some occupation. I wish to defend, even here in the British House of Commons, the man who has been five years out of work. I will not submit to the argument that because a man has been five years out of work he is therefore lazy, immoral or dishonest. I remember being unemployed before the War for some time and I know the average experience of a person who is unemployed for any length of time. After the first month or two, particularly after the first six months, a man's chance of work becomes less and less with each succeeding month, and after he is 12 months out of work his chance of remaining idle for five years in a falling market is much greater than if he had only been a week or two out of work. His appearance becomes bad, his personal habits are not the same, his outlook changes, and, from the standpoint of the employer, his chances become fewer and fewer. There is another problem. I represent one of the poorest Divisions in the country, and I will tell the House what is happening there. If, when benefit was refused, that ended the problem it would not be so bad, but take the case of young men and young women in lodgings. They have still to live. Even Tories will agree that although these folk may not be receiving unemployment benefit our civilisation has not reached the stage when we ought to take them out to the open fields and kill them. Having no benefit from the Employment Exchanges they must get some income from some source. What happens? I know the Chief Constable of Glasgow and the police force there, and I know that in many cases you drive men into crime in this way, and, while you save their unemployment money, you have to pay more than that in police supervision and in maintaining institutions and convict settlements.

Some of those who are refused benefit simply walk from the Employment Exchange to the parish council, which is the same as the board of guardians in England. The parish council pay less in relief than the amount of the employment benefit, but the whole burden is then thrown on the parish. The poor labourer employed at 38s. per week has his rates forced up and you have the spectacle in poor places of very poor people being compelled to keep other poor people in that locality. For some years before I came to this House I was on the visiting committee of one of the prisons in Scotland, and one of the things that struck me as cruel was this, that these unemployed people who are refused benefit are treated in a more cruel way than a man who commits a crime. The man who commits a crime has food, and cleanliness, and fresh air, and an abode, but if you refuse benefit to a man who is out of work, with no crime against him at all, these are all denied to him.

The Minister of Labour is starting in a new post, the occupancy of which, I understand, was refused by another right hon. Gentleman because it had not the greatness attached to it that some other posts have. To my mind, there is no higher post that a man can be called upon to fill, for there are tens of thousands of decent people to whom he can give some relief, or refuse it, as his policy dictates. The right hon. Gentleman starts at his work, and I have chosen this opportunity, right at the outset of Parliament, because I believed it was important that at the beginning of a new Session those of us who represent poor people should raise this urgent, this active, and this very pressing question right to his notice, in order that we might secure elementary justice for these people. For these reasons I ask him to give this question his earnest consideration, and I hope that he will follow the principles of his predecessor, who tried to work this Act with decency and with humanity, and that he will go even further, and be bolder, and secure that at least a small amount shall be given. It cannot be said that 18s. is a great amount or that 23s. for a man and wife is extravagant, but we hope the right hon. Gentleman will see that this comparatively small and meagre amount is not denied to human beings, men and women who are as good and dear to me, in my constituency, as a king, a prince, a queen, a Member of Parliament, or a Prime Minister. I hope that, being common human beings, the right hon. Gentleman will treat them as I am sure he would like to treat common human beings who are nearer related to him.

I should like to draw attention to the question of the rota committees in connection with the Employment Exchanges. Whenever you have cases coming before the rota committees you have a certain amount of local autonomy, and the Act itself implies a certain amount of local autonomy, but one thing is necessary to complete the operation of that particular paragraph. Ii you take a better-class industrial area, where you get the highly-skilled workers, what do you find? You find that as your highly-skilled worker becomes unemployed, the very fact of his high skill means a less demand on the members of that trade, and that has meant that the highest-skilled men in engineering are now averaging an unemployment period of 4½years in the city of Glasgow. Under that paragraph that was supposed to give a certain amount of elasticity to the rota committees, some committees in England gave the full benefit of it, but the rota committee for the industrial area which I represent agreed that if a man, no matter for what period he had been unemployed, could show one stamp, could give one single proof of having been employed for one day, he would get paid his benefit. I took up six cases out of hundreds, cases of men whom I have known personally for 20 years, who have been idle, on an average, for 3¼ years, and who could not show a single day's employment offered to them in that time.

To those who are not accustomed to these details, I would like to explain this point. Employers understand it, but others may not. If it had been stated that they should show a week's or a fortnight's work in three years instead of one day's work, it might have been an easier thing to achieve, because the system of the organisation of industry today does not permit of the highly skilled men for whom I am speaking being taken on for one day. There are very few, if any, highly skilled jobs where a man can, as it is called, chance to jump a claim for a day or even two days. The type of skilled work of which I am speaking is something that is continuous for at least six weeks, and the least period of which I know in this skilled work is six weeks. Therefore, to say that a man must have one stamp to show one day's work in order to prove his genuineness in seeking employment is an insult to every working man, and I make no distinctions. It may be said that some will do this and some will do that, but the same can be said of all classes of people in the strata of society.

I ask the Minister's attention to this statement, that we are shirking our responsibility as a nation in this respect, because unemployment is a national question that ought to be faced fully by the national Exchequer. It ought to be looked upon as a, national question, and the national Exchequer ought to be responsible for every penny. What do you do by this mealy-mouthed type of Clause, this trying to crush some more life's blood out of those who cannot resist the grip you have on them? When that was put up it meant this, that even in the case of a man who is asking for his unemployment dole, his rates are being increased because the nation is shirking its responsibility. Every time that an Employment Exchange turns down a man or a woman, it means that instead of the nation facing its responsibility, it is thrown on to the parish council, and up go the local rates; and then the Chancellor of the Exchequer can stand up and say, "We have reduced the amount of money that is being paid out to unemployed persons," and you even want to calculate that as being off the register of unemployment. Let us treat this question of the unemployed man and woman with some sense of sincerity, with some sense of self-respect. The Minister is going to get these cases, as well as others, sent in to him—they are coming along like snow in winter—where men have been proved to have been genuinely seeking work and yet have been refused benefit. These are all coming in to the right hon. Gentleman as the swallows in the spring.

I want to ask the Minister, if he is going to take this question up, to take it up as a whole, and not piecemeal. There is the type of which I have been speaking in my own constituency, and there are many other classes, and whenever you get down to the low rock you come to cases like that of the man who cannot even see a responsible man at the work gates when he calls. What proof can he bring back to the Employment Exchange that he has been looking for work? I know of one case where a man walked from Springburn down to Dalmuir—he had no money to pay his car fare—six and a half miles. He walked down there and back, and while he was down there, looking for that job, somebody telephoned for his particular trade to the Employment Exchange, and he could not be found. When he came hack—it was a wet day—he was told about this, and he went up to the Exchange and was asked where he had been. He told them, and then he was asked what proof he had. I had to go, the last time I was in Glasgow, right down to Dalmuir to plead with that manager, so as to get the necessary evidence to prove that this man had been down there looking for work. That is putting too big a strain upon honest men, and it is not going to be a question of being able to do this all the time. These men suffer a long time. The best type of men can suffer a lot, but once you cross the bar by insulting them in addition to what you are doing by way of cruelty already, you will get them doing something that nobody, either on this side of the House or on the other side, wants to see done. I hope the right hon. Gentleman will pay attention to this question.

I am very glad that at this early stage the question of the administration of the unemployment benefit has been raised. We have heard a good deal this evening about the weakness of the organisation in Glasgow and Scotland, but, believe me, you have not to go so far afield to see where the machinery breaks down. I have great hopes of the new Minister of Labour, I have known him, I might say, almost from his early youth, at any rate from the beginning of his Parliamentary career, when he started to study and specialise in the problems of labour, and I do not regret at all that another Minister, another distinguished politician, refused this great opportunity, because I believe that in the new Minister of Labour we have, at any rate, a man who really cares for his problem and has studied it, and who does not come here as a novice, but who should be able to bring a well-informed mind to the whole of this difficult question.

I want to impress upon him the fact that here we have in existence very fine machinery, and it is satisfactory to know that pretty well every man and woman now out of work, except domestic servants and agricultural labourers, have to be registered at an Employment Exchange, and that if they do not register they lose their chance of benefit. We are now, therefore, in the position of knowing roughly, on the one hand, how many men and women are out of work and, on the other hand, to what particular trades they belong. That is so much to the good. We have these statistics, we have all the information, we have a card system, we have a wonderful system of collecting all the names of 'all the persons, where they reside, what their trade is, what work they want, how long they have been out of work, and what steps they have taken to find work. Here is the material. Where the Minister comes in is to make it effective. Anybody who has taken any trouble to study the problem in the last year or two knows that that machinery is not effective, and it may be that the machinery devised before the War to deal with a comparatively small problem is now asked to be responsible for a problem of very much larger importance.

I take the trouble, and I hope the Minister will do it also, to go down to the Employment Exchanges and see the machinery at work. I think he will learn more by going down to the Employment Exchanges, not only in London, but throughout the country, than even by listening to the speeches of my hon. Friends above the Gangway and myself. Let him go to the one at Shoreditch, and ho will see clerks doing their best with very ineffective machinery. One of the weaknesses is that most of these clerks are temporary clerks. I think it is about time we recognised the necessity of setting up a permanent organisation. It is a good thing for the men charged with this duty to feel secure, and that they are provided with a career. There was an agitation two or three years ago to scrap all the Employment Exchanges as an extravagance, and as providing a lot of unnecessary jobs. That, of course, is obviously absurd. This machinery is an essential part of our whole industrial system. Our insurance scheme cannot work without it, and it would be a good thing to recognise this particular work as one of the most important parts of the Civil Service, as providing greater opportunities for performing useful service to the State than probably any of the other Government Departments, equally important, at any rate, as the Post Office service, and, what is most important, it requires human qualities in the officials that the other Departments do not demand.

Unfortunately, the work has been so large that the ordinary official in the exchange has all his time occupied in filling up forms, keeping the cards up-to-date, and collecting information. He has not got time to study the human quality of the applicants whom you see, on a cold winter's evening, dismally queuing up in that temporary wooden building at Shoreditch, filling up the forms in order to qualify for insurance benefit. They have, of course, to answer inquiries as to their efforts to find work, but the official is far too busy, far too occupied with getting information even to study the personality and character of the applicant. He cannot really go into the matter to convince himself whether the applicant is a genuine seeker after work, or merely one who has taken counsel of despair, and ceased to make any substantial effort.

We want to change the whole spirit of the Employment Exchange. We want to make it far more a work-finding organisation than a mere register of people who want work. Under our present law, employers are not compelled to notify vacancies. They prefer—probably they are justified from their own point of view —to fill up vacancies through the ordinary channels of newspaper advertisements, or by putting up bills in their windows. And the officials complain to me that they have no real power of finding out whether work is available. In some of the great industrial districts, like Lancashire and Yorkshire, where industries are organised, and are largely limited to one or two staple industries, there is no difficulty in finding whether work is available; but in London, and in industrial centres like London, where there are great varieties of industries and hundreds of factories making different classes of work, where industry is badly organised and not centred in one particular district, unless officials have the time, leisure and training, it is impossible for them to convince themselves whether the workers are really unable to find employment. Therefore, they have to take the line of least resistance, and, after a man has been drawing benefit for a great many months, come to the conclusion that the unfortunate person is not genuinely seeking work.

I can confirm what has been said above the Gangway. I know men and women who have come to me and given me tangible proof that they have sought work, and have been turned down by the Employment Exchange on the fact that many months have elapsed without their finding any regular employment. I suppose it is the experience of a great number of Members of Parliament in London and other parts of the country that people come to use their Members of Parliament as an agency for finding work. A great part of my time is occupied in doing what the officials of the Employment Exchange ought to be able to do on their own initiative, if they had the time, the opportunity, and, I might add, the training. I have tested the sincerity of a great number of men who have been turned down by the exchanges, because I have happened to find them jobs, and when they have got them, they have kept them, and given satisfaction to their employers. But, of course, one individual acting on his own cannot do very much. He cannot be expected to do more than find an occasional job.

I do say to the Minister, if he will apply his mind to humanising the Employment Exchange, making it a real labour exchange, instead of a mere collection of statistics, he will be doing much not only to deserve the thanks of the unemployed themselves, but also of industry as a whole, because employers in London, at any rate, do not find it an easy task to bring the right work to the right man. London is such a big place, and is such an unorganised mass, that many employers would be grateful for the assistance of a really human, really efficient labour organisation. Unfortunately, owing to the fact that the staff is temporary, and owing to the fact that most of these exchanges are under-staffed, and have too much work to do, they cannot really effectively discharge their functions.

I want to give the Minister time to reply. I will say, further, I want to give the Minister time to get accustomed to his office. I do not want to be critical; it would not be fair to be critical. But I believe he will have the goodwill of the whole House if he applies his wide experience to making this labour organisation really efficient, and to making it what it is not at present, a human, effective machine for bringing into employment those many men and women who, for so many, many months, have walked the streets in despair, trying to find how they can again be useful citizens by becoming producers.

There are a few points I would like to raise in connection with this question. I want to support the position taken up by the hon. Member for Gorbals (Mr. Buchanan). The first point is with regard to the rejection by committees, on account of the applicants not having obtained work during the preceding two years. A great deal may depend upon the area, and certainly so far as the district which I represent is concerned, it is the very easiest thing for people there to have been out of work twice two years, without being able to get a day's employment. I would ask the Minister to give his counsel to the committees that they should give very generous consideration to the circumstances of these people. Another point I wish to emphasise is this: Last year we took up this question with the then Minister of Labour, and statistics were got out for the different districts. One noteworthy thing about those statistics was the divergence in the percentages of rejection in different districts. I think the Minister should endeavour to try to get a greater measure of uniformity, in order to get the percentage of one district on real speaking terms with the percentages in other districts.

The third point I want to ask is whether the Minister will give instructions to the Exchanges that an applicant may know who are the members of the committee who are deciding his case When I have raised this matter in the past with the predecessor of the present Minister and with his predecessor, I was always informed that there was a local committee dealing with the claims, an3 on that local committee there was a direct representative of the organised working-class movement, and, consequently, the Minister took the line that it was a very difficult thing for him to overturn the decision that was given by the local committee. Since that is the case, I think the applicant has every right to know who are the people who are judging in his case. A criminal goes into the dock, and is informed who is the Justice on that bench dealing with his case, and a working man or woman, whose only crime is unemployment, surely should also be entitled to know the names of the judges who are to decide whether maintenance is or is not to be given. I have a case at the present time in which an applicant made a request for the names of the committee who had decided the case, and she was informed that it was not possible for the information to be given.

I do not want to take up the position that there is anything to hide. If a man is going to sit on a committee, he ought to be willing to take the consequences of his decisions. He ought to be willing to be responsible for a decision that is come to, and the whole labour representation on these committees amounts to nothing if the applicant does not know who is the working-class representative who is considering the case. I, therefore, appeal to the Minister that this information should be given to the applicant, if the applicant desires it. I am not claiming that the committee should introduce themselves by name to each person who comes before them, but if an applicant wants to know this very pertinent matter, that applicant should get the information. I think the Minister himself would be inclined to agree with me it is only fair that the person concerned should get this information, because it is a matter of such tremendous importance to that person.

8.0 P.M.

There is one other point. There have been ever so many cases, I am convinced, in which injustice has been done to the applicant, and I want to ask the Minister whether he considers a system which admits of such a case as this is a reasonable system. A man gave service in the War, and came back to this country, where it was found that he was in a very bad state of health, which necessitated his obtaining treatment by the Ministry of Pensions. He obtained treatment by the Ministry of Pensions for so many years, and as soon as the Ministry of Pensions certified that man as fit for work he went and signed on at the Employment Exchange. He had 107 contributions to his benefit, but because he had been undergoing treatment, I think for a term of two years, he had not those 107 contributions in the year in which his application was made. Consequently he could only claim uncovenanted benefit, and the local employment committee decided that this man was not genuinely seeking work within three weeks of his signing on after his discharge from treatment by the Ministry of Pensions. I have brought that case before the Ministry of Labour and to the attention of the Minister. I have had it before them for about a couple of years, and the latest answer I got was that the local employment committee had so decided. I say it is a piece of miserable pettifogging business to say in three weeks that a man who has just come off treatment from the Ministry of Pensions is not genuinely seeking work. And it is this type of man that will not get relief from the parish council. He would not take relief from the parish council because he was too independent, and so he went on suffering. That surely shows the weakness of the administration, and the one assurance that I would like to get to-night from the Minister is that an applicant will be entitled to know and demand who are the judges that decided his case.

I want to follow on the lines that were taken by my two Glasgow colleagues, and it seems that a Debate of this kind coming suddenly upon the House one would be unprepared for any cases that should be quoted. I have in my hand here cases which have come to me and have been taken out of to-day's post, cases from Glasgow, and which when I heard this Debate was going on I went along and took out of the envelope in which I had enclosed them to the Ministry of Labour and selected two or three typical cases dealing with specific points which we in the industrial constituencies believe ought to be remedied in regard to the administration of unemployment insurance. One of the things which I wish to take up is the type of case referred to by the hon. Member for Gorbals (Mr. Buchanan), that of young unemployed women being asked to go to a situation in a town a very long way away from the town in which they reside, to leave their homes and go to some place where they may have no friends and no relatives, live in lodgings, and work in certain, works or go into domestic service. One of the cases that I have here is the ease of a girl, a boot-machinist in a boot factory in Govan. She is unemployed, and signs on and receives 10 weeks' benefit, and then she is asked to go to Ayr to a boot and shoe place and work as a boot-machinist. It is rather a curious thing that these situations should be selected at such distances from where the girls are registered in the Exchanges. Maybole is something like 40 miles from Glasgow and, as the right hon. Gentleman knows, is only 10 or 12 miles distant from Ayr. The staple industry of May-bole, the one industry that is worked at by all the people in the town, is boot and shoe manufacturing. Here is a girl asked to go from Govan 40 miles to Ayr, when there must be plenty of boot and shoe machinists both in Ayr, which has a number of boot factories, and in Maybole, capable of taking that position, and the right hon. Gentleman will know, if he turns up his statistics, that there are at the present time numbers of boot and shoe machinists registered on the Employment Exchanges both in Maybole and Ayr. This girl declines to leave her home to go to the situation in Ayr, and she is refused further benefit on the ground that she has declined suitable occupation. Now, with regard to this type of case, I want to bring this to the notice of the Minister. He is the fifth Minister of Labour that I have been putting these matters to since I entered this House in 1918, and I hope I am going to have a little more generous treatment for the cases I have put before him than I had from his four predecessors. At least, so far as I have gone since he took office, I am simply getting the same reply. I hope the result of to-night's Debate will change the tenor of the reply.

I had a young lady visiting me to put her case before me. She had an invalid mother, a widow. She was a typist and was unemployed. She had worked with the firm for five years, but the firm had gone bankrupt. She notified the officials on the form that, owing to domestic circumstances, having to look after her mother and tidy up the house, she could not accept a situation outside the town. In spite of that, the Exchange asked her to take up a situation as a typist in Dumfries. The girl reminded them of the form she had signed. That reminder was of no avail. She was refused benefit and brought before a Committee, and the Committee decided that she was not entitled to benefit because she had declined suitable occupation. As I said, this girl placed her case in my hands, and the first step I took was of a rather curious nature, but it worked. I put a question to the Minister of Labour, asking how many typists were registered as unemployed in the town of Dumfries and in another three towns much closer to Dumfries than Glasgow, and I got my reply. I asked also in the question how many employers had made application for this class of worker during the same period. I was told there were something like 40 typists unemployed in that district on that date. I was further informed that no employer had made applications for this class of worker during that period and yet this girl had been refused benefit because she had declined to go to a situation that was not in existence. I brought this matter up in a letter to the Ministry of Labour and I was told that, though it was quite true that no employers had put in an application during that week, one employer had put in an application during the previous week, and it had been circulated to all the Exchanges in Scotland, because the employer was not satisfied with any of the 40 unemployed typists in the district. But unfortunately he had cancelled his application before this young lady had been asked to go down, and so in the circumstances, as the Committee did not have these facts before them, they were to be asked to reconsider the ease. I replied that no reconsideration was necessary, and that the girl must get her benefit. The case did not come before the Committee and the girl got her benefit. Can you wonder that many people are believing that a number of these situations that people are asked to go to some distance from their own town are not in existence, and are only traps to get them to refuse to go, in order to turn them from benefit?

I have another case. I have the case of a girl 18 years of age, the only daughter in a home and the exchange asks this young girl to go 90 miles from Glasgow and enter domestic service. I want to ask the right hon. Gentleman the Minister of Labour, or any of his colleagues upon that bench, or any of those behind him, or anyone in this House, would they allow a daughter of that age to leave their home and go out into the world without protection. The mother of the girl declined to allow her to go and the result is this girl is refused benefit because she has declined suitable occupation. Again I want to ask the Minister of Labour who knows Dundee and those places round about Dundee how many girls are registered as unemployed in Dundee. Are there none, that they should want a girl of 18 years of age from Glasgow? He knows that Dundee is in general terms known as a woman's town because of the large amount of work available there for women. The women there outnumber very largely the men in the town.

There is another point I want to take exception to, and that is the way in which even men are being ruled out of benefit, old men I mean, men over 60 years of age. It is becoming a scandal, a crying scandal in the industrial area that men of over 60 years of age are being ruled out of benefit. On what grounds? Most of these old men were the last men to be dismissed. There are cases of men in Govan who have worked all their life in a shipyard and served their apprenticeship and who were among the last to go from the shipyard, keeping on whilst unemployment was growing worse until finally men of 45 years' continuous service in the shipyard had to be dismissed. What happens now? Your committees are examining these men and telling them that because of their age it is not likely that they will be employed in the shipyard and in consequence, as insurable employment will not be open to these men in the future, they are not entitled to unemployment benefit. Let me give you a case that I have here and that came through to-day. I have got four cases. I have given two. This man, one of the type that I am referring to, over 60 years of age or round about that age, is ruled out of benefit on the ground that he is not likely to get employment in insurable employment. The man is refused benefit because it is thought he will not normally be employed in insurable occupations and will not seek to obtain his livelihood by means of insurable employment. The man is a ship plater by trade. This is dated the 20th of November. Here is a body of men, the Committee before whom this man appeared, and in their opinion because of his age this man would never again be employed at his trade in the shipyard and never again enter an insurable occupation: they refuse him benefit on that ground. On 28th November, eight days after they had come to this decision, he gets employment back in the shipyard in which he had spent the better part of his life. He is now in employment, but he is asking me to see if I can get him benefit for that period during which he was ruled out by this wonderful and wise Committee. I would ask the Minister of Labour whether he is going to build up the funds, as previous Ministers have done, from men working, with the unemployment insurance contributions regularly deducted from their wages, then afterwards, perhaps, going through a period of unemployment, and being told at the end that, because of their age, they are not likely to go back into an insurable occupation, and that in consequence of that, no further benefit will be given.

I hope the Minister of Labour will consider this type of case along with others. There was a certificate from this man's previous employers submitted to the Committee which was ruled out, and the Committee asked the man to produce proof that he had been looking for employment. This man goes round the shipyards, round the factories, round the works, and implores the foremen to sign the certificates, and the foremen do it in good heart and in good faith; sign the certificates that by signing proof will be given to the Committee that this particular man has been looking for work. The poor fellow goes to the Committee and submits the proof —as I know men have done—because I have seen six, eight, or ten certificates of different employers of labour signed that the man had been at these different places looking for employment. The Committee brushes all these things to one side, and says, "That is not documentary proof." The Minister of Labour knows that the regulations of his Department issued to the Committee says that the men have to be asked to submit documentary proof. I want to submit to the right hon. Gentleman, and his colleague beside him, that no sounder proof of a man's endeavour to obtain work can be placed before any Committee than a certificate signed by an employer or a foreman of the works at which he has made application for employment. If you are not going to accept that as documentary proof, what, in Heaven's name, is proof? Will the right hon. Gentleman tell us so that we may understand? If we know exactly what proof is wanted we may be able to get it. An hon. Friend near to me suggests that the Exchanges should send out a film operator to take films of the men looking for work, but I am afraid even then it would be said that the films were faked!

These are three types of cases to which I have referred. Each of them represents a separate type of case. The three cases are not in a similar line. Each is a different type, and is being judged by the Ministry of Labour. I do not put them forward because they are merely applicable to the constituency I represent. You get them all over Glasgow. I am quite certain that if hon. Members behind the Minister of Labour and hon. Members below the Gangway cared to get up and supplement what I have said they could only supplement it along the lines I have been speaking. I am glad of this opportunity of bringing before the new Minister some facts of what is actually happening to these people who come within the scope of the administration of his Department. So far as I am concerned the right hon. Gentleman is the fifth Labour Minister. Time and time again we have endeavoured to get alterations made in ladmiinistration. I have sent batches of cases to him. I have already mentioned these cases. I put a number into an envelope with notes attached to them, but when I heard that this Debate was being raised I withheld the package. The right hon. Gentleman will get them sent on to-morrow.

The answers that I have received to the cases I have sent to the Department since he took office have in no sense been more generous than previously. A stereotyped reply has come signed by a private secretary telling me that the individual for whom I have been asking some consideration has received consideration. These missives are roneoed to make them look like a typewritten letter. It would save expense if they were printed. The reply, however, is always the same, however it may seem to appear to be a typed letter. The hon. Member for the Gorbals Division (Mr. Buchanan) has put up a very strong human plea. What the House has got to remember is that the unemployment to-day, even six years after 1918, is the aftermath of the War, and the so-called Peace which followed. You are at present trying to liquidate certain debts that this country has had to bear because of the War. You are paying interest on these debts. You are recognising these debts as part of the honour of this country to liquidate, or at least to pay interest upon. I submit to the Minister of Labour that all this million people who are trudging the streets looking for work are part of that honourable debt that you have to assist in liquidating. We are not going to have young women thrown upon the streets. We are not going to have old men trudging the streets looking for work in vain, and then being insulted by forms sent out from the Ministry of Labour. We were told when the Minister of Labour accepted his present position of 'his high qualifications to fill the position honourably and adequately. We were told how he went down into the East End of London making personal investigations into the sordid conditions there, so that he might gain an experience of how the poor lived. I do not want to invite him to go down to any part of Glasgow. He has been often enough there. He knows Glasgow. Glasgow, however, is no better and is no worse than hundreds of industrial towns in the country. You will find in almost every Employment Exchange men and women unable to find employment, and not getting the treatment they should receive.

When the Employment Exchanges were inaugurated they were inaugurated not as a method of paying out benefit. The primary function was that referred to by an hon. Member below the Gangway, though he did not seem to know that function. That function was an Exchange for vacant jobs for workless men who made application at the Exchanges. The Exchange has passed from that function. Save in very few cases, employers are not registering vacancies at the Exchange. Men are going to the Exchanges day after day and signing, and then if they are told of a situation they leave off for a single day and get away down into some district in their endeavour to get employment and miss signing for a day. When they come back they are asked by the Exchange people, "Where were you yesterday? Why were you not here signing on the day you should sign? You cannot sign to-day because you did not sign yesterday. Come back to-morrow." The man loses two days' benefit because he has not signed. They say new brooms sweep clean, and I hope that with the knowledge the Minister of Labour possesses, or that we are told he possesses, of the life of the workers, with the sympathy we are told he has for what is generally described as "the bottom dog," and taking up a position which has been rightly characterised by the hon. Member for Gorbals (Mr. Buchanan) as one of the most important in the whole ranks of the Cabinet, a position which is only equalled by the Ministry of Health in the amount of humanity that can be displayed towards those who are suffering and who are unable to help themselves —I hope the Minister of Labour will show that he can rise above party, that he can rise above the red tape of his Department, that he can rise above all forms and formulae that are issued from his Department, arid that he can be human, and I hope that those outside will benefit from the humanity he will show in his office.

I am sure hon. Members opposite will realise that I had no knowledge that this subject was to be raised until about five minutes before the hon. Member for Gorbals (Mr. Buchanan) brought it forward. And as the hon. Member for South-West Bethnal Green (Mr. P. Harris) very kindly stated, everyone will realise that the big insurance machine is one that takes every newcomer some considerable time to understand. My right hon. Friend the Member for Preston (Mr. T. Shaw) will bear me out in this—that it is not one which anyone can easily understand from the top to the bottom even in the weeks that I have been in office. But this I can say, that, as I am sure my pre decessor did before me, I really have not spared either labour, or time, or trouble in doing my best to understand these questions since the day I first went to that office. The hon. Member for Gorbals stated that local committees had been more cruel since the beginning of November than they were before. I think he was unduly suspicious—to use his own phrase. I think he was unduly suspicious, because, as his friend the Member for Govan (Mr. Maclean) has pointed out, they are receiving much the same letters and much the same treatment, as before the General Election.

I do not want to interrupt, but it has always been my custom with cases not to take them up with the Ministry of Labour in London here, but to take them up with the local official, because, after all, he knows the people, or ought to know them; and I find that before the Election the general tone of answers, and the success that met my efforts, was much better than later. I am only speaking of facts, and if my friend cares I can, in personal conversation, prove it. It is the local officials to whom I refer.

I do not wish to press that point, but in that case his experience is a little different from that of the hon. Member immediately to his left (Mr. Maclean).

At any rate, up to this moment, to the best of my knowledge and belief— I can state it absolutely—there has been no change whatsoever, as far as any instructions to the local officials are concerned; no different influence has been brought to bear upon them; and, as far as I know, they are behaving in exactly the same manner as before. The hon. Member who began the Debate asked that this Act might be administered with decency and humanity. The hon. Member for Govan said he hoped that, as he had heard in the papers—he used almost official language, in saying he was "led to understand," as though there might be a doubt about it—that I had sympathy with that class of conditions, I would show it. The hon. Member for Gorbals emphasised the danger from women being left to walk the streets. I can assure him that for years past I have had that danger in mind, in one form or another; that I do know that kind of case, and I wish just as much as he does to guard against possible ill results from such things happening. I had the question before me in connection with the Mental Deficiency Act, being one of the Members of this House who really helped to get that Act passed. I had it before me when, unlike many of my own friends, I was anxious for an extension of the women police force. I had it before me in the days when I was going into industrial conditions for women as Assistant Commissioner with the Poor Law Commission. I am just as anxious to prevent ill-results in that type of case as he could be himself, and I hope he will accept my statement.

Similarly, I realise perfectly well the kind of hard cases that occur at this moment. One of the Members opposite alluded to the fact one might have a workman thoroughly competent in his trade and yet out of work five years or more. It is perfectly true. The Member for Govan said there are many towns like Glasgow. There are some, but not many, in the same condition. There are some places where you get an acute degree of hardship on account of the trade that is carried on in the town. While employment is bad in many trades—it is bad in the heavy iron and steel trades, and it is bad in many of the engineering trades—the trade of all trades that has suffered from unemployment in these last years has been the shipbuilding trade. Consequently, it is in great centres of shipping of which Glasgow is one of the greatest, if not the greatest—Barrow is another—that you get a degree of unemployment and a degree of hardship greater than in almost any other places in the United Kingdom. While, therefore, you have many hard cases in other centres, you get a greater proportion in cities like Glasgow. The ton. Member who has just spoken quoted certain cases to me, and so did the hon. Member for Gorbals, and the hon. Member for Spring-burn (Mr. Hardie). He said, quite rightly I have no doubt, that these cases would be sent to me like snow in winter, and a little later, varying his imagery, that they would also come to me like swallows in spring. Therefore in winter and in spring, at any rate, I shall expect his contribution to my daily post bag, and I only hope by the time that summer comes the snows may have melted and that perhaps even the swallows will have been able to build a nest.

I am only too anxious to have really genuine cases about which there may have been some mistake sent to me. I cannot, however—this is perfectly straightforward —offer to deal with every single case personally and individually. I will do the best I can, but my predecessor, who is smiling on the bench opposite, knows perfectly well that if I were to make that promise I should only break it the next day; because, humanly speaking, there is no one who could deal with all those cases by going into them personally himself. One of the cases the Member for Govan sent to me I have gone into personally. I could not really trace that case. I was wondering whether he was confusing the case of Miss Ferguson, of Dumfries, with the case of Miss Nichol.

That was in August of last year, when I was not, even in anticipation, responsible for it.

He gave it me as a type. This I can say—I agree, of course, that there are genuine hard cases. In some cases a mistake may have been made. Some hon. Members opposite are probably greater experts on case law with regard to insurance questions than I am, but I am following in their footsteps in order to catch them up. [An HON. MEMBER: "We will charge you a small fee!"] I am quite sure that if hon. Members took the fee they would at once add it to the insurance fund. It is quite possible, when you get nearly 1,000,000 men and women in receipt of unemployment benefit that there will be some mistake. That is perfectly obvious. But I find in quite a number of cases that the mistake has really been on the part of the people who send them. Of course I find genuine mistakes both ways. Some people may make a statement that in a certain case a fraud bas been made on the insurance fund, and then I ask, "Will you please give me chapter and verse for this alleged fraud on the insurance fund." In other cases it is urged a man has been unjustly denied benefit, and in a very large number of these cases all the circumstances have not been revealed to those who have made the representations.

I am very anxious that all genuine cases should be properly treated, and I can assure the hon. Member for South-West Bethnal Green (Mr. Harris) that I have been to at least one employment exchange in London, and as soon as Scotland recovers from that sacred day, the first day of the year—Christmas is not an ecclesiastical feast in Scotland where they pay much more attention to the first day of January and to the evening before—I will make arrangements to go to some of the exchanges in Scotland before I come back to London again after a very brief holiday up there. I am quite sure lion. Members on all sides will agree upon one thing, and it is that it is vital to get genuine cases decently treated. It is equally true that if cases, receive benefit which do not deserve it then it really does prejudice the case of those who are entitled. When, therefore, I say that I am glad to have cases sent to me, I appeal to hon. Members opposite to go into those cases with care themselves, so that they may feel that if they were put in the same position as I occupy myself, they would feel justified in giving the same decision that they ask the Minister of Labour to give. There are one or two other considerations to be borne in mind. Whether one wishes it or not the ability to get employment so far as it can be humanly judged must be taken into consideration. I think what some hon. Members have alluded to is Sub-section (3) of the Act of this year which provides: The words, "Two years" do not exclusively govern the Sub-section. In the instructions sent out to the local committee it was laid down that the words "having regard to the circumstances" must be taken as implying that the applicant must be a person whose capacity is such that he is likely to obtain work, if the conditions in the trade are also such that there is a reasonable chance of work being available. The two years' period is subject to these conditions, and it is under these conditions that the local committees act. The other condition necessary is that the applicant must be making every reasonable effort to obtain employment suitable to his capacity and is willing to accept that employment. The hon. Member for Govan gave some cases in which I think he practically said that a trap had been laid for the applicant—I do not know whether I am misquoting him—

I said, can one wonder that in many cases people should think that some of these situations at a distance to which they are asked to go are traps to keep them out of benefit?

Let me say quite categorically, that I have asked about that, because I knew that that consideration might be brought before me. I can definitely state that, so far as the information I have been given goes, we do not send people to work at a distance if there are qualified unemployed workpeople in the neighbourhood of the vacancy. I asked that question and got that information. I do not wish to use the word "trap" in any offensive sense. But I repeat that as regards making an offer—not only a fictitious offer, but one which, although genuine, might be used as a trap—I asked about that, and was informed to the contrary. That, at any rate, has been my experience up to now.

On the other hand, I would say, quite categorically, that the offer of employment is, in itself, a thoroughly right and proper thing, provided it is fairly applied. It is a right and proper test, and the best test, as I am sure hon. Members opposite will agree. The difficulty with regard to this question is that it is really a question of degree. It is like hot and cold. It is difficult to say where hot merges into cold, and where cold merges into hot; but you do know that boiling water is hot, and water at freezing point is cold. At each end of the scale there is a real difference in kind as well as in degree, but whether you call the water hot or cold depends on the standard you employ. So far as I can lay down a principle, it is that I would always stand by the offer of employment, but I would have it fairly applied. If the employment offered was at a distance, I would have the distance taken into account by the local Employment Exchange; but I say again that hold fast quite firmly by the offer of employment as a test, because I think it is only so that you can really test the good applicant from the bad, and do justice to people who genuinely want employment.

I am quite ready to look into any case, as I hope hon. Members will recognise, where it is believed that a committee is not representative, or where, owing to its times or other arrangements, justice cannot be done to applicants. The difficulty that I have had is in trying to get good men and good women to continue the work and continue to do it whole-heartedly. It was a comparatively easy thing to ask people to undertake that kind of work, whether on a whole committee or on a rota committee, and so on, when the immediate stimulus of the War and the crash after the War was upon them. But the real strain comes when they are asked to go on with it month by month and year by year, and I would like here and now to express what I am sure my predecessor would echo with me—the gratitude one feels to the people who have stuck to the job up till now, and the hope that they will go on with it. That is really the difficulty, and, as I am sure the right hon. Gentleman will agree, it is one to which we are always alive.

As regards the principle of employment exchanges, I happen, contrary to the views of many others, to be one of the people who supported employment exchanges from the very beginning, and I took the opportunity the other day to appeal to employers, as I always would, to notify their vacancies to the exchange. I have had a very limited experience up to now, but from the limited experience I have had, it is—it would, perhaps, be ungenerous to say amazing—it is very remarkable what an extraordinary amount of human sym- pathy I have found amongst the officials of the exchanges, as distinct from the members of the committees. I hope no one will misunderstand me. I am out to get good administration. I want it to be sympathetic, but quite candidly I want it to be good administration—as good as I can make it; but from the point of view of sympathy, as apart from goodness, I used to find in the old days that the Poor Law officials, who dealt with hundreds of cases day by day, had an extraordinary amount of human sympathy, when one might think that after years of work they would look upon these cases merely as cases to be dealt with. I find that to be the case also, so far, with the officials of the employment exchanges.

Will the right hon. Gentleman reply with regard to the names of the members of the Committee?

I had not forgotten that, but I never know quite how far, until I have considered it, a suggestion of that kind is administratively good or not. Let the hon. Member put that question again to me. I will think it over and answer him quite frankly. I have dealt with all the points that have been brought out except one, and that was the overcrowding at some of the Exchanges. It is quite true that if one had good accommodation at every Employment Exchange, wholly adequate to present requirements, it would, I sincerely hope, be too great before more than a year or two have passed. It may sound unsatisfactory, but it is businesslike to say that one must compromise between what one would like in the way of full and proper accommodation now, and what one hopes will be the normal accommodation that will be required, so as to avoid unnecessary expenditure on machinery and staff which had better be spent on other objects.

May I, at the outset, offer my congratulations to the right hon. Gentleman on entering an office which,, at any rate, will provide him with any amount of work, but which, I think, will provide him, too, with a very human interest, and will, I am sure, give him any amount of scope for the sympathy he has shown in his answers. I do not rise in any spirit of carping criticism, but rather for the purpose of dotting some of the i's and crossing the t's. I recognise the right hon. Gentleman's difficulties, and, if I may say so, his limitations—not personal, but due to the office that he now occupies. He is told in one breath that he must make the payment of benefit dependent on whether the Exchange can offer a job to an applicant or not. That would be thoroughly sound if by law employers were bound to notify all vacancies, but only on condition that all vacancies are notified to the Exchange could that system be reasonable in a country like ours. The probabilities are that, if ever the right hon. Gentleman asked the House to pass legislation making it compulsory on all employers to notify all vacancies to the Exchanges, he would get a storm of opposition from the employers' associations and the big trade unions, and he would probably be accused, by people who are now asking for this, of taking away the liberties of the working classes of this country. On the whole, his life would not be a too happy one if he proposed legislation of that kind.

If that for the moment be impossible— and it is impossible, because to attempt it in the face of the big powerful trade unions and the employers combined would, I think, be foolish; it is a matter of opinion—failing that, what is the best way of getting to know how a man is trying to get work or whether his case be genuine? Can any method be devised other than the method of having a committee on which in equal numbers sit representatives of the employers and of the trade unions? That is the theory of the committees. I am not saying the theory always works out in practice. I have found both things, I have found committees' decisions that I considered very harsh. I have found cases given to me that were not correctly given. That has been my experience. May I give one typical case. I have had a case given me where a man accused a committee of having treated him badly. I discovered that he was a bookmaker's runner and that he had publicly stated that his wages were over £3 a week, and so long as he could touch his 18s. in addition, he was quite prepared to touch it. So that there are cases on both sides of the scale. It is impossible for any body of people sitting in London to judge as accurately of the position of affairs as people in the district itself. I know that if I take my own native town, the committee there can tell better what the case is than anyone possibly could sitting in London. I want to make an appeal to the Minister, and I am sure it will be met at once, to see that, so far as he can, whenever a case is alleged to have been treated unfairly a re-hearing is given as a matter of course, and not only to do that, but to make another appeal to the committees themselves to continue their services and, so far as possible, always to meet under conditions which will give an equal representation of the two sides when cases are to be heard, for it certainly gives a very unpleasant feeling when an accusation is made of unfair treatment and the committee has been unduly balanced on one side or the other. Apart from that, for the moment I see no better way of coming to a decision as to whether a case is genuine than the method of local committees. I have never thought, and I do not think to-day, the Labour representatives on these committees are any worse Labour men than the Labour representatives who sit on these benches. That has been my personal experience.

9.0 P.M.

With regard to the staff at headquarters, I can now speak perhaps more freely than I could when I was Minister of Labour. I found the headquarters staff doing everything that could be humanly done in order to see that the law is properly administered. There are not only a million unemployed, but this million is not the same million one week after another. It is continually changing, until probably in five weeks the Employment Exchanges have dealt not with one but with three or four millions of different persons. Obviously with numbers so large as that and with staffs so huge as those in the Employment Exchanges there will occasionaly be officials who are harsh, overbearing and unreasonable. At the same time one ought to remember that if there is a body of civil servants who are overworked and render service under very difficult conditions, they are precisely the officers at the Exchanges. They are generally very badly housed, they are generally working at top speed, and if there are here and there mistakes one has to consider the proportion of mistakes and make due allowance for them. I am satisfied from what the Minister has said that it is his in- tention to see that the claimant gets a perfectly square and fair deal. I hope he will go a little further and do something that I hoped to do had I remained in office and see that the Employment Exchange officials get a perfectly square and fair deal, that they are not asked to do work more than man can do efficiently, and that they are not asked to do work under hygienic conditions which are quite unsuitable and which inevitably will break their temper if they continue to work under them. The fact of the matter is—I am speaking from, after all, a very limited experience—that many of the Employment Exchanges are insanitary. They are not fit to be worked in and, if it is bad enough to make the people who go to them feel the effects, what must it be for the men who are working there day by day and every day. He may have to ask the Treasury to give him more offices. I hope he does and I hope he gets them, because, unless this law can be administered with humanity and properly, it will inevitably break down.

I welcome again very heartily the Minister's statement that every case of a doubtful character, or where injustice is alleged, will be looked into. He has, to a certain extent, my sympathy. He will find, as I suppose every Minister of Labour has found that, with millions of people and thousands of officials and claimants of all kinds, there will be cases that seem terribly hard. I am sure where his discretion comes in he will use it in a sympathetic way and will tell the Committee that the Act is intended to, be administered with fairness and generosity and that it is not the business of committees to look at eases as if their object in life were to see how little they could pay and how many cases they could take off the list. If committees get the idea that that is their function in life, his complaints will increase immensely^ If Committees get the impression, on the contrary, that they are expected to treat these applicants with the courtesy and the generosity that applicants ought to have, the administration will tend to improve. I hope the Minister will always keep before him this fact, that a decent working man—and the more decent the man is the more what I am going to say applies—who has worked all his life is a man who, when unemploy- ment comes, seeks every way of hiding his distress from his neighbours. I am not dealing for a moment with the odd fragment which are not genuine cases. The ordinary man who is unemployed is a thoroughly decent man who wants nothing more than to work for his living, and when, day after day and week after week, he has the anxiety of wondering whether he will be able thoroughly to provide even the most elementary food for his family, when he is wondering whether his child will be able to go properly clad to school, when ho is worried and anxious about whether his rent can be paid, and he goes to an Empoyment Exchange and is met in a brusque way, in a way that he considers unfair, he is punished in a way no man ought to be punished. If the Minister—I am sure from what he has said to-night we may expect it from him—will take the line that it should be well known that his opinion is that these applicants should be treated with every courtesy, with every respect, and with every generosity, that it shall not be the object to take them from the list, so long as they are decent and real cases that come under the Act, his term of office will finish with happiness to himself and with a certain amount of satisfaction to those who, unfortunately, have to come upon the benefits of the Insurance Act.

Coal Industry

I am glad that our Scottish colleagues have raised this important question of unemployment. It would have been a pity had the House closed so early, when there was urgent need to discuss this matter. Our hon. Friends from Scotland have performed their task well, and they have our sympathy. I want the Minister of Labour not to get the impression to-night that all the grievances in connection with the administration of the Unemployment Insurance Act belong to Scotland. I represent a mining division in the County of Durham, and we have many grievances there, as we had last year. Last year we complained again and again that we had miners ordered from Durham to go to Yorkshire, and because they did not go, because it was impossible for them to go and to keep two houses, their unemployment benefit was stopped. We have this grievance to-day, and I hope the Minister of Labour will look into the matter and do his utmost to remove the grievance.

My colleague the Member for Ruther-glen (Mr. W. Wright) tells me that they have a similar grievance in his constituency. He tells me that men from his division were ordered to go from one county to another, seven miles distant, to work in a colliery that was not safe, a colliery in which the miners would not work, and because they refused to go seven miles away to work in this colliery, which was considered to be unsafe, their unemployment benefit was stopped. I submit to the Minister of Labour that he ought to give his attention to these cases which are not simply hard cases but brutal cases, where men are being robbed of their unemployment benefit.

We have another grievance that has occurred in the last month or two in Durham, a grievance which we believed was not possible. Had my colleague the hon. Member for Durham (Mr. Ritson) been able to get into this discussion, he intended to appeal to the Minister of Labour to deal with the case of a colliery in his division. Last Session, when we passed the new Unemployment Insurance Act, we thought we had made provision for collieries where the employers stopped a colliery needlessly, gave the men their wages, and threw them out of work. In my colleague's constituency, there is a colliery which employed 1,000 men, where the manager has given the men their notices and closed down the pit because the men would not submit to a reduction of wages. That was the only point in dispute. God knows, wages in Durham are low enough at the present time, and because the men would not submit to a reduction of wages the manager closed the pit, and threw the men idle. They have been idle for weeks, if not months, and they have not been able to receive one penny of unemployment benefit. We thought we had made provision in the new Employment Act to meet cases of this kind. I appeal to the Minister of Labour to look into these matters, and see whether he cannot get rid of these extremely hard cases at the beginning of his administration. I did not rise so much for the purpose of dealing with unemployment as to deal with industrial questions, and more particularly industrial questions applying to mines. There are no ques- tions that could engage the attention of this House so important as industrial questions. This House will spend hours and days discussing foreign questions.

Foreign questions are not nearly so important as industrial questions, because the great bulk of our people have to live by industry. I am glad to see that the Government have placed on record their appreciation of the importance of industrial questions. They have said that in their opinion there are signs that trade is improving, and that industry is improving. When I read that statement, I wondered where industry was improving. Certainly not in the North of England. In the coal trade in Durham trade has never been worse for many years than it is at the present time. In my own division, which is a mining division, almost one-half the men are unemployed. Almost one-half the men are living on the unemployment benefit. We complain not only of the large number of collieries that have stopped work, but the large number of men unemployed. We also have reason to complain of the low wages paid to the men who are working. I attended a victory social a fortnight ago. The social was held on a Friday evening. The miners in Durham are paid on the Friday, so that the social was held on a pay night. A woman said to me, "I have three children, and there is my husband and myself, and to-night the wages that my husband brought from the pit were 29s. 6d." Only 29s. 6d., after working a week, and five to be kept out of it. That is not an average of 6s. a day to keep each member of the family for seven days. There are not many of us here who could live on even twice that amount.

The Government also made the statement that there would be immense benefits in the industrial life of the nation from increased goodwill, frankness and mutual confidence. I am prepared to admit that the phrase "goodwill in industry" is very fine and sounds very nice. But there is no substance in the words. As industry is organised to-day there can be no goodwill between the workmen and the employers; such a thing as goodwill is absolutely impossible. I have spent my life in the mining industry; I was bred and born in it. One has never had any need to apologise for being born a pitman and for having lived a pitman's life. But the longer I live the more I am convinced that there can be no goodwill, no frankness, no settlement and no peace in the mining industry until the industry is reorganised.

We find that the capitalists in the mining industry have no concern with the workmen. As a matter of fact I have said more than once on a platform, and I say here again, that the capitalist cannot be a Christian.

The capitalist worships only one god, and that is the god of profit. That is what we have experienced in the mining industry. When the coal industry is good the capitalists scoop in all the profits. When the coal industry is bad they throw all the trouble upon the workman, but they still succeed, as they are doing now, in scooping in profits. Things are altogether different from what they were long years ago. Then one or two men would own a pit or two pits. Those old-fashioned employers of labour have gone. The collieries have been bought by limited liability companies which have no soul. There is one company in my division which has many collieries, not only in Durham, but in Yorkshire. During the War that company got back all its capital in profits. After the War it bought up colliery after colliery in the county of Durham. During the last few months it has been closing collieries just as quickly as possible. If it was believed that a particular pit was not likely to yield a profit the company closed it. The interest of the working man comes before the claims of profit. When hundreds and thousands of men have been brought together in a colliery village, when they have married and have their wives and families there, and the pits provide the only possible work, those pits ought not to be closed merely because they are not paying; they ought to be kept working as long as it is possible to keep them working and as long as there is coal to be won.

To-day in Durham we have colliery after colliery closed. It seems to be an epidemic for owners to close their pits simply because they say the pits are not paying. We want to urge upon the Secretary for Mines that there ought to be a public inquiry instituted as quickly as possible to ascertain why the pits are being closed. I shall not say that pits are being closed for political reasons, but I believe that there are collieries standing idle that ought not to be standing idle. I would like such an inquiry to ascertain not merely why a pit is closed, but to say whether the financial position of the company was such that the pit should be kept going. In 1917, during the War, we had the Coal Controller up in [ILL]am, There were several colliery owners who wanted to close their pits, but the Coal Controller said, "Oh, no, we cannot allow[ILL]t." In the interests of the working classes, in the interests of the wives and bairns, and even in the interest of the consumers, the pits should be kept going. I live in the city of Durham, and there it is scarcely possible to buy coal. Yet in the county pits are being closed. Just as the Coal Controller in 1917 would not permit pits to be closed, so the Secretary for Mines should now be able to say to the colliery owner that pits must be kept going.

I want the House to keep this in mind, that miners are placed in a rather peculiar position compared with workmen in cities and large towns. If a colliery is closed, there is no other work they can get or go to. When a man loses a job in a town, it is possible for him to get another job in the same town. With our men it is not possible. We think that a colliery should be working as long as it is possible to keep it working because of the difficulty of those men finding work elsewhere. There is another point to which I want to call attention. I know that someone may reply, "Ah, yes, but the hon. Member forgets that the coal trade is bad at the present time." I am prepared to admit it is not as good as it was 12 months ago, but yet I am not satisfied that the volume of trade in this country is not sufficient to keep all these pits working a reasonable number of days. What we find to-day is that some collieries are kept working six days a week while others are closed. This is one of the reasons for urging the reorganisation of the coal industry. If it were properly organised, the volume of trade at the present time is quite sufficient to keep the whole of the collieries working a reasonable number of days.

I want just to say one or two words with regard to the Dawes Report. I have no enthusiasm for the Dawes Report. I am prepared to admit it. It is, however, scarcely possible to take into consideration the mining industry without at the same time thinking of the Dawes Report. While I have no enthusiasm for it, I am prepared to admit that I believe it was the first step taken to enable the then Government to come to a better understanding with France. But the question I am bound to ask myself, as one interested in the mining industry, is, "Was France's friendship worth the price we have had to pay for it? "It has been the means of throwing thousands of miners out of employment. There is no doubt the miners of this country were doing well; they had a high standard of living when the Treaty of Versailles was signed. That Treaty simply pulled the mining classes down from the high, comfortable position they were in and pushed them into the gutter of poverty, so that the miners ought not to have a great deal of enthusiasm for foreign affairs. The Treaty of Versailles knocked out the bottom of the mining industry in this country. It is because of that I want to submit that, when France went into the War, it may have been perfectly right to try to get her out of it, but while France was in the War the miners of this country were doing well. To keep this spirit of friendship the miners have paid an enormously big price in having their trade ruined and the miners thrown out of work. I am sorry the Secretary for Mines is not here to-night. He is not to blame for that. We did not give sufficient notice in order that he might be here, but I would like his friends to convey to him that something should be done in order to come to the rescue of the miners in this country at the present time. With so many thousands of our men out of work, with their wives and bairns starving, I want to submit to the Ministry in charge that this is one of the questions which would well warrant the Government giving its earliest attention to.

I want to say at the outset there is no blame attaching to the Secretary for Mines for not being here. It is only about an hour ago that we gave notice that we were going to raise this question to-night. The mining industry is in a worse condition to-day than it has ever been in its history. There are about 130,000 miners out of employment at the present time—about 12j per cent., I think, of the entire industry. In 1921, at the time the mining industry was decontrolled by this House, we were told by the Members representing the coal-owners in this House that if the industry was decontrolled the markets lost under control would be won, and the industry in a very short time would be in a flourishing condition. The industry, with the exception of the period referred to by the last speaker, when the Ruhr was invested by the French, has been going from bad to worse. What we say on this side of the House is that this industry requires drastic re-organisation. The profits made by the industry in the aggregate were £24,000,000, or double the profits made in 1913, but during this period that I am speaking about, 1923, we have large areas of colliery villages and towns in a state of entire destitution through the closing down of collieries in local areas. If the industry were properly re-organised the trade and the industry would be equally distributed throughout the industry. As it is at present, it is run by various companies who are competing against each other. We have no possible control over these companies.

I will give the House an instance of what I mean. I take a company that used to be very wealthy, the Ebbw Vale Company. This company has a capital of some three or four millions—I believe £6,000,000 was the total capital of the company. During the War, at the beginning of 1916, and closing with 1921, this company made £2,500,000 in profit. They paid these profits out in bonus shares, and then borrowed £3,000,000 a!, 8 per cent, for seven years, and bough+ other collieries. In 1921 they began to close these collieries, which they had only bought a year or two previously, and in Blaina in Monmouthshire they closed four collieries. There are millions of tons of coal in those collieries that have never been recovered, and probably never will be recovered under this company. They bought collieries lower down the valley and they closed collieries in Abertillery about two months ago. They closed three collieries there; that is to say, seven collieries in the one area in my constituency. As a result the Bedwelty Board of Guardians have had to borrow £300,000, the local shopkeepers are bankrupt, and the co-operative society is in debt to the tune of £60,000. That is the consequence of working a great national industry under what is termed private enterprise. It inflicts incalculable injury upon very large areas.

In my opinion the bad trade in the mining industry had its origin in the Versailles Treaty. That Treaty agreed that reparations should be made not in gold but in kind. It arranged for reparations to be made in coal. It was agreed that for 10 years Germany should deliver to France 7,000,000 tons of ooa-1 per year. It was agreed that a like quantity should be delivered to Belgium, and, under slightly varied conditions, a similar quantity was to be delivered to Italy. The result has been to dislocate the mining industry here, and now we are told that the only way to recover the prosperity of the industry Is by working longer hours. That is a very unsound remedy, and one which will be worse than the disease. If colliery owners cannot dispose of the coal won in seven hours, how are they going to dispose of the coal won in eight hours? We are told we have to compete with Continental nations. That is quite true, but the Continental nations are suffering in some eases quite as badly as we are. I find that the Belgian miners have just concluded a 10 weeks' strike against a 10 per cent, reduction. In the last monthly report issued by Lloyd's Banking Company I find that the Spanish miners have also been on strike. The suggestion that one nation competing against another is a remedy for the evils of the coal industry is absolutely unsound and unjustifiable.

If we cut down the cost of production we shall cut down wages, and if we cut down wages we lower the purchasing power of the worker and increase unemployment. I believe that a great deal of the misery in this country to-day is due to the underpayment of the workers. According to the Board of Trade returns about £600,000,000 per year has been taken off the wages of the workers of this country, and owing to this enormous reduction the purchasing power of the workers has been crippled. Consequently we have greater unemployment now than before the reduction took place. I am much disappointed that all reference to an industry like the mining industry should have been left out of His Majesty's gracious Speech. It deserves the immediate attention of this House, and I think some contribution towards a remedy would be to have an immediate and drastic inquiry to find out the effects upon the industry of the Versailles Treaty and the Dawes Report. There seems to be very little hope for the coal industry at present as far as we can see. We have men unemployed in tens of thousands living in destitution and poverty, yet we go on from day to day and from year to year thinking that something will be done to relieve this poverty and destitution. I do not think that will come except from human agency. I think the industry wants drastic reorganising. I believe the cost of production could be materially reduced if the industry were orgianised in the manner indicated by the Sankey Report. The ignoring of that Report is in my opinion responsible for the terrible condition of things we find in the industry to-day.

I protest against the closing down of collieries in particular areas and the throwing of the whole weight of poverty and misery upon certain limited districts As long as we have a mining industry the trade of that industry should be equitably shared among the workers employed in it. The mines are not being properly developed. There is plenty of virgin mineral in this country. It is said that in Monmouthshire the colliery companies cannot afford to work the collieries which have been closed. In a proper, sane, organised industry this would have been foreseen years ago and new collieries would have been opened before these collieries were closed. At Aberbeeg, just below where these collieries are closed there is mineral that would last for a hundred years, and before these collieries were closed new collieries could have been opened there. The industry is in a chaotic state, no one seems to be interested in organising it. The Government seem to be helpless, and the Secretary for Mines has as much power as a man with two broken arms. He has divested himself of power, or rather, the Government have deliberately stripped him of all power, and now the industry is going into chaos, and no one seems to be able to do anything to restore it. The coal owners are alarmed as well as the miners, and are asking for a drastic inquiry into this matter. I believe a good deal of this misery which exists could be mitigated if we had some system to-day such as we had during the War. I believe myself if the coal owners had accepted the principle of the pool it would have alleviated much of the misery which has resulted from competition. At any rate, I implore this House to give some attention to this industry and to see if something cannot be done to relieve the terrible misery that is being inflicted upon the mining population.

There is another matter that is really more serious than the question of employment, and that is the terrible death-rate in the mining industry. I cannot but believe that this is largely due to speeding-up on purpose to lower the cost of production. At least, our men say this, that they are driven until they do not know what they are doing while they are following their employment. To drive a miner is tantamount to making him commit suicide. There is no industry that requires more care and more forethought than the industry of mining. I find that in 1923 the number killed was 1,387, which was 227 more than in 1922. The number injured and incapacitated for more than seven days was 218,891, or 28,642 more than in 1922. These figures portray a tragedy too awful to be described in language, and to leave this industry to private enterprise with these terrible results is not, in my opinion, at all worthy of this great country. Unless we can have this death-rate reduced, nationalisation ought to be a national necessity, and it ought to be insisted upon in the interests not only of the nation but of the men, and of the lives which are sacrificed on purpose to win coal for this country.

I must confirm what my hon. Friend the Member for Spennymoor (Mr. Batey) said to the Secretary for Mines, and I have a case in point that has happened in Durham. A company, during control, took £50,000 more than they ought to have taken. The Secretary for Mines made application to these owners to repay their debts, not to the miners, but to the State, and they said they could not afford it. The Mining Department reduced that liability to £20,000; then we went again, two or three of us belonging to Durham, to modify the rates of the men, and the Department reduced it to £4,000, but then they refused to go on and 600 men were thrown out. That was done in a comparatively small colliery in Durham, and what we complain of is, that there are companies to-day with five, six, or eight collieries, who are playing one up against the other, to the detriment of the men and their families in the area.

I would like to deal with the case, mentioned by the hon. Member for Spennymoor, of a colliery that is now at variance and cannot possibly get its money from the Employment Exchange. These men happened to work very hard, and we have a system in Durham, unfortunately, where the harder you work you raise your wages above the basis, and you are reduced because you have done well in that direction. The owners demanded a reduction of from 50 to 60 per cent, in some of the grades. The men objected to that, and the result is that the colliery is closed down, and the men cannot get their unemployment benefit. To-day we are face to face, in Durham, with a state of bitter feeling on the part of the men against the owners, and vice versa, and it is because of this that I ask the Minister of Labour to reconsider that case, which is the only case of its kind where such a decision has been given, in spite of the fact that the referees in that case decided for the men. We do not want bitter feeling in the industry. We know what the coal trade means to this country, apart from what it means to the people who have to live upon it, and I feel that when June comes we are in for a fight with some bitterness, and in certain cases, such as has happened in the particular colliery I have mentioned, I would like to ask the Secretary for Mines and the Minister of Labour to get together and to see if they cannot come to some conclusion, and not allow the owners with five, eight or ten collieries to play one up against the other, and, having reduced one, be able to supply their trade with the other five or six, and when they have got the men down to longer hours, start at the next colliery. We are, as a mining community, often charged with being always in trouble, but, believe me, the conditions in our colliery places are very serious indeed, and particularly in Durham. I am very pleased that we have been told why the Secretary for Mines cannot be here, because I think we are chivalrous enough not to blame him when we did not give him sufficient notice. We are chivalrous even to our opponents, and I am only too willing to give to the Minister of Mines any information I can.

My hon. Friend emphasised another point, which is a very noticeable thing to everybody, even outside the mines, and that is the tremendous loss of life we are now having in the mines, even in spite of the difference of 130,000 in the number of men idle to-day compared with the year for which these figures were taken. The rush to-day is very serious indeed, and particularly in the case of boys from 14 to 16, and the death rate is appalling. There are thousands of families that cannot get coal to burn to keep themselves warm this winter; even in Durham, which is the very centre of the greatest coalfield in England, perhaps, people cannot possibly get coals to keep them warm, and yet we have 30,000 men idle in Durham alone to-day. I am appealing to the Minister of Labour and the Secretary for Mines to take this increase in that county alone, and to listen to the complaints' we put before them, and see if something cannot be done in cases where a colliery company deliberately—and this is not a "Daily Herald" statement, nor a statement from a Socialist, but from your own Government Department—take £50,000 more than they ought to have taken, and have gone off with it, while the people who were getting their livelihood out of the mines and were willing to give their work are left to starve.

While I am interested in many subjects, there are three particular subjects in which I claim to be more interested than in, the others. The one is mining, because, as I have already pointed out in this House, I myself have known the tragedy of a mining life. I have been a miner, and I am glad I have managed to get out of the mines. The second question in which I am interested is education, because I got so little of it. The third is poverty, because I have had too much of it. Unfortunately, the mining industry to-day is feeling exactly the effects of poverty that I myself have felt. No one in this House, I am sure, would attempt to justify a system which places thousands of our miners in the position in which we find them at the present time, faced with unemployment in many instances, and in practically all instances faced with low wages, unemployment affecting the mining community to the same extent practically as it is now affecting any other industry in the country. There are two reasons why the miners are faced with that situation. One is the loss of markets, and the second is the high cost of materials necessary for producing coal.

The Government of the day have rejected what I claim was going to be one item, at least, of great assistance to the mining community, namely, the Russian Treaty. That would have assisted us in providing a market for British coal of from 7,000,000 to 8,000,000 tons. I see someone opposite shake his head, but may I point out that we had a trade of over 6,000,000 tons with Russia, and at the present time we have a trade of only 500,000. That treaty might, although I do not claim it would, have provided a market of from 5,500,000 to 6,000,000 tons of British coal. It would have done something more. In return for the coal, we might at least have got one of the main materials to help us in producing coal, namely, wood, and we would have been enabled to get that more cheaply, and so reduced the cost of production, which enters into the matter of settling the miners' wages in this country, and it might have helped the miners in getting a little better wage than at the present moment.

10.0 P.M.

What I would like to know from the Secretary for Mines—and I agree with my colleague that no responsibility rests upon him for not being here, but I hope the points will be conveyed to him by the Chief Whip—is what action the Government propose taking with a view to getting back some of these markets we have lost, because until we can get a market for our coal, we are not going to be in a position to help the mining industry in the effective way we are desirous of helping it. When there is talk on the part of the employers that the only way to solve the problem is to get back to the eight-hours' day, it is well that the country should know that the miners have not got a seven-hours' day from bank to bank, but a seven-hours' working day, and, from my experience, going to and coming from the coal face is sometimes the most difficult part of the shift, occupying at least an hour and a half, and making the miners' day 8½ hours in many instances. His day does not finish then, and when he gets home, owing to the unfortunate housing conditions, the wife has two hours' or two and a half hours' work. Therefore, when the employers speak about the miners getting back to an eight-hours' day, they can take it from the miners' representatives in this House that it will be one of the biggest fights this country has ever seen. We are hoping that this Government, with its great majority, will see its way to give effect to one of the recommendations made by the Sankey Commission, namely, a six-hours' day so far as the mining industry is concerned, and if the Mines Department would set themselves scientifically to use the knowledge we have got in connection with coal, then I make the claim here that I have made on platforms in the country, that not only would we be justified in giving the mining industry a six-hours' day, but we could quite well give them a four-hours' day, produce all the coal required, and give miners a decent standard of living, which they are now refused.

I want to put two other questions to the Chief Whip, which I hope he will convey to the Secretary for Mines. What action do the Government propose taking in regard to miners' welfare? I find the cost is about 1 12d. per ton on that which is commercially disposed of. I understand there is practical agreement between coalowners' and miners' organisations so far as the advantages are concerned. There is no reference in the King's Speech as to what the Government propose to do, and I understand that the Act will practically go out of operation unless some action be taken. I am anxious to know what is to be done in connection with the Miners' Welfare scheme for the purpose of continuing the money necessary for carrying through the scheme. Secondly, I would like to know if the Mines Department are prepared to take action along with the Education Department with a view to doing something to avoid the many accidents which take place in mines. My hon. Friend who represents a Durham constituency has made special reference to the large number of accidents in mines to young boys from 14 to 18 years of age. I want to suggest that if there could be co-operation between the Mines Department and the Education Department, with a view to inculcating into the minds of many of these boys who are going to enter the mines, knowledge of how to avoid accidents, good would result. I do not mean a great syllabus prepared by someone who knows everything about mines with a view to teaching them about mining, but I believe it is practicable and possible, by co-operation between the Mines Department and the Education Department, to have taught to those who are going to enter the mines a knowledge of the dangers they are to meet, and with that knowledge they will know how to avoid these dangers. It is suggested that in that case they will not enter the mines, but I do not say that. Whatever knowledge I have got, I got it by attending the continuation class, and it certainly did not make me afraid of going into the mine. But I do trust there will be co-operation between the two Departments, because we are making a practical experiment in the county to which I belong. We are setting up classes for young persons between 14 and 18, with a view to giving them the elementary knowledge of how to avoid accidents in mining. That is the reason I mention my interest in education as well as my interest in mining. If, as a result of such cooperation between the two Departments, we can save some of the awful human suffering in the mining industry, this Debate, at least, will have been justified. I am sure it is a practical suggestion, and I trust the Chief Whip will convey it to the Secretary for Mines. I may say that the Chief Inspector of Mines, who is very interested in this matter, has given us all the assistance possible in this practical proposition, and I trust that it will be extended to the country as a whole.

I am only sorry that the Secretary for Mines was not present to-night to hear the most interesting speeches that have been made from the benches opposite. As hon. Members opposite know, I am quite fully employed in my capacity as Chief Whip, and I think they also know that I am always ready to help, but what I am not prepared to do is to answer on the spur of the moment for any Minister who does not happen to be present, on a highly technical subject. I know hon. Members will not expect me so to do. We shall always try to have Ministers present to answer questions if notice is given. I am very grateful to all hon. Members opposite who have spoken, because they have recognised what is a very old Parliamentary practice, and that is tht due notice should be given to Ministers. On this occasion I am very grateful to hon. Members for having recognised that fact.

Even if the whole of the Ministry that we possess were spread out on this Front Bench, I am afraid we have got nobody capable of dealing with the highly interesting theological thesis put forward by the hon. Member for Spennymoor (Mr. Batey) as to the possession by the capitalist of a soul or as to the more intriguing problem of the future resting place of that much-abused class. But what I can promise hon. Gentlemen opposite who have spoken is that I will have their questions and their desires put before my hon. Friend and I am sure he will be very grateful indeed for the promise of co-operation which some hon. Members opposite have held out. Hon. Members know that I can hold out no promise of any sort or kind, but I am quite sure that if anything could or can be done to help the great mining industry or to alleviate the great suffering of the people engaged in that industry, nobody will be more pleased than my hon. Friends who sit on this side of the House.

Question, "That this House do now adjourn," put, and agreed to.

Adjourned accordingly at Seven Minutes after Ten o'Clock.