House of Commons
Thursday, February 12, 1925
The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.
Private Business
County of London Electric Supply Company Bill [ Lords ] (by Order),
London Electricity Supply (No. 1) Bill [ Lords ] (by Order),
London Electricity Supply (No. 2) Bill [ Lords ] (by Order),
North Metropolitan Electric Power Supply Company Bill [ Lords ] (by Order),
Second Reading deferred till Thursday next, at a quarter-past Eight of the clock.
LOCAL LEGISLATION COMMITTEE, —Ordered, That the Committee of Selection do nominate a Committee, not exceeding Fifteen Members, to be called the Local Legislation Committee, to whom shall be committed all Private Bills promoted by municipal and other local authorities by which it is proposed to create powers relating to Police, Sanitary, or other Local Government Regulations in conflict with, deviation from, or excess of the provisions of the general Law.
Ordered, That Standing Orders 119. 150, and 173a apply to all such Bills.
Ordered, That the Committee have power to send for persons, papers, and records.
Ordered, That Four be the quorum.
Ordered, That if the Committee shall report to the Committee of Selection that any Clauses of any Bill referred to them (other than Clauses containing Police, Sanitary, or other Local Government regulations) are such as, having regard to the terms of reference, it is not in their opinion necessary or advisable for them to deal with, the Committee of Selection shall thereupon refer the Bill to a Select Committee, who shall consider those Clauses and so much of the Preamble of the Bill as relates thereto, and shall determine the expenditure (if any) to be authorised in respect of the parts of the Bill referred to them. That the Committee shall deal with the remaining Clauses of such Bill, and so much of the Preamble as relates thereto, and shall determine the period and mode of repayment of any money authorised by the Select Committee to be borrowed and shall report the whole Bill to the House, stating in their Report what parts of the Bill have been considered by each Committee.
Ordered, That the Committee have power, if they so determine, to sit as two Committees, and in that event to apportion the Bills referred to the Committee between the two Committees, each of which shall have the full powers of and be subject to the instructions which apply to the undivided Committee, and that Four be the quorum of each of the two Committees. — [ Mr. Godfrey Locker-Lampson. ]
Dumfries and Maxwelltown Bridge Order Confirmation Bill,
Read the Third time, and passed.
Dundee Corporation and Water and Gas Order Confirmation Bill,
"to confirm a Provisional Order under the Private Legislation Procedure (Scotland) Act, 1899, relating to Dundee Corporation and Water and Gas," presented by Sir JOHN GILMOUR; read the First time: and ordered (under Section 9 of the Act) to be read a Second time upon Friday, 20th February, and to be printed. [Bill 21.]
Oral Answers to Questions
Naval and Military Pensions and Grants
Widowed Mothers
asked the Minister of Pensions whether he can see his way to extend to widowed mothers of ex-service men the concession with regard to the seven years' time limit already granted to the widows of deceased men?
I am sending the hon. Member a copy of the Royal Warrant of 2nd September last, which made provision of the nature mentioned.
Treatment Allowances
also asked the Minister of Pensions whether he will now revise the regulations which prevent an ex-service man who is undergoing out patient treatment from receiving any monetary allowance even when the disability for which he is being treated prevents him from following his normal occupation?
The hon. Member appears to be under a misapprehension as to the effect of the regulations governing the grant of allowances during treatment. There are, in fact, at the present tune some 6,000 men on an average undergoing courses of out-patient treatment, who are in receipt of full allowances Under Article 6 of the Royal Warrant.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say why certain cases are refused and others granted? If a man is undergoing out-patient treatment, and unable to follow his work, will he in future be entitled to treatment allowance?
That, of course, depends entirely on the nature of the treatment given.
Will the right hon. Gentleman give the number of people receiving such treatment, and getting no pension whatever
People who are receiving treatment in hospital receive, instead of pension, full rate of total disablement.
Of these patients, what number are not getting any allowance at?
If the hon. Member wishes to have that information, and will put a question down, I will be prepared to get it.
Disability Pension
asked the Minister of Pensions why only men who have been actually invalided from the service under paragraph 392, XVI, of the King's Regulations or transferred to Class P Reserve are eligible for the award of 8d. per day for life for service-cum-disability, while men who in many cases have 14 to 19 years' service and were demobilised or transferred to Class Z Reserve are not eligible for this award though disability pension was claimed and granted at a later date?
I assume my hon. Friend has in mind Article 1163 of the Royal Warrant of 1914, which is common to the Ministry and the Service Departments. This Article provides special rates of compensation for service in the case of regular soldiers who had been prevented by discharge on account of disability from completing the service necessary to qualify for long service pension. Men serving on short time engagements during the War and demobilised when their services were no longer required are not within the scope of the Article.
Final Awards
asked the Minister of Pensions whether there are any exceptions to the rule that there is no appeal against a final award after the period allowed has elapsed; and, if so, what machinery is there for dealing with such cases?
As I intimated in my reply to the hon. and gallant Member for the Hulme Division of Manchester (Sir J. Nall) on the 11th December last, an arrangement is in operation whereby eases in which it is shown that an appellant was prevented by unavoidable cause from entering his appeal within the statutory period are put to the appeal tribunals and may be heard by them on their merits. Such cases, like all other cases, are transmitted through the area offices of the Ministry in the first instance.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that many ex-service men undergoing treatment in the hospitals are told to refer their rights to the pension appeal tribunal on their discharge, that when this treatment is prolonged, the statutory time has elapsed, and when these men are discharged they have no right of appeal to the pension appeal tribunal, and their case is gone? Will the right hon. Gentleman make some provision so that the time for appealing is extended?
If the hon. Gentleman will send me a case of that sort I will go into it and also give him a reply not on that specific example, but on the general principle.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that some tribunals, when these cases come before them and the Ministry's representative tells them they are out of time, refuse to deal with them?
Is it not true that happens in every case?
That is not the case. In certain cases where it is quite clear that there are good reasons, we waive our objection, but leave the tribunal to settle the matter. I may remind the House that if the House passes a law by which there is a time limit, that time limit must be upheld.
asked the Minister of Pensions whether, in view of the dissatisfaction amongst ex-service men in regard to final awards being given to pensioners of under 20 per cent., and because of the hardship caused thereby, he has considered recommending to this House the setting up of a Select Committee to consider the whole question?
The Government have carefully considered the suggestion made by my hon. and gallant Friend, but they do not consider that it can suitably be adopted. The statutory remedy of appeal to the independent appeal tribunals is available in the cases to which he refers, as well as in the case of final awards of life pension, and this remedy has been very freely exercised. So far as any just ground of grievance may remain the difficulty is essentially one affecting particular cases, not the whole system of final awards. As such it is, in the view of the Government, properly met by administrative action. Such action, with a view to the correction of awards that are demonstrated exceptionally to have been made final in error, was initiated by me in 1923, and this solution was accepted and extended by the late Government on lines which are working satisfactorily. I am giving careful attention to the whole matter with a view to facilitating the smooth working of the arrangements.
In view of the unsatisfactory nature of that reply, I beg to give notice that, after questions, I shall ask leave to move the Adjournment of the House.
Regional Office, Wales
asked the Minister of Pensions what decision, if any, has been arrived at with regard to the future of the regional office in Wales of the Ministry of Pensions; and whether he is aware that the closing down of this office will place a large number of men and women out of employment, with the result that the persons displaced in many cases will be compelled to have resource to unemployment pay, and, possibly, to the rates?
I have decided to transfer the awards work from the Wales region to London, and arrangements are already in progress for carrying out the tansfer. The administrative advantages which will accrue from the change are such that I should not be justified in delaying it. Alternative employment will be offered in this Ministry to the large majority of the staff now employed in the Wales Regional Headquarters Office, and endeavour will be made to place the remainder in other Government Departments.
I wish to thank the right hon. Gentleman for his very courteous reply, and to ask him whether he will say where it is proposed to find this alternative employment in Wales?
I have known cases of Welsh people finding employment in London and of English people finding it in Wales. We shall do our best for these men, because we recognise we must do what we can for them, but I cannot maintain an unnecessary complication in working merely to relieve unemployment.
May I ask whether the right hon. Gentleman proposes to treat Wales differently from any other part of the country?
No, the Ministry in this question propose to treat Wales exactly in the same way as Ireland, both North and South, has been already treated, with successful results.
But what about Scotland? Is Wales to be treated differently from Scotland?
Mental Cases (Maintenance)
asked the Minister of Pensions whether his attention has been called to the fact that the London County Council are contemplating proceedings to enforce payment by boards of guardians who have refused payment hitherto for the maintenance in mental hospitals of ex-service patients who have become chargeable to the boards; and whether he will consider taking such steps as may be necessary to ensure that ex-service patients mentally affected as the result of service in the War should be maintained at the expense of the nation?
The cost of maintenance in mental hospitals of ex-service men, whose condition was caused by their war service, is, and always has been, borne by my Department. If, however, as I gather, the cases which my hon. and gallant Friend has in mind are certain cases in which the men's unfortunate condition has been ascertained not to be due in any way to war service, the suggestion made is riot one which concerns my Department.
Questions
Ministry of Pensions (Medical Service)
asked the Minister of Pensions whether he will consider the desirability of conceding the principle that temporary full-time medical men in the service of the Ministry of Pensions who served overseas during the late War, and especially if they were invalided or disabled in consequence of their service, should be retained when it is found necessary to reduce the numbers serving, in preference to those temporary full-time medical men who did not serve overseas?
The chief considerations in determining the continued employment of medical officers in the Ministry of Pensions are efficiency and the possession of the necessary qualifications for the duties required to be performed. Subject to those considerations, preference is given to an officer with over- seas service, more especially if he has a war disability, over one with home service only.
How many of these doctors have served overseas?
Out of 378 whole-time officers, 288 have served overseas.
Aliens
Convictions and Judgments
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether, by administrative order, he will cause records to be kept of the number of aliens and naturalised aliens who may be convicted of indictable offences or have judgments delivered against them in civil Courts?
Statistics of receptions of aliens into prisons such as I gave in reply to the hon. Member for the Isle of Thanet on the 18th December last go far, I think, in the direction desired by the hon. Member, and I do not think that such further records as it would be in my power to require would be of sufficient value to justify the taking of special measures to obtain them.
Stowaways
asked the Home Secretary whether his attention has been drawn to the traffic in aliens reported to be carried on by the help of the crews of British ships and to the resolution of the Leeds Board of Guardians on this subject; whether he is aware that six aliens were recently landed at Goole without papers; and what steps he is taking to prevent the landing of aliens in this way in this country?
I am aware that many attempts are made by aliens to land in this country as stowaways, in some cases with the connivance of members of the crews of the ships in which they arrive. The majority of these stowaways are detected by the Immigration Staff, refused leave to land and removed by the ships in which they came; while those who succeeded in eluding the vigilance of the officers are usually detected and are then removed from the United Kingdom. Where necessary I am ready to make Deportation Orders in these cases. I am satisfied that all possible steps are being taken to prevent these illegal landings. I have not seen the resolution of the Leeds Board of Guardians on this subject, but the case of five or six aliens who recently succeeded in evading the control at Goole and landed illegally has been engaging the attention of my Department. One of them has already been caught and is about to be deported.
Importing Agents
asked the Home Secretary whether he will, in conjunction with the Foreign Office, take steps to counteract the activities of alien importing agents who, durng the season of steamer day excursions from our southern and eastern seaside towns to Continental ports, afford facilities for the entry of numbers of aliens, owing to the waiving of passport regulations?
I have no knowledge of any such activities of alien importing agents as are suggested, and I am confident that the concessions under which passports may be dispensed with in connection with the excursion traffic to Continental ports are in the public interests. This traffic is regulated by the issue of a special form of ticket, and is carefully supervised by the immigration staff, who check the passengers on the outward and return journeys with a view to preventing any evasion of the provisions of the Aliens Order.
Arising out of that answer, is the right hon. Gentleman aware—
I would ask hon. Members to have a little regard to those whose questions come later on the Order Paper to-day.
Questions
Rook and Rabbit Rifles
asked the Home Secretary whether he has received representations from the Gun Makers' Association with regard to the exclusion from the Fire Arms Act of rook and rabbit rifles of 22 calibre and 300; and whether, in view of the inconvenience and expense which is caused to the trade and the Department on account of certificates being required for these sporting weapons and ammunition for them, he will consider their exclusion from the provisions of that Act?
I have received such representations. The purpose of the Firearms Act is to control the use of lethal weapons, and recent information in my possession does not suggest that a distinction based merely upon calibre could be justified. I should be prepared to consider any practical proposals directed to simplifying the Act while maintaining its principles.
Licensed Premises (Children)
asked the Home. Secretary if his attention has been called to the recent decision of the West Ham stipendiary magistrate that the presence of a child in arms on licensed premises was not against law; whether he will consider the effect such decision will have upon the country generally: and whether he will take the necessary steps to so tighten the existing laws that such a practice is made illegal?
My attention has been called to the newspaper reports of the remarks made by the magistrate, and I have been in communication with him on the subject. He informs me that his remarks have been misunderstood, and that what he had in mind was that the circumstances of the particular case did not call for any punishment. I am advised that Section 120, read with the definition of "child" in Section 131 of the Children Act, 1908, applies to all children under 14 including infants in arms, and there is no necessity for any amendment of the law in this respect.
Could the right hon. Gentleman say why there is exclusion of children from an institution that may he freely entered by both parents
That is another question.
Omnibuses (Top-Deck Structures)
asked the Home Secretary, seeing that the general conditions prescribed for the acceptance of omnibuses still preclude the attachment of a canopy to the top deck; that the Committee of the Ministry of Transport made any recommendations to the contrary, sufficient to permit experiments by the London General Omnibus Company in permanent top-deck structures; and, further, that his Department in July, 1923, refused to give permission for the use of an all-weather patent collapsible hood; whether, as such protection against the weather would be a boon, he will cause investigation to be made of the hood in question to see if it can be beneficially used?
I have been asked to answer this question. No alteration has been made by the Commissioner of Police in the conditions referred to in the first part of the question. At my request the Commissioner is prepared to grant experimental licences for a few omnibuses of the low-platform type, fitted with rigid top-deck covers. The hood to which the hon. Member refers in the last part of his question has been examined. The Commissioner however, is not in favour of the use of collapsible hoods on omnibuses, at any rate at the present time, and I concur with his views.
Young Female Offenders
asked the Home Secretary whether young female offenders on remand are at any time associated in the prison with older prisoners; whether there are any means of communication between the two classes of prisoners on their way from the Court to the prison; and, if so, whether he can give the House the assurance that this matter is receiving the attention of the Committee which is 'now considering the subject of the treatment of young offenders?
There is no association between such prisoners and older women in prison except in the hospital ward. In such cases, however, the women are never left alone, but a trained nurse is always present by day and night. Communication is sometimes no doubt possible when prisoners are being conveyed from a Police Court to prison. The question whether any further precautions are possible and desirable will be brought to the notice of the Committee referred to and will not doubt receive their careful consideration.
Metropolitan Police
asked the Home Secretary whether his attention has been called to statements made by Sir William Horwood, Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police, on 11th January last, to the effect that the recent increase in the number of burglaries in the Metropolitan Area must not be attributed to any lack of vigilance on the part of the uniform branch of the police; that this branch is considerably under strength, and that there are men in the uniform branch working three, and sometimes four, beats at the same time; and whether, in view of these statements, he proposes to bring the uniform branch up to adequate strength?
The figures the Commissioner quoted indicated that there were fewer burglaries in 1924 than in 1923 or 1922; but the uniform branch is at present considerably under strength, and I am giving the whole question my careful consideration.
Is it not a fact that recruiting for the Metropolitan Police is very much below what it used to be, and that the whole of the police forces throughout the country are under strength?
As to the whole of the police forces, I cannot give a definite answer; but the Metropolitan Police Force is under strength; the City Police Force is under strength; and some of the other forces are under strength.
Ill-Treatment of Animals (Penalties)
asked the Home Secretary whether his attention has been drawn to the conviction at Chesterfield of a man for deliberately throwing a live dog into a blazing furnace, when the defendant was sent to prison for two months with hard labour; and whether he will consider the matter of introducing legislation empowering the infliction of heavier sentences and penalties in bad cases of ill-treatment of animals?
I have seen newspaper reports of this case. I will consider the question of initiating legislation in the sense suggested, but can give no pledge.
Dogs Act, 1871
asked the Home Secretary whether he is aware that at the Hertfordshire quarter sessions, on 6th January last, it was established that in law there was no right of appeal by Mr. Edwards against an order by local magistrates to have his dog, which was alleged to be dangerous, destroyed; and whether, having regard to the circumstance that there have been successful appeals in the past, he will consider the matter of introducing a short Bill providing for the right of appeal against orders made under Section 2 of the Dogs Act, 1871?
I am afraid that I cannot undertake to introduce legislation on this subject.
Factories Bill
asked the Home Secretary when he intends to introduce the promised Factories Bill: and if, in the framing of that Bill, he will give his consideration to the conditions of labour applying to those engaged in boiler scaling and the cleaning of oil tanks in oil-carrying ships, and the present employment of boys under 16 in these occupations?
I am afraid that I cannot at present indicate any date for the introduction of this Bill. I will certainly consider the point raised in the latter part of the question.
Non-Payment of Fines (Imprisonment)
asked the Home Secretary whether he will give for the year 1923–24 the number of persons sent to prison in default of a fine who were given no time in which to pay the fine?
The number of persons received in prison during the year ended the 31st March, 1924, in default of payment of a fine who were allowed no time for payment was 11,874.
asked the Home Secretary whether his attention has been drawn to the large number of persons under the age of 21 years who go to prison in default of paying a fine; and whether he will recommend to the Courts that in all cases where an offender under the age of 21 years, who has been given time in which to pay a fine, fails to pay lie should be brought before the Court again before going to prison?
A defendant under 21 years of age, who has been fined and allowed time for payment, may apply to the Court for an extension of time or may be placed by the Court under supervision, but the Court has no power to compel his appearance before it again before committing him to prison. I could not, therefore, make the recommendation suggested by the hon. Member.
Would the right hon. Gentleman make some suggestion to see that the persons in these cases are informed of their rights? Does he not think a number of them do go to prison unwittingly?
The "large number" mentioned in the question of the hon. Gentleman is a little misleading. Only 484 were last year committed in default of paying their fines. Of these, 198 were allowed time to pay and 169 paid their fines after reaching prison; so it is not quite so bad as it seems.
May I ask the right hon. Gentleman—
I would remind the hon. Gentleman that there is a large number of questions on the Paper.
Borstal Institutions (Transfers to Prison)
asked the Home Secretary whether he will give directions that, in future, when a young woman, on account of bad behaviour in a Borstal institution, is transferred to prison, the Court should be consulted as to the length of sentence to be served there instead of the unexpired residue of her Borstal sentence being automatically imposed?
When a girl is transferred from a Borstal institution to a prison, she is not necessarily held to serve a period equal to the unexpired part of her sentence. The duration of her imprisonment is determined by the Secretary of State in the light of all the circumstances and of her conduct both in the Borstal institution and in prison, and her prospects on discharge. The Court is consulted whenever circumstances require such consultation.
As a matter of fact have there been any cases in which a different term has been imposed than would have been the unexpired sentence?
I think so I had a case the other day, and I was trying to charge my memory as to what exactly I decided. But if the hon. Gentleman would be good enough to put a question down in respect to a definite case I will give him an answer. I know I considered, in making my decision, all the points that are mentioned here.
Fire Brigades
asked the Home Secretary whether it is proposed to take any legislative action upon any of the recommendations in the Report of the Royal Commission on Fire Brigades and Fire Prevention appointed in January, 1921?
I have not yet been able to examine in detail the recommendations of this Commission, which cover a very wide field. It may be possible to deal with some of the recommendations in Bills already promised. So far, however, as the general question of the organisation of fire brigades is concerned, I can bold out no prospect of legislation this year.
Police Strikers
asked the Home Secretary what action the Government proposes to take in regard to the Report of the Mackenzie Committee on the question of reinstatement of the police prison strikers?
I have considered the whole question very carefully, and have come to the conclusion that reinstatement in any form is nut of the question.
Does the right hon. Gentleman propose to take cognisance of that recommendation of the Committee respecting a cash payment—
No!
I am asking the right hon. Gentleman. What decision has the Government arrived at on that point?
The latter part of the recommendation of the Committee was unanimous. Therefore, I am taking it very carefully into my consideration. I cannot state what my decision will be.
May I ask also, in view of the fact that that recommendation was quite outside the terms of reference in the Report, and that no case was argued in respect of a cash payment., that an opportunity should be given for the case for a cash payment to be argued by the Committee or by another Committee to be appointed?
Having regard to the fact that the hon. Gentleman himself says that the matter was outside the purview of the Report of the Committee, I think he had better leave it where it stands in my hands, and after the statement I have made that I am considering very carefully the suggestion made by the Committee.
Workmen's Compensation (Polyeythcemia)
asked the Home Secretary whether the occurrence of the comparatively rare disease of polyeythœmia in direct connection with workers in ammonium sulphate production constitutes this disease an industrial disease; and, if so, will he have the disease scheduled as such under the Workmen's Compensation Act, 1906, so that these very painful cases can receive some compensation
I have only heard of one case of this disease, the cause of which is obscure, and there is no information at present before me which would justify its being classed as an industrial disease.
If it can be shown that this disease is actually the result of working under these conditions and could not come from any other cause, would the right hon. Gentleman then consider the advisability of adding this to the list of classified diseases?
I do not want to acid to the number of classified diseases. The only case mentioned is one sent to me by the right hon. Gentleman. In the case of these very obscure diseases one must look very carefully into the question before taking action.
The fewer the cases of injustice, the more easy it is to remedy them.
"Workers' Weekly" Newspaper
asked the Home Secretary if he intends to take any action against the "Workers' Weekly" newspaper in respect of an article entitled, "The Programme for the Army"
Before the right hon. Gentleman answers that question, may I ask whether he is prepared to take action against the editor of the "Workers' Weekly" for inciting the population to rebellion
My attention has been called to the article in question, but as at present advised I do not propose to take any action in regard to it.
Does the right hon. Gentleman consider that the present case is in any way different from the previous case of the "Workers' Weekly," in which the action was wisely withdrawn?
It is perhaps a little difficult to express an opinion as to various grades of wickedness.
May I ask the right hon. Gentleman if he declared emphatically his opinion at Deptford in a public speech, without carefuly considering the matter first?
Not at all.
Poor Litigants (Defence)
asked the Home Secretary whether he is satisfied that the existing law makes adequate provision for the defence of poor prisoners; and, if not, will he undertake to introduce such new legislation as he may consider necessary?
I understand that the Committee which has been considering the position of poor litigants in the High Court, will shortly complete its task, and I propose as soon as the Report is available to confer with the Lord Chancellor and the Attorney-General as to the steps which it may be desirable to take with reference to the position of poor persons in proceedings taken in the lower Courts.
Criminal Trials (Newspaper Reports)
asked the Home Secretary whether his attention has been called to the publication in detail of evidence in criminal trials by various newspapers in this country; if any expert reports have been supplied to him which tend to show that such reports have an injurious effect upon public morals and increase of criminal eases; and whether he will adopt measures to prevent publication of news of this nature?
My attention has been drawn to publications of this kind, but no expert reports to the effect suggested have been supplied to me. Legislation to prohibit the publication of reports of these proceedings would be difficult.
But does my right hon. Friend confess to the House that he is helpless to prevent a grave public scandal of this kind being continued from Sunday to Sunday throughout this country?
I did not say that I was powerless. What I said was that legislation, which means passing a Measure through this House, would be very difficult, and I think my hon. Friend realises that any attempt to interfere with the freedom of the Press, however much I deprecate these papers, and I do very strongly, is a question of very great difficulty.
Would it not be better to stop the publication of Sunday papers altogether? They are all printed on Friday?
Courts (Emergency Powers) Act
30.
asked the Home Secretary whether he is aware that the benefits of the Courts of Emergency Power Act come to an end automatically on the 17th March next: if he is aware that there are a number of claims under the Act pending which cannot come before the Court before the 17th March; and what action the Government proposes to take to enable these people, many of whom are ex-service men, to preserve their rights?
I am sorry to say there is a wrong date in this question, and I apologise to my right hon. Friend. The date should be 17th June.
Perhaps the hon. and gallant Member will be good enough to put his question to my Friend the Solicitor-General, who knows more about the matter than I do.
Child Adoption
asked the Home Secretary whether the Departmental Committee on Child Adoption, presided over by Mr. Justice Tomlin, has presented a Report; and, if not, when such Report may be expected?
The Committee has not yet presented a Report, and I am unable to say when the Report may be expected. I understand that the Committee has not yet finished taking evidence.
Education
Grants-In-Aid (Higher Education)
asked the President of the Board of Education whether he is prepared to introduce into the system of grants-in-aid of higher education the same principle of differentiation between areas with high and low rates as is embodied in the Regulation for grants-in-aid of elementary education, so as to prevent children living in highly-rated industrial areas being penalised by an insufficiency of facilities for higher education?
My right hon. Friend is afraid that he is not in a position at the present time to consider an alteration of the grant system, but I can assure the hon. Member that the point raised by him has not been overlooked.
State Scholarships
asked the President of the Board of Education whether he will consider the advisability o' appointing a committee to inquire into the question of State-provided scholarships in secondary schools, particularly with regard to the restriction of the scholarships to pupils in State-aided schools; and whether such scholarships might now he thrown open to all efficient secondary schools not having, or able to provide, such leaving scholarships?
The scheme of State scholarships for pupils in grant-aided schools was only revived last year, and my right hon. Friend does not think there is at present sufficient material to make it worth while to set up a Committee to consider its working.
Secondary Schools (Free Places)
asked the President of the Board of Education whether the restriction of free places in secondary schools to children who have previously attended elementary schools for a certain period can now be suspended as not being in the best interests of education as a whole; and is he aware that the parents of many children attending elementary schools are as capable of paying secondary school fees as the parents of those who do not come from the elementary schools?
Though the Regulations expressly provide only for the award of a specified minimum proportion of free places to pupils who have previously attended an elementary school, there is nothing in the Regulations to prevent the admission without payment of fees of other pupils also who are in need of financial assistance, and such pupils are not infrequently admitted at present.
League of Nations' Memorandum
asked the President of the Board of Education whether the Memorandum of the League of Nations, which the Board of Education was preparing, has yet been completed; and, if so, when he proposes to issue it?
My right hon. Friend regrets that he is not able to add anything to the answer which he gave the hon. Member on the 18th December last.
Unemployment
Local Authorities (Grants)
asked the Minister of Health whether he will recognise the principle of additional State grants to local authorities who have had heavy burdens thrown upon the local rates for the relief of the unemployed; and whether he will call a conference of representatives of necessitous areas as soon as possible in order that an equitable basis of additional grants may be arranged?
I do not think that there is at the present time a case for a further increase in the amount of the Exchequer assistance to local authorities, as suggested by the hon. Member. I would point out that the Exchequer grant in respect of unemployment relief works was recently increased and that the local rates have received material relief from the passing of the Unemployment Insurance Act of last year.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the burden placed on industrial undertakings in certain areas constitute a very grave burden, and a very unjust burden as compared with other areas which are not bearing their proper proportion of the cost of unemployment.
I do not think the position is worse to-day than it has been at any time during the last few years.
Is not the right hon. Gentleman aware that in certain districts the rate of unemployment is considerably higher to-day than it was 12 months ago, and can he give special consideration to those districts?
Will my hon. Friend put a question down?
Relief Works
asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware of the heavy burdens imposed upon local ratepayers as the result of the relief to unemployed persons in the country; whether he is by statistics informed as to the numbers of such men and women, able-bodied and willing to work; and whether he will take steps with the Government to ensure that schemes for productive employment will be introduced this year?
I have been asked to reply. Figures with regard to the extent of unemployment, as the hon. Member knows, are obtained and published each week. I am aware of the burden falling on local rates, but I would point out that this burden has been, and is, greatly relieved by the assistance given by unemployment benefit and by grants-in-aid of relief works from the Exchequer and the Road Fund. The question of making further provision for relief works continues to receive careful attention from the Government Departments concerned.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he will state the estimated amount of the savings of the people of Great Britain and Northern Ireland in 1924: and what sum was devoted to schemes for the relief of unemployment?
I know of no reliable estimate of savings. As regards the expenditure on unemployment relief I would refer my hon. Friend to Command Paper 2082. Similar figures for the current financial year are not yet available.
Debate
asked the Prime Minister whether he can now name the date on which the House will be afforded the opportunity of an unemployment debate?
This is a matter for arrangement through the usual channels.
Questions
Gunnersbury Park
asked the Minister of Health whether, having regard to the great importance of the preservation of open spaces in the rapidly-growing districts of Greater London, he will consider whether his department can give or obtain some financial assistance in the proposed purchase of Gunnersbury Park for the benefit of the public?
I regret that there are no funds at my disposal which are available for this purpose.
The right hon. Gentleman has already promised me assistance under certain conditions. Is that assistance to be merely moral?
Housing
Concrete Houses
asked the Minister of Health whether he can state the number of concrete houses now being put up; whether this substance is in every way satisfactory; and what other materials are being used at present for the construction of houses in addition to bricks and mortar?
The available statistics as to house building do not distinguish between houses erected with concrete and those of other forms of construction, but in the last few years many thousands of houses have been built in concrete. There is no reason to doubt the suitability of concrete for house building, and in this connection I would refer the hon. Member to the Second Interim Report of the Committee on New Methods of House Construction (Cmd. 2310) recently issued. The principal other materials in addition to bricks and mortar and concrete which are, at present in use for house building are stone, timber and steel.
Steel Houses
The following question stood on the Order Paper in the name of Sir H. Brittain:
41. To ask the Minister of Health whether he can state what progress has been made in the construction and erection of steel houses; and how the cost and rapidity of erection compare with the ordinary construction of bricks and mortar?
Mr. Speaker having called upon Mr. Rye to put Question 42,—
Can I not ask Question 41, Sir?
No, certainly not. The hon. Member has exceeded his ration.
The last question was my second.
This is the fourth. The hon. Member has postponed one.
Rent Restrictions Act
asked the Minister of Health whether, before promoting fresh legislation for the extension or alteration of the Increase of Rent and Mortgage Interest (Restrictions) Act, the Government will consider the advisability of calling a conference to be attended by representatives of His Majesty's Judges, by representatives of the Judges of the County Court, and by the President or an appointed representative of the Surveyors' Institute, and of the Auctioneers' and Estate Agents' Institute, with a view to obtaining their views and, if thought fit, embodying the same into any proposed.
I am afraid that I cannot adopt my hon. Friend's suggestion.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware of the immense amount of litigation arising out of the Rent Restriction Act, and in view of that litigation will he not, before next bringing forward other legislation, obtain expert opinions?
I am not at all sure that the course suggested by my hon. Friend would lead to a diminution in the amount of work.
Demonstration Houses
asked the Minister of Health whether it is contemplated that houses recently recommended by the Moir Committee for demonstration purposes will be erected in districts other than those selected for the Weir houses, so as to give wider opportunities of inspection by the public?
It is my intention that the arrangements for the erection of demonstration houses shall give the widest possible opportunities for inspection, and while, in some cases, houses of more than one type may be erected in an important centre, this will not generally be the case.
Land and Materials (Costs)
asked the Minister of Health if his attention has been called to the fact that in certain districts the high cost of land and materials is raising the price of new dwellings to such an extent that the subsidy is not obtainable by those wishing to build; and whether, in view of the unsatisfied demand for houses in these districts, he proposes to introduce amending Regulations or legislation?
No further legislation or Regulation is required to enable local authorities to subsidise the erection of working-class houses which cannot be provided without assistance, and in sanctioning a scheme for any particular place full regard is paid to the prevailing costs in the locality.
Dwelling Houses (Other User)
asked the Minister of Health what steps he proposes to take to meet the representations of local authorities in London urging the passage of a Bill to prevent the user of dwelling-houses as factories or workshops.
I have had under consideration the representations referred to. One effect of the Rent Restriction Acts is that conversions of this kind are strictly limited. It would appear, therefore, that the matter is not of urgency, but I should be prepared to look into it further on receipt of evidence to the contrary.
Is the right hon. Gentleman not aware that in many local areas in London the demolition of slums and insanitary areas is being held up by lack of alternative accommodation, and that this alternative accommodation would he provided if this Bill were introduced and carried through the House?
Farm Workers
asked the Minister of Health what steps he proposes to encourage the quicker provision of new cottages and the repair of existing cottages at rents which farm workers can pay; and whether he is aware of the failure of existing arrangements to meet these needs in many districts?
I am fully aware of the difficulties which have been experienced in rural areas in regard to the provision of houses at rents which farm workers can pay. The Housing (Financial Provisions) Act, 1924, provided that in agricultural parishes a special Exchequer grant of £3 10s. a year a house for 40 years should be available in addition to the ordinary subsidy of 29 a year for 40 years. Advantage is beginning to be taken of this provision, and I hope that it will be increasingly used, especially as new and cheaper methods of building are developed. My hon. Friend will be aware that, apart from the ordinary powers at local authorities to enforce the carrying out of needed repairs, they are empowered to lend money to owners proposing t3 reconstruct, enlarge or improve cottage property.
Is it not the fact that the Ministry of Health is now sanctioning houses in rural areas up to a cost of 2500, entailing a rent which no farm labourer, with only 30s. a week, can possibly pay?
Has the right hon. Gentleman considered the question of helping labourers financially, so that they can construct their own houses in their spare time?
That should form the subject of a separate question.
Local Authorities' and Railway Companies' EmployéS
asked the Minister of Health whether he will ascertain from local authorities and railway companies in rural areas the numbers of their employés who are at present housed in cottages belonging to farms or to private agricultural owners: and whether he will introduce legislation making it compulsory for local authorities and railway companies to build houses in rural areas for their own employés, thereby freeing numerous cottages for the housing of agricultural workers and enabling owners to develop their estates?
I do not think the value of information on the lines suggested by the hon. and gallant Member would be commensurate with the cost and labour involved in compiling a return. I may mention that some railway companies are already promoting the erection of houses for their employés, but I do not consider it is desirable to promote legislation making compulsory the provision of houses by local authorities and railway companies for their employés.
Does the right hon. Gentleman accept the principle that employers should be responsible for the housing of their own employés, and, if so, will he not circularise the rural authorities?
I certainly think it is desirable that employers should house, their own employés if there is not already housing accommodation for them, but the provision of compulsory legislation for this purpose is quite another matter.
rose —
We must not delay other questions.
Unoccupied Houses
asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware of the large number of unoccupied houses in London and elsewhere suitable for conversion into flats; whether he is aware that the owners are deterred from converting them because local authorities have refused to comply with the section of the Housing and Town Planning Act of 1923 in respect of the refund of rates in such cases; and, if so, will he direct local authorities to carry out the provision?
I should welcome any steps taken by local authorities under the powers which they have to facilitate the conversion of large unoccupied houses into separate tenements; but I am afraid that I have no power to give directions to local authorities on a matter which has been left by Parliament to their discretion.
asked the Minister of Health if he could undertake to have a census taken of the number of unoccupied houses in the Boroughs of Kensington and Chelsea, and in the City of Westminster, at the end of this month?
I am afraid that a special census would entail labour and expense which would not be justified by any result likely to follow from it.
Does not the right hon. Gentleman think that this information would be of great public interest?
Will the right hon. Gentleman consider the suggestion that rates should have to be paid on unoccupied houses after a certain period? [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear !" and "Answer !"1
Subsidised Houses (Rota of Applications)
asked the Minister of Health whether he will consider the possibility of issuing regulations to ensure that where houses are built with the aid of a Government subsidy by local authorities, such authorities should keep a rota, open to public inspection, of applications for vacant houses so as to prevent the possibility of such applications being considered in relation to the political opinions of the applicants?
By Section 61 of the, housing of the Working Classes Act, 1890, the general management, regulation, and control of houses erected by local authorities under the Housing Acts is vested in the local authority. and I have no doubt that local authorities generally fully consider the claims of ail applicants for tenancies of houses erected by them. I do not propose to interfere with the discretion of local authorities in the matter. I would point out that, under the Housing (Financial Provisions) Act, 1924, local authorities are required to give reasonable preference to large families in letting houses built under that Act.
Slum Clearance (Temporary Accommodation)
asked the Minister of Health if he is aware of the great difficulty being experienced by the London County Council, in connection with its slum clearance schemes, in finding temporary accommodation for the dehoused inhabitants of such areas, although there are large numbers of empty houses in the West End of London; and can he take steps to assist the London County Council in this matter?
The London County Council already has power to acquire empty houses which might he made suitable as houses for the working classes, and it does not appear that further assistance from me is needed.
Bricks and Concrete Blocks
asked the Minister of Health to what extent bricks are being imported into this country from France and Belgium; and whether he proposes to take steps to safeguard the employment of unskilled men engaged in making both bricks and concrete blocks for house construction who may be displaced by the import of these materials produced by foreign unskilled labour?
I have been asked to reply. The number of bricks of brick earth or clay registered as imported during the month of December last amounted to 8,543,000, and for the whole year 1924 to 85,012,000. The greater part of the imports were from the countries named. Local authorities have been urged by the Government, in the absence of special circumstances, to place contracts for material in this country, and. in view of the activity in the brick-making and cement industries, I do not think any further action is called for.
Will the right hon. Gentleman consider bringing this industry under the safeguarding of industries scheme?
Will he undertake to utilise his good offices in destroying the trusts that now exist in this country for the limitation of output?
Would the right hon. Gentleman say whether building materials would be eligible for protection under his safeguarding proposals?
That does not now arise.
Questions
Old Age Pensions
asked the Minister of Health if his attention has been called to the burden thrown on local authorities by the withdrawal of the Old Age Pension from those who have for more than three months been inmates of an institution infirmary under 9 and 10 Geo. V., ch. 102, s. 1 ( a ); and if he is prepared to give this matter his sympathetic consideration when framing his Bill to amend the present law?
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he will take steps to amend the Old Age, Pensions Act so as to remove the disqualification of a pensioner from receiving a pension after treatment in an institutional infirmary for three months where such patient continues an inmate of such institution; and will he arrange that such pension be paid to the guardians so long as the pensioner is chargeable, so as to ensure better care and attention than may otherwise obtain
The provision in the Old Age Pension law to which reference is made was enacted as the result of a recommendation by the Departmental Committee on Old Age Pensions of 1919, and the Government's not prepared to introduce legislation to alter it.
Enemy Action Claims
asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware that the Government of the United States of America is pressing Germany for war damages for losses incurred by private American citizens; and will he see that the same pressure is brought to bear upon the German Government to secure full compensation to private individuals, especially men of the mercantile marine, in this country for the damages they have suffered from enemy action?
May I point out, Mr. Speaker, that there are two questions standing in my name below this one, and this one was put down in error not my myself.
The position of the United States Government and of His Majesty's Government is the same, and under the Paris Agreement the claims of the United States Government, like those of His Majesty's Government, are being met from the Dawes Annuities, which cannot be increased. In neither case have individual claimants for damage by enemy action a claim under the Treaty of Versailles or under the Dawes Scheme against the German Government; and no such claim can be made on that Government.
Do I understand that no individual claim comes under the Versailles Treaty?
No individual claims for damage by enemy action can be made against the German Government under the Versailles Treaty.
Legitimacy Bill
asked the Prime Minister whether he will introduce as soon as possible the Legitimacy Bill?
I have been asked to reply to this question. I hope that it may be possible to introduce this Bill in another place at an early date.
Probate, Divorce and Admiralty Division
asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been drawn to the congestion caused by the number of cases in the Admiralty Court; and whether he will consider the appointment of an additional Judge to relieve the present situation and to enable the Court to maintain its high standard and reputation?
I have been asked to reply. The Government have given very serious consideration to this subject and have determined to ask Parliament to confer upon His Majesty the necessary power for the appointment of an additional Judge of the Probate, Divorce and Admiralty Division. My right hon. Friend the Lord Chancellor yesterday introduced in another place a Bill making provision for this purpose.
Morocco (Medical Supplies)
asked the Prime Minister if it is the intention of His Majesty's Government to continue the policy of His Majesty's former Government, or whether it will support an appeal of the British Red Crescent Society to the French and Spanish Governments to give facilities for sending a medical mission and medical supplies to the Riffis, as it is reported that the sick and wounded are without medical aid, seeing that Article 2 of The Hague Convention (Laws and Customs of War on Land) gives belligerent rights to fighting men in a levee en masse of the population, providing that they carry their weapons openly and conform to the laws and usages of war?
His Majesty's Government are not prepared to intervene in such a matter respecting which it is entirely for the Spanish and French Governments to make their decision. By Article 2 of The Hague Convention the provisions of the Land Warfare Regulations apply only as between the signatory parties, but even if the insurgent tribes in the Spanish and French protectorates were signatories, I must point out that facilities for sending a medical mission and medical supplies to the Riffis have nothing to do with the Land Warfare Regulations.
Royal Commission on Food Prices
asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the urgency of the matter, the Royal Commission on Food Prices intends to publish an Interim Report; and, if so, when it may be expected and on what aspects of the problem which it is considering?
I have been asked to reply. I am informed that the Royal Commission on Food Prices intend to furnish an Interim Report on the wheat, flour, bread and meat trades. This Report will be published at the earliest possible date.
Great Britain, France and Belgium
asked the Prime Minister whether His Majesty's Government is considering a new pact of alliance and security with France; and whether this House will be fully consulted before this nation is in any way committed to an alliance involving us in the risk of war?
asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether any discussions are going on with the French and Belgian Governments regarding a British guarantee for the security of their frontiers; and whether this House will be given an opportunity of discussing any such proposals before the Government of the country are finally committed to them?
No negotiations for a separate pact with any country have been entered upon by H.M. Government. They are earnestly engaged in the consideration of the great questions raised by the Protocol of Geneva. Whatever their decision in respect of that Protocol, or on questions arising out of it, His Majesty's Government would not think of committing this country to the Protocol itself, or to any fresh obligation of a comparable character, without the assent of Parliament.
Merchandise Marks
asked the Prime Minister whether he proposes to introduce legislation in the present Session to give effect to the recommendations of the Departmental Committee on Merchandise Marks, which sat under the chairmanship of Sir Harry Greer, and which reported to Parliament in 1920?
I have been asked to reply. The question of amending the existing Merchandise Marks Laws is under consideration, and I hope to be in a position to make a statement on the subject at a later date.
St. Paul's Cathedral
asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the national importance of St. Paul's Cathedral, the Government is prepared to take any and, if so, what steps to contribute to the work of restoration?
No application so far as I am aware has been made by the responsible authorities for Government assistance to the work of restoration of St. Paul's Cathedral. If such an application were put forward, the Government would not fail to give it the serious consideration which the importance of the subject deserves, but I am quite unable in present circumstances to indicate what decision would be reached.
In view of the great importance of this subject throughout the whole English-speaking world, will the Government suggest to the Office of Works that they should offer its services in a consultative capacity?
War Food Stocks
asked the Prime Minister if he will cause inquiry to be made into the allegation published by an ex-Minister of Shipping to the effect that in 1916 he was instrumental in preventing the success of an attempt to sell our reserve stocks of food to countries adjacent to Germany; and if any person or persons implicated in this project will he prosecuted?
I have been asked to reply. I understand that the reference is to a statement in a book published by Sir. L. Chiozza Money under the title "The Triumph of Nationalisation." I read the statement as meaning that the author succeeded in securing that the exportation of certain foodstuffs, which had formerly been free, should be made subject to a licence. There is no suggestion that the traders were breaking the law, and the question of prosecution therefore does not arise.
Is the right hon. Gentleman not aware that a statement has been published in the daily Press under the signature of Sir Leo Chiozza Money in a considerably different form and expressed more strongly than the right hon. Gentleman appears to think?
If that be the fact, of which I have no knowledge, then it appears unfortunate that Sir Leo Chiozza Money did not give the Government, of which he was a member, the benefit of that opinion at the time.
Is it not a fact that the same individuals imported pepper into this country during the war and sent it to Germany to make tear shells in order to destroy our soldiers? Is it not also the case that the same individuals exported cement from this country to Germany in order that the Germans might build their pill-boxes during the War?
Those questions cannot be answered without notice.
Ex-Service Men (Civil Service)
asked the Prime Minister whether a date has yet been fixed for the Debate on the subject of the recruitment of ex-service men in the Civil Service, as promised by the Treasury?
Seeing that an agreement in this matter has been arrived at and accepted by the parties concerned as an agreed and final settlement, I should be inclined to doubt whether any useful purpose could be served by a discussion in this House. If, however, there is a general desire for such a discussion, I would suggest that hon. Members should avail themselves of the usual Parliamentary opportunities.
In view of the fact that we had a very definite promise from the Treasury that nothing would be clone until the, matter had been discussed in this House, surely we are entitled to have a Debate on this subject.
I wish to be convinced that there is a very general desire in the House for a, discussion on this subject. My own view is that such a Debate would not serve any useful purpose at the present time.
A promise was given by the Treasury.
I will consider that matter, and examine the correspondence to which the hon. Member was good enough to refer me yesterday.
Casual Wards
asked the Minister of Health whether, in view of the Report in the last survey of casual wards of the unsatisfactory conditions of the casual ward at Wallingford, a recent inspection of this ward has been made with a view of ascertaining whether any improvements have been made; if not, whether he will arrange for such an inspection to take place.; and will he give instructions that such inspection takes place in the evening when the ward is occupied by casuals?
The ward in question was inspected in December last., and some improvements are being made. I will consider my hon. and gallant Friend's suggestion that the next inspection should be made in the evening.
asked the Minister of Health whether the Poor Law inspectors visit the casual wards at night when the casuals are within; and, if that is not their custom, will he make some arrangements by means of which wards found by the official survey to be in bad condition generally, poor as to cleanliness, without provision of heating or without proper sleeping accommodation or night garments, as required by Articles 14 and 7 of the Regulations of 1882, shall be visited at night by the inspector or some other person?
The inspectors have full power to visit casual wards at any time, and they occasionally visit, the wards at night. The wards are occupied by casuals by day as well as by night, and it is open to question whether evening inspections would usually be more effective than inspections by daylight. I am, however, considering whether arrangements should be made for more frequent evening inspections.
Water Supplies (Survey)
asked the Minister of Health whether he has received communications from members of water boards and others requesting him to order a survey of all the water supplies of the country with a view to conserving and nationalising the same; and if he will state the intentions of the Government in this matter?
I have received resolutions on this subject from some 50 water boards and local authorities. A survey of the water supplies of the country is already being made by my Department, with a view to the adoption of a general policy to ensure that the available water resources will he used to the hest advantage of the country as a whole.
Food Preservatives and Colouring Matters
asked the Minister of Health whether, in view of the widespread support which the Report of the Departmental Committee on the use of preservatives and colouring matter in food has received, and in view of the specific nature of the Committee's conclusions, he can now tell the House if he will introduce legislation at an early date to give effect to those conclusions?
I am proposing to publish at an early date draft Regulations designed to give effect to the majority of the Committee's recommendations, which, I am advised, can be carried out without legislation.
Slaughtered Animals (Regulations)
asked the Minister of Health what authorities familiar with rural conditions were consulted before the issue of the new Regulations affecting slaughtered animals; whether he is aware that, in the opinion of cottagers, this Order, with its attendant expenses, will make it unprofitable in many cases to continue to keep pigs in a small way for consumption and sale locally and how he proposes to obviate this injury to rural workers and consumers?
The Regulations were published in draft several months before they were finally made, so that all persons interested might have an opportunity of making suggestions or representations for alteration. Amongst other bodies, the National Farmers' Union considered the draft and offered no objection. I am not aware that the Regulations impose any expense on cottagers in connection with the keeping of pigs, and any suggestion that this is the case would appear to be based on a misunderstanding of the effect of the Regulations.
Is it not the case that, since the cottager cannot now kill his own pig, as he has done in the past, it is impossible for him to keep a pig?
Will the right hon. Gentleman be willing to receive a deputation, in view of the urgent representations that are being made on this matter?
Yes, I shall be very glad to do so.
Labour Statistics
asked the Minister of Health whether, in view of their great educative value, he proposes to order the publication of the Summary of British National Statistics of Social Reform, lately exhibited at the Ghent Exhibition, and subsequently shown at the Ministry of Labour?
I have Keen asked to reply. A selection of charts of labour statistics, on the lines of those displayed at the Ghent Cooperative Exhibition is being reproduced as a special supplement to the February issue of the Ministry of Labour Gazette, which will be published on or about the 18th of this month.
Entertainments Duty
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is prepared to consider the removal of the Entertainments Duty from entertainments organised bonâ fide for charity?
I would remind my Noble Friend that the law already con- tains provisions designed to relieve from duty payments for admission to bonâ fide charitable entertainments.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he will consider the extension of the Entertainments Duty to public dinners?
My Noble Friend's suggestion has been noted.
Workhouses
asked the Minister of Health (1) the number of workhouses in England and Wales, the total value thereof, and the annual up-
The available information on these points is summarised in the following Table for England and Wales:—
Year 1922–3. Institutions under the control of the Managers of the Metropolitan Asylum District (other than fever, etc., hospitals). Institutions under the control of other Poor Law Authorities. Year 1913–14. Separate Poor Law Infirmaries and other separate Institutions for persons suffering from disease of body or mind. Separate Poor Law Institutions for Children (other than sick children). General Poor Law Institutions. Total. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 1. Average daily number of persons maintained. daily number of persons maintained. 10,806 30,672 30,957 131,741 204,176 258,700 (approx.) 2. Average weekly cost per person maintained. weekly cost per person maintained. 33s. 0d. 43s. 1¾d, 22s. 4½d. 22s. 11¾d. 26s. 5¼d. 12s. 0¾d. (approx.) 3. Total amount expended in connection with institutions. amount expended in connection with institutions. £929,845 £3,450,293 £1,805,974 £7,889,037 £14,075,149 £8,132,750 4. Number of persons (including children) maintained in the institution on 1st Jan. 8,544 30,178 31,860 138,079 208,661 255,201 5. Number of children under 16 years of age (included in 4). 3,001 6,986 31,676 11,840 53,512 56,150 (approx.) It is not practicable from the particulars available to subdivide the totals for the year 1913–14. (entered in column 7) as those for 1922–23 are subdivided in colums 2–5. Complete information as to the average cost in year 1923–24 is not yet available. For particulars relating to Scotland the hon. Member is referred to the Secretary for Scotland.
keep of fabric; the number of persons or officials employed in the workhouses; the anual cost in salaries; and the cost of maintenance of those who reside in the workhouse;
(2) the number of people maintained in the workhouses of England and Wales and Scotland in the years 1914 and 1924; the average cost per person; the total amount expended in those years; and the number of children assisted or maintained by guardians for the same periods?
As the reply to these two questions involves a number of figures, I will, with the permission of the hon. Member, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
Following is the answer:
STATEMENT showing for the year 1922–23 the number of Poor Law institutions in England and Wales, the annual expenditure in respect of the maintenance, repair, expenditure, etc., of those institutions (including annual loan charges), and the cost of the rations, uniforms, salaries, and other remuneration o the officers and servants employed exclusively in connection with those institutions. Items. Institutions under the control of the Metropolitan Asylums Board (excluding fever, etc. hospitals). Institutions under the control of other Poor Law Authorities (including separate Institutions for persons suffering from disease of body or mind, separate Institutions for children and general Poor Law Institutions). Totals. Number of Institutions 15 1,023 1.038 Annual Expenditure in respect of buildings: £ £ £ Maintenance, repair and improvement of buildings, furniture and rent, rates, taxes and insurance in respect of buildings: Ordinary expenditure (recurring) 121,109 1,832,571 1,953,680 Special expenditure (non-recurring) 18,617 389,281 407,898 Loan charges (payments of interest and repayment of loans) in respect of buildings. 80,629 771,729 852,358 Totals (buildings and furniture) 220,355 2,993,581 3,213,936 Salaries, Rations, etc., of officers and servants employed exclusively in or in connection with institutions: Value of rations, uniforms, etc., and other payments in kind. 52,602 1,138,398 1,191,000 Remuneration (salaries, wages, fees, etc.) paid in cash, and sums deducted therefrom, by way of contribution towards superannuation: All medical officers and dispensers employed in institutions; and all nurses employed in infirmaries and infirm wards. 210,460 1,027,843 1,238,303 Other persons employed in or in connection with institutions (masters, matrons, attendants, etc.). 172,159 2,774,259 2,946,418 Totals (salaries and other remuneration) 435,221 4,940,500 5,375,721 Totals (Buildings and Furniture; Salaries and other remuneration). 655,576 7,934,081 8,589,65 The total value of the above-mentioned institutions has not been ascertained, nor has the total number of persons employed in or in connection with them.
Gold Standard
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether it is the intention of His Majesty's Government to facilitate the return of the pound sterling and the dollar to parity, with a view to removing the embargo on the export of gold, and the restoration, by this and other means, of the gold standard?
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he will inform the House if a decision has been arrived at in regard to the date on which the embargo on the export of gold from the United Kingdom will be raised: and, if not, whether such decision will be communicated to the House immediately a date has been decided upon?
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he can state the intentions of the Government in regard to the restoration of the gold standard?
His Majesty's Government are in full agreement with the declared intention of previous administrations to revert to the gold standard at the earliest possible moment. I am not in a position to make more definite statements at present.
:Will the House have an opportunity of debating the question of any possible restoration of the gold standard?
Will the right hon. Gentleman remember that the restoration of the gold standard is bad for the steel trade?
Questions in relation to business should be addressed to the Leader of the House.
Will the right hon. Gentleman confer with the Dominions before restoring the gold standard?
I have said I am not in a position to make any further statement on the subject at present, and I am sure the House will not press me.
Italy (External Loans)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he is in a position to state whether any discussion has taken place, or is likely to take place in the near future, between His Majesty's Government and the Italian Government in regard to the sum of £523,000,000, approximately, owed to Great Britain by that Power?
During my visit to Paris for the recent Inter-Allied Conference of Finance Ministers the Italian Minister of Finance expressed to me the desire of the Italian Government to initiate conversations on this subject in the course of the next few months.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if Italy has paid off any of her external loans in the last 12 months?
So far as I am aware no external loans have been paid off by the Italian Government in the 12 months ending the 31st December last.
Is there any possibility of the Italian Government ever paying off any debt while the country is ruled by Mussolini
We are responsible for our own Government, but not for that of other countries.
Pensions (Increase) Act, 1920
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether it is the intention of the Government to promote legislation for the purpose of removing the hardships caused by Clause 2 of the Pensions (Increase) Act, 1920, under which a married man whose pension, plus means as a result of savings, amount to £205 per annum is penalised on account of his own thrift in previous years?
I would refer my hon. Friend to the answer which I gave last Tuesday to my hon. Friend the Member for Reading.
Income Tax
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he is aware of a practice of collectors of Income Tax to press for a post-dated cheque to be given where immediate payment cannot be made; whether 'he approves of such practice; and, if not, if he will give instructions that it be discontinued?
I am not aware that such a practice exists, but if my hon. Friend will give me particulars of any cases he has in mind I will have inquiry made.
Ruhr Occupation (Costs)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if the costs of the occupation of the Ruhr from the coming into operation of the Dawes scheme are charged against the Dawes annuities?
The answer is in the negative.
Super-Tax
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether it is intended that the Special Commissioners shall exercise the powers conferred upon them by Section 22 of the Finance Act, 1922, in respect of all persons who are or may be liable to Super-tax, or only in such cases where the Commissioners have reason to suspect any careless or fraudulent returns to have been made, or where no return has been made by the persons who it is believed are liable to Super-tax; whether the object of the inquiries which are being made under this Section is the collection of the Super-tax due, or the making of a complete record of the capital and income possessed by the Super-tax payers; and whether he can state the number of additional officers required to carry on the investigations being made under Section 22 of the Finance Act, 1922, and the annual cost?
The Special Commissioners from time to time call upon Super-taxpayers to furnish particulars where the information given on the original return is insufficient to enable them to satisfy themselves that the return has been accurately made in accordance with the statutory requirements. In this respect the Super-taxpayer is not in a different position from the Income Taxpayer, and the inquiries have no other object than the ascertainment of the proper Super-tax liability. No additional officers have been specially engaged for the purpose of these inquiries, but the staff of the Special Commissioners having been found inadequate to examine generally the returns for Super-tax now received, an addition of 26 officers is being made for this purpose at a cost of some. £10,000 per annum, which represents 4 per cent. of the cost of the office.
Will my right hon. Friend consider the advisability of pursuing the collection of Super-tax from those who make fraudulent and inadequate or no returns at all, rather than harrying honest Super-taxpayers?
The whole of this development to which my hon. Friend has called attention lies in the general direction he is advocating.
Are we to understand that they are setting a shining example to the smaller taxpayers how to, avoid their liability?
On the whole the response of the direct taxpayers to the enormous burdens placed upon them is without compare in any other part of the world.
Business of the House
Will the Prime Minister indicate the business he proposes to take next week?
On Monday, the Debate on the proposals of His Majesty's Government for the Safeguarding of Industries.
Tuesday: further consideration of Supplementary Estimates; Trade Facilities Money Resolution, Committee; and War Charges (Validity) Bill, Second Reading. At 8.15, Private Members Motions.
Wednesday: British Sugar (Subsidy) Bill, Second Reading: Trade Facilities, Money Resolution, Report; War Charges (Validity) Bill, Committee. At 8.15, Private Members' Motions.
I will announce Thursday's business on Monday.
As Tuesday is only a half-day, so far as Government time, is concerned, and as the Debate on Monday may have to range over a very wide field, with a large number of Members, I understand, anxious to participate in it, would it not be possible to give us that half-day as well as Monday for such an important Debate?
We were asked to give a day. I thought we were meeting the Opposition with some generosity and I can see no reason why any more time should be required.
Whilst I make no accusation about the liberal fulfilment of the day, in view of the importance of the subject I would press the Government a little to give us the Tuesday as well as the Monday, especially as Tuesday is a half day. Also taking this into account that there have been changes in the proposals made by the Government and that the right hon. Gentleman himself the other day said there are still misunderstandings about it, only by a certain amount of time could we clear the whole matter up.
So far as time goes, I would remind the right hon. Gentleman that it is a very unusual thing even to give a day before the close of the Financial Year. We consider that we have met the House very fairly. So far as misconceptions go, I cannot help thinking that if the procedure on Monday enabled a statement to be made at an early stage of the Debate, a great many misconceptions would be removed.
With reference to the second point, would the Government be willing to lead off on Monday with a statement as to what exactly the White Paper means in relation to the statements which have been made? I should not like to commit myself at present, but negotiations during the day through the usual channels might result in a very advantageous arrangement of business on that basis, that the Government might first of all inform the House what it exactly means to do and then, without any prejudice to the further method of procedure of the Debate, the Debate might lot continued.
Of course I must be in favour of anything which will enable hon. Members to keep to the point. I cannot imagine anything which would help them to keep to the point better than having a statement made from this Bench early in the proceedings. I should be very glad to consider that, and I think negotiations on that basis might be desirable.
What is the business to-morrow?
We shall continue the Supplementary Estimates.
Suppose we finish them to-night?
Then the Report stags.
Pensions (Final Awards)
I beg to ask leave to move the Adjournment of the House for the purpose of discussing a definite matter of urgent public importance, namely, "the refusal of the Government to grant a Select Committee of this House to consider the working of the present system of final awards, which is bound to cause great hardship and injustice in many cases to ex-service men."
This is not a Motion that comes under Standing Order No. 10. The appointment of a Select Committee is a matter for the House. The Government may move and the hon. Member himself may move the appointment of a Select Committee. The hon. Member can put down a Motion to that effect. The Standing Order has never been used to force a Select Committee on the Government or on the House.
Orders of the Day
Supply
Considered in Committee.
[Captain FITZROY in the Chair.]
Civil Services and Revenue Departments Supplementary Estimates, 1924–25
Class VI
British Empire Exhibition
Motion made, and Question proposed,
"That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £l58,500, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1925, for Expenditure in connection with British Government Exhibits and Sundry Displays at the British Empire Exhibitions, 1924 and 1925."
I have been looking through the discussion which took place yesterday and have been making further inquiries, and the more I look into this matter the inure I am satisfied that the Committee should not pass this Vote until has had more enlightenment on the subject of the relations between the exhibition and the Overseas Trade Department. I should like to call attention to the expenditure. We are informed that there is a loss of £10,000 on the torchlight tattoo, and at the foot of the next page we are informed that in future arrangements there is to be no charge for the use of the Stadium or for expenses incidental thereto. We are entitled to know where the £10,000 have gone. Was this money used to pay the troops and the massed bands? If so, does it relieve the War Office of the cost of the same? We are also entitled to know on what basis in the last exhibition the Stadium was used. Was a rent charged for the use of the Stadium? How were the profits utilised? I am informed that at almost every display the arena was packed, and that people who desired to get into the building found that no seats were available.
There is another interesting feature in connection with this tattoo, on which the State has to bear a loss of 4:10,000, and that is that after the Stadium was closed the display was given, not to the British Empire Exhibition, but to the Empire Music Hall, because of its great success when it was at the Stadium. That there should have been a loss on the Stadium, and yet it should be profitable enough to transfer the display to a commercial venture like the Empire Music Hall, I cannot understand. These commercial people are far too shrewd to have taken on this show if it was likely to prove a financial loss. The whole thing is mysterious. It may seem rather a trivial matter to raise in Committee, but we have to realise that we are incurring liabilities for next year and that public money is to be spent in another year in giving something that is nothing more nor less than an ordinary entertainment. In so doing we are creating a precedent for the future.
I am anxious that the relations of Parliament and the Government to the exhibition next year shall be put on a proper business footing. If we decide, deliberately, that we. are going into the entertainment, business as part: of the work of the Government, let us do it with open eyes and on business lines. Let us see that the public purse is protected. Do not let us go in a sentimental, patriotic vein into what is really competition with the ordinary work of providing entertainment for the people of this country. It is considered very disloyal to criticise in any way the Wembley Exhibition. The exhibition is supposed to be, and quite rightly. a great patriotic idea, the object of which is to display to the world the vastness of our Empire and its immense resources, and at the same time to encourage business undertakings in this country. That is sound, but the way to achieve that object is not by showing that we are unbusinesslike in our dealings with the matter.
If it is considered necessary, in order to make the exhibition a success, that the nation should have a partnership, let us do what the Dominions do: define the partnership, limit the expenditure, find out how the expenditure is going to be incurred. We have had three or four grants towards this exhibition. At the beginning of last. Session we had one grant, which was subsequently supplemented. Now we have a third demand, and next year we may have a fourth demand. If we are not careful, we may find next year a very similar request for Government assistance, and the Vote may be given completely in the dark. I do not know what arrangements the Overseas Department have made for supervising the exhibition. I do not know whether they have any experts in the Department who understand payments of this kind. I do not know what the War Office think about the matter. Is the War Office satisfied that it is a legitimate use of the troops to give an entertainment of this character, and that it is a good use of the troops to follow their training in connection with an entertainment which is going to cost -210,000 next year, as it did last year? The Committee is entitled to more detailed explanation, and if I cannot get satisfaction as to where the money has gone, I shall divide against the Vote.
4.0 P.M.
I read very carefully the reply of the Parliamentary Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department to the criticisms of hon. members on these benches relating to the wages that were paid at the Wembley Exhibition last year, and I want to submit that that reply was far too vague to be satisfactory. It has been stated over and over again in this House that the Wembley Exhibition was to be regarded as a great advertisement for the British Empire. I want to ask the hon. Gentleman whether he considers that the scandal of the bad conditions of the men and women, and particularly the women, employed at Wembley could be considered a good advertisement for the British Empire, and whether men and women from Australia, for example, who are protected by all kinds of fair wage legislation, were not shocked at the wages and conditions that prevailed at Wembley? Wages are not the only question involved. It is a fact that the women employed at the Exhibition actually had to pay for lavatory accommodation. That is a thing which would not be tolerated by the law of the land in factories, shops, or offices, and we want to ask whether that scandal will be removed this year. Many of these girls worked very long hours indeed, and there was no proper rest-room provided except by a certain firm, and there, again, the girls had to pay.
It is true that, in his reply to the hon. Gentleman who raised the matter, the Parliamentary Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department stated that he would be prepared to receive a deputation and to meet any scandals as they arose. I want to ask him whether he will consider the laying down of general conditions that can be enforced before people get their licences. It is far too late to take the matter up when the firms are actually in the exhibition, for it will still be possible to have the same spectacle as we had last time of firms utterly refusing to enter into negotiations with officials and even setting the Government at defiance. I therefore suggest to the hon. Gentleman that before the exhibition actually starts the Government should lay down certain general conditions with regard to public health, with regard to labour, and with regard to wages
I am sorry to interrupt the hon. Member, but the question of the conditions of labour is really not within the competence of the Department concerned. It comes under the exhibition authorities, and it would be out of order for the Minister to reply on that point. It is quite true that it has been alluded to in the previous discussion on this subject, but as a matter of fact it is out of order on this Vote.
On that point of Order. As the Government are finding money, are they not entitled to make it conditional upon labour conditions being settled satisfactorily !
To the extent that the Government might insist on conditions being Complied with, I should have to say that it would be in order.
That is the very point to which the hon. Member (Miss Wilkinson) was addressing herself. She was asking that the conditions should be laid down before a licence or permit was given to any firm just as the Government require the Fair Wages Clause to be inserted in their contracts. I submit that the hon. Member is quite entitled to draw attention to the conditions of labour and to the wages paid.
We must remember that this particular Vote is confined to the British Government Exhibits, and I must warn the hon. Member that the Minister in charge could only give a very general reply to the question which she is raising, because to go into the subject in detail would be out of order on this Vote.
I quite realise that, and I am grateful for your ruling on the matter. But may I suggest, respectfully, that all I was doing was to ask whether general conditions could be laid down before the exhibition started. I take it that the grants which the Government are making are a necessary part of the finance of the exhibition, and that: if these grants were not made because public health conditions were not carried out, it would seriously affect the exhibition, so that probably to that extent the Minister could influence the matter.
If the hon. Member and subsequent speakers in this Debate will be satisfied with a very general reply on that point, then to that extent I will allow it to be raised.
I think, perhaps, it would save the time of the Committee if I were to say at once that I will make it my duty and my business to look into the complaint. I need hardly say that the Government will not allow anything in the nature of a scandal to go on if they can possibly stop it. The hon. Member need have no apprehension. On any representations made by her or by the hon. Gentleman who spoke yesterday, giving specific instances, I will myself, if necessary, go down and look into the complaint.
I beg to move to reduce the Vote by £100.
The speeches to which we have already listened indicate the necessity of the position and responsibility of the Government towards this exhibition being more clearly defined. What is the actual relationship and what is the actual responsibility of the Government with regard to this exhibition and with regard to the displays that take place there? We have in, the figures before us a most lamentable miscalculation in budgeting, and, before we pass these extraordinary Supplementary Estimates, the Committee is entitled to know that we shall not a year hence be asked to sanction a similar excess expenditure. Who was responsible for this budgeting, and are the same authorities responsible for the figures that are put forward and are embodied on page 38 on the paper which we have before us? I would like to ask what is the liability of the Government? Is it an unlimited liability? Have we to foot the Bill for the whole of the excess expenditure whatever it may be? Have we any control over the expenditure? Are the accounts audited? Perhaps the hon. Gentleman can tell me whether any balance sheet is submitted to the Government, or to the Treasury, or to this House, so that we may know who is responsible for this extraordinary excess expenditure? According to the figures, we have an excess expenditure of over 400 per cent.; £57,000 was the net expenditure estimated, and we are now asked to sanction £215,000. It is really an extraordinary position. I am sure that my hon. Friend who is responsible for submitting these. figures would never countenance any such extraordinary budgeting in his own business. He would want to know who was responsible, and would take care that nothing of the sort occurred again. We are entitled to ask for more definite assurances that steps have been taken that a similar miscalculation shall not be possible in the future.
We all agree with the objects of the exhibition, and it is no question of carping criticism as to those objects because we as a Committee desire to know that the finances will be on a sound and satisfactory basis. We hear a great deal of criticism at times as to the lax expenditure of municipal authorities. I have had 20 years' experience of municipal life, and I venture to say that in the case of no municipal authority has there ever been such extraordinary budgeting or want of proper estimating as in this particular case. When the municipal authorities go in for commercial enterprise, there are certain safeguards. There is proper auditing and precautions taken to see that the ratepayers' money is spent in a satisfactory way. I submit that what is good for municipal finance is equally good for national finance, and that there ought to be adequate auditing and proper safeguards with regard to the money which is spent. I therefore support the request made from these benches that there should be some more definite assurance given that we shall not have a repetition.
Yesterday the hon. Gentleman, in replying to my hon. Friends, said that he could give no assurance at all. He wished he could. I therefore move this reduction in order that we may get some definite statement from the hon. Gentleman or from the Treasury, because surely the Treasury are responsible in this matter as the watchdog of the purse-strings of the public. Have they satisfied themselves as to what is going on and as to what went on last year? The public are naturally concerned, and in these times of straitened finance there should be more care exercised on sound business lines. Who is getting this money? Where has it gone? If there be a bottomless purse from which people can draw at their own sweet will, then in the year to come there will be a similar excess expenditure. Therefore, I hope that the hon. Gentleman can give us some very definite answers to the criticisms put from this side as to what is the responsibility of the Government in this matter. Has it to foot the bill whatever the deficiency may be when next year's accounts are submitted? I submit that we are entitled to ask this question now before we pass this excess expenditure which took place last year. Will a balance-sheet be submitted to the House or to the Treasury? Are the accounts properly audited, and are the Treasury satisfied with the financial contol of this exhibition? I submit that we are entitled to have some further information on these vital points.
We have heard criticisms regarding the expenditure on this exhibition, but I think the three points specially made in yesterday's Debate were not referred to, namely, the advertising value of the exhibition to the British Empire, its educational value to the young people of this country, and the importance of reproducing the tattoo this year. Those were the three outstanding points brought forward in last night's Debate. The late Parliamentary Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department (Mr. Lunn). I gathered, was absolutely satisfied with last year's exhibition, though there were great difficulties as regards the weather and other matters, and, in reply to the various criticisms made, the present Parliamentary Secretary definitely stated that he would look into every point which arose as regards the finance of the exhibition, and he also pointed out that next year he was only budgeting for £3,000. In view of the great value of this exhibition, and of its effect on the British Empire generally, I hope that this Amendment will not be pressed.
We have been told that the British Empire Exhibition is meant to advertise British produce. Before I feel inclined to support the granting of even £18,000 for any purpose in connection with the exhibition next year I would like to know whether the Government are satisfying themselves as to whether those who are exhibiting in the exhibition are using the exhibition for any other purpose except British Empire productions. I am under the apprehension that the exhibition is being exploited, not for British Empire production at all, but in some cases for the productions of other countries. Have the Government any information as to whether the exhibition has been utilised in a way that is contrary to the purposes of the exhibition? For instance, in the Australian section last year large numbers of people were enjoying apples—
This particular Vote has to do only with purely Government exhibits in the exhibition, and consequently it would not be in order to discuss exhibits from Australia on this Vote.
I was not going to criticise exhibits from Australia: I wished merely to tell something which occurred and to discover whether the exhibition has been utilised for purposes other than those which were intended. If that is out of order on this Vote I must take some other means of raising it. I visited the exhibition last year, and, being anxious to encourage Empire production, I gave an order for a case of apples, and I received that case of apples. Arising out of that order I received a little later on this letter:
"Dear Sir,—Some time ago we had the pleasure of sending you a ease of apples from the British Empire Exhibition at Wembley. We have now a large consignment of Newtown Pippins on order and expect delivery in November."
That letter suggested to me that they had now a large consignment of Australian apples coming to this country. I gave an order for the apples. When they came to this country I found that they were marked "Watsonville, California." I want to know if there is a Watsonville, California, in Australia?
That is entirely out of order.
There are £18,000 down in the estimate for displays, and Govern-mere exhibits for this year, and, before we vote any money for 'these exhibits and displays this year, we have a right to ask the Government that they shall be assured that the exhibition is being used for its proper purposes.
Those remarks would be very appropriate in a discussion on a Bill that would have to be introduced before the exhibition takes place this year. This particular Vote deals with the money that is necessary for the last British Empire Exhibition.
For the exhibition to be held this year. On page 36 we have £158,000 Supplementary Estimate arising out of the exhibition that was held in 1924. We are asked for £18,000 in this Supplementary Estimate for the exhibition that is coming on during this year, and I am protesting against even this £18,000 being voted, unless the Government are going to make sure that the people who are using the exhibition shall use it for the purposes for which it is intended.
While I have great faith in the ability of my hon. Friend to examine closely the estimates put before him, I think it desirable in the interests of the country as a whole that the statements should be clearly made at an early date as to what is the liability of the British Government in connection with the Empire Exhibition, and also as to who will have to bear the loss, if any. A statement of that kind would be welcomed in the country. In asking for that, I wish in no way to criticise the objects which are aimed at by the exhibition. There is one other point, On page 37 of the estimates, under heading "b," we have
"Admiralty Theatre (in respect of improvements effected and additional maintenance expense consequent upon the decision to charge for admission) £13,000."
At first sight that seems to the uninitiated to be rather an extraordinary statement. If extra expense was caused by the charge for admission, surely that should have resulted in a profit and not in a loss. I daresay that there is an explanation, and I should be glad to have it.
In supporting the request for fuller information, I. would like to ask particularly with regard to one or two points. I would like to know first—for it does not appear in the White Paper—what amount was received by the British Empire Exhibition Association as their share of the exhibits and displays that were made by the Overseas Trade Department ! Then I would like to know whether there is any difference, between the British Empire Exhibition Association and the exhibition itself, for the Committee will observe from the footnote on page 38 that the balance of 30 per cent. of the amount received for the entertainment in the Admiralty Theatre was handed over to the British Empire Exhibition. I would like to know whether the British Empire Exhibition and the British Empire Exhibition Association are different bodies? There is great ignorance on all sides as to what the actual financial arrangements are which control the money that this House has voted and will again be asked to vote for the exhibition, and the Minister will he conferring a great benefit, not only on the Committee, but on the country at large, if he can make a clear, definite statement as to what those relations are.
I associate myself entirely with what the last two speakers have said as regards the desirability and the necessity of this House and the country having a full and complete balance sheet of the British Empire Exhibition placed before them. Last year we were asked to vote an extra £500,000 by way of guarantee to the British Empire Exhibition. On that occasion the Colonial Secretary stated that, in his opinion, the £500,000 would be all that this House would be asked to contribute, and, furthermore, he was of the opinion that the guarantors to the exhibition would not be called upon to pay up in respect of their guarantees would ask him whether the £155,000 which we are now asked to vote is in addition to the £500,000 which we voted last year. I would urge the Parliamentary Secretary to take steps to see that the finances of the British Empire Exhibition are more closely estimated in the ensuing year. Otherwise we shall have unlimited liability without any control.
In reference to the various items of expenditure for entertainments, I quite agree with the contention put forward in this Debate as to the general advantage that can be obtained from a display of the interconnection of the free peoples who make up the British Commonwealth. In so far as the British Empire Exhibition accomplishes that object, I have no other words than those of praise, but I think that there are some ground for the belief that the British Empire Exhibition has been used by those whose main concern with the Empire is not so much the advancement of the amity of the free peoples, but the maximum amount of profit that can be got out of the Empire, and, with the view of drawing the notice of the Government to this point, I would suggest that, whatever future expenditure be embarked upon for the support of the exhibition, careful consideration should be given to the development of peoples within the Empire rather than to the mere question of the conduct of business and profit-making within the Empire. I desire more particularly to refer to matters which have been referred to already by hon. Gentlemen opposite; that is the type of expenditure incurred in connection with military displays.
There was a feeling of congratulation expressed yesterday that in connection with the Military Tattoo there was a loss of only £10,000. The fact that the loss upon it was less proportionately than the loss upon other items is due to the fact that a certain section of the London Press, with ulterior motives to serve, gave a great deal more attention to that particular type of activity during last year's exhibition. The hon. and gallant Member for South Cardiff (Captain A. Evans) said yesterday that he could not conceive of any more delightful entertainment for the children of our schools than witnessing the Tattoo and the Pageant of Empire. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear !"] I observe that the hon. and gallant Member expressed very effectively the point of view of the Gentlemen who sit on the benches opposite. I make no complaint about a reference to what is called the Pageant of Empire, but I do contest the view that the Military Tattoo is a type of entertainment that can be looked on with very particular sympathy at the present time. The hon. and gallant Member for South Cardiff went on to say that in his opinion there was a greater impression on the minds of the children obtained by this type of display than could be obtained from study of the text-books in the schools. Probably that is because the hon. and gallant Gentleman knows that the teachers in the schools realise that military accomplishments have done very little of a real nature to develop that part of the Empire of which we are most proud.
Does the hon. Member say that the military accomplishments of the past have had no part, in the history and development of the Empire?
I shall try to show that while the military accomplishments of the past may have had their part in development, yet the emphasis that has been laid on them, at any rate in the textbooks that most of us read when we were at school, has been far too great. A different kind of emphasis must be found for other matters. It is with that in mind that I suggest that the expenditure upon military tattoos entirely failed. We are endeavouring, as I judge from the interruption of the hon. and gallant Gentleman, to display the military enterprises of the past. Strictly speaking, if military enterprises were displayed truthfully, they should not be displayed for the purposes of amusement; so much horror would be attached to them that you would have to keep them carefully behind the scenes and hold the public away from them. If you could associate with your military tattoo the long queues of unemployed men who are now to be found outside the Employment Exchanges—men who were counted as the heroes in the late War—then you would be giving to the childhood of the country a better conception of what war really means. If you could heap up in your display the dead bodies and the horrors for which modern war stands, you would possibly be giving a truthful representation. If instead of taking Zebrugge for representation you could give the children any sort of conception that for one thousand miles, nay, for ten thousand miles, the dead bodies of the men who were destroyed in the last. War would stretch across the earth, say, from here to Singapore, then there would be some point in trying to teach the children what the reality of war is.
Because I fear that the military displays in connection with the Empire Exhibition have emphasised too much the developments of war in the past, I suggest that more attention should in future be paid to the development that can be obtained from the processes of peace. The responsibility for failure to give to our children a real understanding of what war means probably lies as much at the door of the lovers of peace as at the door of those whose actions made war inevitable. I hope that by more attention being paid to a real educational effort to teach the meaning of war, a better result will be reached than anything which has hitherto been obtained from military tattoos. I hope that the Government will reconsider this matter very carefully in connection with any expenditure that is to be embarked upon, and if they feel it necessary to repeat the enterprises that have accompanied the exhibition in the past I hope that they will at least endeavour to give a more truthful representation of the facts in order that the children of the country may look at war on the reverse as well as on the glorious side of the shield.
I feel that it is the most important function of this Committee to submit any recommendation tending towards economy. I have observed with amazement the magnificent discrepancy between the original Estimate and the sum required. When in the Colonial service I had the honour of preparing many estimates. I feel quite certain that if I had prepared an estimate on this basis I should have been sacked at once. During the War there was a general relaxation of control and authority over all accounting officers in all Departments of the State, and I observe from the way in which this Estimate is compiled that control has not yet been restored although the War is so far back. If there is to be economy there must be some authority strong enough to call upon clerks and accountants and heads of Departments to be accurate in their estimates, and some authority strong enough to make them feel that they will not be let off scot free if they produce estimates in which the discrepancies are so glaring as in this case. As far as I can see, the responsibility with regard to the expenses of this exhibition is shared between the Government and many other bodies. Where there is divided responsibility in finance there cannot be economy. This, perhaps, may be the exception to the rule which ought to be enforced, that is, responsibility throughout for estimates being close.
I submit to the Committee that there is a conception of the educational value of this exhibition very different from that outlined by the last speaker. He gave his view of the sort of education a child might receive from a tattoo. A far wider imagination is necessary to grasp' the real educational value and importance of the exhibition. What is the Colonial point of view of that educational value? Those who have achieved great things in the Colonies, who have created magnificent nations in countries that were uncultivated and unoccupied, came to that exhibition as children who had left their parents when young, had gone abroad to make their fortunes and had come back to tell their fathers and mothers what great things they had done. The pride and happiness felt by colonials coming to England when they felt that at that exhibition they showed what they had done and were going to do for the Empire, was sufficient recompense for all the expenditure.
I wish to ask for an assurance from the Minister regarding the first item on page 37. I am speaking of the Government pavilion and the expenditure upon it. As the Minister probably knows, or as the former Colonial Secretary knows very well, this pavilion caused a great deal of ill-feeling between ourselves and the Dominions last year. The idea of the exhibition was a very simple one. It was to prove to the world that we have in the Empire a heritage well worth attention, that we have a vast variety of resources which ought to be developed for the benefit of the peoples of the Empire. Yet we had the curious spectacle of a Government Pavilion consisting of wood that did not come from within the Empire, rich as that Empire is in woods suitable for the purpose. The High Commissioners met and a definite undertaking was given that the woods used in future would be Empire woods. That undertaking was deliberately broken. I ask the Minister for an assurance that in the exhibition this year that undertaking, given in conjunction with the High Commissioners, shall be strictly observed, and that the exhibition shall be an exhibition of our own Empire only, and not of our apparent dependance on foreign resources, when there is no need for dependance whatever.
I rise for the purpose only of answering what I understand to be some criticism directed to statements which I am supposed to have made in connection with this matter, and to make one or two observations on the general question of the exhibition itself. I never said, either inside or outside the House of Commons, that the amount for which the then Government asked would cover all liabilities. Anyone who made that statement would not only have shown himself unbusinesslike but would have been an absolute fool. In the first place, if someone had given us a guarantee that we were to have different weather from that which we had last year, then probably some confidence might have been expressed. Do not let the Committee forget that, notwithstanding the tremendously difficult circumstances of the weather there attended the exhibition three times as many people as have attended any other exhibition in the world's history. The children who attended the exhibition last year equalled in number all the people who attended the Chicago Exhibition. The tremendous success of it cannot be measured alone from the balance sheet. Let me say with what interest I listened to the magnificent speech of my hon. Friend the Member for Huddersfield (Mr. Hudson). I know there was criticism and some tendency to sneer at the sentiments he expressed. Those sentiments were kept in mind by the Labour Government, and I am sure they will be kept in mind by the present Government. There was an attempt to have a war museum at the exhibition. In my judgment nothing would have been more ruinous to the exhibition. We turned it down, and I am sure that the present Government will turn it down. But do not assume that the great military tattoo, which took place for a fortnight, was the greatest financial success of the exhibition. Ten thousand pounds was asked for it. So far as I can remember the proceeds were R29,000. I hope it will not be urged that that was in itself a mere military display. Any one who saw it must have admired the tremendous skill shown, apart from militarism, and undoubtedly it was a great success.
I am delighted to know that the Minister proposes to receive a deputation with regard to the whole question of labour. It was unsatisfactory from the beginning. The Committee must remember that the Labour Government took over difficulties. We were on the eve of the opening of the exhibition and to have merely crabbed the thing at that stage would have been ruinous. Mistakes were made and things were done that nobody would attempt to defend. But I put it to the Committee that they must take the broad general view, that when this money had been expended, when the interest of the Dominions had been aroused, it would have been ridiculous to have allowed any petty detail to ruin the prospect of ultimate success. That was the view taken, and if I am asked to make an excuse or an apology that is the apology I make. I am sure hon. Members will not only accept it but will agree that they would have done precisely the same as we did in the same circumstances. As far as the general prospects are concerned, again no one can give a guarantee, but all the evidence at our disposal tends to show that re-opening must in the end be to the advantage of the guarantors. I do not wish to go into details, but I should like to observe on the point, with regard to which my hon. Friend opposite proposes to meet a deputation, that nothing was more disgraceful than, not merely the wages of the waitresses, to which allusion has been made, but also the scandal of compelling them to pay for lavatory accommodation. That was only brought to our notice at a late stage. We had no power to stop it. All we could do was to bring what pressure we could upon those responsible. That we did.
Who are the people on whom pressure was put?
Certainly not the, Government. Is there any useful purpose to be served by raking up these details at this stage?
We have a right to know who these people are.
The best answer I can give is that if there should be any repetition of it, we will not hesitate to take our stand here and denounce it, and if necessary give the names. On the other hand, I put it to the Committee that we must look at this matter from a business point of view.
This is not a matter of business; it is a matter of humanitarianism.
If you did it they would howl at you.
The criticism of my hon. Friend behind me is that I should be howled at if I had done it. Well, I adopt the policy of turning the other cheek.
That is all very well, but I have never noticed it at conferences.
I put it to the Committee with regard to these matters, that immediately the Government attempt to take responsibilities they will relieve other people of obligations and I hope that view will be considered. Such a course might lead to a dangerous and serious situation. All the Government can do is, if their attention is called to abuses and legitimate grievances, in turn to draw the attention of the responsible authorities to those abuses and grievances.
Who are those authorities?
The authorities in this case vary. If this is going to be made a point of criticism, may I say that I heard the speech of the hon. Member for South-West Bethnal Green (Mr. Harris) at the opening of this Debate and his support of the exhibition and the Empire and what it stands for was to draw this analogy—that here was the Government responsible for a great entertainment, that they had built the Stadium, and that they could not make the rodeo pay but that the Coliseum did make it pay. That was the hon. Member's criticism.
I referred to the tattoo, not the rodeo. It appeared afterwards in the music- hall.
What is the measure of this criticism? The Stadium holds 128,000 people, and the rodeo ran for seven weeks in all weathers. As evidence of the Government s failure the hon. Member draws attention to the fact that five out of the full team were engaged in the Coliseum—which holds 2,500—along with eight other "turns." I suppose the next thing we shall hear is that the military tattoo should be at the Coliseum.
On a point of Order. I referred to the tattoo only, and not to the rodeo. The tattoo did appear afterwards as I said.
At all events I hope we shall not allow criticism of details to spoil the general success. Hon. Members in this Committee where public money is concerned, are entitled to bring to notice any abuses they consider to exist, and above all hon. Members are entitled to say that the exhibition should not be used as a mere military display. I agree with that view, but I say: Do not let these mere details interfere with the success of the exhibition as a whole. Abuses I will admit; difficulties I will admit; mistakes I will admit, but in the end, after all the difficulties, all the abuses and all the mistakes, 17,000,000 people visited that exhibition including 4,000,000 school children. You may pooh-pooh the idea of the Empire if you like. I regret that certain people have assumed that it belongs to one party, and I have joined issue with them on that point, but I am convinced, taking a broad Imperial view, that no amount of money that was spent last year and no additional amount that is asked for this year is a grant that will be lost to Its results may not be such as can be measured by money standards, but I believe that full value and benefit will accrue from it and that it will prove a good investment.
After the very interesting speech of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Derby (Mr. Thomas) I feel sure the Amendment will be withdrawn. The right hon. Gentleman is quite right in saying that one cannot measure in £ s. d. what we have received from the exhibition as an educational agency and as an advertisement of the greatness of the Empire. At the same time, I draw the attention of the Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department to the necessity for budgeting in a closer manner than has evidently been done in this instance, and I ask him if it would be possible to issue a White Paper on the budgeting of these items, showing the estimated expenditure and the estimated receipts. We have heard that the guarantors cannot possibly lose any more. Now I understand they have lost the full amount, and it is therefore all the more essential, when we have to deal in an economical way with the finances of the country, to adopt the most businesslike methods. One can pay too much even for the best article, and I hope the Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department will pay special attention to this matter, because it is, I believe, on account of the fact that the exhibition was not run on businesslike lines last year that important associations and individuals who supported it last year are not coming in to support it this year. That is greatly to be deplored. We should remember that any failure in connection with an Empire exhibition is nothing short of calamitous to Imperial prestige. I feel sure that every member of the Committee would like to see the exhibition proceeding successfully and providing instruction for the youth of the country in all matters relating to the Empire—always bearing in mind that this must, be done with a due regard to economy so long as efficiency is not impaired.
I wish to draw attention to the item concerning band concerts. I am not sure whether these were actually run at a loss or not., or, if so, how much was lost, but my information is that they were not successful and that this was due to the fact that all the bands engaged were open-air bands. Owing to the weather very few people attended the performances, whereas had there been a string band, performing indoors, a considerable profit might have been made in that way. It was quite impossible last year to foresee the bad weather, but with the experience of last year in mind, the mistakes which were made should not be repeated. I hope if arrangements are being made for military bands they will include the engagement of string bands to give indoor performances.
There was a loss on the bands, but the hon. Member must not overlook the fact that this item includes a very important and impressive service—the Empire Thanksgiving Service —and also that the weather had a great deal to do with our misfortunes in the matter of the receipts.
I am not. complaining, but in the light of past experience I suggest that some provision should be made for indoor performances.
I wish to compliment the late Colonial Secretary on the modesty he shows in this House by turning the other cheek. I have known the right hon. Gentleman at conferences and in other places, and he has made whatever name he has—and it is a great name in the Labour movement—not by his capacity to turn the other cheek, but by his capacity to carry out a procedure which is the very reverse. I wish his change of heart and outlook in this matter of turning the other cheek had come about at a time when there was more need for it than I think exists at this moment. We have had the serious statement made in this Committee that certain employés were refused the right to free lavatory accommodation and we are told we cannot have the names of those responsible for that refusal. I put it to the right hon. Gentleman: if the railwaymen were treated in that way, would he not call out the names of every member of the directorate which had refused this decency of life?
I explained this matter to the Committee. My hon. Friend was, I believe, among the members present when this question was before the House last year, and a point was raised with regard to a contractor—it was the caterer who was involved. I gave a promise then that I would do my best to have the charge that was being made removed. I succeeded in doing so. The name was known to the House, and I do not think that any useful purpose is to be served by going into the matter further now.
5.0 P.M.
I must confess that possibly, coming from the country and the part I do come from, I do not yet know the names, and I would like to know them. The Parliamentary Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department, who was in the last House along with me, and also in the 1922 House, was a constant, an energetic, and an able critic of financial arrangements in this House. Of all men who wanted to save, not only pounds but even pennies, he was one of the keenest, and if perchance this House of Commons attempted to spend money on any scheme at all, he was the first to raise his voice and to examine it in the closest detail. Here we have a grant to this exhibition, and he is going to defend it and presumably sponsor the grant, when he himself last year was denouncing any grant of any kind, say, to shipbuilding firms to help relieve unemployment, and I cannot see the consistency of him coming to ask for this grant for an exhibition and yet last year refusing similar grants, if he had his way, to help the depressed shipbuilding industry.
The main question that I want to raise is that of the operation of the Fair Wages Clause. If there was one disgrace that beat all other disgraces in connection with this exhibition last year, it was the treatment of the employés there. The wages, the standard of life, and the hours were a disgrace, not only to the management, but to every Member of this House who was concerned in any way, directly or indirectly, with the exhibition. Yesterday the hon. Gentleman representing the Department of Overseas Trade said he was prepared to do everything possible to secure a standard of wages for these people, but I want to get from him a definite assurance that the Government will insist upon applying the Fair Wages Clause to the employés in the exhibition. I noticed that one firm who have been given a contract for catering come from the City of Glasgow, and of all firms with a bad reputation, of all firms with a reputation for ill-treating their employés, so far as wages, conditions and hours are concerned, in the City of Glasgow, this firm have the premier name. They are the worst payers of wages in the catering trade, and they employ their girls longer than any, yet this firm of Messrs. William R. S. Kerr have been selected to get a contract for catering, and their name is famous for their ill-treatment of their employés in the City of Glasgow. I want to challenge this Vote to-day, because they seem to have taken the worst group of caterers to this exhibition.
I know the right hon. Gentleman in charge of the Vote would have insisted on the Labour Government getting guarantees for anything in which he was interested, and I want., if he cannot secure the Fair Wages Clause, at least to secure a definite guarantee from each firm that is given a contract for catering, or for any other purpose, that it will pay at least decent wages and give decent conditions and hours to its employés at the exhibition. Surely that is not asking too much. I find that this firm from Glasgow that has been given a catering contract not many years ago had its girls on strike against cruel wages and very bad conditions. The late Colonial Secretary has made it his business to see that the railwaymen are fairly decently treated in connection with wages and conditions, and if it is his duty to see to that, it is equally our duty to see that women, who find it difficult to defend their own conditions, have conditions which are suitable and decent in this forthcoming exhibition.
Last night the Parliamentary Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department was very anxious to get this Vote, but I think, as a result of the discussions to-day, it is fairly evident that it was good that he did not get it then. I wish to suggest that he should not ask for it to-day, because I think the discussion has shown that there are a great many things in connection with the exhibition that require settlement before the House of Commons decides to embark upon more subsidies to it. The exhibition had a somewhat stormy career. Right from the beginning there were various misgivings, and in this House, when the position of the Government with regard to the exhibition was taken into account, the suggestion was always made that the exhibition was going to mean a great deal to the Empire and was going to be of great importance in showing to the people from the different parts of the Empire how great was this concern to which they belonged, and always, when criticism took place here, we were asked not to do anything that might endanger the success of this great undertaking. To-day we have had the former Colonial Secretary making the same appeal to us. Do not, says he, let us do anything to hinder the success of this thing in 1925; do not let us bother ourselves about details, but go on now and hope that in 1925 we are going to see what we did not see in 1924. I believe that that is the exact way in which we shall get a repetition of what took place in 1924, and it is for that reason that I am making an appeal to the Minister not to ask for this Vote to-day, but to see what can be done in connection with the primary authority, so far as control of the exhibition is concerned, in order to get an assurance that things will be run better in the future.
I was struck last night by the speech of the ex-Secretary for the Overseas Trade Department, who had to negotiate in this connection, and who said that there were things done that he could not defend very far, but that
The statement has also been made that the great fact which made for the lack of success in 1924 was the inclement weather. Well, we have no guarantee with regard to the weather in 1925. There is one thing of which we can be sure in this country, and that is that we shall get a good proportion of rainy days in any summer, but, while we cannot be sure with regard to the weather conditions, I want 'to point to the fact that the ex-Colonial Secretary has boasted that never in the history of the world was there an exhibition with such an extraordinarily large attendance of people. He pointed to the great numbers attending this exhibition, and I want to suggest to the Minister who is now in charge that it is a matter for investigation by a skilled man like himself how, with this tremendous number of people attending the exhibition, there was still this loss on the concern. How is it that the charges have been so heavy for carrying on the business, and that with this tremendous number of customers they could not make it a success? I would suggest to the Minister that there is the need for the Government having a much bigger say in order that this exhibition may be more a matter of public enterprise than of private enterprise. Very evidently, the private enterprise which has had control and which has tried to make its profit out of the lavatory accommodation of its employés in the exhibition is an enterprise that will not make a success in 1925, and I would like an assurance from the Minister that those caterers who imposed that condition in 1924 will be ruled out in 1925, and that people who could take up such an attitude, such an inhumanitarian attitude, should be wiped off the face of the map, so far as the exhibition is concerned.
In view of the discussion to-day, I would ask the Minister seriously to consider whether he could not come back to us for this Vote, say, next week, after he has had some communication with those who have the primary control, and so we would be able to know whether the employés are going to get the fair wages clause right through in every department of the exhibition. If we once give the money to-day, we lose the control, and I do not think we should lose the control of this money, because it is only by means of it that we can control the conditions in the exhibition. If the Minister persist, it is quite obvious that he can get his Vote. He has a sufficient number of followers, docile, well-tamed, and patient oxen, behind him to ensure him getting the Vote, but in the interests of economy, the economy for which he always used to plead in this House, I ask him to take the matter into consideration and give us another opportunity when he is able to give us a report of what those controllers of the exhibition are going to do with regard to complying with the just demands of the Members of this House.
I would like to suggest that We ought not to spend as much money as this upon these pageants of Empire and torchlight tattoos. I hate to think of the pernicious effect which these pageants of Empire and military tattoos are going to have upon the youthful mind of the country. I see the Chancellor of the Exchequer is in his place. That calls to my mind an incident which happened to me some four or five years ago. I was then connected with an organisation of ex-service men. The right hon. Gentleman was then Secretary of State for War. It so happened that he wished to induce this organisation of ex-service men to assist him in obtaining recruits for the new Territorial force, and we went to him as a deputation to hear what he had to say. I may say, incidentally, we saw upon the table a very beautiful cigarette with a figure of Napoleon on top of it. We went there, and he asked us if we would assist him in getting recruits for his new Territorial force. We explained to him that as ex-service men, we knew what war meant. We knew the misery of it, the horror and suffering of it, and we knew how futile it was, and we told him we were not prepared to assist him to get a single man into his new Territorial force. The right hon. Gentleman said—he was philosophical about it—"Ah, well"—I am paraphrasing what he said—" you fellows may have had experience of war. You may see its horrors very vividly now, but there is a new generation coming up, and the new generation will not, know anything about these things, and will want to share in the honour and glory of Empire."
I want to say that the more we can do to destroy the illusion that there is that honour and glory attaching to Empire, which leads inevitably to militarism, which militarism leads inevitably to war, the better for the country. As I believe pageants of this kind and military tattoos do tend to instil into the mind of the young in particular these false notions of military pomp and circumstance and the glory of the Empire, I suggest we ought not to vote one single penny towards this purpose, and I trust the Committee will do their best to reject this particular amount.
Before the vote is put, I would like to ask the hon. Gentleman if he will assure us that all accounting officers will be informed that they will meet with the displeasure of the Minister if there are in any estimate such discrepancies as are disclosed in this Estimate, the original estimate and the additional sums required?
Are we not to have a reply from the Minister?
Yesterday I ventured to inflict upon the Committee a rather long speech, and I do not think I can say very much more. I have- taken a full note of everything which has been said by hon. Gentlemen opposite, and directly I leave the House I will take steps to deal with the points. I am not going to shield myself behind others. I share in every responsibility for this Vote, and accept responsibility for everything that has been done by the right hon. Member for Derby (Mr. Thomas) and the hon. Member for Rothwell (Mr. Lunn). I think they did their best, and their duty full measure, running over about this Government exhibit, not only for the country but also for the Empire. If anything was, in the opinion of my critics, done wrong in the last few months, although I gladly share the responsibility, I must remind the Committee that the party opposite was the authority for whatever went on. I say that they did perfectly right, and I support them. But what astonishes me a little is to hear statements made such as that by the hon. Member for South West Bethnal Green (Mr. Harris), namely, "I am told a loss of £10,000 was made on the torchlight procession." There was no loss, If he looks on the other side he will find the Appropriation-in-Aid. I have got out the figures of what was made on the tattoo and torchlight, procession. It was run for three weeks, and the third week brought us the profit. It was kept on for the third week to meet the public demand. The right hon. Member for Derby gave a rough idea of the figures, but they were not quite correct. The amount we expended, including this £10,000, was £20,000 in all. So far from there being a loss, there was a profit accruing to us of £9,800.
There are a great many misapprehensions on the meaning of these accounts. I do not blame hon. members for feeling in doubt as to the figures. When sitting opposite I have had the same difficulties to contend with. But it is not so bad as it looks. The right hon. Member for Ince (Mr. Walsh) who was Secretary of State for War at the time thought the torchlight procession was a good thing, and by his support it was carried on for three weeks. So far from there being any looseness of estimating or any slovenliness about it, great care was taken by my Department, and besides, I would point out that you cannot estimate what a thing is going to cost when that thing is in the nature of a novel experiment. I have been for years on terms of great friendship with the Financial Secretary to the Treasury, but I have had so much sparring with him to get money for my Department that even that friendship has been endangered. He must, however, carry out his duty, and if it injures our friendship, it, must. He will not even allow me to spend anything over £250 a year for a salary unlesss the Treasury Accounting Officers look into the matter, and they are day after day looking into the expenditures. There is not the slightest doubt the Chancellor of the Exchequer keeps a very strong hand upon us. As wile said a great deal better by the right. hon. Member for Derby than I could, you cannot reckon this exhibition up in pounds, shillings and pence, because sure and certain benefit comes back to us which cannot be reckoned in money. We have to look on the expenditure and its reward in that way. There is one other point. Scottish Members have said to me that they would like the Scottish bands to take part in the massed bands. I agree. I myself welcome the suggestion, and I am glad to tell the Committee that we hope to have an exhibition of Highland dancing by the Scottish Boy Scouts. There is nothing very martial or wrong about that. Then, I think, I can promise, although I am not quite sure, that that gallant regiment, the London Scottish, will send their pipers.
On the question of wages, can the hon. Gentleman be more explicit than he was last night? I would like a definite guarantee that greater steps will be taken than have been taken in the past to secure decent wages and conditions.
I will give the hon. Member this assurance, that so far as lies in my power I will do my best to see that the things to which my attention has been drawn shall be looked into and taken in hand. I will accept the spirit of his wishes, and he can take the assurance that I will do my best to attend to them.
The Minister has not replied to a single one of the very definite questions I put to him. I think the Committee is entitled to have the information. First, is there an unlimited liability on the Treasury for whatever deficit there may be?
In respect of what?
Our liability to find the necessary funds to make up for the deficit on the expenditure.
You have the figures before you.
Last year we were told a sum, and this year we are asked to vote four times the amount voted for last time. Are we to have a Supplementary Estimate next year for a similar increase? Are the accounts audited, and will a balance sheet be submitted to this House or to the Treasury?
Of course, the Treasury keep the most severe and continuous control over us. What expenditure we are to have next year I cannot tell. We have the instructions of the Committee to be as economical as we can, and my staff and I must -pay attention to them. The hon. Gentleman can rest assured that we shall keep the expenditure down as low as possible.
Question, "That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £158,400, be granted for the said Service," put, and negatived.
Original Question put, and agreed to.
Mission of His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales to South Africa, Other Parts of Africa, and South America
Motion made, and Question proposed,
"That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £2,000, be granted to His Majesty; to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1925, for a Grant in Aid of the Mission of His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales to South Africa, other parts of Africa, and South America"
I beg to move to reduce the Vote, by £100.
I do so to protest against all this humbug. The idea, I know, is two-fold: first the idea of taking the Prince of Wales into different parts of the British Empire, in order that he may see the Empire; the other occasion is that he might cement the Empire together, and bring good-will among all the peoples which compose this great Empire of ours. I am going to suggest that, before we send the Prince of Wales to any part of Africa, or the Argentine, or South America, first of all he should see his own country. I can well remember the last time that he came to Glasgow. He was taken all over the parts that those who run Glasgow are fond of showing people. At that time I was a member of the City Council of Glasgow. I protested against the Prince of Wales getting a banquet, the reason being that our Council had decided just at that moment that they could not afford to give any donations from our Common-Good Fund to relieve the great distress which was prevalent in the city owing to unemployment. I caused a scene in the Council. I "held up" the Council.
Strange to say, however, when the Prince arrived in Glasgow, and took up his residence with Lord and Lady Blythswood, her Ladyship wrote me at once a special message requesting me to come and dine with the Prince that night, and it would be strictly private. I refused—[HON. MEMBERS: "Shame !"]—not because I have any private or personal quarrel with one who is commonly called "the young man"—though he is over 30 years of age —but I offered with some of my colleagues, including the late Minister of Health and other names which I submitted for perusal, to meet the Prince of Wales in any of our restaurants in the city; and I said that we would take him to the parts of our city that we were desirous he should see. A very courteous reply was sent to that note by her Ladyship. She said that Lord Blythswood and she were very sorry that His Royal Highness was unable to meet our request, the reason being that certain arrangements had been made which required to be carried out. I still extend to his Royal Highness that invitation. My colleagues and I would be very pleased to take him over the parts of Glasgow he has not seen—parts and conditions which he will not see the like of either in South Africa, nor Malta, nor among the aborigines of South Africa or Australia—nor will he see them in the Argentine Republic. I refer to the conditions of the working folk in the West of Scotland.
Let him come. We will show him Cowcaddens, Glasgow, or Cowgate, Edinburgh. He has never been in these places. I will guarantee him absolute security with my own person, if necessary. We will take him—and I am sure my English colleagues will back me in this matter for all they are worth—into the workshops and into the mines, so that he may see the actual conditions, and not specially prepared that he may not see them. We will take him to see the awful conditions of those who are termed the "backbone of this great Empire," the conditions under which the people work and live—that is, the working classes of Great Britain. We will take him, for instance, to see the works of a man who is getting plenty of publicity at the moment for his steel houses, the man known as Lord Weir. We will take him to his engineering works in Cathcart, and show him how the engineers and other workers are not allowed to leave their bench—the fitter his work or the turner his lathe— from the time the whistle blows in the morning until it blows again in the evening. Again we will let him see that if the worker wants lavatory accommodation, he has to itimate it to a boy standing there for the purpose, who writes down the time the man leaves his work and when he returns. These are the conditions that prevail in your great and glorious British Empire !
Again, you have at the moment shipyard workers who have been "turned down" in their negotiations for better conditions, it having been intimated by the employers of labour that they cannot afford to give them any increase of wages.
These men labourers are working at wages of 34s. per week, while the skilled men in the shipyards are receiving from £2 10s. to £2 15s. per week.
On a point of Order Are the hon. Gentleman's remarks relevant to the Vote—[HON. MEMBERS: "Order, order !" and "You are not Chairman !" and Interruption. ]
On a point of Order. Is my hon. Friend not entitled, according to the Rules of the House, to show that there are better ways of spending public money and of educating the Prince of Wales than by taking him to the Argentine?
As understand the argument of the hon. Gentleman, it is that this Vote should not be allowed until the Prince of Wales has paid visits to certain parts of this country. To that extent I think the hon. Member is entitled, without going into too many details, to point out what the Prince of Wales might be expected to see if he visited certain parts of the country.
I think it is absolutely necessary, because it has been stated by individuals who are supposed to carry weight in the Labour movement that the part that has been played by the Royal Family, as far as the Labour Government was concerned, was one that has endeared the Royal Family to the hearts of the working classes of this country. I am not going to speak about that at the moment. That may be as it may be; I do not believe it. But I want to give them an opportunity to deal with things as they are, and to face the situation as I see it. I do not envy the young man. He has nothing to give Inc. I am in perfect health. I have my independence as a man. There is one that I hold myself responsible to for my actions, and that is my Creator; so that it is not a matter of being covetous or envious of the Prince of Wales. To be perfectly candid with the House, I am sorry for the man. Here you are trotting him all over the world, and making a clown of him—[HON. MEMBERS: "Shame!"]—taking him on show. You cry "Shame!" I say, shame on you who are responsible for the awful conditions under which the class from which I have sprung have to live, and move, and have their being. They sent me here to call you down, to tell you the truth, to tell you that your days are numbered !
The hon. Gentleman is going beyond the ruling I gave a few moments ago.
Well, then, Captain Fitzroy, to come to my next point. I have been dealing with the Prince of Wales travelling all over the globe instead of remaining at home, and understanding the actual conditions Of the people. It would be a great advantage to the people who are anxious about the welfare of the British Empire if they spent these huge sums of money—because it is 15,000 which is going to be spent—in feeding the starving children of this country. If they stopped evictions, as I have appealed in vain to the Secretary for Scotland to stop them, if they gave wages, and if they made conditions compatible with a reasonable life, our people in this country would then be able to compete against the organised world, if necessary. It is impossible to expect that this Empire can go on if it is rotten at the heart, if, as appears to me, you are more concerned about the plumage of the British Empire than you are about the dying bird. I hope Members will think about that.
Then to come to the expenditure side. It says at the foot of page 39 on the White Paper Empire it will be possible to accomplish the great, high ideals of our people and of our national hard when he says
I have given the hon. Member a great deal of latitude in this discussion, but really the matter he is discussing now has nothing whatever to do with this Vote. The principle of this Vote has already been approved by the House, and the only matter we have to deal with is the extra expenditure for extending the tour. The policy of this tour has already been approved by this House, so that is not the question before us.
On a point of Order. Is not the hon. Member entitled to argue that the private income of the Prince is sufficient to pay the expenses, without a grant of Parliament?
Up to a certain point, no doubt, the hon. Member would be in order in arguing on those lines, but, as I have pointed out, the policy of this Vote has already been approved by the House, and the only argument the hon. Member can advance against the Vote of £2,000 is that this tour should not be extended to West Africa and South America.
I think I have every right to proceed along the lines I am doing, because the Treasury is asking the House to grant £2,000. I am doing the very best I can as a common Member of the working class—mark what you are turning down; do not forget that—the class struggle again. You are asking here for £2,000, and I maintain before the British Empire that I am within my rights in proving that, if you are going to send the Prince of Wales there, you do not require to give him £2,000. If I were asking for £2,000 for the working folk on the Clyde, who absolutely require £2,000, you on the other side would get up in your wrath to prove how unnecessary it was, and that it was not required.
On a point of Order. I wish to submit that any consideration of the Prince of Wales' income is wholly irrelevant to the question with which we have to deal. The Prince of Wales is to be sent by this country on a special mission to South Africa, and now all we have to consider is whether that mission should be extended. What has that to do with his income? If the country desires he should go, and the Colonies that he should go, then we have to pay the expenses of the mission. Whether he can afford it or not is not—
On a point of Order. Surely this is a speech?
whether he can afford it or not is not a question for us, any more than we consider the income of an ambassador or any other commissioner we may send to a foreign country either to collect dividends on some important undertaking, or—[HON. MEMBERS: "Speech !"]—I submit, Captain Fitzroy, that to allow a word of what we have been hearing to be said on this subject is a misconception of the Vote we have to consider. [HON. MEMBERS: "Speech!"] I am quite in order. [HON. MEMBERS: "Speech!"]
May I submit to you, Sir—[HON. MEMBERS: "Order!"]
The hon. and learned Member for Gillingham (Sir G. Hohler) is putting a point of Order, and it is for me—
He says he does not understand my language. I did not know when he said it that he was a German. [HON. MEMBERS: "Order!"] Oh, you can cry "Order." I am going through with making this speech to-day. The job's on.
Can an hon. Member make a speech on a point of Order?
The hon. and learned Member is putting a point of Order. When I have heard it, it is for me to decide, and give a ruling.
It is a gross misconception for Members on the other side to think that I am not allowed to give an illustration, in stating the reasons on which my objection is founded. May I point out to you that this Vote does not involve the Prince of Wales alone. If he is to be sent, he will have to be sent, I suppose, in some vessel, so that there are other people to be paid.
I think I understand the hon and learned Member's point of Order now, and it falls in with the ruling I gave a few moments ago, when I was asked by the hon. Member for one of the divisions of Glasgow. I pointed out to what extent the hon. Member (Mr. Kirkwood) might refer to the private income of the Prince of Wales—
I am not going to—
—and I pointed out to him then that the policy embodied in this Vote as regards the sum of £15,000 has already been approved by this House. The only question before us is whether a further £2,000 should be spent on an extended tour, and I really must ask the hon. Member to keep to that point.
6.0 P.M.
I will do my very best to keep to the point, but you, Captain Fitzroy, have ruled that I am perfectly within my rights in trying to prove that the Prince of Wales does not require this £2,000. I say that when we were young, and married, we of the working classes had to carry on after we got married without any increased salary Another thing I wish to draw attention to is that there is more behind this than there seems to be on the surface, because the British Empire has got to play its part with the nations of the earth. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] Yes, I am with hon. Members there. As I have stated already, I am anxious that the British Empire should be more closely welded together, but before I sit down I want to protest against the manner in which I believe the Prince of Wales is being used, not by individuals who have the welfare of the British Empire at heart at all, but by the big financiers, not with a view to promoting and strengthening the brotherhood of man
Is not the hon. Member transgressing your ruling, Captain Fitzroy, by discussing the principle of the tour of the Prince of Wales?
Yes, I think the hon. Member is going astray again. It is only the extension of the tour that is included in this Vote.
I want to say to hon. Gentlemen opposite, "If you are gentlemen, behave like gentlemen." There is no doubt that hon. Members opposite have been doing their very best to put me off my line of argument. When I was interrupted I was pointing out that the Prince of Wales was being used by individuals who are trying to weld our Empire together, in order that it may be menace to every other Empire. On the Labour Benches we are in favour of the welding of the Empire together, but not' for Imperialistic purposes, not for monopolies, not in order to crush other nations—
The hon. Member is again going into the big question of principle which has already been settled by this House, and he cannot keep discussing that over and over again.
I have made my protest———[An HON, MEMBER: "Then sit down!"]—I will not sit down, and hon. Member opposite cannot make me sit down. I wish to draw the attention of the British public to the treatment that is now being meted out to a member of the working classes when he stands up here to state the actual opinions which prevail in the workshop with regard to the visit of the Prince of Wales, which we are now discussing.
The hon. Member must not address other hon. Members in that way, and he must not make remarks of that kind about Members of the House.
I want to draw attention to the fact that I have every right to claim protection from you, Mr. Deputy-Chairman, and you gave me no protection from hon. Members opposite. Those who know me best know that I am generous if I am treated in a right spirit, and I do not fear criticism. I have never burked an issue in my life anywhere, and I will not burke it here. I have been putting forward the view of the working classes on this point, and have given their point of view.
I desire to support the reduction which has been moved by the hon. Member for Dumbarton Burghs (Mr. Kirkwood). I want to keep myself as much in order as humanly possible. This is an item of £2,000, in addition to the sum of £13,000 already granted for the visit of the Prince of Wales to South Africa and other parts of Africa and South America. My argument is that this £2,000 is not required by the Prince of Wales at all, because the salary which he already receives is sufficient for him to pay this £2,000 himself, without having to come to the Treasury. I say that this £2,000 is not required by the Prince of Wales, because he already has an ample and extremely good salary. Yesterday at Question Time, we had quite a number of questions, some of them put by hon. Gentlemen opposite in a most vindictive fashion, regarding the administration of unemployment insurance, and it was asserted that there were large numbers of fearfully bad people drawing the dole, and doing nothing for it, and were not genuinely seeking work.
I often wonder why those who protest so much against working people receiving doles and against people receiving money at the Employment Exchanges are not equally loud in their protestations, and protest with the same vehemence against a dole of £2,000 being granted to the Prince of Wales for a tour of this kind when he already receives a magnificent salary for the work he does. We hear much talk on the opposite side about. a class war, but what is more class war than granting 22,000, making the total up to 215,000 to a rich man, while the same people who grant that money with readiness and eagerness actually refuse the dole to working men, and refuse benefit to unemployed persons on any excuse they can possibly get hold of. I have been reading in the newspapers that the new Government is considering the question of reducing the amount of unemployment benefit. At the present time it really is a magnificent sum! It amounts to 23s. per week for a man and his wife. The same Government and the same people who say that is sufficient now come forward, and ask that the Prince of Wales should be granted an additional £2,000 for a public tour throughout the Colonies.
This £2,000 would riot be so had by itself, but it is £2,000 in addition to £13,000 which has already been granted, and it is in addition to a salary which in itself is magnificent in the extreme. l know that hon. Gentlemen opposite are going to come back ere long to their former policy in regard to unemployment insurance, and they mean to reduce it. Have hon. Members ever examined the income of the Prince of Wales, and have they ever made any proposals to reduce it? They talk about class war.
I made my first speech in this House two years ago, and I frankly avowed that. I believed in a class war. I believe in the working people, and I wish hon. Members opposite would be equally honest when they come here and ask for £2,000 in addition to £13,000 already voted, in order to pamper this young man abroad. I think you ought to treat working people with the same decency and equity of treatment. Personally speaking I have no time or use for royalty at all. I do not think they do a single useful function in society at all, and they are grossly overpaid. This £15,000 is being taken away from the community, and is being granted to people who have already so much money that it should not be granted at all. Representing as I do in this House people who are as good to me as the Prince of Wales, and who are living on the poverty level, it would be nothing short of a disgrace to me if I watched these people starving, and refused unemployment benefit without protesting. If I did not do so, I should be betraying the interests of the common people. This Vote will only be passed to-night after I have done everything possible to defeat it.
May I try and bring back the Committee to what is contained in the Estimate which is before it? It is really quite outside the scope of what we are now discussing to follow out all the arguments which have been addressed to the Committee by the hon. Member for Dumbarton (Mr. Kirkwood) and by the hon. Member for Gorbals (Mr. Buchanan). But the speech of the hon. Member for Dumbarton was largely applied to showing how important it was that the Prince of Wales should get into personal touch with the people of this country. He described how, when the Prince of Wales went to his part of Scotland, efforts were made to enable him to meet all classes and all sections of the community. He said that he himself, when asked to dine with the Prince, refused, but he admitted 'that efforts had been made, on the initiative, I am sure, of the Prince himself, to enable His Royal Highness to get into touch with all the interests of the district which he was visiting. Surely, the stress which the hon. Member placed upon that argument shows how necessary it is that the Prince of Wales should also get into touch with other parts of the British Empire. May I point out that the visit of the Prince of Wales to the British Dominions and Colonies beyond the seas does not in any way prevent him from doing that work which the hon. Member for Dumbarton is so anxious to see him perform. Not one word was said by either of the two hon. Members who have spoken in this Debate to suggest that the Prince of Wales has in any way stinted his time and energy in the activities to which he has been called. I think it is a great tribute—and I am glad to see the hon. Member for Dumbarton nod his head in assent—it is a great tribute that there has not been one word to suggest that His Royal Highness has been otherwise than ungrudging in throwing himself into the duties to which he has been called.
The hon. Member, I think, rather misunderstood how this mission arose. He said we were sending the Prince of Wales off to see the Empire. But it is not that at all; the Prince is going largely in order that the Empire may see and know him. We are not sending the Prince; the Prince is being enabled, by the provision which the House is being asked to grant, to take advantage, on our behalf, of the invitations which have been extended to him. Without the help of the House, he cannot accept this mission, and I will tell the Committee why. Originally i would have been possible for him to go in a liner to South Africa, but, since the original arrangements were made, further invitations have been received. The extension of the Prince of Wales's tour into West Africa was on the recommendation of the late Colonial Secretary (Mr. J. H. Thomas). It is obvious that, whereas it is possible to go to South Africa in a liner, it is not possible to find any line which is going to connect up the remote and scattered parts of the earth which the Prince of Wales is now to visit in response to the invitations which have since been received. The hon. Member for Dumbarton referred to the fact that the Prince of Wales was now going beyond the confines of the British Empire, and he suggested that it was a mistake that the Prince should devote his attention to foreign countries instead of to his own people. I think he will probably be the better able to deal with the problems of his own people if he is able to accept this invitation. The invitation to go to the Argentine originated with President Alvear, and was suggested a considerable time ago. It came through officially in November, and, as soon as it was officially received, it was decided that it was right that the Prince of Wales should accept it. The Argentine this year is going to celebrate the centenary of the Anglo-Argentine Treaty of Commerce, and our friends in the Argentine—who are many, because we have a great trade and connection there—wish to take advantage of this opportunity to have the Prince of Wales among them. Since then, invitations have been received that the tour should be extended to Uruguay and Chile, and I think it is very probable that arrangements may be made for the carrying out of that even wider programme.
The, result of these changes was that a tour which was originally proposed for four months has now been extended to eight months. It is no longer possible to carry out the tour in a liner, and, as the hon. Member for Dumbarton mentioned, the Prince of Wales is being provided with the service of a battle cruiser. The hon. Member said that this was causing great additional expense, which is being borne on the Navy Vote. The reason why it is on the Navy Vote is that it is in accordance with the principle laid down in public accounting that every form of expenditure which comes under the control of a Government Department, with its separate accounts, should be borne upon that Department's Vote. It is for that reason, and not because of any decision on our part, that the fuel and working expenses of the "Repulse" on this journey must be borne on Navy Votes. But, wherever the "Repulse" might find herself, she would be burning fuel and would have those working expenses. She is one of our great battle cruisers taken from the Atlantic Fleet, where she is kept on the full active list, and so there is no such great additional expense as the hon. Member for Dumbarton seems to think. Of course, there has been a saving in the original provision for the cost of travelling in a liner, but this saving has been transferred to the additional cost of entertainment and so on necessitated by a tour of double the originally projected length. The hon. Member for Gorbals talked about the Prince of Wales getting this "extra money." I can assure him, and I went through the figures, that not one penny of this money—
It is spent on him.
Well, in the sense that money is spent on any British ambassador who goes abroad on a national mission. The Prince of Wales is not getting one farthing of this money for his own purposes. I think the Committee will agree that it would have been very ungracious of this country to have refused the invitations which were sent from our Dominions and Colonies and from foreign countries that the Prince of Wales should include a visit to them in his journey. And I think that the good feeling and closer relations which we may expect to result from the expenditure which we are asking the House to vote for this great embassy will make it well worth while.
The statement made by the Financial Secretary to the Treasury has not, I am sorry, or almost sorry, to say, yet convinced me that I am justified in supporting this additional expenditure. The first reason given by the Financial Secretary was that it was for the purpose of cementing the bonds of Empire, and an additional reason was that it was to help our trade, particularly in connection with the Argentine. I am one of those who believe that we shall never cement the bonds of Empire merely by sending the Prince of Wales to our Colonies. I believe we shall better cement the bonds of Empire by allowing the Prince of Wales to see the conditions that exist in the centre of the Empire, and thereby convincing him, as I believe he is a very human individual, of the need for having these things adjusted and put right as early as possible. As regards the question of sending the Prince abroad for the purpose of trying to bring trade to this country, this additional £2,000 seems to me to be wasted, because we can develop trade inside our country, and I am satisfied that it would be far better that the £2,000 should he spent in seeking to develop trade in our own country, as it could be developed, than that it should be spent merely for the purpose of sending the Prince abroad, particularly to the Argentine, to help our trade there.
The reason I am going to vote for this reduction is that the additional £2,000 which will have to be provided will have to be provided by miners, in many instances, who are absolutely refused the rights of living under just and honourable conditions at the present time. I cannot support an additional grant of £2,000 for the purpose suggested in this Estimate, when there are so many hundreds of thousands of miners who are not even guaranteed the 12s. per day minimum wage. These men will be called upon to pay their share of the £2,000; the old age pensioners will be called upon to pay their share; the widows and orphans will be called upon to pay their share; and I should be betraying the trust of the miners who sent me here, of the aged people who helped to send me here, of the widows who helped to send me here, if I were prepared to vote this additional £2,000, believing, as I do, that the £2,000 could be better spent in providing the things which are necessary for those who sent me here. I believe as a principle that we are entitled in Parliament here to take from those who have got, for the purpose of helping those who have not got. On the other hand, I believe it is monstrously wrong to take from those who have not in order to give to those who have, and that is exactly what will be done in the case of this £2,000. You will be giving assistance, certainly, in sending an ambassador abroad, and I believe the Prince of Wales will be going as an ambassador. I have nothing to say against the Prince as an individual. I believe he its a very amiable young man; but, on the other hand, I believe it is wrong to spend an additional £2,000 for one who has sufficient and could provide himself with the necessary travelling arrangements for going abroad.
I shall also vote against the granting of this sum of money because I believe that the £2,000 could be well spent in our own country by allowing the Prince of Wales to visit the mining villages, in Ayrshire in particular, where there are no sanitary arrangements, and where the conditions of living are simply intolerable. I believe the £2,000 would be well spent in sending him to visit some of the coal mines, including some of those in which I have worked myself. He would then discover the actual conditions under which men are working, and are being refused even 12s. per day, while they are called upon by this Vote to subscribe to help the Prince of Wales to make his journey abroad on behalf of the nation. For these reasons I feel that I should he failing in my duty if I did not vote against the granting of this additional £2,000, and I shall certainly, if a Division be called, vote for the reduction which has been moved by the hon. Member for Dumbarton (Mr. Kirkwood).
Of all the discussions I have listened to in this House I should have thought the subject we are now dis- cussing would have commended itself to hon. Members opposite. It has been said that His Royal Highness is paying these visits in the capacity of an Ambassador. If there is one thing on which I have always supported hon. Members opposite in their work in the trade union movement, it has been the very lavish hand with which they have sought information in foreign countries with trade union funds. It is quite right that they should. It is their money, and if they go as ambassadors, it is quite right that their expenses should be defrayed. We have just been treated to a rather extraordinary statement. In fact we might say we have listened to pious platitudes from Peebles. The hon. Member is opposed to the expenditure of this £2,000 in assisting the Prince of Wales to go as an ambassador on the ground that he has his money. Of course he has his money, but we must give him more yet. It is exactly the same thing that the hon. Member receives his salary, and takes a first class ticket to his constituency. I do not think those things really hold water. As a matter of fact the one bright spot in the discussion is this. Throughout the whole of the speeches from the opposite side there is a lack of sincerity. It is obstruction pure and simple.
An hon. Member opposite spoke about the Prince of Wales and his salary, and he thought it quite sufficient that he should do the work he is paid for. It astonishes me to hear a statement like that from gentlemen who preach and talk about political economy, and yet do not know that His Royal Highness does not receive any salary. It is only in keeping with the lack of sincerity or the lack of knowledge with which we have been treated from the opposite benches. It has been asked why this money should not be spent in this country so as to develop trade here. Surely as students of political economy they ought to know the great trade that is done between this country and the Argentine, and that it will stimulate and develop and bring more trade, though possibly at the expense of obtaining large orders for the consumption of British coal. I am sure most of the arguments which have been used on the opposite side are simply party tactics from an obstructionist point of view. I am certain they are just as sincere and loyal as I am, and as willing that his Royal Highness should go out as an ambassador, so to raise the prestige of the British Empire, and help to bring the trade to this country which is so sorely needed.
I desire to oppose the Vote, and I certainly intend to press it to a Division. I am sincerely against the expenditure of this money. The last speaker suggested that the trade union movement spent money in sending its ambassadors to other countries and spent it lavishly.
I said they were justified in sending ambassadors.
I am quite willing to accept what the hon. and gallant Gentleman says, that they go as ambassadors to other countries and the unions pay for their going there. I believe if the commercial interests of the country are interested in the Prince of Wales going to the Argentine as an ambassador, they should pay the expenses of it, as the trade unionists do. It has been suggested that they do. I am quite willing to admit that the commercial classes interested in the Argentine will have to pay their proportion of this £2,000, but the trade unionists will have also to pay their share of it. There are those of us who object to paying any part of it. I suggest that in the interests of the country the money might have been much better spent. We have had many assurances from the opposite benches about the need of economy in our national expenditure. I might have been willing to allow something like this to pass without a protest, as being a comparatively small payment, had it not been for these suggestions with regard to economy in other directions—economy at the expense of people in this country who are in the very worst possible condition, the great mass of the unemployed, and the unemployed are going to be called upon to pay their share of this £2,000. Every cup of tea in which there is tea and sugar has got to pay its part of the national expenditure, and so the unemployed people are being called upon to pay their share of it.
I would suggest that the Committee should not agree to this extension of the tour at all, and that this way of spending the £2,000 is not in the best interests of the Empire itself. It would be far more suitable for the Prince to spend a part of the time in coming out to my division to see the houses in which so many of the citizens there live. When he came to Glasgow, an attempt was made to get into touch with various people, and various people wanted him to see some of the Glasgow slums. But he did not get there. If he had got there, and if we had got a description of these slums into the press, the conscience of the nation would have been outraged at the conditions under which these people are living. While those things are I believe I should be untrue to them if I allowed this £2,000 to be expended in this way, when it might be so much better expended in trying to improve the conditions in my constituency. I do not want the Committee to think I am doing this out of any idea of obstructing business. I am quite willing to believe that the hon. Member opposite was sincere in all he said about the good he thought would result from this expenditure of money on the Prince of Wales's trip. But it is also right that hon. Members should believe that We are equally sincere in our desire that the money should not be expended in this way, but rather that it should be expended in trying to provide employment, and possibly to help some victims of the War who in one way or another have lost their pensions when they are still in need of them. So I desire to enter my protest along with the others, and to say that I intend to press this matter to a Division.
I rise to protest against the frivolous objections which have been raised by hon. Members on the benches ahead of me. Those who are objecting to this expenditure do not realise that if they were successful, it would be a great disaster to this country. My father was in America 40 years ago: two years ago I was there myself, and I have kept myself posted. I say unreservedly and without any fear of contradiction, that there will be a great reception and a great deal of good done for this country if the Prince visits that great Continent. If the visit were cancelled, animosity would be created which would be detrimental to us. Realising the responsibilities of the position hon. Members cannot vote against this. I should like to remind them of a visit paid by a continental King to America some few years ago. After that visit eight distinct trade relations were created between that continental country and Brazil, which were to the detriment of England in every sense of the term. The Prince as an ambassador will carry with him the goodwill of all Englishmen who are out there. Whether in a State belonging to this Empire or a foreign country they are still Englishmen. British Chambers of Commerce are established in South America to look after British trade. The Prince will come into touch with these people, and nothing but good will result from his visit. The £2,000 is too trivial to talk about. Instead of £2,000 it will be worth £20,000. If I am in order, I should like to suggest that a distinct detachment of representatives of trade should take part in the visit, to discuss with the people they meet what they require, and bring us the information, so that we can supply their needs. I do not propose to belabour the subject. It is not a subject I thought I should ever discuss in a maiden speech, but I know the position out there so well. The Prince is sure of a very hearty and an enthusiastic reception, and the greatest mistake we could make would be to prevent him going there. It would be an international calamity.
I have heard hon. Members speak of international brotherhood, and yet they are prepared to vote against this expenditure which would cement international brotherhood. It is the finest thing that has been suggested for a long time. I wish the visit could be multiplied 50 times, and that the Prince could be sent to every country in the world. There can be no greater bond of international peace than international trade relationship established on sensible and economic lines. The best friends we have are the fellows who pay when the bill is due. That is the greatest and strongest relationship we could make internationally. The Argentine and Brazil are good customers of Lancashire. Brazil takes from us machinery and cotton. The Argentine takes freely, and Lancashire trade requires every possible encouragement it can have. It must be encouraged even though you may say it is only a sentimental encouragement by the Prince going. Every avenue must be explored, and none ignored. to try to cement the relationship between us and South America, which in years to come will be one of the greatest countries the world knows. As one who knows the details of that country and its possibilities, I say confidently that we can look to South America for a great improvement in our trade. I hope the House will pass the Vote.
I rise to oppose the extension of this Vote, and to say that shall support the Amendment for its reduction, not so much with any desire to say one word derogatory to the Prince of Wales, nor with the slightest desire, as has been almost suggested by hon. Members opposite, to break up the British Empire. I would far rather humanise the Empire. I should have voted for the reduction in any case. I feel compelled to speak at this juncture while the suggestion is being made by hon. Members opposite that speeches from this side lack sincerity. The last speaker suggested that we are frivolous. It may be said, it is said, and I am afraid that it will continue to be said, that everyone speaking from their hearts on behalf of the suffering humanity of our nation, are insincere. Let us hope the time may come when we shall prove our sincerity, if we are unable to prove it on the Floor of this House.
I protest against, the extension of the Vote by £2,000, not so much on account of the amount, but on principle. I protest against this increased expenditure by a nation which is too poor to do justice to its aged people, to the working classes, to its soldiers crippled and broken in the recent War and to the people who are unemployed. We have heard much of the intention of the Government to embark on economy in regard to the expenditure on benefit for the unemployed workpeople and in the same breath we are told that £2,000 must be voted for the extension of this Royal visit. If South America or Africa desires an extension of the tour, I have no objection, but what I do suggest is that this House should tell them that, as we are too poor to do justice to our ex-service men, to our aged and our unemployed, we cannot afford this extra £2,000 for the glory of an official visit.
I come from a constituency that has produced an enormous amount of wealth by the highest skilled labour and its accessory workpeople; a constituency surrounded not by an industrial area. where people can find employment, but by an 'agricultural county, where some of the highest skilled people in the country cannot find work, although they have been honestly seeking it for two or three years. Their little homes which they have built up have been pawned and sold; their small household goods have passed away: and they are living on what is referred to so frequently as the dole. If those people say anything hard against the system that is breaking them up, they are called rebels, and other names which are uncomplimentary. I am afraid that hon. Members opposite would say and do harder things than some of these poor people are doing. Some of the people I represent, because they cannot find employment, are to be removed from the unemployment benefit—
I do not want to interrupt the hon. Member in his maiden speech, but the subject of the Vote is limited, and the hon. Member is going very wide.
I am extremely sorry if I have strayed, and I hope that you and hon. Members will pardon me. The point I was desiring to make is that if we cannot afford to do justice to these people who are suffering—a fortnight ago I met a crippled soldier whose pension has gone, and who cannot find employment—we cannot afford 22,000 here, £2,000 somewhere else, and a few hundred thousand pounds somewhere else. For these reasons, I oppose the extension of what may appear a paltry sum, and I do so on the principle that if we cannot spend money in easing and humanising the conditions of our own people, we should very seriously consider before we spend it in professing to advertise or to glorify the Empire in the way suggested. In spite of the somewhat unkind sneers and laughter from the other side, I am sure that there are good hearts even among hon. Members opposite. The ordinary Britisher, whatever his politics, is good at heart. It is when you put two and two together, and call them a company that they lose their morality and sense of decency. The individual may be all right, but when it comes to the question of making profits, it is a different matter.
We are here as custodians of public money, and it is our duty to be more economical in the spending of that money on things which are not necessary and less parsimonious in spending it to ease the sufferings of our own people. I hope that there will be greater credit given to Members on these benches for their sincerity. We may be lacking in vocabulary, and We may find it difficult to be fluent—[ Laughter. ] I am glad that I can amuse hon. Members opposite, and I hope the time may come when I shall be able to interest them also. We may be lacking in those respects, but, in any event, let there be DO charges of frivolity and insincerity, because, whatever else we may be, we are sincere in trying, in the interests of the people we represent, to prevent wasteful expenditure of public money.
I should like to congratulate the hon. Member upon the very fluent and eloquent maiden speech that he has made. If I caught his name correctly, it is a great name that a great many of us have read in the Press. Very often when one reads of a person in the Press, and one meets that person face to face and hear him, one gets a different impression of him than one had previously. I hope that the maiden effort of the hon. Member in this House will be followed by many other speeches. We shall always be delighted to listen to him, with the courtesy that he deserves.
I want to make a reference to the speech of the hon. Member for Peebles (Mr. Westwood) and the hon. Member for Camlachie (Mr. Stephen) who object to this additional £2,000 being put upon the widows, the orphans and the poor. I wonder if they have done a little mathematical calculation. I may have gone wrong in my mathematics, but I have tried to work out the cost, and, in rough figures, if everybody in this country paid taxation per head of exactly the same amount, which they do not, the cost would be something like one-hundredth part of a penny per head. For the sake of one-hundredth part of a penny per head, hon. Members opposite have waxed into great eloquence as to the terrible burden which is to be put upon the widows, the orphans, the poor and the unemployed. Surely it is bringing their eloquence and their cry for sympathy into absolute ridicule.
I endorse what has been said by the hon. Member for Barrow (Mr. Bromley) in regard to the sincerity of speeches from this side. It is nothing new for Members associated with the Labour movement to express such opinions and convictions. Many years ago, such views were expressed by a leading exponent of the Labour movement, the late Mr. Keir Hardie, who struck a note which has been, to some extent, emphasised by Members of the Labour party in this Debate. Let us fairly consider the practical aspect of the matter. His Royal Highness does not really go as an Ambassador. With all due respect, and in deep sincerity, I say that His Royal Highness has difficulties to surmount. He is circumscribed in the position which he occupies even in regard to the information which may be made available to him in these alleged investigations. He has his difficulties in expressing views concerning them. He is impelled in given directions to visit certain quarters under certain conditions. I am certain that hon. Gentlemen opposite are quite well aware of the facts and that, in truth, there is nothing substantial in his Royal Highness making these visits abroad. It is all a matter pertaining to what we know as the Royalty system, which has been utilised to a very great degree in our own country for camouflage, and, unfortunately, it is exploited to an extraordinary degree against the interests of the masses.
I cannot consistently refrain from adding what I feel is the meagre effort that is being made from this side, as far as numbers are concerned, to express our view. From the practical aspect there is not a man acquainted with public life, and really cognisant of what lies behind the royalty system, but knows that, truly, there is nothing practical in this proposal at all: absolutely nothing. There is no necessity for sneers or for showing any feeling or exhibiting any antipathy, because of the views that have been expressed from this side. Each speaker from this side has made an additional impression upon the other side of the House. It is not the amount of the Vote that leaves its impression, but the marked disparity of interest, the extraordinary contrast of interest, when an issue is presented to the House appertaining to the specific interests of the toiling millions of our country, and the ardent enthusiasm which is exhibited on the other side in pushing something which they know, on the face of it, has no real significance.
7.0 P.M.
Hon. Members coming from the constituencies of the kind that I have the honour to represent know of the earnest appeals which are made to the Pensions Ministry, the Labour Ministry, and other Departments for assistance in needy cases. You cannot help having in your own mind the feeling that somehow it is a most anomalous situation for anyone of us to try to explain the conditions of this or any other Government in meeting the requirements of the people concerning their specific conditions, and at the same time go back to your constituencies and say you have gone into the Lobby and have voted for a person to enjoy a joy trip over the world. It is perfectly absurd.
I only rise for one moment, because I happen to know something about Hanley, the constituency spoken of just now. No constituency can gain more from the visit of His Royal Highness than Hanley. There is no better way by which the hon. Member can help his constituency for which he pleaded than to get greater trade for Hanley potters by these visits.
I rise to a point of Order. I wish to ask if the hon. Member for Hanley (Mr. Clowes) has yet spoken? Personally, I do not think he has.
It is not a point of Order, but a point of fact.
I apologise. I understood from several Members that it was the hon. Member for Hanley (Mr. Clowes) who spoke.
I stand once again to speak as a Member of the Communist party, and I suppose hon. Gentlemen opposite will accept with some amount of equanimity the sincerity of myself and my party in saying what we think of this matter. I quite approve of the Amendment which has been moved, but I am equally touched at the defence set up by the Financial Secretary. The more my colleagues and Friends in the Opposition are trying to come to a compromise in outward form, the more they are assailed and the more they will be open to the charge of being insincere persons. What is the truth about it? Certainly we object to this use of public money. At the same time, if my hon. Friends in the Opposition want Royalty, if they want Royal ambassadors I quite agree that they cannot have ambassadors with business capacity at the same time. If they want that luxury, they must pay for it. If you want an Empire with a Royal nob at the head of it—(HON. MEMBERS: "Withdraw!"]
I did not catch the expression. [HON, MEMBERS: "Royal nob."] If I had caught the expression, I should have dealt with it.
If this country, or if hon. Friends in the Opposition want an Empire, want a Royal head over that Empire, want a Royal ambassador to go about even the streets of Ayrshire or the streets of Buenos Aires, then I agree they must pay adequately. Therefore, as a Member representing the out anal out working-class point of view I oppose it. I oppose it definitely on the ground that the whole of this expenditure is the usual trickery of the minority, helping themselves at the expense of the majority. It is class expenditure. It is all camouflage to talk about commercial activities and His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales discussing with any appreciable intelligence the possibilities of this trade or that trade. Nothing of the sort happens. To put forward the invitation coming from Africa and America is one more sham in this House of many shams. [HON. MEMBERS: "Order !] This is a complete sham.
I have in my mind millions of persons in South Africa and Argentine and East Africa who are not associated with this invitation, who are not interested in this invitation, and who are not going to benefit by this invitation. These games are played in the names of the people. I may give you as an illustration that some time back we were told His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales had received a cordial invitation as a Royal Ambassador from India, and the people of India had to say that they did not want His Royal Highness there, and the Government had to empty out gaols and to pay money to spectators. [HON. MEMBERS: "Order!"]
The question dealt with in the Vote relates to a tour in South America and Africa. The hon. Member's remarks relate to a wider area than that. Asia does not come into the discussion.
I am saying, with due deference, a little as to the want of sincerity in these invitations. The invitations are minority invitations. They come as class invitations. They come from certain class interests. They are social invitations from a particular section which is the smallest section in every country and society, and they are not invitations of a genuine character coming from the working classes and the masses of the people in these countries. I put it to the Committee. There are large numbers of the population in Africa, in Argentine, in Brazil, and in many other countries desiring to go out as ambassadors to the masses, and there is a larger section of the people in this country. Take trade union leaders, for instance. You would not pay their expenses; you would make them pay and put obstructions in the way of their going by hindering passports.
These invitations sound very well, but to talk about them being in the name of the people is to make a wrong use of the name. The insincerity is not on this side of the House. The insincerity is completely on the other side of the House. You are talking in terms of nations when you know very well it is a sham. I would suggest that this money could be utilised with far greater advantage in this country. But I would not even then accept entirely the suggestion made that we should spend the £2,000 in getting His Royal Highness to pay a visit to some of the slums here, there, and everywhere. That amount would not carry him far in all the slums here. I would use the £2,000 in my constituency in a different manner. I would take some of my slum dwellers and enable them to stay for a week in the palatial surroundings in which the Prince lives and give them experience of another class of life. There would be greater unity of knowledge and a greater communication of thoughts in the Empire by the poor, struggling, starving, ill-fed masses being made to see and realise and experience the life which other people are leading entirely at their cost.
I submit that the whole of this money comes from the poor, underpaid and degraded workers of this country, and from nobody else. It is all very well to talk about mathematics and political economy, economies of budgets and the headings in the tables of the budgets, but, after all, the rich who pretend to pay their taxations would not be able to pay their taxes before they made their incomes, and the incomes which they make, every farthing of them, are earned by the workers, who are robbed of their living to get possession of it. If after robbing the workers in this country, after robbing the workers of Africa and Argentina of the wealth they have produced, the rich man wants to use a slice of it for this sort of show, for this sort of grandeur, by which to capture trade for this country, I fail to understand how a visit from the Prince of Wales can enable you to sell to Argentine any article which you are not capable of selling with the sound workmanship of the British workers at a reasonable and competitive cost. If your workers are not producing good work, if the cost of their productions cannot stand competition, 100,000 visits from Royal ambassadors cannot produce trade. Trade is produced by the honest work of the workers.
The hon. Member is going into a matter of political economy, and building far too large a structure on a slender basis.
I am attempting to point out that this sum of £2,000 is coming from sources which hon. Members opposite deny. It is coming from the workers. This proposal is put forward as one for assisting trade. You cannot send Royal ambassadors to any country if your workmen are producing bad materials and try to induce trade through the splendour of Royalty. I would challenge hon. Members opposite to take any shoddy material produced by workers and effect a large trade in it by sending Royalties abroad as salesmen of this country. Such a thing would be impossible and ridiculous. All the sham is on the side of those who are trying to spend this money upon a frivolous purpose and trying to charge Members on this side with frivolous obstruction. In the name of my constituents, I oppose this grant.
I do not want to give a silent vote on this matter. I would have endeavoured to speak earlier in the discussion, but I have been engaged on public business in another part of this building. To vote for spending £15,000 in this way while 15,000 unemployed people are living half-starved in the constituency which I represent would be to dishonour myself and to disgrace them. Often when we ask for the most trifling sums of money, we are told to consider the nation's finances. We are told also when we want a little more money for the unemployed—as, for instance, this afternoon in the case of the ex-service men who were wounded in the late War—that it cannot be done. All kinds of excuses are made to prevent them getting what they were promised when they enlisted. It. is monstrous to stand up and defend this Vote on the ground that the Prince of Wales is an ambassador for trade. I can understand the argument that we need a King to act as the representative of the whole of the British Dominions, but I have yet to learn that it is the function of kingship to go round as a commerccial bagman doing trade. I cannot understand this sort of argument.
The main point is that we are continually told when we want money for the poor, or when we want money to pay the fares of people who have to come to this place, that it is a disgraceful thing. But it is true that two people cannot have the same thing. As we are continually being reminded, if money is spent in one way, it cannot be spent in another, and if you spend £15,000 — [HON. MEMBERS: "£2,000!"]—it is £15,000 total—and if you are going to spend that, and in addition some cost that is going to be put on the Navy, it is certain that that money cannot be spent on helping the people whom I am sent here to help. It is not a question of whether you want a Republic or a Monarchy, but whether we ought to spend the money in this way. There are two objections to it. One is that it is not the business of any member of the Royal Family to act as an Ambassador. I protest from the Constitutional point of view against that. We are not allowed to criticise the Prince of Wales or His Majesty on the Floor of this House, but, if you are going to send them as Ambassadors, then I am going to claim the right to criticise them. Hon. Members opposite cannot have it both ways. Either they are going to be the servants or the Consuls who represent us in trade or our diplomatic representatives acting as Ambassadors, or they are not.
You had reports in the Press of what happened when His Royal Highness was in New York. There, did not seem to be much trade except the very big trade in amusement. I was intensely interested to read about it in the newspapers, and I remember that it had notching to do with getting business for Hanley or anywhere else. I do not object to the boy having a good time. Why should I? He is not very old. I do not see why he should not enjoy himself as well as my son or any other man's son. But the point is, do not humbug the British public by saying that he is going to do business for the British Empire. He is going to have a very good time, and because of that to say that he is going to develop trade is absolutely false. Therefore, I oppose this as a fraud. I oppose it because I think it a standing disgrace to this country that it should vote this £15,000, £2,000 to-day and £13,000 which has been voted, and other money for this particular purpose,
when you have got tens of thousands of men and women who are just living on the border line of subsistence. There are multitudes of people today who do not know from where they will get the next day's food. Before spending any more money sending Royalty from one end of the earth to the other, you ought to spend every farthing which you can in helping to provide for the necessities of those who cannot provide the necessities of life for themselves. For that reason, I strongly oppose this Vote. I oppose it first because I believe that the Monarchy should do the work which it exists to do, which is not to be a commercial bag man to the Capitalists of the world; secondly, because the money ought to be spent on the poor, and if it is spent in this way it cannot be spent on the poor.
Question put, "That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £1,900, be granted for the said Service."
The Committee divided: Ayes, 90; Noes, 304.
Division No. 12.] AYES. [7.24 p.m. Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock) Henderson, T. (Glasgow) Smillie, Robert Baker, J.(Wolverhampton, Bliston) Hirst, G. H. Smith, Ben (Bermondsey, Rotherhithe) Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Hudson, J. H. (Huddersfield) Smith, H. B. Lees (Keighley) Barnes, A. John, William (Rhondda, West) Smith, Rennie (Penistone) Barr, J. Johnston, Thomas (Dundee) Stamford, T. W. Batey, Joseph Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly) Stephen, Campbell Beckett, John (Gateshead) Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd) Stewart, J. (St. Rollox) Broad, F. A. Kelly, W. T. Sutton, J. E. Bromfield, William Kennedy, T. Thurtle, E. Bromley, J. Kenworthy, Lt.-Com. Hon. Joseph M. Tinker, John Joseph Cape, Thomas Lansbury, George Varley, Frank B. Clowes, S. Lee, F. Viant, S. P. Cluse, W. S. Lowth, T. Wallhead, Richard C. Compton, Joseph Mackinder, W. Warne, G. H. Connolly, M. Maclean, Nell (Glasgow, Govan) Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline) Cove, W. G. March, S. Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda) Dalton, Hugh Maxton, James Wedgwood, Rt. Hon. Josiah Davies, Ellis (Denbigh, Denbigh) Mitchell, E. Rosslyn (Paisley) Welsh, J. C. Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton) Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.) Westwood, J. Day, Colonel Harry Naylor, T. E. Wheatley, Rt. Hon. J. Dennison, R. Oliver, George Harold Whiteley, W. Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Palin, John Henry Wignall, James Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton) Paling, W. Wilkinson, Ellen C. Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan) Potts, John S. Williams, David (Swansea, E.) Groves, T. Richardson, R. (Houghton-ie-Spring) Williams, T. (York, Don Valley) Grundy, T. W. Robinson, W. C. (Yorks, W.R., Elland) Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe) Guest, J. (York, Hemsworth) Saklatvala, Shapurji Windsor, Walter Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydv11) Salter, Dr. Alfred Wright, W. Hardle, George D. Scrymgeour, E. Hayes, John Henry Scurr, John TELLERS FOR THE AYES. —— Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (Burnley) Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) Mr. Kirkwood and Mr. Buchanan.
NOES. Acland-Troyte, Lieut.-Colonel Atkinson, C. Beckett, Sir Gervase (Leeds, N.) Allen, J. Sandeman (L'pool, W. Derby) Baird, Rt. Hon. Sir John Lawrence Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S. Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Berry, Sir George Applin, Colonel R. V. K. Balfour, George (Hampstead) Bethell, A. Apsley, Lord. Balniel, Lord Betterton, Henry B. Ashmead-Bartlett, E. Banks, Reginald Mitchell Bird, Sir R. B. (Wolverhampton, W.) Astor, Viscountess Barnston, Major Sir Harry Blades, Sir George Rowland Atholl, Duchess of Beamish, Captain T. P. H. Blundell, F. N. Bourne, Captain Robert Croft Garro-Jones, Captain G. M. Macintyre, Ian Bowater, Sir T. Vansittart Gates, Percy McLean, Major A. Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Gee, Captain R. Macnaghten, Hon. Sir Malcolm Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W. Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John Macquisten, F. A. Brass, Captain W. Glyn, Major R. G. C. MacRobert, Alexander M. Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive Gower, Sir Robert Makins, Brigadier-General E. Briggs, J. Harold Grace, John Margesson, Captain D. Brittain, Sir Harry Grant, J. A. Mason, Lieut.-Col. Glyn K. Brocklebank, C. E. R. Greene, W. P. Crawford Merriman, F. B. Brooke, Brigadier-General C. R. I. Grigg, Lieut.-Col. Sir Edward W. M. Milne, J. S. Wardlaw- Brown-Lindsay, Major H. Grotrian, H. Brent Mitchell, S. (Lanark, Lanark) Brown, Maj. D. C. (N'th'l'd., Hexham) Guinness, Rt. Hon. Walter E. Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham) Brown, Brig.-Gen.H.C.(Berks, Newb'y) Gunston, Captain D. W. Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Buckingham, Sir H. Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Morrison-Bell, Sir Arthur Clive Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Hall, Capt. W. D'A. (Brecon & Rad.) Murchison, C. K. Bullock, Captain M. Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland) Nelson, Sir Frank Burney, Lieut.-Com. Charles D. Harland, A. Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Burton, Colonel H. W. Harney, E. A. Newton, Sir D. G. C. (Cambridge) Cadogan, Major Hon. Edward Harris, Percy A. Nicholson, O. (Westminster) Campbell, E. T. Harrison, G. J. C. Nield, Rt. Hon. Sir Herbert Cassels, J. D. Hartington, Marquess of Nuttall, Ellis Cautley, Sir Henry S. Harvey, Major S. E. (Devon, Totnes) O'Connor, T. J. (Bedford, Luton) Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City) Haslam, Henry C. Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Cazalet, Captain Victor A. Hawke, John Anthony Pease, William Edwin Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood) Hayday, Arthur Pennefather, Sir John Chapman, Sir S. Headlam, Lieut.-Colonel C. M. Penny, Frederick George Charteris, Brigadier-General J. Henderson, Capt. R. R. (Oxf'd, Henley) Pethick-Lawrence, F. W. Christie, J. A. Henderson, Lieut.-Col. V. L. (Bootle) Peto, Basil E. (Devon, Barnstaple) Churchman, Sir Arthur C. Heneage, Lieut.-Col. Arthur P. Peto, G. (Somerset, Frome) Clarry, Reginald George Henn, Sir Sydney H. Philipson, Mabel Clayton, G. C. Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Pilcher, G. Cobb, Sir Cyril Henniker-Hughan, Vice-Adm. Sir A. Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Cochrane, Commander Hon. A. D. Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Price, Major C. W. M. Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Herbert, S. (York, N. R., Scar. & Wh'by) Radford, E. A. Cohen, Major J. Brunel Hilton, Cecil Ramsden, E. Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Hoare, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir S. J. G. Rawson, Alfred Cooper Collins. Sir Godfrey (Greenock) Hohler, Sir Gerald Fitzroy Reid, D. D. (County Down) Conway, Sir W. Martin Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Remer, J. R. Cooper, A. Duff Holt, Capt. H. P. Remnant, Sir James Cope, Major William Homan, C. W. J. Rhys, Hon. C. A. U. Couper, J. B. Hope, Capt. A. O. J. (Warw'k, Nun.) Rice, Sir Frederick Courthope, Lieut.-Col. George L. Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Richardson, Sir P. W. (Sur'y, Ch'ts'y) Cowan, Sir Wm. Henry (Islington, N.) Hore-Belisha, Leslie Roberts, E. H. G. (Flint) Craig, Captain C. C. (Antrim, South) Horlick, Lieut.-Colonel J. N. Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford) Craig, Ernest (Chester, Crewe) Howard, Captain Hon. Donald Ropner, Major L. Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Hudson, Capt. A. U. M. (Hackney, N.) Ruggles-Brise, Major E. A. Crooke, J. Smedley (Deritend) Hudson, R. S. (Cumberl'nd, Whiteh'n) Rye, F. G. Crookshank, Col. C. de W. (Berwick) Hume, Sir G. H. Salmon, Major I. Crookshank.Cpt.H.(Lindsey, Gainsbro) Hume-Williams, Sir W. Ellis Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Curzon, Captain Viscount Hurd, Percy A. Sanders, Sir Robert A. Davidson, J.(Hertf'd, Hemel Hempst'd) Hurst, Gerald B. Sanderson, Sir Frank Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. Hutchison, G.A.Clark (Midl'n & P'bl'S) Sandon, Lord Davies, A. V. (Lancaster, Royton) Hutchison, Sir Robert (Montrose) Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Davies, Maj. Geo. F. (Somerset, Yeovil) Iliffe, Sir Edward M. Shaw, R. G. (Yorks. W.R., Sowerby) Davies, Sir Thomas (Cirencester) Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H. Shaw, Lt.-Col. A. D. McI. (Renfrew, W) Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S. Shaw, Capt. W. W. (Wilts, Westb'y) Dawson, Sir Philip Jacob, A. E. Shepperson, E. W. Dean, Arthur Wellesley James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert Shiels, Dr. Drummond Dixey, A. C. Jephcott, A. R. Simms, Dr. John M. (Co. Down) Doyle, Sir N. Grattan Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington) Simon, Rt. Hon. Sir John Eden, Captain Anthony Kennedy, A. R. (Preston). Sinclair, Major Sir A. (Caithness) Edmondson, Major A. J Kenyon, Barnet Slaney, Major P. Kenyon Elliot, Captain Walter E. Kidd. J. (Linlithgow) Smith, R. W. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, C.) Ellis, R. G. Kindersley, Major G. M. Smithers, Waldron Elveden, Viscount King, Captain Henry Douglas Sprot, Sir Alexander England, Colonel A. Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement Stanley, Col. Hon. G. F. (Will'sden, E.) Erskine, Lord (Somerset, Weston-s-M.) Knox, Sir Alfred Stanley, Lord (Fylde) Evans, Captain A. (Cardiff, South) Lamb, J. Q. Stanley, Hon. O. F. G. (Westm'eland) Everard, W. Lindsay Leigh, Sir John (Clapham) Storry Deans, R. Fairfax, Captain J. G. Lister, Cunliffe-, Rt. Hon. Sir Philip Strickland, Sir Gerald Falle, Sir Bertram G. Livingstone, A. M. Stuart, Crichton-, Lord C. Falls, Sir Charles F. Locker-Lampson, G. (Wood Green) Stuart, Hon. J. (Moray and Nairn) Fanshawe, Commander G. D. Loder, J. de V. Styles, Captain H. Walter Fenby, T. D. Looker, Herbert William Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Fermoy, Lord Lord, Walter Greaves- Sugden, Sir Wilfrid Fielden, E. B. Lougher, L. Sykes, Major-Gen. Sir Frederick H. Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L. Lucas-Tooth, Sir Hugh Vere Tasker, Major R. Inigo Fleming, D. P. Luce, Major-Gen.Sir Richard Harman Taylor, R. A. Ford, P. J. Lumley, L. R. Templeton, W. P. Forrest, W. MacAndrew, Charles Glen Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby) Foster, Sir Harry S. MacDonald, Rt. Hon. J.R.(Aberavon) Thompson, Luke (Sunderland) Frece, Sir Walter de Macdonald, Capt. P. D. (I. of W.) Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Macdonald, R. (Glasgow, Cathcart) Thomson, Sir W.Mitchell-(Croydon, S.) Ganzoni, Sir John McDonnell, Colonel Hon. Angus Thomson, Trevelyan (Middlesbro. W.) Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.) Tinne, J. A. Webb, Rt. Hon. Sidney Wood, Rt. Hon. E. (York, W.R., Ripon) Titchfield, Major the Marquess of Wells, S. R. Wood, E. (Chest'r, Stalyb'dge & Hyde) Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement Williams, Com. C. (Devon, Torquay) Wood, Sir Kingsley (Woolwich, W.). Vaughan-Morgan, Col. K. P. Williams, C. P. (Denbigh, Wrexham) Woodcock, Colonel H. C. Walker, Forestier-, L. Wilson, R. R. (Stafford, Lichfield) Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Wallace, Captain D. E. Winby, Colonel L. P. Wragg, Herbert Ward, Lt.-Col. A.L.(Kingston-on-Hull) Winterton, Rt. Hon. Earl Yerburgh, Major Robert D. T. Warner, Brigadier-General W. W. Wise, Sir Fredric Waterhouse, Captain Charles Wolmer, Viscount TELLERS FOR THE NOES. —— Watson, Rt. Hon. W. (Carlisle) Womersley, W. J. Commander B. Eyres Mosell and Colonel Gibbs.
Original Question put.
The Committee divided: Ayes, 295; Noes, 87.
Division No. 13.] AYES [7.37 p.m. Acland-Troyte, Lieut.-Colonel Craig, Ernest (Chester, Crewe) Henniker-Hughan, Vice-Adm. Sir A. Alien, J. Sandeman (L'pool, W.Derby) Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S. Crooke, J. Smedley (Deritend) Herbert, S. (York, N.R., Scar. & Wh'by) Applin, Colonel R. V. K. Crookshank, Col. C. de W. (Berwick) Hilton, Cecil Apsley, Lord Crookshank, Cpt.H.(Lindsey, Gainsbro) Hohier, Sir Gerald Fitzroy Ashley, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Wilfrid W. Curzon, Captain Viscount Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Atholl, Duchess of Davies, A. V. (Lancaster, Royton) Holt, Capt. H. P. Atkinson, C. Davies, Maj. Geo. F. (Somerset, Yeovil) Homan, C. W. J. Baird, Rt. Hon. Sir John Lawrence Davies, Ellis (Denbigh, Denbigh) Hope, Capt. A. O. J. (Warw'k, Nun.) Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Davies, Sir Thomas (Cirencester) Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Balfour, George (Hampstead) Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) Hore-Belisha, Leslie Balniel, Lord Dean, Arthur Wellesley Horlick, Lieut.-Colonel J. N. Banks, Reginald Mitchell Dixey, A. C. Howard, Captain Hon. Donald Barnston, Major Sir Harry Doyle, Sir N. Grattan Hudson, Capt. A. U. M. (Hackney, N.) Beamish, Captain T. P. H. Eden, Captain Anthony Hudson, R. S. (Cumberl'nd, Whiteh'n) Beckett, Sir Gervase (Leeds, N.) Edmondson, Major A. J. Hume, Sir G. H. Bellaris, Commander Carlyon W. Elliot, Captain Walter E. Hume-Williams, Sir W. Ellis Berry, Sir George Ellis, R. G. Hurd, Percy A. Bethell, A. Elveden, Viscount Hurst, Gerald B. Betterton, Henry B. England, Colonel A. Hutchison, G.A.Clark (Midl'n & P'bl's) Bird, Sir R. B. (Wolverhampton, W.) Erskine, Lord (Somerset, Weston-s-M.) Hutchison, Sir Robert (Montrose) Blades, Sir George Rowland Evans, Captain A. (Cardiff, South) Iliffe, Sir Edward M. Blundell, F. N. Everard, W. Lindsay Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H. Bourne, Captain Robert Croft Fairfax, Captain J. G. Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S. Bowater, Sir T. Vansittart Falle, Sir Bertram G. Jacob, A. E. Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Falls, Sir Charles F. James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W. Fanshawe, Commander G. D. Jephcott, A. R. Brass, Captain W. Fenby, T. D. Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington) Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive Fermoy, Lord Kennedy, A. R. (Preston). Briggs, J. Harold Fielden, E. B. Kenyon, Barnet Brocklebank, C. E. R. Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L. Kidd, J. (Linlithgow) Brooke, Brigadier-General C. R. I. Fleming, D. P. Kindersley, Major Guy M. Brown-Lindsay, Major H. Ford, P. J. King, Captain Henry Douglas Brown, Maj. D. C. (N'th'l'd., Hexham) Forrest, W. Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement Brown, Brig.-Gen.H.C.(Berks, N'ewb'y) Foster, Sir Harry S. Knox, Sir Alfred Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Lamb, J. Q. Bullock, Captain M. Ganzonl, Sir John Lister, Cunliffe-, Rt. Hon. Sir Philip Burney, Lieut.-Com. Charles D. Garro-Jones, Captain G. M. Livingstone, A. M. Burton, Colonel H. W. Gee, Captain R. Locker-Lampson, G. (Wood Green) Cadogan, Major Hon. Edward Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John Loder, J. de V. Campbell, E. T. Glyn, Major R. G. C. Looker, Herbert William Cassels, J. D. Gower, Sir Robert Lord, Walter Greaves- Cautley, Sir Henry S. Grace, John Lougher, L. Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City) Greene, W. P. Crawford Lucas-Tooth, Sir Hugh Vere Cazalet, Captain Victor A. Grigg, Lieut.-Col. Sir Edward W. M. Luce. Major-Gen. Sir Richard Harman Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood) Grotrian, H. Brent Lumley, L. R. Chapman, Sir S. Guinness, Rt. Hon. Walter E. MacAndrew, Charles Glen Charteris, Brigadier-General J. Gunston, Captain D. W. MacDonald, Rt. Hon. J.R.(Aberavon) Christie, J. A. Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Macdonald, Capt. P. D. (I. of W.) Churchman, Sir Arthur C. Hall, Capt. W. D'A. (Brecon & Rad.) Macdonald, R. (Glasgow, Cathcart) Clarry, Reginald George Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland) McDonnell, Colonel Hon. Angus Clayton, G. C. Harland, A. MacIntyre, Ian Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R. Harney, E. A. McLean, Major A. Cobb, Sir Cyril Harris, Percy A. Macnaghten, Hon. sir Malcolm Cochrane, Commander Hon. A D. Harrison, G. J. C. Macquisten, F. A. Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Hartington, Marquess of MacRobert, Alexander M. Cohen, Major J. Brunel Harvey, Major S. E. (Devon, Totnes) Makins, Brigadier-General E. Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Haslam, Henry C. Margesson, Captain D. Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock) Hawke, John Anthony Mason, Lieut.-Col. Glyn K. Conway, Sir W. Martin Hayday, Arthur Merriman, F. B. Cooper, A. Duff Headlam, Lieut.-Colonel C. M. Milne, J. S. Wardlaw- Cope, Major William Henderson, Capt. R. R. (Oxf'd, Henley) Mitchell, S. (Lanark, Lanark) Couper, J. B. Henderson, Lieut.-Col. V. L. (Bootie) Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham) Courthope. Lieut.-Col. George L. Heneage, Lieut.-Col. Arthur P. Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Cowan, Sir Wm. Henry (Islingtn, N.) Henn, Sir Sydney H. Morrison-Bell, Sir Arthur Clive Craig, Captain C. C. (Antrim, South) Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Murchison, C. K. Nelson, Sir Frank Sanderson, Sir Frank Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell-(Croydon, S.) Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Sandon, Lord Thomson, Trevelyan (Middlesbro. W.) Newton, Sir D. G. C. (Cambridge) Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.) Nicholson, O. (Westminster) Shaw, R. G. (Yorks, W.R., Sowerby) Tinne, J. A. Nield, Rt. Hon. Sir Herbert Shaw, Lt Col. A. D. Mcl. (Renfrew, W) Titchfield, Major the Marquess of. Nuttall, Ellis Shaw, Capt. W. W. (Wilts, Westb'y) Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement O'Connor, T. J. (Bedford, Luton) Shepperson, E. W. Vaughan-Morgan, Col. K. P. Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Shiels, Dr. Drummond Walker, Forestier-, L. Pease, William Edwin Simms, Dr. John M. (Co. Down) Wallace, Captain D. E. Penny, Frederick George Simon, Rt. Hon. Sir John Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull) Pethick-Lawrence, F. W. Sinclair, Major Sir A. (Caithness) Warner, Brigadier-General W. W. Peto, Basil E. (Devon, Barnstaple) Slaney, Major P. Kenyon Waterhouse, Captain Charles Peto, G. (Somerset, Frome) Slesser, Sir Henry H. Watson, Rt. Hon. W. (Carlisle) Philipson, Mabel Smith, R. W. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, C.) Wells, S. R. Pilcher, G. Smithers, Waldron Williams, Com. C. (Devon, Torquay) Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Snowden, Rt. Hon. Philip Williams, C. P. (Denbigh, Wrexham) Price, Major C. W. M. Sprot, Sir Alexander Wilson, R. R. (Stafford, Lichfield) Radford, E. A. Stanley, Col. Hon. G. F. (Will'sden, E.) Winby, Colonel L. P. Ramsden, E. Stanley, Lord (Fylde) Winterton, Rt. Hon. Earl Rawson, Alfred Cooper Stanley, Hon. O. F. G. (Westm'eland) Wise, Sir Fredric Reid, D. D. (County Down) Storry Deans, R. Wolmer, Viscount Remer, J. R. Strickland, Sir Gerald Womersley, W. J. Remnant, Sir James Stuart, Crichton-, Lord C. Wood, B. C. (Somerset, Bridgwater) Rhys, Hon. C. A. U. Stuart, Hon. J. (Moray and Nairn) Wood, Rt. Hon. E. (York, W.R., Ripon) Rice, Sir Frederick Styles, Captain H. Walter Wood, E (Chest'r, Stalyb'dge & Hyde) Richardson, Sir P. W. (Sur'y, Ch'ts'y) Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Wood, Sir Kingsley (Woolwich, W.). Roberts, E. H. G. (Flint) Sugden, Sir Wilfrid Woodcock, Colonel H. C. Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford) Sykes, Major-Gen. Sir Frederick H. Wragg, Herbert Ropner, Major L. Tasker, Major R. Inigo Yerburgh, Major Robert D. T. Ruggles-Brise, Major E. A. Taylor, R. A. Rye, F. G. Templeton, W. P. TELLERS FOR THE AYES. —— Salmon, Major I. Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby) Commander B. Eyres Monsell and Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Thompson, Luke (Sunderland) Colonel Gibbs. Sanders, Sir Robert A. Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)
NOES. Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock) Hirst, G. H. Smith, Ben (Bermondsey, Rotherhithe) Baker, J. (Wolverhampton, Bilston) Hudson, J. H. (Huddersfield) Smith, H. B. Lees (Keighley) Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) John, William (Rhondda, West) Smith, Rennie (Penistone) Barnes, A. Johnston, Thomas (Dundee) Stamford, T. W. Barr, J. Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd) Stephen, Campbell Batey, Joseph Kelly, W. T. Stewart, J. (St. Rollox) Beckett, John (Gateshead) Kennedy, T. Sutton, J. E. Broad, F. A. Lansbury, George Thurtle, E. Bromfield, William Lee, F. Tinker, John Joseph Bromley, J. Lowth, T. Varley, Frank B. Cape, Thomas Mackinder, W. Viant, S. P. Charleton, H. C. MacLaren, Andrew Wallhead, Richard C. Clowes, S. Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan) Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline) Cluse, W. S. March, S. Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda) Compton, Joseph Maxton, James Wedgwood, Rt. Hon. Josiah Connolly, M. Mitchell, E. Rosslyn (Paisley) Welsh, J. C. Cove, W. G. Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.) Westwood, J. Dalton, Hugh Oliver, George Harold Wheatley, Rt. Hon. J. Day, Colonel Harry Palin, John Henry Whiteley, W. Dennison, R. Paling, W. Wignall, James Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Potts, John S. Wilkinson, Ellen C. Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton) Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Williams, David (Swansea, East) Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan) Riley, Ben Williams, T. (York, Don Valley) Groves, T. Robinson, W. C. (Yorks, W.R. Elland) Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe) Grundy, T. W. Saklatvala, Shapurji Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow) Guest, J. (York, Hemsworth) Salter, Dr. Alfred Windsor, Walter Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil) Scrymgeour, E. Wright, W. Hardie, George D. Scurr, John Hayes, John Henry Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) TELLERS FOR THE NOES. —— Henderson, T. (Glasgow) Smillie, Robert Mr. Kirkwood and Mr. Buchanan.
Irish Sailors and Soldiers Land Trust
Resolved,
"That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £509,885, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1925, for a Grant in Aid of the Irish Sailors and Soldiers Land Trust."
Government Hospitality
Motion made, and Question proposed,
"That a sum, not exceeding £17,500. be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1925, for a Grant in Aid of the Government Hospitality Fund."
This is one of the Estimates on which a little explanation should be given, and it is one which seems to come within the category of extravagant expenditure upon the entertainment of a relatively small section. I assume that this money has been spent mainly in entertaining persons from abroad. It would aid me in my consideration of this matter, as a Member of the House, if I knew the number of individuals entertained, for how long a period they were entertained, how much was spent on housing accommodation for the persons entertained, how much was spent on the food of the persons entertained, and, above all, how much was spent on the liquid refreshment of the persons entertained In our experience of municipal hospitality we find that large sums are expended on part of the entertainment which many of us regard as quite unnecessary. We think the nation can be hospitable to strangers in our midst and treat them in a way suitable to the dignity of our nation, and suitable to the dignity of the nations which they represent, while at the same time observing a simplicity in the method of entertainment—a simplicity which would be characteristic of the type of life which is lived by a very large. proportion of the nation who are in reality the entertainers. Further, if, as I imagine was the case in connection with this particular Vote, the persons entertained are conducting responsible negotiations on behalf of their respective Governments with the heads of our Government., it is desirable that to the largest extent possible the thoughts of the representatives of foreign countries and the thoughts of the representatives of our own country should be directed to the difficult negotiations in hand rather than to the wirings and dinings which arise, or which should arise, as something secondary in the course of the negotiations. From newspaper reports one gathers that these occasions are much more occasions for receptions, dinners, luncheons, breakfasts. [ Laughter. ] Well, perhaps the breakfasts take place very seldom. They are too Spartan and you cannot have an agreeable breakfast party if all the delegates are in different bedrooms.
I have never been in touch with the inner workings of these functions and can only speak from what one gathers from the newspapers, but the political heads engaged on these matters seem to devote their attention to that side of the proceedings, while some permanent under-officials who come in as attaches are busily engaged on the real work for which the diners and winers take responsibility. Consequently, before agreeing to this Supplementary Estimate—which I notice with gratification shows a decrease of £2,500 from last year—I hope we shall have some answer from the responsible Minister as to the number entertained, the directions in which the money was spent and the position of the various persons who came as a charge upon this fund. Does it include the entertainment of the persons who did the hard work in connection with the visit of dignitaries or is it only inclusive of hospitality to the figureheads and the dignitaries? I should look at the Estimate with much greater pleasure if I knew that the typists, the private secretaries and the various people who sit up in back rooms and do the hard work in connection with meetings and negotiations had some share in this £20,000. I do not propose to carry opposition to this Vote to any extremity, but I should be much relieved in mind if I could have a fairly full answer to my questions.
I gladly reply at once to the hon. Member's reasonable request for information about this fund. The fund is administered, as hon. Members may see, by Grants-in-Aid. It is not necessarily voted every year because the balances are not surrendered. It is administered by the First Commissioner of Works under very close Treasury control and supervision. At the beginning of the current financial year there was a balance of £22,000 odd in the fund, and that amount would have been ample for the service of the year had it not been that a conference was held in London attended by staffs numbering 152 people who were entertained and who no doubt included those humbler clerks and typists for whom the hon. Member expressed his quite legitimate anxiety. It was because of this conference lasting for eight. weeks that an unexpected expenditure of 24,000 was incurred, and a Supplementary Estimate to replenish the fund became necessary. We are not of course taking money for next year's purposes. Next year the fund will appear in the ordinary course in the Estimates. We are only taking money as far as can be estimated to carry us forward until new provision can be made. The hon. Member asks me how many people were entertained. I have not got that information and I do not think, if he considers the matter, he will think it advisable to press for details on these points. Let me tell him the history of the fund. It was started in 1908 in response to a generally expressed feeling that it was not desirable or dignified for this House to discuss detailed proposals in respect of money for the entertainment of foreign missions and distinguished visitors. The fund was discussed a great deal in 1908 and Mr. Harcourt, then First Commissioner of Works, was asked in just the same way for details as to the entertainment offered from the fund. He pointed out that national hospitality would lose half its utility and all its grace if reasons for the expenditure so proposed or withheld were made a question in this House. For that reason the House has always accepted the method of a Grant-in-Aid. In this case, as I say, there is close Treasury control, and if the hon. Member has any quarrel with the expenditure out of the fund which has made this Supplementary Estimate necessary, it is a domestic question between him and those who sit in front of him.
8.0 P.M.
I wish to ask whether this hospitality is limited to functions such as official banquets in buildings outside the residences of Ministers? I understand when the money was originally voted, a line was drawn between entertaining at the residences of Ministers and entertaining at public banquets and receptions. Is that distinction still drawn? It is noticeable that the figure has mounted up. In 1912–13 the annual expenditure was £5,740, and this year the total expenditure is £39,000. I know an exceptional amount is due to the London Conference, but excluding that there is a figure of 219,700 as compared with the £5,700 in 1912–13. I support the remarks of the hon. Member for Bridgeton (Mr. Maxton), who suggests that a simpler form of entertainment would meet the case. A couple of years ago, some friends of mine who were here from abroad, themselves ventured the criticism that our Government entertained visitors on a much more elaborate scale than was really necessary. I submit that in these days of national stringency, without in any way limiting the essence of hospitality, we might have some regard to economy.
The fund is never expended on any entertainment in Ministers' residences, except those held in 10 Downing Street on official occasions. That is the only case. I agree with the hon. Member that there was very lavish expenditure out of this fund in the years following the War, which ran up to a very high figure indeed. In one year we voted £200,000.
Who was Prima Minister then?
That was in the spacious days of peace conferences and so forth. It ran up to £73,000 in another year, but that time, I am glad to say, is past, and I can only assure the hon. Member that the fund has not been used for the benefit of individual Ministers who entertain their friends from foreign countries.
I am not altogether satisfied with the reply given by the right hon. Gentleman. He has stated that this was a domestic matter to be settled between those on this side of the House, but I am afraid that he has made a mistake. This is not a, domestic matter at all. The Members on this side, when they came into office, had to make very definite answers with regard to the failings and the little recklessnesses of their predecessors, and it is not sufficient for the right hon. Gentleman to tell the Committee that this is a domestic matter with which he has nothing to do. We are asking for details, irrespective of who composed the last Government. He is the Minister in charge of this Vote, and it is his business, with the facts and figures before him, to supply this Committee with the information that is desired, if it is at all possible to give that information. My hon. Friend has asked for information, and the right hon. Gentleman has referred him to Members now sitting on our own Front Bench, but that is not quite good enough for this House. We may settle that by going into the Lobby and buttonholing those Members for the information we want, but that is not sufficient for the purposes of the country. The country, surely, wants to know something about this expenditure, and the figures that were given by the Minister for last year, and also the continuance of the expenditure during the present year, are figures that are not going in any way to allay the dissatisfaction that exists in some quarters of the country.
He made the statement that £24,000 was expended last year in a period of five weeks during which a conference was sitting in London, and if that is worked out, it will be found that it amounts approximately to £5,000 per week spent upon this particular conference. Does the right hon. Gentleman not think that that is rather a lavish expenditure upon a conference, no matter how highly placed the dignitaries may have been, more particularly when you are asking now for more money for these functions, in order to continue this hospitality to people from abroad, and when one of your own Departments is turning out of unemployment benefit old men who have reached the age of 00 years, on the ground that they are not likely to be further employed in insurable occupations? I should imagine that such individuals would feel very much aggrieved that they, together with other people in this nation, should have to find the money to provide this hospitality which we are now asked to vote. I submit that if this Government is not going to draw in the hospitality charges, and the sums that are built up upon hospitality, to a much lower figure than anything that has happened in the past, the people of the country are likely to have very strong things to say about the Members who sit on the Treasury Bench.
It is quite a nice thing to be told that the expenditure on this; particular method of hospitality has fallen very much from what it was when We had another right hon. Member sitting at that box and swaying this House and the country with his perfervid eloquence, and blinding people to what was actually happening. Those days have, I agree, gone, and the right hon. Gentleman who occupied that place has now been relegated to a back seat on the benches on this side, although below the Gangway, leading a very forlorn hope, with the expectation that one day he may get back into a similar place to continue the expenditure of that money. I am not concerned about whether he wants to walk into the robbers' cave again, so that he can get what he requires, or whether the band of 40 whom he leads, or thinks he leads, will follow him into the cave, but—
The hon. Member appears to be criticising some hypothetical expenditure in the far future.
The hypothetical estimate that seems to be in the minds of Members of the Committee will never take place, unfortunately for the right hon. Gentleman below the Gangway. It is quite a nice thing to know that we have got away from those very abnormal expenses of the past. The cost of living, of course, was exceedingly high in those days, and the expenditure at that time might have been accounted for by something of that character, but we have passed from those days, and we are assured by the Government officials and by the statisticians of the Board of Trade that the cost of living has gone down. While the expenditure, as coin-Pared with those old bad days, has gone down, it is still very much higher than it ought to be, especially when we consider the state of so many people in the country, with over 1,000,000 people unemployed, with the thousands of those people who do not know, because they have been cut out of unemployment benefit, where they are likely to get their next meal, with house agents and house owners coming along and throwing them out on to the -street because they are unable to pay rent, with neither roof over their heads nor food to nourish them. These people are asking why this country should be so lavish in its hospitality to people who come here representing their own countries, and whose countries are quite willing to pay for their maintenance while they are here representing them. If we have money to spare, if this country has a surplus which it has taken from the taxpayers of this country, surely it is time that this country, or those who are in charge of the funds of this country, spent some of that money on the necessitous people in this country instead of upon people who have no necessities at all, in that they are here on behalf of their own Governments, which are quite willing to pay for their maintenance and the dignity of their missionaries while here.
I believe that some reference has been made to the possibility that information on this subject might be offered from this side of the House, and, therefore, I would like to say a few words before the Vote is submitted. I quite agree with everything my hon. Friend the Member for Govan (Mr. Maclean) has said on the subject of cutting off the pay of the unemployed, and various other points of grievance which, I think, we are entitled on this side to express. But, keeping the subject within the proper confines of the statement on the Paper, I am certain that when the facts are fully known to my hon. Friends behind me, they will not further support the conclusion that there is any extravagance whatever on the part of the Government under this head of expenditure. On the contrary, so far as those of us on this side had responsibility for such hospitality as had to be offered, our complaint was not about extravagance, but of the lack of a sufficient amount of public money to do justice to the renowned hospitality of this country, and, I think also, one might say, of Scotland.
This is indeed a two-sided question, for, just as those from other lands come here and receive hospitable treatment from ourselves, our representatives frequently go to foreign countries, and in like manner are similarly received and treated at the public expense of those countries. I have myself mingled, at certain of those functions, with representatives from Russia and with the agents and representatives of other foreign States and countries, and I do not see how it is possible for this country to maintain its reputation or good name if expenditure under this head is curtailed. There appears to be an impression that there is some personal benefit accruing—
I think my right hon. Friend was not here when we opened this matter, but I can assure him that we are not raising this in any spirit of carping criticism, bat merely to get at the facts, and while the right hon. Gentleman agrees that we ought to do so, he himself has said that if we knew all the facts we would be in full agreement. Up to date, however, we have not had the facts.
My hon. Friend was not, I think, following the point I proposed to make. The hon. Member asked some questions with regard to how far Ministers were able to organise entertainment at public expense. To what the right hon. Gentleman has said by way of reply I would like to add two or three words. Many years ago, I acted with other representatives of this House—a Report is extant on this subject, but has evidently long been forgotten—to inquire into the expenses inevitably incurred by Ministers resident in No. 10 and No. 11 Downing Street, but particularly No. 10, and I signed a report, without a word of protest from any of my colleagues from then till now, in favour of making an addition of £3,000 a year to the salary of the Prime Minister, in order that he might be able somewhat to cover the expenses inevitably incurred by him in discharge of his office as the principal Minister of the Crown That advance has not taken place, but, from my knowledge of the matter, although no Prime Minister or ex-Prime Minister would speak of it, I am certain the expenses incurred by a Prime Minister resident in No. 10 cannot possibly be met on the salary which is at present allowed. If, for myself, I might add this, it is that if ever again I had to serve the Crown in any Office, I would not desire to serve it in No. 11 Downing Street. because of the very heavy expense to which one is put. One has no idea, unless one has had the experience, of how the expenses have to be met by Ministers. But that narrow personal aspect apart, I suggest that as much information that can be given has been given. Those who have had experience would reach the conclusion that we are in no way lavish in this matter, and those who have to organise this hospitality see to it that no British money is wasted, while, at the same time, the good name of Britain is maintained under this head.
Question put, and agreed to.
Class VII
Ministry of Health
Motion made, and Question proposed,
"That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding 210, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1925, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Ministry of Health; including Grants and other Expenses in connection with Housing, Grants to Local Authorities, Public Utility Companies, etc. sundry Grants in respect of Benefits and Expenses of Administration under the National Health Insurance Acts, 1911 to 1924, certain Grants-in-Aid, and certain Special Services arising out of the War"
I think the Committee will desire me to say a word or two about one or two items which arise in this Supplementary Estimate. In the first place, I should say this is a token Vote, and the additional expenditure amounting in all to £653,510 for which it provides is covered by savings on various other services in the original Estimate. As I see by the Order Paper that the right hon. Member for Shettleston (Mr. Wheatley) and the hon. Member for Bow and Bromley (Mr. Lansbury) are endeavouring to oppose the grant of £10 under the item F5, which is a grant towards the cost of demonstration houses, it is advisable that I should say a few words in this connection. If the Committee will look at the Supplementary Estimate, they will see that the payment proposed is to local authorities of the Amalgamated Union of Building Trade Workers. When the Minister of Health received that report, which contained a strong recommendation that these houses should be erected as an experiment, he immediately communicated with certain authorities and arranged, on terms agreed upon, that a certain number of specimen houses should be erected up and down the country.
On the 4th December my right hon. Friend received a second Report of this Committee dealing with concrete houses. In this also they made certain suggestions as to a prize to be given for the best method of sheltering. That, however, does not appear in this Vote. Therefore I do not comment upon it further except to say again that when my right hon. Friend received this Report, which makes certain recommendations as to what should be done to encourage this form of construction, he proceeded to put it into effect. On the 29th January a third Report was received from what I may call the Moir Committee in which again certain other recommendations are made dealing with two other types of houses, to which I have referred, namely, the Wild houses; made by Messrs. Wild, of Manchester, and the Telford type made by Messrs. Braithwaite, of Birmingham. As soon as that Report- was received, communications were made to the local authorities with a view to experiments in housing being made with these types. I think, therefore, there can be no substance in criticisms made in certain newspapers that preference was given by my right hon. Friend to a particular type of house—I think the Weir house—and that no opportunity is being given for the erection of other forms of experimental houses; that, in fact, the recommendations of this Committee set up by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Shettleston (Mr. Wheatley) were not to be carried out by experiments up and down the country to see whether or not these houses would or would not be satisfactory.
Finally, I think I should refer briefly to the financial arrangements that have been made. The cost to the local authorities in relation to these experiments has been fixed at a flat price. The price for the Weir houses to each local authority is £400, the local authority themselves providing the foundations, paths, drainage, roads, etc. The price of the Telford house is £450, the local authority providing the foundations and the other things I have mentioned outside the concrete foundations. The price of the Wild house has yet to be fixed, but I am glad to say, in view of the criticism which has been offered as to the cost of these experimental houses, that the price for a pair of experimental bungalows bears no relation to the price of these houses when manufacture is begun in earnest and provision is made for them on a large scale. My right hon. Friend is to contribute to the cost of these experimental Weir houses, as the Members of the Committee know, the sum of £200, which has been agreed upon with the local authorities the "all in" cost being about £535. The Government contribution is not any specific proportion of the total cost, but is a figure agreed upon with the local authorities, I may say that none of these experimental houses will come under the special conditions laid down in the 1924 Housing Act. The local authorities will have thus far a free hand so that they may dispose of them as may seem most suitable. In a very short time now 26 local authorities up and clown the country will be erecting these houses, which are regarded by my right hon. Friend as a valuable contribution of a temporary character to the housing problem. They are to supplement the efforts which are being made by the building trade at the present time to build brick houses.
It is right, I think, in this connection to say that at the present time there are some 199,000 houses authorised of which 52,000 were completed at the beginning of the year. That leaves the trade to build 150,000 houses already authorised. These would take, looking at the matter in the most favourable light, until the autumn of 1926 before they were completed. I venture to think that very few people would say that under these circumstances, having regard to the housing conditions which obtain throughout the country, these experiments ought not to be made. I remember the right hon. Gentleman the late Minister of Health said—I do not know whether it is right or not—that 120,000 houses were required every year to make up for the increase in the population and the houses that fell out of use. On another occasion he wrote in the "Journal" of the Operative Builders that
I beg to move to reduce the Vote by £5.
I do not wish for one moment to raise at all the question of the merits of the Weir houses or of any other type of house. It is not on that ground I move my reduction, but on the really serious ground of the method in which this question has been dealt with by the Government. In so far as there may be new methods of housebuilding which commend themselves to the country, those methods should clearly be adopted. My right hon. Friend the Member for Shettleston (Mr. Wheatley) was himself instrumental in his Bill in stimulating the present interest in new methods of construction. I think it is unfortunate, to use the mildest possible term, that the Government should have appeared to give a preference to the Weir houses over all other types of house. When the right hon. Gentleman the Minister of Health, speaking in the Debate on the Address before Christmas, referred to his proposal to subsidise exhibition houses at a special rate, and referred to Weir houses, I did not think, and I am sure my right hon. Friend (Mr. Wheatley) did not think, that it meant he was proposing straightway to give what may be a merited advertisement, but which nevertheless was an advertisement, to a particular type of steel house.
I think it is true to say that the present Minister of Health, when lie was Minister of Health in 1923, never' took any steps to deal with new methods of construction. He allowed the ordinary methods to obtain, and, so far as I have been able to gather, never did anything which would stimulate new methods; but on his accession to office in the new Government he immediately showed a haste in this matter which was somewhat precipitate, though showing a tardiness in another direction for which I think he is to be blamed. The first Report of the Moir Committee dealing with new methods was dated 4th November. After that, apparently, the Government, or the right hon. Gentleman the Minister of Health, decided to hold a conference of local authorities to consider the question of building demonstration houses. The first report of the Moir Committee dealt with steel houses in general, though it dealt specifically and in detail with the Weir house. I should have thought the right hon. Gentleman would have said to the Committee, "I am indeed glad to receive this report dealing specifically with the Weir houses. I hope you will forthwith deal with other types of steel houses to which you refer in your report, so that I may have before me the various methods of so-called steel construction before I take any steps." Apparently the right hon. Gentleman did not take that course. He allowed the Committee suddenly to dart off into an examination of concrete methods of house-building, most of which are not new and certainly do not stand on the same footing as steel houses as regards novelty. In the meantime the Minister of Health arranged his conference, and it was held on the 6th January, two months after the date of the first report. There would have been sufficient time for the Moir Committee to complete its investigation of other forms of steel houses, and when the Committee did meet in January it would then have had the option of trying various types of steel houses, and not been confined to one type. There was, I think, delay in calling the conference and the delay was not utilised in putting the various forms of steel construction on the same footing.
Three months after the first Report, after we had had the Report on concrete and the suggestion that a prize should be offered for the best form of shuttering for concrete houses, we have the third Report, dealing with other types of steel houses; but in the interval the right hon. Gentleman has given an unparalleled advertisement to the Weir houses. He has spent, or is going to spend, £10,000 of public money on giving a prior advertisement to the Weir house, which other forms of steel house cannot get. It may be true he is going to give the others the same facilities now, but the point is that he has given Lord Weir three months start, and that, I submit, is not holding the balance fairly as between various types of steel construction. I am not at all sure that the Weir house is the best type of steel house. On the contrary, so far as a mere layman is able to judge, I should imagine there are other types which are superior from every point of view. But whether the Weir house be inferior or not, it seems to me most unfair that the extraordinary precipitancy of the Government should have led it into giving this advertisement to one particular type of house over another type. Not only that, but the Weir house got advertisement in the Press. I think we have all been tired of reading about the Weir houses. Then the British Broad-casting Company—I make no complaint about it, because, no doubt, the British Broadcasting Company received its news from the newspapers—called upon Lord Weir to make a statement about Weir houses. From beginning to end, from the 6th January, when that conference was held, down to the present day, the Press and almost every other form of publicity has been utilised to give a special advertisement and special publicity to the Weir house.
Does the hon. Gentleman suggest that I put those advertisements in the Press?
By no means. I am making no charge of that kind against the right hon. Gentleman. I am saying merely that the fact that he did schedule the Weir houses for special treatment inevitably provided an opportunity of which the Press and the Weir firm have taken the fullest opportunity. I am not blaming the right hon. Gentleman at all. My criticism of the right hon. Gentleman is that after having done nothing for new methods during 1923 he might at least have waited a little longer and dealt with all the different forms of steel houses before giving this special subsidy for demonstration purposes.
There is another aspect of the question to which I would refer. The right hon. Gentleman regards the Weir house as being in an experimental stage. Yet he has said some very hard words about the trade unions with regard to that particular type of house. In other words he has, so to speak, intervened again on the side of Lord Weir, and that, I think, is most unfair. I believe the statement published by the building trade unions in their reply to Lord Weir, which I will read. The Executive Council of the Amalgamated Union of Building Trade Workers have passed the following resolution: With that statement I am in entire agreement. I have not heard that in the other types of steel houses this question of the rate of wages to be paid to the workers employed has been raised. Indeed, as regard the Athol] type, I understand they are prepared to fulfil the obligations required by the building trade unions as regards wages and conditions. The Minister of Health has not only intervened, so to speak, on the side of Lord Weir against the trade unions, but he has put first and foremost in his list of alternative methods one which can only be regarded from these benches as a blackleg method. I submit that that is not the way in which the State should deal with this question. I have no objection to demonstration houses, and I think they are admirable. I think it is quite clear that the public cannot judge in this matter simply from newspaper descriptions, plans, and elevations. I think it is excellent that the Minister of Health should have made arrangements whereby these houses will be erected in various parts of the country, and I have no objection to that. I am sure my right hon. Friend (Mr. Wheatley) has no objection to that course provided all these alternative methods had been placed on the same mark.
The right hon. Gentleman has not done that, and if he had dealt with the whole trade union question as regards all these forms of houses we could not have criticised him so severely, but it is quite a different thing to take this one kind and treat it in this manner, when other people producing other types of houses observe trade union conditions. The course which has been adopted seems most unfair. The Parliamentary Secretary has referred to the other houses which it is now proposed should receive this special assistance for demonstration purposes, but I would like to point out that already three months has gone by, and that start has been given to one type of houses, and I can assure the right hon. Gentleman from the large number of communications I myself have received that there has been created a feeling of very great perturbation in the minds of people interested in new methods.
People interested in various methods of house building have written to me complaining that it is most, unfair that a special favour has been granted to the Weir houses. Let me say on this point that I have tried to defend the right hon. Gentleman, though I found it somewhat difficult. There is no doubt that the feeling I have alluded to exists. This precipitate action on the part of a Conservative Government to me seems almost a contradiction in terms, and it is working in a way which is likely to be detrimental to the development of new methods of construction, not merely steel construction, but other alternative methods. The policy has not only given one particular method a start but it has, so to speak, discouraged other people who are working in the same field.
The Parliamentary Secretary tried to defend the steel houses. I neither defend the steel houses nor attack them, and I do not believe that the building industry has reached the full height of its development. At a time when an attempt is being made to provide some alternative to the deeply rooted traditions as regards housing accommodation and the type of house to be adopted, we have got to go carefully, and, moreover, we have to give a fair field and no favour. I am no opponent of the new type of house, but I think hon. Members on the opposite benches who are promoting the new type of houses are doing their cause no service by saying they are better than the slums. It does not seem to me that that is an argument in their favour, because anything is better than the slum. An open field is better than a slum, "for at least there is fresh air in the open field. It is somewhat offensive to the mass of working people merely to say that what is proposed is better than the slums.
We have no objection to new types of houses, but I think we are entitled to ask that they shall not be merely better than the worst of the slums with which the Parliamentary Secretary compared them, but that these new methods should be superior to the prevailing type of house, not in the slums, but amongst decent respectable working people receiving ordinary artisans' wages. If steel houses or any other type will help us to establish permanently a higher standard of housing for the mass of people of this country, I am sure there are few people in this House who would offer any objection, but at least we are entitled to ask that there should be no appearance of any special favour given in regard to one particular type, and that all types of houses should be equally welcome and given equal opportunity for demonstration purposes.
I think we are all agreed that the urgency of the housing problem is so great that we must get houses in one way or another provided they are of a suitable type and built under satisfactory conditions. I do not know that I should be inclined to condemn the Minister for his precipitancy in getting hold of one type of house, and my criticism would rather be for not having got hold of more types of houses in the same time. A great deal has been said about the Weir houses. There is no doubt that this type is in the experimental stage, and the only thing we can expect is that there should be experimental houses put up so that we may know exactly what they mean, what they will cost, and form some opinion as to how they will stand our climatic conditions and meet the needs of the time. I hope, as the result of this Debate, we shall obtain a statement from the Minister that he is keeping an open mind with regard to all other types of houses, and that he will not give to this one particular type of house any preference.
As the Minister of Health has persuaded the Treasury to let him have this sum of money for experimental purposes, I should like to urge him to go even further. I know that in the past propositions have been made in regard to various methods of increased production, whether bricks or alternative forms of construction, which require some assistance or investigation on the part of the Minister, and if he could get some of this money which he has secured from the Treasury and use it with wise discretion for investigating some of the smaller methods of alternatives which have been put before the Minister, then I think it it possible he might come to some arrangement. I myself have drawn the attention of the Minister to a particular type of brick which, on the face of it, seemed to afford a considerable saving in cost and a considerable increase in production. I do not say that it would necessarily have stood all the tests, but if there could be some research department, in connection with the Ministry of Health, to try on a moderate scale some of these various new methods and inventions which are put forward from time to time, I think that the money would be as well spent as it is being spent in connection with the Weir scheme. You cannot take at their face value all statements that are made, but I think there is good reason for giving more sympathetic consideration to newer methods and to inventions which, in many cases, have been brought forward by small men, who, on account of their financial position, have been unable to carry them any further. I hope the Minister may be able to consider whether, having given this considerable assistance to a large firm, he can extend the assistance to smaller people who may have put forward other methods.
With regard to the question of labour differences, to which reference has been made in connection with the Weir scheme, I think it is very necessary that there should be no exaggeration on either side, and that we should be able to get at the truth. I cannot think that the real position has been put before the public. I was credibly informed only yesterday by someone in a position to know—I hope I shall be corrected if I am wrong—that all that the operatives were asking was that, where unskilled labour was employed in connection with the construction of Weir houses, it should be paid at the unskilled rate in the building trade. If that be so, it seems to me that it is quite a reasonable proposal, and, in fact, it is what has been happening in connection with the construction of other types of house which have been erected by local authorities throughout the country. In my own town we have tried various experiments, but we have had no labour troubles. Employers have had no difficulty, because they have paid unskilled labour employed in these alternative methods of construction at the unskilled building trade rate. It seems to me that that is not an unreasonable proposition, and, if it is a correct statement of the case, I hope that an agreement may be come to, because there is no doubt that if we can employ some of that vast army of unskilled labour, which is now drawing unemployment benefit, in the provision of houses by alternative means, we shall be solving two problems at the same time, and no effort should be spared to bring about that happy result.
9.0 P.M.
There are one or two other questions to which I should like briefly to refer. I should like to ask the Minister what steps he is taking to bring about that augmentation of labour which was foreshadowed by the l3ill of 1924. I know that in certain districts, notably in Manchester, local committees have got to work representing the employers, the employés, the local authority and the education authority, and have worked out local schemes of dilution which promise to give a considerable augmentation of labour in those districts. But that has only hapened, so far as I have been able to gather, in one or two isolated case3. I should like to ask what the Minister is doing—whether he is using his influence and his good offices in order that local authorities throughout the country may get to work on similar lines, and, by means of mutual agreement between the various parties, seek to increase the number of apprentices and augment the labour in their own districts. Surely, it is along those lines that most help will come. I am informed that, if the scheme which has been carried out so successfully in Manchester were applied throughout the country, there would, before the end of next year, be at least. 100,000 new apprentices in the building trade. That 100,000 would grow year by year, and in the course of a few years would make an appreciable difference in the amount of labour available for the building of houses. I notice that under sub-head F.6 the sum of £2,000 is provided for payments to local authorities under the Act of 1924. In connection with that we had figures given to us the other clay showing the increase in the cost of houses, and I should like to ask the Minister what steps he is taking to protect local authorities and the public from having to pay more for houses owing to the machinations of rings, trusts and combines. It seems to me that his administration might do much in this connection. The public were astonished only yesterday to see that a notorious association, the Light Castings Association, had announced an increase of from 5 per cent. to 20 per cent., averaging something like 11 per cent., in the price of their castings, to date from last Monday. I should like to ask the Minister what he is doing in regard to that, because it will seriously affect the sum which will have to be paid by the Exchequer and by the local authorities if this increase in cost is imposed. I submit that the Minister will find that there is no justification whatever for this increase in cost. The excuse given by this association is that from the 10th March next they will have to pay 3s. a week extra to their moulders—only a small proportion of the labour employed; but they forget to tell their customers or the public that at the same time they are buying their materials at, many shillings a ton less than when their last price was fixed. If the Minister will investigate this, if he will study the price of pig-iron as it was when the present price was fixed, and will note how during the last few months it has fallen by from 5s. to 10s. a ton, and how the cost of coal and coke and the cost of the scrap which they use in connection with their castings has also fallen, in some cases by 10s. a ton or more, he will find that he has a very strong case against the way in which they are attempting to fleece the public. Never was a more unwarrantable charge imposed upon the public, and I hope the Minister will take the matter in hand and deal with it immediately. This was the association which was referred to by the recent Profiteering Committee in these words:
I rise for the purpose of obtaining, if possible, some information from the Minister with regard to Subheads H1 and H2, relating to medical benefits. It appears to me that the additional sums required warrant some explanation. For the purpose of providing medical benefit the sum of £300,000 is required, while for the purpose of providing sickness, disablement, maternity, etc., benefits £330,000 is required. That seems to me to be a discrepancy for which, personally, I cannot account, because, in addition to the three benefits named, the non-cash benefits provided under the National Health Insurance, Acts include hospital treatment, convalescent home treatment, payment of railway fares to and from the home, surgical treatment, and dental and optical treatment. Putting all these various treatments under one head and comparing the difference between that and what the medical profession are about to receive, it seems to me to be altogether out of proportion in that those in receipt of these benefits only require £30,000 more than the medical officers. If we come, on page 43, to the Welsh Board of Health, the discrepancy is even more pronounced, in that the Ministry is asking for an additional sum of £17,000 for the doctors and £3,500 for the unfortunate people who have been in receipt of all these extra benefits. There is something radically wrong, in my opinion, because in the explanatory note on page 44 the reason given, under head H2, is that the additional provision is required in consequence of the heavy s4ekness in the spring of 1924. That seems altogether out of proportion, more especially as we must take into consideration the question of the payments under the head of maternity. There is a considerable proportion more males in this country under the operation of the Insurance Act than females, and in addition to the benefit which the medical profession receive, they do, in the main, receive all the benefit which is paid to the husband for the maternity of the wife. So I think some explanation is required with regard to these figures.
Another question on which I think the Committee should desire some enlightenment is the provision made under the Act under which approved societies are forced to go into the Law Courts, if necessary, and claim on behalf of their members benefits for accidents which might, in their opinion, come under the purview et the Workmen's Compensation Act. I have known cases where legal firms have been employed and it was afterwards discovered that while they had accepted a brief on behalf of the approved society they were also acting in the interest of the insurance company connected with the case. I want to know what supervision the Department exercises over the legal gentlemen employed by the approved societies. I have one case in mind which I think ought to be mentioned in the House. It is the case of an unfortunate man who was laid aside by accident. Naturally, meeting with an accident, the approved society was not entitled to pay him State benefit. When the insurance company stopped compensation the approved society was compelled to take the matter up. They employed a firm of solicitors, who in the first instance wrote a letter to the unfortunate man who was laid aside stating that they had been able to induce the insurance company to offer lump sum of £20 in full settlement of his claim, and they strongly advised his acceptance of it. The man, or his wife on his behalf, refused, and further offers were made which the man refused to accept, and in desperation the wife appealed to me to see if anything could be done. I sent her to my solicitors and, as the result of an interview, within a period of two to three weeks they were successful in extracting from the insurance company the sum of £175.
I think the Minister would agree that even if a charge of unprofessional conduct could not be laid against that firm, still its conduct is something deserving of the most stringent inquiry. That is only one case out of many. I feel sure the Minister will agree that some supervision is required if it is at all possible on the part of his Department to deal with firms which are prepared to advise their clients to accept £20, when at a later stage another firm can obtain a sum of £135. Surely some supervision is required, more especially as we find that some of these firms are of a reputable standing, and it might be just as well that the Committee should be informed that the particular firm with which I am dealing is a well known London firm under the name of Kingsley Wood, Williams and Company. The head of the firm advertises his name as Sir Kingsley Wood, and I repeat that the firm advised a stricken workman to accept £20 in full settlement of his claim, when he was entitled to, and actually obtained through another firm, £175. The Committee is entitled in such circumstances to ask the Department what kind of supervision they have over legal expenditure in connection with approved societies in dealing with injured men under the Work- men's Compensation Act. It will be enlightening if we can have answers on the points I have raised, and particularly I should like to emphasise that dealing with legal firms employed by approved societies in connection with members under the Workmen's Compensation Act.
I should like to ask if, in accordance with the usual courtesy, the hon. Member has informed my hon. Friend that he was about to make reference to a transaction in which he was engaged.
I am sorry. I understood he would be in his place, seeing that his Department is being dealt with.
I have sent for him and no doubt he will be here as soon as possible, but I ask you, Sir, if it would not be as well, when hon. Members are about to make personal attacks on other hon. Gentlemen, to do them the common courtesy of informing them that the attack is about to be made in order that they may be present.
I am not making it in the shape of an attack.
It is no part of my duty to interfere with a question of this kind, but when one hon. Member is going to make a personal attack on another, it is only courteous to give him notice.
I do not regard it as a personal attack.
I ant very glad to have heard the speech of the last speaker because there are a great many very poor people who have not been fairly dealt with, and I hope this question will go on until something is done which will improve matters. What I want to refer to is the grant towards the cost of demonstration houses. There has been talk in this House and in the Press about a certain house called the Weir house. It is misnamed a steel house because the Weir house is not a steel house. It is a timber house. All the weights are carried upon timber. The roof is carried upon timber. The ties of the roof are timber. Everything is timber except a sardine tin casing wound round the corner posts to the door posts, and then you call it Weir's steel house. The remarkable thing about this, coming from the Tory Benches, is that gentlemen of the Lord Weir type are always pointing to the great efficiency of private enterprise, which is always capable of dealing with any circumstances, yet here they are. There is a demand for houses, and they come along and say, "Here is a house we cannot guarantee, and we can tell you all about it." We ask how long it will last and how much it will cost, and they cannot tell us. Lord Weir and his friends have refused to answer the questions so often put. If we are going to calculate the cost and if they are going on with the experiment, and making profits, surely we have a right to an answer before we pass these Votes.
The cost of a house is determined by its life, which in the case of an ordinary house is calculated at 40–60 years. Here you are trying to impose upon the public a house, and the owner and builder refuses to say what its life is. He has been asked more than once what is the life of one-eighth part metal exposed on both sides, and what is the life one-eighth part metal exposed on one side only and enclosed on the other? Here we have a gentleman who is technically so highly skilled that he cannot condescend, from the great height of his knowledge, to answer a simple question as to how long the metal will last. All this kind of talk is going on in order to impose upon the public, because the public are to be asked to stand the racket. You get the great men who stand up and speak for their brother lords, saying: "Do you realise that there are such things as steel ships? What about their life?" Do they think that we are going to vote with our eyes in our pockets? Some of us know the life of a steel ship, and we know what happens to a steel ship from the day that you get your plates in such a position that they are capable of holding moisture. Before the ship is launched we know that it is necessary to start scraping to keep rust from the plates. Speak to a shipowner and he will tell you what it costs to keep the rust down in a ship. If the statement had been true that was implied by the argument as to the long life of a steel ship, the shipbuilders would not have needed to thicken the plates of the steel ship in order to lengthen its life. The man who can come along to a shipowner with any kind of rubber apparatus that will stop rust has a fortune waiting for him. He can get that fortune from the shipowners but not from me, because I have no fortune to give.
We have these so-called steel houses, where one-eighth part metal is put round timber and when you have nailed it to the timber, what do you do? You block out the timbers into squares of three feet, and you board that in, not with ordinary wood boards, but with a special three-ply boarding. It is then pointed out that these spaces are going to be air-tight spaces. Imagine any technical man coming along and telling you that you can nail a piece of steel plate to wood on one side, put three-ply boarding on the other side and call it airtight! The remarkable thing is that while Lord Weir thinks that these houses are good enough houses for people to live in, but he has built a stone house for his motor car. Here is a man who is always talking against public ownership, and is ready to take public money for the benefit of his private enterprise. These are the kind of men who come along and talk as though they were some special creation of a special creator. If one could get contempt condensed and put into vials, I would send Lord Weir a dozen. Let him drop it on the steel house, and see how long it would take for it to rust.
Lord Weir says that he has put in a moisture absorber between the wood and the steel plate. A wonderful contraption I You have the sun shining upon the steel plates during the day, and at night the sun goes down, as it does in Scotland, and you get a fall in temperature. You get condensation. Now, he puts in an absorber in order to gather up this moisture, not to get rid of it, but to preserve it. If you wish to rust metal, all you have to do is to put an absorber between the steel on one side and the board on the other, and you cannot get the rust much quicker.
He said that the price of the house in the first instance was to be £400. The price will be calculated by its life as against the life of other houses built of other materials. The moisture in the place is bound to fall through, no matter how you nail it to the bottom. I give to 18 inches from the bottom of that steel plate, 4 inch part thick, a life of 18 months at the most. That is, I give a life of 18 months to the 18 inches of steel plate from the foundation. We want Weir to say the life of the steel house. [ Laughter. ] This is no laughing matter.
Hear, hear!
This is a serious business.
Hear, hear!
I am glad that the Parliamentary Under - Secretary for Health, Scotland, is becoming serious about the matter.
Hear, hear !
I have been speaking of the action upon the metal. Now I will tell of the effect upon those who are asked to live inside these steel houses. The Under-Secretary for Health, Scotland, sat for his medical degree, and was very successful in getting through. He knows what happens when you begin to breathe inside something that does not breathe. Wooden building materials breathe, and not only absorb but give off moisture. That does not happen with metal. How long will these houses last? Hon. Members opposite are engaged in the farming business. They put up fences and use nails to hold the wire, and they can tell us how long it takes before they have to change the nail to a different place, because the wood has rotted away. A piece of one-eighth part steel is to be nailed on to wood, and then you call it a steel house. Weir's wooden-steel house! What of the life of the house? The three-ply wood, which is held together mostly by glue, has to contend with a continuous growth of moisture which cannot escape, because it is inside a compartment which is called air-tight, but is not air-tight. The three-ply hoarding will begin to swell, like a ship in full sail, and the people inside the house will begin to wonder whether they have been somewhere else, or whether the house has been somewhere else. It is too bad to experiment in this way with the nation's money.
There is some talk about the poured concrete house. If we have to have any experiment with concrete, I could understand the matter being investigated, but I want to hear any hon. Member say what further need we have to experiment with concrete. In connection with the poured concrete, you get two or three boards, a supply of water and concrete, mix it up, and pour in the concrete. Then you sit down and wait until it dries, and when you take off the boards you see whether the concrete stands without cracking. Here we are departing from even that which we know of. I notice the Under-Secretary for Scotland smiling.
He is not smiling now.
No, he has got over his spasm. If we wanted to have experimental work there are many things which we might commence with. Why has not the Minister of Health been able to put up in front of the box when he is speaking one of those wonderful slag blocks as used in Alsace? You can ask now how many hundreds of houses were built by these slag blocks. The slag has gone through the highest heat of the blast furnace and contains no sulphur. We have our slag lying about in eyesore heaps all over the British Isles wherever you have got ironworks. Experimenting with building materials is not something money should be spent upon at all. For making the best concrete we would say to the chemists we must have materials free from sulphur. How would he do it? He would build a structure like a refuse destructor. Sixteen years ago I built a concrete house with aggregates from refuse from the Glasgow City destructor, and yet there were sitting on the Glasgow Council captains of industry who were paying 7s. 6d. a cartload to get rid of this refuse. This house was built upon the dry concrete method. The longer concrete is up the better it becomes. That is here it differs from other building material. The longer concrete stands the more valuable concrete becomes. I hope the Minister of Health, so far as the steel house is concerned, will see to it that he makes all these inquiries which I hive referred to and gets his answers to questions before he starts with the experiments.
We have listened with great interest to a scientific disquisition on the properties of particular kinds of concrete by the hon. Member who has just sat down (Mr. Hardie). His conception of scientific progress is apparently that of one who only experiments on the lines on which he has experimented, and he suggested that it was a waste of money for the State to spend money in experiments on kinds of houses other than those made from the slag from the destructor works of the Glasgow Corporation. He pointed out that animals always build dwellings from materials that can breathe. I do not think that is any conclusive evidence against the Weir houses. Animals use the materials which they are capable of using. We fortunately are able to use other materials. In this matter the Minister of Health, I think, is taking the right line. He is not committing himself, but he is proposing to spend a comparatively small amount of money for the purpose of trying an alternative method of solving the greatest problem of our day. It is strange that opposition should come from those who profess their great care for the well-being of the downtrodden people of this country. No doubt there may be much in the criticisms which the hon. Member has directed against the designs of Lord Weir and his associates, and no doubt the first house will not be so successful as those built later on, but if we work on the hon. Member's lines We shall make no progress at all.
My reference was that our knowledge of metal did not require us to experiment in these directions.
I would draw the hon. Member's attention to institutions like the Institution of Civil Engineers, the Institute of Metals, the Institution of Mechanical Engineers, British Engineering Standards Association, which are constantly spending money in the investigation of corrosion, about which we are only just beginning to learn.
You are misrepresenting me again. That is for prevention. I know all about that. I am doing my best to get somebody to do it.
I must congratulate the hon. Member on knowing more than anybody else in this wide world.
I did not say I knew how to stop it, but that I bad tried my best
I am very sorry that the hon. Gentleman should be so provoked by such an innocent apprentice as myself. No doubt when I am more experienced I shall know how to speak without provoking his wrath. In the meantime, may I draw attention to some recent. letters directed to the Press by those who have lived for many years in steel houses exposed to more water than Lord Weir's houses will be ever exposed to, namely, the houses which float upon the sea. I think the hon. Member will agree that the corrosive effect of salt water is much greater than that of fresh water, even when previously diluted by the atmosphere of Glasgow. I took the liberty this afternoon of asking a Supplementary Question which contained in it the germ of a suggestion which was not quite in order, but it seemed to cause considerable distress on the benches of the Opposition. I suggested we might try as a further supplementary and alternative method that of giving some people the opportunity of building their own houses in their spare time. There is nothing novel about that idea, but it causes great distress among those whose main interest apparently is to support the monopoly which at present is throttling the people of this country. [HON. MEMBERS: "The building ring!"] The building ring is not the main monopoly. The main monopoly is among the building operatives.
A few days ago I saw four Frenchmen building a house of a brick not quite so large as ours. I should say that the cubic capacity was about three-fourths of our brick. I entered into conversation with one of the labourers, a lad of about 18. I asked him how many bricks a clay did those men lay—there were two of them—and he said between 5,000 and 6,000 a day between them. That was simply, according to circumstances, between 2,000 and 3,000 a day for each. That compares very favourably with the output we are getting in this country at the present time. [HON. MEMBERS: "What is that?"] I do not profess to know. We all know that it varies very much from job to job. We all know that, broadly speaking, a small builder gets a better output than a big contractor for reasons which are obvious to all of us. We all know by our own observations, by watching men, that we are not getting the output which we could get. It is true that there is no trade union regulation bearing on this subject, but there are things in this world which are very much more powerful than trade union regulations. There are the social conventions of life, and some of the social conventions are enforced with a rigour very much greater than the rigour with which even the Rules of this House are enforced. We all know there is less output than there might be from the number of men who are engaged.
If we can introduce alternative methods to encourage, shall I say the amateur to do the work, if some of these experimental houses can be designed on lines that will indicate to the amateur how he might do the work himself, with the assistance of the necessary skilled labour say for plumbing, we might make a great deal of progress. I remember when I was an apprentice that some of my fellow-workmen who were actively associated with a certain church in the town were desirous of building a small parish hall for their convenience. They had not adequate funds to place a contract, but they had enough money to buy bricks and material. They built their own parish hall. A few months ago I took the liberty of suggesting in the constituency which I now represent—and apparently it had not a very adverse effect on me—that people might build their own houses. I had met with the usual attack from the Socialists, and yet in the very paper which they own, the week after they attacked me, there was an interesting description of some people building a church hall in their spare time in that part of the world. A week last Monday a kind friend took me for a drive in the country around Paris, and we passed a lot of bungalows. I asked, "Who is building these bungalows?" and he said, "Oh, the people living in those bungalows have built them themselves." I am inclined to think that if Frenchmen can build bungalows for themselves, Englishmen and even Welshmen may possibly be able to do so, even though it may be impossible North of the Tweed.
My suggestion is not that people shall he compelled to build their own houses, not that we shall waste a great deal of public money on it, but that We ought to take the opportunity of the demonstrations that are going to be given to let people know what can be done, and that if it is possible under the existing legislation—and I think probably that it is possible—we should give people the chance of financial help towards the cost of the site and the cost of material so that they may build their own houses if they so desire. If nobody takes advantage of the opportunity the loss will be trifling. If, on the other hand, as I believe to be the case, there is a very large number of men who possess manual skill. though they are not engaged in the building trade, who would take advantage of the opportunity, a large number of houses will be built and the distress from which so many of our fellow-countrymen are suffering will be removed. We have all been through recent elections in the course of which we have all been through the hack streets. We all know the conditions from which our fellow countrymen are suffering, and in view of our knowledge I suggest that we should experiment in every conceivable way in order to provide alternative methods of building, and though quite conceivably a brick house might be the best in the long run, yet, as we are face to face with an abnormal emergency, during that abnormal emergency we should adopt abnormal methods to meet it.
I join my voice in protesting against what seems to me to be a wild experiment. I am told that this experiment is but the precursory action towards the final solution of the great housing problem. I care not whether the houses are built of cardboard or steel or anything else. It is my fixed opinion that, no matter what material you use, under the present system of rating in this country you cannot hope to succeed it building houses. [ Laughter. ] It is no good for hon. Members to laugh. I come from Glasgow, and I know the housing conditions there. In this House I represent the heart of the Potteries, and we have housing conditions in the Potteries equalled only by the scandalous conditions in the area of Glasgow. The Minister of Health knows the Potteries. I am told that he is coming there before long to plant on us two of his experimental houses. It is not that we want to build houses with some new material. Sometimes I begin to wonder whether I am going a bit off, or the rest of the world is going off, when I listen to sane, intelligent men discussing this subject in this House year after year, anxious, I dare say quite conscientiously, to solve this housing question, and appointing Commission after Commission to make inquiries into housing, and into your rating system, when I can point to more than a dozen Commissions that have sat and told you frankly that under your present rating system a time will come when building will be impossible in this country. The hon. Member who is in control of half-a- dozen loyal Liberal Members on the back benches in 1909 or 1910 sent through this country the cry that the present rating system would make housing impossible—
The proposals which the hon. Member is suggesting would involve legislation. In this Debate we must assume that the Government are acting under existing powers. It is not in order to consider what they might do if the law were altered. Criticism must be directed to what they are doing or might do under the existing laws.
I am told that this is to be a grant experiment, and I am simply pointing out that the experiment is doomed to failure because, whether you built the houses of cardboard or marble, under the present system your efforts are bound to end in utter failure. Therefore, I say that this experiment would be, not only a waste of money and of time, but would lead to nothing except the scattering all over the country of these nightmares called steel houses, which are doomed to a short life and will not in any way solve the housing problem. I daresay that the Minister of Health, though I do not wish him to pass from this earth very quickly, will live long enough to see the futility of the scheme to which he has put his hand to-night.
I think it is clear that the ruling of the Chairman puts in a nutshell the difficulty which the Opposition have in opposing this Vote. The hon. Member who has just spoken has shown clearly that his solution is to get relief by way of the rates, and that introduces another proposal. His argument is that, under present conditions, it is absurd to make experiments. He says that inasmuch as the building trade is now fully employed, you must make no experiment, must be content to go on with the present scarcity of houses, and all the overcrowding and all the misery that is associated with it, simply because you cannot have that change of the law which he and his friends suggest. Surely his arguments put in a nutshell the difference between the Opposition and those on this side of the House. The Opposition say that they sigh for a revolutionary change in the condition of things under which housing is going on now. It is for that reason that they ask for all sorts of ulterior methods that we cannot speak of to-night. It is for that reason that they hold up, deliberately in certain cases, unconsciously and yet definitely in other cases, the supply of housing by means of those trade union customs that have been stated so clearly in a brilliant speech by my hon. Friend the Member for Reading (Mr. H. Williams). My hon. Friend said that we want to realise facts. It is because the Opposition, or some of them, fail to recognise facts and are dishonest because they fail to recognise facts, that we want to insist on those facts again and again. It is not for polemic purposes We want to get a move on with houses. Although there are certain points in regard to which legislation may be introduced in order to improve matters, and I agree that the rating question is one which may seriously be considered, yet we have to act within the limits of present legislation and administration and to see what can be done. Therefore, speaking as a medical man, I say that one of the first things we want. to do is to experiment in new methods. The hon. Member for Burslem (Mr. MacLaren) is against experiment.
We do not want to kill them off
Because you are afraid of killing them off, because you are afraid of taking risks, you will not make experiments.
Let me make my position clear. I am not against experiments. I merely said that under the present rating system all experiments are bound to fail.
If the hon. Member had been a scientific man and had had the ruling of scientific research in the last 50 years, there would have been no progress in medical science. It is because researchers, whether in science or in practical life, are prepared to take risks that they are. able to get an advance. That is the only way to advance in this life. You must take risks; that is what enterprise means. You diminish as much as possible the chance of loss but you do not entirely prevent it. You try one thing after another, and as soon as you see an advantage you take hold of it. That is the case for experiments in housing. I agree with many of the critics of steel houses that on the face of them they are not likely to be a permanent solution of the housing problem. In my experience, both as a medical officer and on the London County Council, I have been face to face with experiments of almost every kind, and the, result almost always was that I, like the Persian philosopher,
In all the fields of experiment the steel house offers one of the best chances to-day. We know how cautiously the proposal is being put forward. At first I was opposed to the idea of the steel house, when I heard the speech of Lord Weir in another place. It seemed to me, from the experience gained elsewhere, that such houses were doomed to be a failure. But after the further experience of the way in which the present Minister of Health has tackled the question, it seems to me that we are making this experiment in the right way by establishing these houses in couples in different parts of the country where people can see them. That surely is the right way to proceed. There is no question of forcing such houses upon the community anywhere If we are to experiment, that is the way to do it—to give extra facilities to this and other system of house-building in different parts of the country, and enable everyone to see the houses and criticise them as much as they can. Although in the long run this type of house would probably not compare with the brick or the cement house, yet for the present need it is an admirable thing to have this experimental trial of the houses for the people themselves to criticise them.
I should not have risen to take part in this Debate were it not for the fact that certain observations have been made concerning the operatives. At the outset, I take exception to the method pursued by the Department in connection with this experiment. I feel that method to be quite wrong. It amounts to this, that the type of house under discussion has been exploited as an experiment largely because it has been produced by an influential firm. If public money is to be used for such purposes as demonstration houses, I would prefer that facilities should be offered to a number of firms instead of a special firm being selected. Speaking in December last on this question, I based my chief objection to this type of house on the ground that it could never be vermin-proof. That is one of the gravest defects of these houses. They will speedily result in our having more slum areas than we have at the present time. Such houses will become verminous and people will be only to eager to get out of them. From that point of view, they are not going to be an economic proposition.
10.0 P.M.
Charges have been made that there is opposition on the part of the operatives to new methods of construction. I have been associated with the industry for over twenty years, and I am aware that the building trade operatives know too much of trade union and industrial history to be so silly as to attempt opposition to new methods of construction. Many of them are themselves in great need of housing accommodation and are intensely keen on this problem being dealt with speedily. They were only too anxious to come to an agreement with the late Minister of Health whereby the available labour would be increased or intensified for the construction of houses. I am very much afraid that the manner in which the building trade operative is being charged with "ca'canny" and with opposition to new methods of construction is going to create an atmosphere which will not be conducive to increasing output, but will have a tendency to cause the operatives to become rather sulky. In view of the agreement arrived at with the late Minister of Health, I think this House and the Press of the country should be satisfied by the statement of the employers in the industry that they have no reason to complain of the output of the operatives. I had the honour of being chairman of the National Conciliation Board for a number of years, and I stated here in December last, that soon after the War, when the operatives were being charged with not giving the best output in their power, we went into the question, and we found this to be very largely the result of bad organisation and scarcity of materials rather than due to any lack of desire or initiative on the part of the operatives. The same state of things largely obtains to-day. The employers in the industry are satisfied with the output which they are obtaining from the operatives, and it is useless for the ordinary layman to talk about the number of bricks which a bricklayer should lay per day. One requires to know something of the technique of the industry before being able to express an opinion on that question. Before being returned to this House, I was in charge if a large establishment in North-West London and was responsible in a large degree for the output. My own personal experience has convinced me that the operatives in the industry are prepared to give and do give of their best, and if any slacking in output is shown at all, when traced to its source, it is invariably found to be due to bad organisation and not to any fault of the operatives. This House can offer criticisms likely to evoke the confidence of the operatives; it can also offer criticisms which are unfounded and are likely to cause the operatives to become sulky, and more care should be exercised from that point of view. The only opposition offered to the Weir type of house by the operatives in the industry has been on the ground that the Weir type of house is likely to be used for the purpose of undermining the economic position of the building industry.
Therefore you will hold up housing?
There is no question of holding up at all. All the building trade industry is asking is that those engaged in the erection of houses shall recognise the standard rate of wages in the industry. No other demands are being made by the industry at the present time. But if the Department responsible is going to allow the introduction of new methods to be used in such a way as -to undermine the economic position of those engaged in the industry, that Department will be responsible for courting opposition. The rate of wages paid in the industry to-day is none too high for a reasonable standard of comfort, and, seeing that the Weir type of house is guaranteed to absorb a considerable amount of the so-called unskilled labour, the industry is simply asking that a rate of wages shall be paid for the erection of these houses equivalent to the rate paid to those who are known in the building industry as unskilled labourers. That is all they are asking. The main point with the industry is this, that they are asking the Department responsible not to allow these new methods of construction to be used as a means of under-mining the economic condition of that industry.
I was very interested in the course of the discussion in the informative and eloquent speech that we had from the hon. Member for Reading (Mr. H. Williams), and I could not help wondering what reception the Minister of Health would get from him to-morrow morning if he told him that for the remainder of his life he had to live in a Weir house. I am quite confident that his enthusiasm for the Conservative party would undergo a cooling process during the next three or four years. He was good enough to give us information on foreign bricklayers, and he told us that a bricklayer in France laid 3,000 bricks a day, which my right hon. Friend the Member for Preston (Mr. T. Shaw) tells me works out at 63 per working minute. We have most of us spent a few days in France, with a very limited knowledge of the language of the people, and have had to rely on assistance in order to communicate with them. I sympathise whole-heartedly with the hon. Member, because it recalls to my mind an occasion on which, in Paris, I wanted to get some information. My knowledge of French was probably inferior to that of the hon. Member, but I had my little schoolboy as a companion, and I sent him to a Frenchman to ask a question. After considerable delay, he returned, and I asked him how he had got on. "Why," he said, "you would think the man had never heard French in his life !" I am quite sure that that was the relation between the employer from Britain and the enthusiastic bricklayer of France.
It has been suggested, I think by the hon. Member, and by others, that the Members on this side are opposed to the introduction of, and even to experiments in, new methods of house construction. Had they been present when my hon. Friend the Member for Nelson and Colne (Mr. A. Greenwood) opened this Debate, they would have heard from him, in the very opening sentences of his speech, a statement to the effect that we have not the slightest objection to any reasonable method of providing satisfactory houses, and we are not here lamenting the fact that the present Minister of Health is showing enthusiasm to the extent of experimenting in new methods of construction. We have, I can assure him, interfered on this Estimate for quite another and a different reason. We have interfered, because we regret exceedingly the spirit that now pervades the building industry, as compared with the spirit of that industry when the late Government was compelled to give up office. I think the Committee may take it that the last speech to which we have listened in this Debate, the speech of my hon. Friend the Member for West Willesden (Mr. Viant), represents exactly the suspicion that has evolved in the minds of the operatives, as result of the Government's manipulation of this question. I do not think it is claiming too much to say that the right hon. Gentleman inherited in the office to which he has attained a spirit of harmony within the industry and in the relations between the industry and the State that was unprecedented in the history of that industry. Within three short months he has dissipated that valuable spirit. It is because he has done that, and not because of other things, that we are criticising him to-night. I do sincerely and truthfully assure him that no one would have been more proud to congratulate him on his success than I, from the position I now occupy, and that I condemn him with considerable regret, and would have preferred to congratulate him.
I am going to submit that he and his friends are entirely to blame for that spirit of suspicion, which I fear will have disastrous results. You cannot expect the working class of this country, or any section of it, to dissociate the right hon. Gentleman's attitude towards the building industry and the stand that he has taken, from the general attack on the working class that is now being prepared by his political and industrial friends. They look along the whole line of political and industrial conduct, and they see a scramble by a hundred Members of this House for a position that will enable them to introduce a Measure which will cripple the political activities and the electioneering strength of the organised workers of this country. They read a speech by Lord Derby, and they read newspaper articles inciting the Government to tighten the conditions on which the starving un-employed will get doles in this country. They read Press attacks on the miners, they read Press attacks on the sheltered trades, they read Press attacks on the railwaymen; they see the resistance that is being made to the legitimate and reasonable demands of the engineers. They see, in a word, all along the line an attack carefully planned and being prepared and conducted under the shelter and protection of the reigning majority in this House. Naturally these men, whose wives and families depend for reasonable comfort and maintenance on a decent income, look with suspicion on representatives of that class with whom they have to deal in their everyday industrial negotiations. They see, above all, the difference in attitude towards the Light Castings Association. You do not see the political representatives of capital in this House rising and denouncing the demands of the trust that controls light castings as a menace to the future industrial prosperity of this country. When some demands on the industry of this country were made by a section of the working-class, you were told that the future of Britain was involved in the suppression of the demand of that section of workmen.
It is also supremely unfortunate that Lord Weir should have figured prominently in this matter. We have heard during recent years a good deal about the necessity of bringing the sheltered industries of this country, in the national interest, down to the level of the industries that have to compete in the world markets for British orders. Among the leaders of that attack on the sheltered industries, indeed the leader in the West of Scotland, was Lord Weir. For several years Lord Weir has, through the Press, in one way or another in public statements, made it appear to be absolutely necessary, if the shipbuilding and engineering industries of this country are to survive, that what ho calls the "sheltered trades," or what, I think, the Prime Minister calls the "sheltered trades," should be compelled to live on the standard of income of the competing trades, in order to reduce the burden on the unsheltered industries. That being so, and the members of the working class having debated all that with Lord Weir for a number of years, they naturally wonder whether His Lordship has not a secondary motive in a desire to use his new method of house-building, not merely to provide houses, but as a damaging blow to the trade unionism that is protecting these industries; and so they are very suspicious of Lord Weir. I think everyone will admit that it is singularly unfortunate that he should have to begin his operations by a demand for a reduction in the wages of the workers, because that confirms the very natural suspicion which is in their minds.
There is a good deal of misconception as to what the workers in the building industry are claiming. The popular assumption, gathered from the Press is that, for some miraculous reason or another, the workers are always put in the wrong. There has been an impression formed from statements of this kind that the building trade operators are insisting on building trade rates of wages being paid for the putting of steel into the construction of houses. That is entirely wrong. I am assured, on the authority of the building trade industry, that there is no justification for that. The building trade industry say that this steel is a new element in the construction of houses, and they are taking no concern with it at all. It does not come within the purview of their trade union to say what rate of pay should be given for the erection of that steel. They leave that entirely to the trade union outside the building industry that looks after the interests of the steel-workers. They say: "So far we have no interest in Lord Weir; we are not going to interfere with the rate of wages to be paid." But the Weir houses are not entirely of steel. They require joiners, plumbers and painters in the construction of these houses, and they add: "In so far as he uses joiners, painters and plumbers in the construction of his houses on one side of the street, we are going to insist upon his paying the same rate of wages to these tradesmen as another employer would have to pay them in the construction of brick houses on the other side of the street." Is there anything unreasonable in that demand? I submit it is a perfectly reasonable demand. It is all very well to claim that Lord Weir—if it be claimed—I do not think it is—and if it were I do not think it is justified—is going to give you a cheaper type of house. You would not allow any contractor for brick houses to engage joiners, plumbers, and painters if he could find them at a lower rate of wages than was paid by other big contractors, and then say you are getting a cheaper type of brick houses! There is nothing to throw your hat in the air about by saying that Lord Weir is succeeding in reducing the price of houses by getting cheaper labour than any legitimate employers are allowed to engage.
I want to draw attention to the fact that it is undoubtedly true; whether it was done intentionally or not, that the Weir house has been boomed beyond any other type of house. When you think of steel houses, do you not at the same time think of the Weir steel houses? But the building trade workers will tell you that Lord Weir is not the only one who is prepared to put up steel houses. In the City of Glasgow there are three other firms prepared to put up houses of this kind, as some hon. Members of this House know very well. Seine of them have been building for years, and erecting these houses, while Lord Weir has come into this business of late. There is the Beardmore Company, with which the Duke of Atholl is connected, which has erected demonstration houses, and has, I believe, put substantial hacking into this matter. There is the Glasgow Steel Roofing Company. Again, there is the firm of Macfarlane, of Glasgow, who are prepared to erect these houses. Here is a remarkable thing that I want my hon. Friends on this side particularly to ponder over. Every one of these firms has gone to the Corporation of Glasgow and said: "We are prepared to erect these houses in accordance with the demands of the building trade operatives of this country." You cannot claim that these firms are particularly prejudiced friends of the working classes. They are ordinary capitalists in the ordinary way of business which have taken that step. Is it not a remarkable fact that the three firms who are prepared to pay the trade union rate of wages are never heard of, and the one firm that bases its prices and its future on a reduced rate of wages for the workers is the one boomed by the Conservative Government? The other three firms have to survive as best they can in the shade, while Lord Weir gets all the limelight, because his building trade labourers are to get only 10½d. per hour, while the building trade labourers of other employers have to be paid 1s. 3d. an hour. I think the House will see there is at any rate some ground for the suspicion having got into the mind of the building operatives which was referred to by the speaker who preceded me in this Debate.
I want to say—and I think in this I am speaking for all the members of my party —that we regret exceedingly that that should be so. Nothing would have given me and my friends greater joy than that the spirit of co-operation which has not yet, I hope, been utterly destroyed, should have persisted until we had removed from the character of this nation the stain placed upon it by our present horrible housing conditions. May I appeal to my successor at the Ministry of Health to recognise that in the circumstances—whether he is to blame for this suspicion or not does not matter: the fact is it is there, and it is wise for Members of this House to face the facts, however disagreeable they may be—to recognise that frankness, perfect frankness, is absolutely necessary if the situation is to be saved.
What do these people fear? They fear, first of all, that you are going to use this new method of construction, this cheaper method of construction, as an indirect method of dilution, in order to bring down their standard of living. I share the views expressed. I think, by the last speaker on the Government side of the House, that they have nothing to fear from what is called the steel method of construction. I am not in the building industry, and my bread and butter do not depend upon whether the Weir house succeeds or fails. But the fact is that we have to deal with people whose bread and butter do depend upon its success or failure, and we have to direct our attention and our policy to the satisfaction of the mentality of those interested people. I do not claim any technical knowledge, but I have had the value of probably all the technical advice that is available in this country, and I do not think they have anything to fear from the steel houses. Assuming that the Weir house remains in its present stage of evolution—I am calling it the "Weir house" because that term has been popularised—I would regret that it should become the dominating figure in the working-class life of this country. But we know that things change from their infancy stage, and probably houses erected of steel might be made as comfortable and as artistic, and more artistic than the houses which the working classes presently occupy. I do not know that they will, but certainly they might have given us a contribution towards obtaining a reasonable number of houses during this period of extreme shortage.
I was very sorry to hear the hon. and gallant Member for St. Albans (Lieut.-Colonel Fremantle) throw suspicion and doubt on the manner in which the building trade operatives of this country are putting their backs into this work. I think it is a most flattering testimony to the building workers of this country what the Minister of Health stated in his speeches, because he has told us that thousands of the houses are row being erected at an unprecedented rate. I know it is quite true that only the people with money get the houses, but that is not the fault of the building trade; it is the fault of the system of wealth distribution of which the poor people are the victims. Nevertheless, the fact remains that the houses are being built.
I think the right hon. Gentleman will also admit that it is a fact that you have now 20,000 fewer bricklayers all over the country than you had in 1913. I am not sure that the commercial magnates of this country are any less powerful than they were before. As a matter of fact this largely reduced number of bricklayers gives you a considerably increased output of houses, and how can you square that with the argument which has hem put forward. Do you get any evidence in that argument of the lazy bricklayer. On the contrary, I submit that it is a tribute to the energy which the building trade workers have put into their industry. May I make a final appeal in this Debate to the Minister of Health to bring these people together once more to assure them, because there are matters upon which they want assurance. They want an assurance also that the, Government intends to protect them against the rapacious claims of those who control the building trade materials of this country.
Is it not a fine commentary on the withdrawal of the Profiteering Bill that, within three months of its withdrawal, when many of these people were within seven days of signing an agreement with Inc—binding themselves as the brick manufacturers bound themselves—to keep the price of building material at the level at which it was on the 1st January, 1924, should now insult the intelligence of the, people by coming forward with a claim for an average increase of 12 per cent. on the materials, because a section of their workers had received an advance in wages of 3s. a week. People are entitled to protection against claims of that kind? I think the Minister of Health should get the building trade—the employers as well around him—because those who are asked to put their capital into the manufacture of bricks have also had their suspicions aroused, as we have to keep the output of materials consistent with the augmentation in building trade labour—and say to them, "We have in power a Government with unquestioned authority. It is not like the last Government, who were in a minority of 200.
This Government wants to solve the housing problem. You have nothing to fear if you are prepared to keep to the average of the late Governments and let this country have a regular output of houses in keeping with the Schedule of 1924; and as long as you keep to that pledge, we guarantee that the house building programme of the Government will be continued. We go further, and say to you that we will guarantee that the houses of an experimental type which we have now in hand shall not be used, and nothing else shall be used, to bring down the wages of the workers of this country during the period in which by their supreme efforts they are solving the housing problem." Let us get back to the basis and spirit of confidence. It is not yet utterly destroyed, but I think it has been largely shattered by the manner in which the Government has handled this problem during the three short months it has been in office. I sincerely appeal to them to try to restore that confidence, and enable the country as soon as possible to be rescued from the present, deplorable housing conditions.
The right hon. Gentleman who has just sat down has pursued what is with him a very favourite method. He has diverted the attention of the Committee from the particular business in front of it, and has sought, under the cover of that diversion, to alter the issue upon which the attention of the Committee should be directed. He has the audacity to say that I have forfeited the confidence of the building industry in the few short weeks during which I have been in office. Who is responsible for that, I should like to know? Who goes about the country preaching the class war? The right hon. Gentleman has just made a speech in which he has tried to tie up this question of the housing of the people, for which he professes to be so concerned, with the conflict between Capital and Labour. Under the cover of making an appeal to me, he has tried to prejudice the case by suggesting that Lord Weir's first action was to demand a reduction in the wages of the workers. It is not true. Lord Weir is, I am informed, paying the same wages to the men who are employed upon this work of mass production of houses as he is paying to other men in his employ. The question of the demarcation between one trade and another, as to what unions should govern this particular part of the work, is a different question altogether, and it is not one that falls within my province to decide. What. I am concerned with is to try to get some relief for the unfortunate people who are living in slums to-day.
I am astonished that this continued, persistent obstruction should come from the Labour party, who declare that they above all know what these miseries are. Member after Member has risen, and has begun with the story that they would gladly welcome any kind of reasonable, genuine method. But, of course, no method ever put forward is reasonable. Any way in which you set about bringing new methods before the attention of the people is just the wrong way; any other way would have been the right one. This is the paltry argument of the hon. Member for Nelson and Colne (Mr. A. Greenwood), who comes along, and says I ought not to have acted upon the recommendations of the committee which was set up by the right hon. Gentleman himself, but that I ought to have waited until there were some more kinds of houses. How long would he have waited? Would he have waited three months, or 12 months, or 15 years?
It would have been necessary to wait precisely three months.
Does the hon. Member think we have come to the end of all the designs for steel houses that can be submitted? How does he know that there are not plenty of other steel houses which would have to be examined by the Committee The right hon. Gentleman himself says there are firms in Glasgow that are not known to five Members of the House. Probably the hon. Member for Springburn (Mr. Hardie) knows—he knows everything—that there are others who deserve this advertisement. Really this accusation that I am the one who has advertised Lord Weir—that it is due to some special preference on my part that his name is in the papers, and that people when they think of steel houses think of the Weir House—is not based on facts. Who was the first to boom Lord Weir? It was the right hon. Gentleman himself. He said:
"To-morrow morning I am to inspect a system of building houses, largely by steel and timber, which is the product of one of our eminent business men. It is not some fantastic scheme devised by a dreamer, but one submitted by a man who has built up a great reputation in the business world."
What sinister motive prompted the right hon. Gentleman to give Lord Weir such an advertisement as that? He went on to say:
"I have had submitted to me material for erecting houses by one of the best known business men in the country, which he claims is giving us more substantial houses"—
This really might come out of an advertisement—
"in a tithe of the time we now use in producing houses"—
That is not the Weir house.
Then I am afraid the right hon. Gentleman was very ill-advised in the words he used, because everyone has taken it to be the Weir house.
I am very sorry, but in the interests of accuracy I have to interrupt what promised to be a very successful speech. All that was required was that the right hon. Gentleman should have been able to put, words in my mouth that I did not use. [HON. MEMBERS: "Name!"] The remarks the right hon. Gentleman referred to were used in regard to Commander Burney's project.
I repeated the words used by the right hon. Gentleman. It appears they referred to someone else, and not to Lord Weir. [ Interruption. ] Does the right hon. Gentleman say the first words—
Yes, the first words were quite accurate. My charge against the right hon. Gentleman is that he confines his remarks to the Weir houses whereas I went on to boost other forms of houses, and he, in order to bring me down to his level, assumes that the remarks I continued to make about other houses all referred to the Weir house.
I have said enough at any rate to show—[HON. MEMBERS: "Withdraw!"]—I will go on to say that what has really boomed the Weir house more than anything else has been the prejudiced attacks which have been made on it by interested people. That is what I have denounced in the country. What is the position? Here we have a rate of building which, as the right hon. Gentleman says, is very much larger than it has been for many years. But it is not fast enough. I am receiving letters every day, and I daresay other hon. Members are receiving similar letters, from people in my city, who write to me most pathetic accounts of their circumstances, and ask me whether I can use some influence in order to get them municipal houses. It is not to my mind conceivable that we can go on keeping these people in that sort of condition for another 10 or 20 years. Having taken account of the augmentation which we may expect from the efforts of the building industry—as to which I have on more than one occasion paid my tribute—I am bound to say to the Committee I do not think anything they can do will give us houses sufficient for our needs in any reasonable space of time. I am sure that the right hon. Gentleman opposite recognised that when he was in office. It was for this reason that he set up the Committee to investigate new methods of construction. I have only followed in his footsteps in taking the Reports of the Committee as they have been issued to me, one by one, and not waiting until I was quite certain that there were not any more houses coming along, but acting at once.
I have taken very step that I could think of, in order that we may give the people of this country a fair chance of seeing whether there is anything in these new houses or not. I have never committed myself to the view that the Weir house, or any other of these new types of houses, is the last and final word in houses. I have, on the contrary, stated definitely that I did not consider this as part of the permanent housing features of the country. I have said that I regard this as an emergency measure, designed to meet a great national emergency, and I should have thought that all patriotic people, no matter to what party they belong, would have been ready to join together, knowing the conditions under which so many people are living in our large cities and elsewhere, and try to make this a practical proposition, if it can be so made. Instead of that, we get people who have not even seen the houses putting forward all sorts of absurd ideas, which have been examined by the committee of experts, and of which they have said there really was no substance in them. That is not a fair and open mind. That is not an impartial examination of the new houses. That is mere prejudice, and it is because no doubt, as the right hon. Gentleman says, and as he takes care to suggest to them, the operatives fear that this may mean some reduction in their wages that they are putting forward these arguments, which are not true arguments, but which they hope may create prejudice in the minds of the public.
Let me say a word on the other subject. I agree with the right hon. Gentleman. I do not consider that this supplementary method of building that we have adopted is one which will seriously prejudice the old-established building industry of this country. There is plenty of work for all the builders, masons, plasterers, plumbers and the rest of them to do for many, many years to come, whatever happens to the steel houses. We are entitled to ask that the people of this country shall have an opportunity of seeing for themselves what these houses are, and what they are claimed to be. My own belief is, based on what I have heard from those who have seen them, that if they can get them, and get them at a reasonable price, they will be inclined to agree with what was said by the late. Secretary of the Scottish Board of Health, the hon. Member for St. Rollox (Mr. James Stewart), that, in his opinion, the internal fittings and the internal equipment of these houses are equal, if not superior, to the very best that have been provided by any municipality.
I am in favour of these experiments, and I would like to know how many of these houses are to be put up.
50, in 25 pairs. I presume the hon. Member means the Weir houses?
Yes.
That is not the only type that is being subsidised. But as soon as they had examined other houses and mentioned them, with a recommendation, I at once gave instructions for the same arrangement to be made. Those houses will be built in other parts of the country, in exactly the same way as the Weir houses.
May I ask if, in his circular to the municipalities, the right hon. Gentleman made it clear that he proposed to give a subsidy to other types of houses other than the Weir houses? I remember, at the Manchester Corporation, when we were considering this, we had no information from the right hon. Gentleman in the way of help.
No, because at that time the recommendation had not been made to me.
It was only last week.
Yes, it was only last week, I was in Manchester myself and made a speech there in which I made the announcement that I had that morning received a report and had just given the instructions to which I have referred. All I want to say further is that I still have not exhausted the sum of money which is at my disposal in this matter. The hon. Member for West Middlesbrough (Mr. T. Thomson) suggested that some of the money should be used for the purposes of research. I quite agree with him there is an opportunity for further research in the matter of building materials as well as building methods. But that is rather a different subject. I have a Building Research Department which is part of the Department of Industrial Research, and I am now considering whether the activities of that Department should not be further considered. The question of concrete has been referred to, Concrete has been favourably commented upon by the Moir Committee, but although in many districts there is material suitable for making concrete houses available in considerable quantities close to the site where houses are being built, it is not being used because there is not on the spot the necessary technical knowledge as to how it should be used. That is a matter in which the Health Department might give assistance and enable them to employ that method of construction. The hon. Member for Nelson and Colne accused me of taking sides with the employer against the workmen. That is a very unfair charge. I have taken no sides. I have not expressed any opinion about the controversy which I see going an as to the trade union conditions as applied to Lord Weir, but he is taking sides with the employed against the employers. He has come out and said it is a blackleg method. It is a dispute which at any rate should be settled in the ordinary way as a trade dispute, and should not be allowed to prejudice this matter of the demonstration houses. I read some words from the right hon. Member for Platting (Mr. Clynes) a few days ago, in which he said: "Our necessities are so pressing that, if a reasonable case can be made out for any one of these types, no conflict between a potential employer and workmen's wage interests should stand permanently in the way of supplying the houses. I think it would be a national misfortune if the need of houses should be held up and hampered because of the dispute of one small section of the community. It is a small section compared with the number of people requiring houses." I hope that the Committee will come to a conclusion upon this Debate now. I think that the matter has been fully discussed. I believe that there is a general consensus of opinion, that it is a proper thing that this experiment should be tried. It commits us to nothing. All that it, does is to give an opportunity of judgment to the people who are most concerned. Those are the people who are living in the slums to-day and who should be allowed to see what may be done for them.
I quite expect to be charged with holding up the Committee. I find myself placed in a rather difficult situation to-night. That difficulty arises from an instinct for fair play, and the fear of being a coward. The speech of the hon. Member for Readng (Mr. H. Williams), which has been praised by hon. Members opposite, appeared to me to be a most unfair attack upon the building trade. I am not in the building trade. I was in the building trade, and, like other s who had the chance, got out. If gentlemen opposite who are so keen on having houses will take a trowel and mortar and serve seven years of apprenticeship to earn a builder's wage, then, if they would come to this House and talk about the building trade, I should at least be able to retain my respect for them. The other day the Minister of Health was giving us figures, and claiming credit for what he and his colleagues had done in the way of getting houses built. I thought that it would have been easy for him to put the coping stone on fine speech by giving a compliment to the men who had helped him with the trowel, the shovel and the hod to do that splendid piece of work, and giving not only the number of houses built during that period, but also the number of people employed in the building trade. That could have emphasised the situation and shown how splendidly the building trades have been doing their duty in providing houses. Unfortunately Members on the other side have been reading the paper with the biggest circulation, and they have become obsessed with the idea that there is a limit to the number of bricks which the bricklayer is allowed to lay, and that, if he lays one more, the general secretary of his union would come down, and that bricklayer's life would not be worth two pennyworth of gin. The hon. Member for Reading said that you can see by watching the bricklayer that more bricks could be laid if the trade desired to do so. I have what might be described as an arithmetical mind—
It being Eleven of the Clock, the Chairman, left the Chair to make his Report to the House.
Resolutions to be reported To-morrow.
Committee report Progress; to sit again To-morrow.
The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.
Adjournment
Resolved, "That this House do now adjourn."—[ Commander Eyres Monsell. ]
Adjourned accordingly at One Minute after Eleven o'Clock.