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Commons Chamber

Volume 180: debated on Thursday 19 February 1925

House of Commons

Thursday, February 19, 1925

The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.

Private Business

PRIVATE BILL PETITIONS [Lords] (Standing Orders not complied with),

Mr. SPEAKER laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, That, in the case of the Petition for the following Bill, originating in the Lords, the Standing Orders have not been complied with, namely:

Great Western Railway [Lords].

Report referred to the Select Committee on Standing Orders.

Gas Light and Coke Company Bill (by Order),

Second Reading deferred till Tuesday next.

London County Council (Tramways and Improvements) Bill (by Order),

Read a Second time, and committed.

Middlesex County Council Bill (by Order),

Second Reading deferred till Thursday next.

Port of London Bill (by Order),

Read a Second time, and committed.

Slough Trading Company Bill (by Order),

Second Reading deferred till to-morrow.

South Metropolitan Gas Bill (by Order),

Read a Second time, and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills.

Tyne Improvement Bill (by Order),

Second Reading deferred till Monday next.

Walsall Corporation Bill (by Order),

Second Reading deferred till to-morrow.

Westminster City Council (General Powers) Bill (by Order),

Read a Second time, and committed.

Wolverhampton Corporation Bill (by Order),

Second Reading deferred till Tuesday next.

Oral Answers to Questions

Naval and Military Pensions and Grants

Army Service Corps (Patrick Burke)

asked the Minister of Pensions whether, seeing that in the case of Mr. Patrick Burke, of 13, Powrie Place, Dundee, there is an undisputed record of reserve and regular service from 1903 to 1914 with periodical examination and passed fit report every time, and that from 1914 to 1916 he saw service in France, with two discharges for nose bleeding, but no trace of epilepsy, he is prepared to acknowledge that the epilepsy which was the cause of Burke's discharge after his re-enlistment in March, 1916, after only one month in the Army Service Corps, Mechanical Transport, was due to military service, and will award a pension on that basis?

As the hon. Member is aware, this case has been very fully considered on several occasions. The man was not invalided for epilepsy in 1916, having been discharged then on service grounds, and exhaustive inquiries have failed to establish any connection between epilepsy and service. The rejection of the claim to pension for that disability has been confirmed by the independent appeal tribunal. I may add that for the most part the soldier's pre-War service was in the Militia or in the Reserve, and that his service in France during the Great War was for a period of two months.

Is it not the case that he was dismissed as being unfit for service and that was the only reason?

He was invalided on service grounds, but not, as I have said, for epilepsy.

Constant Attendance Allowance (Gilroy Dunstan)

asked the Minister of Pensions whether his attention has been drawn to the case of Mr. Gilroy Dunstan, of 134, Markfield Road, Tottenham, who lost both legs as a result of War service, and whose constant attendance allowance of £l per week was recently stopped for five weeks and has now been renewed at the rate of 5s. per week, on the ground that Dunstan has refused to undergo any further operations; whether he is aware that three surgeons, including the surgeon who amputated his legs, are not in agreement with the Ministry's medical officers; and whether, in these circumstances, he can see his way not to further penalise Dunstan for his refusal to have any more operations?

The rate of constant attendance allowance was not reduced in this case because the man refused to undergo an operation. The earlier grant was made because of a local inflammation of the knees which seriously increased the amount of personal assistance required. At a recent medical examination it was found that this complication had disappeared. The rate of allowance is necessarily dependent on the amount of personal attendance needed, and I am medically advised that the current award in this case is appropriate to the man's requirements. Instructions have been given for payment of the arrears of this allowance for the short period during which, I regret to find, it was not in issue. I have no knowledge of the views of the man's own doctor beyond that conveyed to me by the hon. Member, but I may say that my medical advisers are definitely of opinion that a course of in-patient treatment, quite apart from any question of operation, would be to the man's decided advantage.

Are we to understand that the right hon. Gentleman is now laying it down that 5s. a week is the constant attendance allowance for a man who has lost both legs? Is he aware that in the Parliament before last, when he was Minister of Pensions, he laid it down definitely that a man losing both legs in the service ought to receive the maximum constant attendance allowance?

The hon. Member is under a complete misapprehension. It is true £1 a week is the maximum allowance for a man who has lost the whole of both legs. I will explain the point if he will write to me.

Will not the right hon. Gentleman look further into this case when he realises that this man has been receiving, and was receiving under his predecessor, a constant attendance allowance of £1 a week because he lost both his legs? I have taken steps to confirm that within the last few hours. That amount is now reduced to 5s.

The hon. Member is under a complete misapprehension, This man, for whose condition everyone must feel sympathy, suffered, in addition, from severe inflammation of the knee. He has not lost the whole of his leg. During the serious inflammation he was very properly granted a higher amount. If he would go into hospital a bone that ought to be seen to could be put right. The only object of the medical profession is to do all they can to restore the man.

King's Own Scottish Borderers (Joseph Brown)

asked the Minister of Pensions whether his attention has been drawn to the case of Mr. Joseph Brown, late private. No. 6878, King's Own Scottish Borderers, who was wounded in the battle of Mons, and invalided out of the Army on the 24th June, 1916, as no longer physically fit for war service: whether he is aware that this old soldier, who served in the South African War and in India, and who is in possession of five decorations, and hrs 15 years and 6 months qualifying service, is only in receipt of a pension of 8½ a day; why Mr. Brown has not been awarded a disability pension, in respective of the modified pension; and why, as the modified pension is on the basis of the pre-War warrant, Mr. Brown has not received the increase of the 8½ d. a day, as provided under the Pensions (Increase) Acts. 1920 and 1924?

The pension now in payment is in respect of both service and disability, and was awarded in 1916, when it became more to the advantage of the pensioner to receive that pension for life, instead of the lump sum compensation appropriate to the slight remaining disablement. The case is not one that comes within the scope of the Pensions (Increase) Acts.

Would the right hon. Gentleman get the ear of the Chancellor of the Exchequer with a view to removing this kind of disability, which affects thousands of men?

What we have done is this. We had two alternatives, and we have given him the form of award which gives him the higher payment.

Compensation Pensions

asked the Minister of Pensions whether his attention has been called to the case of compensation pensions granted between April, 1919, and August, 1921, which were made final by the Act of 1921; and whether, seeing that the pensioners had no personal notification that they must appeal to the Courts established by the Lord Chancellor before specified dates in order that their cases might be reopened, the only notice given being advertisements in a limited number of newspapers and bills exhibited in post offices, and in view of the hardships that have resulted in a large number of cases, he will take steps by legislation or otherwise to remedy them?

I would refer my hon. and gallant Friend to the very full answers on this subject which were given on the 31st July and on the 18th December last, of which I am sending him copies.

Great Yarmouth (Chief Area Officer)

asked the Minister of Pensions whether his attention has been called to the case of Captain W. P. Boulton, chief area officer of the Great Yarmouth and district pensions area; whether he is aware that this officer has been given one month's notice to terminate his present employment and has been offered a position of a lower grade at a much reduced salary; that this officer is suffering from a 100 per cent. disability and is being superseded by an officer not suffering from disability; and that his dismissal is resented by the local pensions committee, who are of opinion that he has carried out his duties over a period of four years in a manner entirely satisfactory; and whether he will be prepared to reconsider the case?

I have had the case of Captain Boulton under my consideration. Recent amalgamation of areas, consequent on the reduction of the volume of work, has resulted in a redundancy of higher officers, and in selecting officers for retention in the higher ranks regard is had to their relative efficiency. After careful consideration of all the circumstances, including his War disability, it was felt that Captain Boulton had not such a strong claim to retention in his grade as other redundant officers. He has, however, been offered employment in the next lower grade.

Ex-Service Men

Trainees

7.

asked the Minister of Pensions whether he is aware that the training of ex-service men is insufficient to allow them to take their place amongst skilled men, and that consequently they have to take their place amongst the unemployed, although a considerable sum has been spent upon this partial training; will he take steps to extend their training until properly equipped in the trade selected; and will he keep them in the training centres until suitable employment can be found and by that means ensure the continuance of their efficiency?

I have been asked to reply. The courses of training under the Industrial Training Scheme in the principal skilled trades are designed to fit trainees to take their places, not as fully skilled craftsmen, but as improvers in private workshops, where the training is completed. The periods of training have been approved by national trade advisory committees, representative of employers and workmen in the trades concerned. Men for whom an improver-ship to complete their training is not immediately available are retained in training centres during the winter months, when the difficulty of finding such vacancies is greatest, but I am satisfied that the indefinite retention of trainees in training centres is neither necessary nor desirable. I am glad to be able to inform the hon. Member that according to a census taken last year only about 7 per cent. of the men who have passed through a course of training were at that time unemployed.

Post Office (Sorting Clerks)

asked the Prime Minister whether, seeing that the ex-service men temporarily employed as sorting clerks in the Post Office are not included in the agreement between the Treasury and the Association of Ex-Civil Servants, that this agreement was arrived at without any regard to their interests, and that many of these men have done almost continuous work, he will consider the fairness of giving them some chance of permanent establishment; and whether he will grant a day for the debate on the whole agreement, so that these and other matters can be raised?

The case of temporary sorting clerks in the Post Office is not parallel to that of the temporary clerks, etc., covered by the recent agreement with the Association of Ex-Service Civil Servants inasmuch as I understand that they could only be granted permanent establishment at the expense of other Post Office classes. With reference to the last part of the question, I would refer the hon. Member to the reply I gave on the 17th February to the hon. Member for Blackpool.

Temporary Male Tax Clerks

asked the Prime Minister whether the settlement recently arrived at with the Association of Ex-Service Civil Servants will also apply to members of the Association of Temporary Male Tax Clerks?

I am happy to assure the hon. Member that the arrangements proposed to be made in regard to ex-service men employed in Government Departments as temporary clerks will apply to those so employed in tax offices under the Board of Inland Revenue.

Questions

Police Pensions

asked the Minister of Pensions if he will introduce legislation to amend the Act, 14 and 15 Geo. V., c. 32, to require police, local, and other public authorities to increase pensions granted by them, so that a remedy may be applicable in the case of police officers re-employed in Lancaster during the War who had been previously pensioned, and who were on re-employment remunerated on a basis that did not provide for their right to increase of pension on again retiring, and for their right to consider that a part of their remuneration was deferred salary returnable to them as pension?

I have been asked to reply to this question. Police, authorities are already required, by the Act of 1924, to increase pensions granted by them to the amounts provided by the Act, if the statutory conditions be satisfied. Apart from this there is no power to reassess police pensions in the circumstances referred to, and I could not introduce legislation for the purpose.

Trade Union Levies

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he will give a yearly Return showing the number of complaints, if any, made to the Registrar of Friendly Societies by members of trade unions under Section 3 of the Trade Union Act, 1913, alleging that they have been aggrieved by a breach of a rule dealing with the political ballot or levy for the period covered by the operation of the Act?

The Chief Registrar of Friendly Societies has referred me to the preface to his Report to Parliament, Part A, for 1921, page xvi, where he stated that up to the 31st May. 1922, there had been in all 68 complaints, of which 26 turned out not to be complaints within the Act, leaving a net total of 42. He further states that from the 31st May, 1922, to the present date, there have been 27 complaints, three of which turned out not to be within the Act, leaving a net total of 24. Thus the net total number of complaints under the Section from the 7th March, 1913, the date of the commencement of the Act, to the present time has been 66.

In how many cases has the complaint been found to be justified?

If the hon. and gallant Gentleman will put down a question to that effect, I will try to give him an answer.

How many members have been deterred from making any complaint for fear of intimidation?

Industrial Diseases (Bursitis)

asked the Homo. Secretary if he will consider the advisability of adding the word "bursitis" to miner's beat knee in the Schedule of Industrial Diseases?

I am not clear how or why the hon. Member proposes to amend the Schedule. If he will furnish me with a full statement, I shall be glad to consider it.

Metropolitan Police

Traffic Regulation

asked the Home Secretary whether he can state the number of Metropolitan police employed in traffic regulation in 1913 and the number so employed to-day; whether there has been a commensurate increase in the total strength of the Metropolitan police; and whether he proposes to increase the number of police on night duty, in view of the frequency of burglaries in London and suburbs?

The number of men employed on various duties connected with traffic was approximately 440 in 1913 and 1,200 on 31st January last. There has not been a corresponding in crease in the strength of the Force. I am considering the whole question.

Hours of Duty

asked the Home Secretary whether he is aware that the new hours of duty enforced in the Metropolitan police force cause a grave inconvenience to the officers, and are so arranged as to preclude them taking part in such sports as cricket and football during their lesiure time; and if he is prepared to re-arrange these hours of duty?

I would refer the hon. and gallant Member to the answer which I gave yesterday to a question on this subject by the hon. Member for the Edge Hill Division of Liverpool.

Rent Aid

asked the Home Secretary if he will state the Regulations governing the grant of rent aid for members of the Metropolitan police force; whether the authorities are now investigating the conditions under which various members have been in the habit of letting out unfurnished rooms; whether it is now intended to claim refunds, which in some cases will be heavy, from men who have in the past years let out unfurnished rooms; and whether he will see that any action under existing or new rules is not retrospective?

Under the Police Regulations and the General Orders of the Force married members of the Force are granted allowances based on the net amounts they pay by way of rent and rates for the accommodation they occupy, subject to maximum limits fixed for the several ranks and to the appropriate economy deductions. Every member of the Force claiming a rent allowance was required to state the amount paid by way of rent and rates for the rooms occupied by himself and his family. In a number of cases it appears that members of the Force claiming allowances have not disclosed the amounts they have received for accommodation they have sublet, and in such cases I think it is clearly right that the appropriate refunds should be made.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether, in the inquiries now proceeding, the authorities are actually informing landlords whose evidence has been called, that they are in collusion with the police, despite the fact that such rents can be obtained in the locality?

I was not aware of that. Perhaps the hon. Member will send me particulars.

asked the Home Secretary, seeing that the inquiries now proceeding throughout the Metropolitan police have disclosed a general misunderstanding as to the conditions under which rent aid may be claimed by men who rent or let rooms, unfurnished and furnished, and that this is due to the ambiguity of general orders or memoranda on the subject, whether disciplinary action will be suspended pending his consideration of the matter?

I am in communication with the Commissioner of Police in the matter.

Establishment Shortage

asked the Home Secretary by how many officers the Metropolitan police force is short at the present time, and what is being done to encourage recruiting?

Last week the force was 1,006 below establishment. This reduction in strength is not due to difficulties in recruiting, but has been maintained since 1922 as part of the economy measures adopted on the recommendations of the Geddes Committee. As I have stated in reply to other questions, I am now reconsidering the whole position.

Police-Constable Boddy (Inquest)

asked the Home; Secretary whether his attention has been drawn to the jury's rider to the verdict at the inquest held on the late Police-constable Boddy, X division, Metropolitan Police; whether an official inquiry is to be held into the widow's allegations against her husband's superior officer; and whether the widow may be legally represented at the inquest?

At present I can only say that the case is under consideration.

Will the right hon. Gentleman bear in mind, when inquiry is being made into this case, that the widow shall be legally represented?

Questions

Parliamentary Elections (Cost of Police)

asked the Home Secretary whether he will reconsider the decision that the cost of police employed at Parliamentary elections should be borne by the local police authority; and whether he will revert to the previous practice, whereby payment of the cost of police in polling stations was effected by the Treasury through the returning officer's account, in view of the fact that such expenses in connection with an election may properly be regarded as a national service?

The maintenance of order at the stations is part of the ordinary duties of the police, and it follows from this that the cost should be borne by the police funds. This has been recognised for many years; it was dealt with in a Home Office Circular in 1906, and the instructions issued in November, 1923, do not represent any change of policy in this matter. I may add that one-half the cost of the services in question falls ultimately on the Exchequer, through the Exchequer grant in aid of the local police funds.

Whist Drives

asked the Home Secretary whether, in view of the uncertainty of the law on the subject, he will state whether any specific advice is given to police authorities in respect to the holding of whist drives; whether he is aware that in some districts the police are prohibiting them and that in others they take no action; and whether he will state the attitude of the Home Office in the matter?

The question whether a whist drive is within the law or not appears from the decisions of the High Court to turn on the conditions under which it takes place. This is the advice given to any police authorities who ask for guidance from the Home Office, and I have no authority to say more on the subject.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say in how many cases recently the police have taken action?

I am afraid I cannot. If my hon. Friend wants details, I will get them.

Where it is regarded as harmless, it is encouraged, but where it is detrimental it may come under the terms of the law.

Cruelty to Animals (Railway Conveyance)

asked the Home Secretary if his attention has been called to a case at the Croydon Police Court on 14th February in which a man was fined for sending a dog by rail from Balcombe, Sussex, to Wales in a box so small and so insufficiently ventilated that when the dog had reached Croydon it was already in a very exhausted state; and whether he is prepared to introduce further legislation to prevent cruelty to animals in such circumstances?

I have seen a newspaper report of this case. It appears that the cruelty was entirely due to the stupidity of the man who sent the dog in a box without proper ventilation. I am afraid that no legislation can prevent stupidity of this kind.

Would it be possible that regulations should be made to prevent railway companies from accepting for conveyance animals or birds improperly packed?

That would transfer the liability for cruelty from the packer to the railway company.

Police (Educational Requirements)

asked the Home Secretary what educational requirements are expected for candidates for entrance to the police force as police constables and candidates for promotion to higher ranks in the police force?

The requirements are set out in Regulations 7 and 29 of the Police Regulations, a copy of which I am sending to my hon. Friend.

Jury Service (Railway Fares)

asked the Home Secretary whether his attention has been called to the fact that persons resident in Bromley and its neighbourhood, summoned to attend on juries at Maidstone assizes and petty sessions, are liable to pay railway fares amounting to between 8s, and 9s, return third-class; and whether, seeing that this is a heavy fine upon individuals of slender means, he is prepared to take steps to enable poor persons so summoned cither to recover this out-of-pocket expenditure or provide them with railway warrants?

I should be glad if the cost incurred by jurors in discharge of their public duty could be repaid them, but I am afraid I do not see my way to propose legislation for putting such a burden on either the ratepayers or the taxpayers.

Will the right hon. Gentleman consult with the Chancellor of the Exchequer and see if any steps are possible?

I think it would not be a bad plan, knowing the Chancellor, if my hon. and gallant Friend would consult him.

Industrial Accidents

asked the Home Secretary the total number of industrial accidents for 1924; and the number of fatal industrial accidents for the same period?

The total number of accidents reported under the Factory and Workshop Acts in 1924 was 169,726, of which 953 were fatal. These figures are provisional only and may be subject to slight correction. I regret that I am unable to give the figures of accidents in industries not covered by the Factory Acts.

Factory Bill

asked the Home Secretary whether it is the intention of the Government to introduce the Factory Bill this Session; and, if so, if he can give an approximate date?

As I stated in reply to similar questions last week, it is hoped to introduce this Bill this Session, but I am not able at present to name any date.

Will the Bill which is to be introduced by the Government cover the provisions included in the Bill introduced last year?

Youthful Offenders (Remand Homes)

asked the Home Secretary if he will introduce legislation with the object of providing remand homes for youthful offenders?

The answer to this question must wait till I have received the Report of the Committee recently appointed to consider the treatment of juvenile offenders generally.

Lighting-Up Time, Liverpool (Convictions)

asked the Home Secretary whether his attention has been drawn to the recent admission in the Liverpool Stipendiary Magistrate's Court that the lighting-up and extinguishing time-table adopted by the Liverpool police has been wrong for a number of years; how many convictions have been recorded during the past four years in which the margin of time has been small; and whether he will take such steps as will enable such convictions to be cancelled and the fine and costs refunded?

I find on inquiry that through a confusion between local Greenwich time the police at Liverpool have been reckoning lighting-up time as beginning some 13 minutes later in the evening and ending some 13 minutes later in the morning than it should. In the case which the hon. Member has in mind, the defendant was discharged without a conviction.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that this has been going on for a number of years, and will he undertake to take steps to cancel the convictions that have been made in such circumstances and refund the fine and costs?

It so happens that I have received a telegram from Liverpool within the last hour:

"Within the last four years there have been two convictions—one fined 2s. 6d, and the other 1s."

In view of the fact that a conviction, however trivial the offence may be, often militates against the people concerned when applying subsequently for a public-house licence, or a driver's licence for a public vehicle, where, in connection with other convictions, it might be reported against him, will the right hon. Gentleman consider the desirability of removing the conviction, and clearing the man's record?

Can the right hon. Gentleman say how much the hon. Member's question has cost the Treasury?

Roman Catholics (Statutory Disabilities)

asked the Home Secretary whether he will introduce a Bill, having for its purpose the repeal of all statutes which discriminate adversely against His Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects?

The Government cannot undertake to introduce legislation on this subject at present.

Will the right hon. Gentleman consider the appointment of a Committee to inquire into the disabilities which at present obtain against His Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects?

I believe there is a private Member's Bill coming on. Perhaps the hon. and learned Member will wait for that.

Bogus Night Clubs

asked the Home Secretary whether he proposes to introduce legislation to deal with bogus night clubs in London and other cities; and, if so, when this legislation will be introduced?

May I have an answer to the second part of my question, as to when legislation will be introduced?

Non-Payment of Fines (Imprisonment)

asked the Home Secretary the total number of persons committed to prison in default of a fine during the year ended 31st March, 1924?

The number was 15,261, as stated in Appendix No. 9 of the Commissioner's Annual Report.

asked the Home Secretary, seeing that in cases where use is made of Section 1 (3) of the Criminal Justice Administration Act, 1914, to place under supervision a young person who has been given time in which to pay a fine, the probation officer is entitled to bring the defendant before the Court again before he goes to prison if he fails to pay the fine, whether he will draw the attention of the magistrates to the utility of this form of procedure?

Attention has been drawn in the Second Report on the work of the Children's Branch of the Home Office to the valuable assistance which the probation officers might give if they were more freely appointed by the Courts to supervise young persons who have been given time to pay fines under Section 1 (3) of the Criminal Justice Administration Act of 1914. A copy of this Report has been sent to every Court and I will send a copy to the hon. Member. In the circumstances I do not think it necessary to issue any further circular to the Courts at present. We hope to introduce a Bill shortly dealing with probation matters.

Aliens (Sergei Lastschenko)

asked the Home Secretary whether his attention has been called to the case of Sergei Lastschenko, who has been refused permission to remain in this country after the 25th instant; whether he is aware that nothing has been alleged against this man: and whether, in view of the urgency of the case, he will grant an extension sufficient to enable the case to be carefully considered?

I have already had before me full reports on this case. Mr. Lastschenko obtained admission to this country on the 25th November last on the pretext of a visit. On the 5th instant his solicitors were informed that he could not be allowed to remain here, but that the period for which he had been admitted, namely, two months, would be extended until the 25th instant in order to enable him to make his preparations for departure., I have fully considered the case, but am not prepared to authorise the grant of any further extension.

Is the right hon. Gentleman not aware that this case comes well within the four corners of the position which he himself laid down in his speech in the House the other evening?

I have gone into it and I do not think that it does. He was given a temporary permit to come here on a visit, which he obtained by a misstatement, and the period of the visit for which permission was obtained by that misstatement has now expired.

Is the right hon. Gentleman prepared to receive further information from me on this subject?

Of course I am. I am always glad to receive any communication from, or to see, any Member of this House.

Borstal Inmates (Transfer to Prison)

asked the House Secretary whether, when a young woman is transferred from the Borstal institution to prison on account of exercising a bad influence on the other inmates of the institution, the form of transfer states that she is to serve the unexpired residue of her sentence as if she had been originally sentenced to imprisonment; and what period elapses, after transfer, before the case is reconsidered and the prisoner is informed of the result?

The practice is to commute the Borstal detention to imprisonment for the unexpired residue of the sentence. The case is further considered after a few months have been spent in prison, but the authorities of the prison would, at any time, bring to notice anything which might suggest an earlier review. The girl is informed as soon as a final decision has been reached.

In view of the uncertainty of mind of the prisoner and her relatives would it not be possible to postpone sending her to prison, except in extreme cases, until the actual term of imprisonment has been decided on?

That is a long question to answer as a Supplementary Question. We do not send them to prison from a Borstal institution unless we are in effect compelled to do so. We cannot award a shorter term in prison than the term would have been in the Borstal institution. Otherwise these inmates might make themselves nuisances in the Borstal institution in order to try to get a shorter term of imprisonment. But every possible care is taken of them in the Borstal institution, and, if they show signs of improvement, these cases are reconsidered by myself as soon as I possibly can. If the hon. Member would care to come see me about it we could have a full chat on the matter.

Summer Time

asked the Home Secretary whether agreement has yet been reached between Great Britain, France, and Belgium for the date on which Summer Time will commence; and whether he intends to support legislation for making permanent any date when decided upon?

I am not aware of any negotiations on this subject since the informal conference which took place in Paris in March last and resulted in a recommendation which was embodied in the Bill introduced by the late Government. The later part of the question therefore does not arise, but I may say that H.M. Government consider that the matter is one which should be determined by the general wishes of this House.

Can the right hon. Gentleman give any reason why we should have the same time as Belgium, which is very much east of this country?

Education

Mentally and Physically Defective Children

asked the President of the Board of Education what is the number of mentally deficient and the number of physically defective children in public elementary schools and the number in each group for whom provision is made in special schools?

As the reply to this question contains a number of figures, I will, with the hon. and gallant Member's permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL BEPORT.

Is it part of the Government policy to remove these children from ordinary public elementary schools?

Yes, as soon as provision is made for them.

The answer is as follows:

According to the returns from local education authorities for 1923 it would appear that there are, in England and Wales, about 30,000 educable mentally defective children and about 106,000 physically defective children, among whom are included about 49,000 classed as "delicate," and that of these children about 11,000 mentally defective and about 67,000 physically defective children (including about 36,500 children classified as "delicate") are attending public elementary schools. At the present time there is accommodation in special schools for 16,565 mentally defective children and for 16,608 physically defective children. For full details I would refer the hon. and gallant Member to Section VI of the Report of the Board's Chief Medical Officer for 1923.

Teachers' Pensions

asked the President of the Board of Education whether his attention has been drawn to the fact that 1,400 retired elementary teachers, all over 71 years of age, are receiving only an average pension of £40 per annum, and have received no increase of pension whatever; and whether he is prepared to consider some increase of pension, as many of these teachers are feeling the pinch of poverty very severely?

Increases of pre-war pensions to teachers have been made on the same basis and under the same Acts as increases of pension to other classes of State penisoners. The amounts of increase that can be granted under those Acts depend upon the other means possessed by the pensioners. Notice has been sent by my Department to all teacher-pensioners whose pensions might he increased under the Acts, and increases have been awarded to all such pensioners who have applied and who satisfied the statutory conditions.

What would be the total amount required to bring up these pensions to the desired figure?

Average Allowance (including Pension Increase).

Average Annuity (from Teachers own contributions).

Total.

£

s.

d.

£

s.

d.

£

s.

d.

Superannuation

6

0

0

4

10

0

64

10

0

Disablement

47

6

0

47

6

0

The highest and lowest individual amounts paid are:

Allowance.

Annuity.

Total.

£

s.

d.

£

s.

d.

£

s.

d.

Highest (including increase)

97

4

1

9

16

8

107

0

9

Lowest (not increased)

14

9

8

9

0

14

18

8

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the distinction between pre-War and post-War pensions, so far as teachers are concerned, is much more considerable than in most other cases, and, in view of the responsibility of teachers in educating the rising generation, will he take steps to secure more generous treatment?

41.

asked the President of the Board of Education how many pensions were being paid under the School Teachers' Superannuation Acts of 1898 and 1912 on 31st March, 1921, 1922, 1923, and 1924, respectively; how many were in force on 31st December, 1924, with the average amount paid, including increases under the Pensions Increase Acts of 1922 and 1924; the highest and lowest individual amounts paid; and the number receiving no benefits from these increases on 31st December, 1924?

As the reply to this question contains a number of figures, I will, with the hon. Member's permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

The answer is as follows:

The number of teachers receiving superannuation or disablement allowances under the Elementary School Teachers (Superannuation) Acts, 1898 and 1912, was:

On 31st March, 1921

5,966

On 31st March, 1922

5,616

On 31st March, 1923

5,335

On 31st March, 1923

4,925

The number of pensioners under these Acts receiving no benefits from the Pensions (Increase) Acts on the 31st December, 1924, was 1,092.

Elementary Education, Cost (Great Britain, France and Germany)

asked the President of the Board of Education what is the approximate cost per head of elementary education in Great Britain, Franco and Germany, respectively?

As the answer to this question is rather long, and includes a number of figures, I will, with the hon. Member's permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

The answer, according to the information available, is as follows:

England and Wales. —The net cost per child in average attendance in public elementary schools in England and Wales in the financial year 1923–24 was £11 5s. 9d. For details I would refer the hon. Member to Table 2 of the Board's Memorandum on the Cost per Child of Elementary Education in England and Wales, a copy of which I am sending him.' Calculated on the average number of children on the registers, the above figure would be £10 2s. 5d. per head. Owing to the difference in the system on which grants are payable, similar figures are, I understand, not available for Scotland.

France. —The total expenditure on primary education in France, within the pre-War frontiers, proposed by the Budget of 1923 amounted to 1,003,273,200 francs. This does not include any local expenditure for which no statistics are available. The number of children on the registers of public primary schools for the year 1922 was 3,697,704. The average expenditure per child on the roll was therefore 2713 francs. In France the school medical service is not financed by the State.

Germany. —There is no central education authority for Germany, nor are there any financial statistics of education for the whole of the Reich. An educational census was taken in Prussia in November, 1921, of which the results were published at the end of last year. These do not contain any financial statistics, presumably because the fluctuation in the value of the mark made financial statements valueless. Consequently no figures of expenditure on elementary education are available for any recent year. According to the figures of the previous educational census of 1911, 63 per cent. of the cost of elementary education was borne locally, 30 per cent. by the State, and the remainder was provided out of endowments, school fees and other sources. The actual sum provided by the State in that year was 127,305,580 marks. The Prussian Budget of 1924 asks for 237,872,000 marks for the elementary schools, but no figures or other information are available to show what percentage this forms of the total expendion elementary education. The number of children on the roll of Prussian primary schools in 1921 was 6,213.344.

It will be readily understood that the figures quoted do not afford anything in the nature of a reliable basis for comparison.

Rural Schools (Agricultural Training)

asked the President of the Board of Education whether he will take steps to secure some agricultural training for teachers in rural schools, and introduce agricultural subjects into the curriculum for their pupils?

With regard to the first part of the question, I will certainly bear in mind the suggestion made by the hon. Member when I have before me for consideration the Report of the Departmental Committee which is investigating the question of the training of teachers. With regard to the second part of the question, I may refer the hon. Member to the reply (of which I am sending him a copy) which I gave on 18th December last to the hon. Member for Devizes (Mr. P. Kurd). In general, I should welcome definite proposals from local education authorities on this point, and I hope they will direct their attention to it in preparing the programmes which I am asking them to draw up.

Elementary Schools (Smaller Classes)

asked the President of the Board of Education what action he is taking to ensure that classes in elementary schools shall not exceed more than 40 scholars?

As long ago as 1909 the policy of the Board was shown by Circular TOO to be moving in the direction of reducing classes to 40 children, and this policy was continued by my right hon. Friend the Member for the English Universities in the years immediately following the War. The policy was revived and stated more definitely in Circulars 1325 and 1334, issued by my predecessor in February and June, 1924, of which I am sending copies to the hon. and gallant Member. The size of classes is, in many cases conditioned by the accommodation, and the process of reducing their size must be a gradual one. I hope the local authorities will pay special attention to this matter in preparing the programmes that I am asking them to draw up, and I hope, too, that all connected with the building trade will realise how much any reduction in the size of classes depends upon the efficiency and expansion of their industry.

Has the right hon. Gentleman considered the question of varying the size of the classes according to the subject which is being taught at any particular moment?

Arising out of the right hon. Gentleman's lecture to the building trade, is there any case of any authority asking permission to build a school in which it has been found impossible to build owing to the lack of building labour?

I was not addressing myself particularly to the question of building labour, but more to the question of building materials. There are many cases all over the country in which schools have been held up in the same way as houses are.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that classes have been raised to 60 in many schools where there are class rooms empty, and teachers unemployed?

I know that there is a great deal of organisation which can be done without extra building.

Children Over Eleven

asked the President of the Board of Education (1) whether it is proposed to frame special Regulations for elementary schools educating only children above the age of 11; (2) if the Board intends to enforce the institution of definite industrial or commercial training in elementary schools which retain their pupils beyond the age of 14?

The Board's Consultative Committee are inquiring into the organisation, objective and curriculum of courses of full-time study up to the age of 15 plus, and I should prefer not to make any public statement of policy until I have received their Report.

also asked the President of the Board of Education whether he will grant a Return stating what local education authorities maintain elementary schools providing an organised course of instruction for children from the age of eleven to the age of 16, the number of such schools, and the number of pupils-attending them?

I should be very glad to make such a Return as the hon. Member desires, but before committing myself as to the precise form of the Return I should like to discuss the matter with the hon. Member.

Questions

Secretary of State for the Colonies

asked the Prime Minister whether he will consider changing the official designation of the Secretary of State for the Colonies and the Colonial Department to the Secretary of State for Imperial Affairs and the Imperial Office]

The question of some change in these designations is under my consideration.

If that suggestion were adopted, would not it mean that the Secretary of State for the Colonies would be practically the Secretary of State for affairs in this country?

That shows the necessity for having the matter under consideration.

Would the right hon. Gentleman consider the alternative proposal of having a Secretary of State for Greater Britain?

Disarmament Conference

asked the Prime Minister whether he can make any statement with regard to the proposed international disarmament Conference, which was to have been held in June of this year; whether His Majesty's Government intend to try to hold or assist at this Conference; and, if not, whether the Conference has been abandoned or only postponed?

The hon. and gallant Member no doubt refers to the conference to be convened in pursuance of Article 17 of the Geneva Protocol. Under that Article the meeting of the conference is made to depend on the Protocol having, by the 1st May of this year, been ratified by at least a majority of the permanent members of the Council and 10 other members of the League, failing which it is left to the Council to advise either adjournment of the conference to a later date or the cancelling of the invitations. Whether in fact the above condition will be found by the 1st May to have been met I am necessarily not in a position to say at present, but I ought to add that at the Rome meeting of the Council it was decided to postpone until March all discussion of matters arising out of the Protocol and that the dates for consequential discussions should be similarly adjourned.

Therefore, there is a chance of getting this disarmament conference three months afterwards, in September?

At present the position is that each item on the programme is postponed for three months.

Does that mean that the date of the ratification of the Protocol is also postponed for three months?

Cologne (Evacuation)

asked the Prime Minister whether the evacuation of Cologne will take place as soon as the German Government has fulfilled the necessary conditions as to disarmament?

The position is fully explained in the correspondence between the Allied Governments and Germany which has been published in the Press. The Allied Note of the 26th January, that is the second note, concluded with the observation that it was for Germany to fulfil her treaty obligations and thus to put the Allied Governments in a position to bring into force the restriction of the area of occupation contemplated by Article 429, the provisions of which the Allied Governments on their side were determined scrupulously to observe.

In view of the fact that there has been some discussion as to what these provisions actually mean, will the right hon. Gentleman indicate whether in his opinion they mean that the five years period has begun, and that if the disarmament proposals are carried out by Germany the evacuation will then take place?

There are obvious inconveniences, and perhaps dangers, in my commenting more fully on an Allied note. I have read the terms of the note, which seems to me to be explicit.

Is it the intention of the Allies to specify to the German Government precisely in what matters they are in default?

Perhaps the hon. and gallant Gentleman will allow me to hold the necessary communications with the Allies on the receipt of the Report, which will shortly be presented to them, before making further statements on that subject.

asked the Prime Minister whether the German Government can, by meeting British views as to disarmament, count on the immediate evacuation of Cologne, or would His Majesty's Government hold that the provisions of the Versailles Peace Treaty justified a further postponement of the evacuation?

The matter is one for decision by the Allied Governments, not by His Majesty's Government alone. For the rest I would refer the right hon. and gallant Gentleman to the replies given by the Prime Minister to the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull on the 16th February, and by me to the hon. Member for Keighley to-day.

The right hon. Gentleman has just referred to the Report which he expects shortly to receive. May I ask whether he is referring to the Report of the Inter-Allied Mission of Control presided over by General Walch, or the interpretation of that Report by the Inter-Allied Committee in Paris presided over by Marshall Foch.

I was referring at the moment to the Report that had been received from the Military Committee at Versailles, which will take into consideration at once the Report which they have received from the Inter-Allied Committee meeting in. Berlin.

I presume that the Government have already received the original Report of General Watch's Committee?

I am not quite certain whether it has yet reached London. It may have done. It is a matter of hours in any case. It has not yet reached my hands.

Kenya (Administration)

asked the Prime Minister whether the House will be given an early opportunity of discussing the British administration in Kenya?

I understand that the East African Commission, of which my hon. Friend the Parliamentary Under-Secretary for the Colonies was Chairman, is preparing a very full report on Kenya including land and native policies. It is hoped that this Report will shortly be in the hands of the Secretary of State for the Colonies and will then be laid as a Command Paper. It would be more convenient if any discussion could be deferred until this Report is available.

Can my right hon. Friend tell me whether that Report will take account of the charges which have been brought against the whole course of British administration in Kenya in a book published by Dr. Norman Lees, which is apparently an honest and well-informed contribution?

I would be much obliged if my right hon. Friend would put that down as another question. I am afraid that I cannot answer now.

Housing

Bricks (Output)

asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware that the present maximum output of bricks in this country is about 4,000,000,000 per annum; and can he say what steps, if any, the Government are taking to assist those firms desirous of increasing the output of bricks, thereby contributing to the relief of unemployment and a reduction in the cost of the article?

I am aware that the output of bricks was estimated early last year to be at about the rate mentioned. There is reason to believe that since then the rate of production has been increased considerably. With the great demand which has been experienced during the last 12 months manufacturers have increased their production in the ordinary course of their business without any special assistance from the Government. There have, however, been a number of applications to the Trade Facilities Act Advisory Committee for guarantees of loans for capital expenditure in connection with brickworks, and I understand that guarantees have been given in a number of cases.

Will the right hon. Gentleman be ready to consider applications from local authorities, where the need arises, to produce their own bricks for the State-aided cottages?

If all the bricks produced are being used, how can the right hon. Gentleman justify the argument that there is ca' canny among bricklayers?

Housing (Financial Provisions) Act, 1924

asked the Minister of Health whether he proposes to urge upon local authorities the desirability of adopting the Wheatley Housing Act?

asked the Minister of Health what steps he is taking to carry out the Housing (Financial Provisions) Act, 1924?

With the permission of the hon. Members I will answer these questions together. As the hon. Member for Don Valley was informed in reply to a question on the 11th instant, the provisions of the Housing (Financial Provisions) Act, 1924, were fully explained to local authorities in a Circular issued to them, and the Act has also received very wide notice in the Press. The question of its adoption is a matter for the local authorities, and I am leaving it to their discretion.

Will the right hon. Gentleman inform the local authorities that they can let the houses erected under the Wheatley scheme at 1s. 6d. per week less than the rent under the Chamberlain Act?

No; I cannot say that the same reduction in rent would apply to every locality. It would obviously vary from locality to locality.

Expropriation of Houses

asked the Minister of Health if he will introduce legislation to compel the local authorities to allow the removal of building material when house property is expropriated for public reasons, and to give an appeal to a court of law as to the price to be paid when there has existed on a property a mortgage to secure the portions of widows and children, or money not exceeding two-thirds of a valuation made previous to any notice of expropriation; and if cases of hardship in regard to expropriation for public purposes in Lancaster have been brought to the notice of his Department?

I have received some representations with regard to individual cases arising under the scheme to which the hon. Member refers. I will bear the suggestions of the hon. Member in mind, but I do not at present contemplate introducing legislation on this matter, as further experience of the working of the existing Act is in my opinion necessary before doing so.

National Light Castngs Association

asked the Minister of Health (1) if his attention has been directed to a circular issued by the members of the National Light Castings Association intimating an increase in the prices of baths and other materals necessary in the building of houses; and whether, in view of the already high costs of building materials, he proposes to take action;

(2) if he is aware that the members of the National Light Castings Association are offering for sale, castings used in house-building to countries outside of Great Britain at prices lower than those offered to purchasers in this country; whether he can supply a short comparative list; and what action he proposes to take to ensure that the National Light Castings Association shall sell to British house-builders on as favourable terms as to purchasers abroad?

asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware that the National Light Castings Association, which controls 90 per cent. of the British output of metal work, has increased prices on an average 11 per cent.; that these increases are unwarranted, as the increase in wages taking place from 10th March would only—justify 1¼ per cent. increase of prices; and, seeing that the competitors' prices will remain below those of the combine and that, under the latter's pooling arrangement, any member increasing output may be penalised, will he take action to protect the public interests in housing?

I will, with the hon. Members' permission, answer these three questions together, and would refer the hon. Members to the answer which I gave on the 17th instant to a question on the subject by the hon. Member for Hackney Central.

Will the right hon. Gentleman deal with the special point in the latter part of Question 76, referring to the penalty which is imposed upon any Member of that trust who increases the output? Is that being specially investigated?

The whole of the relevant matters will be investigated, I hope, by the Committee.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that by a singular coincidence the Light Castings Association issued a circular increasing the price of their material to the builders while the price of foundry pig iron was dropping? Does he propose to take any action in the matter?

The cost of foundry pig iron is not the only factor in the cost of castings.

May I suggest to the right hon. Gentleman that it represents 05 per cent. of the total cost?

Non-Brick Houses

asked the Minister of Health whether any tenders have been accepted by local authorities for Weir, Atholl, Braithwaite, and Wild houses, respectively; and, if so, to what extent the cost of these houses is less than those of brick or concrete houses?

Apart from the Wild type of house, of which there are some hundreds in course of erection in the North of England, no sufficient number of tenders for houses of these types has yet been accepted by local authorities to enable any comparison of cost as against the cost of brick houses to be made. As regards the Wild type of house, in some cases the cost is below that of comparable brick houses in the same locality and in other cases above.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say when the Atholl house will be allowed to rank for subsidy?

asked the Minister of Health what opportunities the local authorities and ratepayers of London are to have of seeing experimental types of steel houses?

I am inviting the London County Council to erect demonstration pairs of houses of each of the types recommended by the Committee on New Methods of House Construction.

asked the Minister of Health whether any local authorities and, if so, which are building Weir houses, apart from houses for demonstration purposes; and what prices are being paid for them?

I have not yet received any applications from local authorities for approval to the erection of Weir houses, but I understand that some authorities are at present considering the matter.

Has the attention of the right hon. Gentleman been called to the report that Lord Weir refused to enter into a contract with the Glasgow Corporation, such contract having a Fair Wage Clause in it?

Flats (Cubicle Rooms)

asked the Minister of Health if his attention has been drawn to the proposal to erect flats with cubicle rooms for large families; and, if so, whether he will consider the advisability of recommending them to local authorities, in view of the saving and convenience which would accrue to the workers?

I am aware that such a proposal has been made. The buildings in question may be serviceable in special cases and to a limited extent, but I doubt whether they would be advantageous for general use as family dwellings and, in the absence of further experience, I could not recommend them to local authorities for general adoption.

Subsidy (Non-Payment)

asked the Minister of Health in how many cases since the passing of the 1923 Housing Act payment of the subsidy has been refused; and whether he can give a c'assified statement of the reasons for non-payment?

I assume the hon. Member has in mind cases of individual applications for subsidy. The position under the Housing, Etc., Act, 1923, is that the local authority formulates a general scheme of subsidy to the private builder for my approval. The builder deals with the local authority and there is no record in my Department of the number of cases in which the payment of subsidy has been refused.

High Tenement Buildings (London)

asked the Minister of Health if he will consider taking steps to see that any bye-laws and/or regulations which might stand in the way of the speedy erection of unusually high tenement buildings in London could be removed or relaxed?

The height of buildings in London is regulated by the London Building Act, under which the county council have power to consent to a greater height than that fixed by the Act, and I do not think that any fresh powers are required.

Building Costs

asked the Minister of Health the increased cost of building parlour and non-parlour houses in the last complete year for which he has returns; and what proportion of such increase is due to the increase in the cost of building materials?

Taking the average prices in such contracts as have come before me the figures in January, 1925, show an increase over those of January, 1924, amounting in the case of non-parlour houses to £53 and parlour houses to £66. The increase in the cost of materials may be taken as amounting, on the average, to not more than £15 for the non-parlour or £17 for the parlour houses.

In view of the statement made by the Parliamentary Secretary yesterday that the average increase was only £5 per house, what makes up the difference?

The answer given by my hon. Friend only referred, I think, to one class of labour; but perhaps the proceedings which are going on elsewhere show how difficult it is to find out where these profits are going.

Was not the question yesterday asked in relation to all kinds of building labour?

I think the hon. Member has not taken into account that there is the cost of labour in connection with materials as well.

asked the Minister of Health what is the average cost of parlour and non-parlour houses subsidised under the provisions of the Housing Acts of 1923 and 1924; and how these costs compare with the prices which are obtained for subsidy houses when sold by private builders?

The average prices of houses included in contracts let by local authorities during last month were: £495 for parlour houses: £439 for non-parlour houses. These prices do not include the cost of land and development. Information is not available which would enable a comparison of these prices to be made with the prices of subsidy houses sold by private builders.

I do not think it is possible. The types of houses are obviously not comparable.

Building Industry (Ex-Service Men)

asked the Minister of Health whether the Ministry's scheme for the rapid training of 50,000 unemployed ex-service men in the building industry has been finally abandoned; and, if so, for what reason?

My hon. Friend presumably refers to the scheme adopted in 1921 by the employers in the building industry for training ex-service men in the building trade. The scheme failed almost completely, and no action was taken on it after 1922.

Will the right hon. Gentleman say why the scheme failed completely I Did the Government not offer to give a subsidy for the training of these men, and why did the scheme fail?

Non-Essential Building

asked the Minister of Health whether, in view of the extensive rebuilding operations in progress, especially in London, on pro party other than dwelling-houses, he will seek to re-enact Section 5 of the Housing (Additional Powers) Act, 1921, and thus give local authorities a discretionary power to prohibit non-essential building in favour of dwelling-houses?

I have considered the suggestion of the hon. and gallant Member, but I do not propose to introduce legislation on the lines indicated by him. I may, perhaps, add that the National House Building Committee appointed by my predecessor advised against any restriction of private and commercial building.

If the right hon. Gentleman cannot introduce legislation, will he make representations to the First Commissioner of Works, who is the greatest offender in respect of unnecessary building in the whole country?

Alternative Accommodation (Survey)

asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware that the chief obstacle to the demolition of slum and in sanitary areas is now the lack of alternative accommodation; and whether he will cause a survey of such possible accommodation to be commenced at once and give instructions that the survey shall encompass not only vacant houses of all types but also houses used as workshops and unoccupied institutions, as, for example, the casual ward of the Hackney Union?

Schemes for the clearance of insanitary areas provide for the, building of alternative accommodation for the rehousing of the occupants who will be displaced. Local authorities have power to acquire and adapt existing property, but the adaptation of existing buildings has usually been found to be costly and unsatisfactory, and I do not think that the advantages of a survey, such as is suggested, would be commensurate with the cost of making it.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that there is this machinery for making this survey in the Inland Revenue Land Valuation Department, and that that machinery can be used without any additional cost to the taxpayer?

I did not say there was not machinery available. What I said was that I did not think the result of the survey would be commensurate with the cost.

Concrete Blocks (Dundee)

asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware that the Corporation of Dundee, in view of the excessive unemployment of male labour and the serious housing shortage in the city, proposed to set up a plant for the manufacture of concrete blocks for housing purposes, and to employ solely men registered as unemployed at the Employment Exchange; that the Unemployment Grants Committee has declined any financial assistance upon the ground that housing is already subsidised; and if, in view of the serious unemployment and shortage of housing materials, this decision will be reconsidered?

I have been asked to reply. I am informed that the Unemployment Grants Committee intimated to the Corporation that they could not sanction a grant towards the costs of a scheme on the lines stated in the question, because such costs are part of the expenses of the housing scheme for which a housing subsidy will be payable. As the decision is based upon a general principle which governs all the operations of the Unemployment Grants Committee, T am notable to hold out any prospect that it will be reconsidered in this particular instance

Will the right hon. Gentleman say how that statement squares with the answer given by the Minister of Health to the supplementary question arising out of Question No. 53, that the Government had received no applications from local authorities to enable them to increase the output of building materials?

I shall be glad to answer that question if the hon. Member will put down a further question.

May I ask how the right hon. Gentleman's answer squares with the reply given by the Minister of Health this afternoon to the supplementary question put by my hon. Friend here on Question No. 53?

Seeing that these blocks are being provided at net cost for the housing schemes and by the employment of men from the Employment Ex- change, will not the Government reconsider the idea of agreeing to that proposal from the council, as repeatedly requested?

Have not grants been given from the Unemployment Grants Committee for local authorities to clear the ground and prepare the site for building schemes, and if it is possible to do it for that part of houses which are subsidised, is it not also possible to do it for this part?

No. I understand that if certain grants have been made for clearance of ground, preparation of site, and such like operations, they cease the moment building operations commence.

Questions

Sanitary Inspector, Windlesham

asked the Minister of Health whether he has approved of the terms of an advertisement issued by the Windlesham "Urban District Council for an inspector to discharge the duties of sanitary inspector, inspector under the Housing Acts, the Dairies, Cowsheds, and Milkshops Order, the Sale of Food and Drugs Act, meat inspector, and inspector under the Petroleum Acts; whether he is aware that the total salary offered to a fully qualified man is £200 per annum; whether this is regarded as an adequate or reasonable amount; and, if not, whether he will insist upon a bonus on the Treasury scale being paid in addition?

Yes, Sir. I have approved the appointment as I saw no grounds for regarding the salary, which was advertised as a commencing salary, as inadequate. I understand that an allowance in respect of travelling expenses is paid in addition.

Casual Wards (Devon and Dorset)

58, 91 and 92.

asked the Minister of Health (1) whether he is aware that, according to the official survey of provincial casual wards, there were, out of 18 wards open in Devonshire, four where the cleanliness was poor, five where the condition was bad generally, six where the wards were unbeated, two where the men slept with rugs only, 15 (men's wards) without pillows, and 10 (men's wards) without night clothing; will he give the names of the unions; if he will state whether, in those which gave rugs only, the men slept on the floors; whether the floors were wood, brick, stone, or concrete; whether, when night clothing was not provided, the men slept naked or in their own clothes; and how did the guardians comply with Article 7 of the Regulations of 1882;

(2) whether he is aware that the recent official survey of the provincial casual wards showed that the condition of about 93 of the wards was bad, that about 50 were totally unheated, without even a stove or open fire-place, and that the proportion of these in Devon and Dorset was one-third; that in a number of wards there were only plank beds; that in others the guardians did not give the mid-day meal as required by the Regulations of 1914; and that in some the cleanliness was poor; whether he will forthwith make inquiries as to which of these evils are still existing; whether he will publish the results, giving the names of the unions as well as of the counties where they so exist; and will he take steps to cause these evils to be remedied:

(3) whether he is aware that, according to the official survey of provincial casual wards, there were out of 18 wards open in Devonshire one where women had rugs only, seven where they had no pillows; and nine where they had no night-clothes; will he give the names of those unions; whether, when night-clothing was not provided, the women slept naked or in their own clothes; what reasons or excuses, if any, did the guardians give for disobedience of Article 7 of the Regulations of 1882; and will he arrange for a woman inspector to inspect the women's wards when the women are in bed, and to report to him the conditions of those wards?

I am aware of the defects in the casual wards in Devon and Dorset disclosed by the survey, and I am sending the hon. Member the names of the unions to which he refers and the other particulars for which he asks so far as they are available. I am glad to say that the more serious defects have been or are being remedied, and I can assure the hon. Member that I shall con- tinue to press for an improvement in the conditions of these and other casual wards.

Ministry of Health Staff (Local Authorities)

asked the Minister of Health whether messengers, clerks and officials on the staff of his Department are prohibited from running as candidates for parish councils, rural district councils, urban district councils, borough councils and county councils, or from serving as members of local authorities; and, if so, will he give the terms of the Regulation, and state why a privilege held in general by members of the Civil (Service is withheld from the staff of the Ministry of Health?

The answer to the first part of this question is in the affirmative. The general principle in the Civil Service is that members of the Service are not debarred from taking part in the activities of local authorities, provided that their official duties are not interfered with. The Ministry of Health is, however, having regard to its relations with local authorities, in a different position from that of other Departments of the State, and, for this reason, it was decided by one of my predecessors—with whose decision I entirely concur—that it was undesirable for the officials of this Ministry to serve on local authorities, and that, if an official is elected, he must choose between resigning his appointment in the Ministry and remaining a member of the local authority.

Maternity Homes

asked the Minister of Health whether he has received from local authorities or others representations in favour of extending to local supervising authorities power to inspect and supervise all maternity homes within their area; and, if so, what action he proposes to take in the matter?

I would refer my hon. Friend to the answer given on the 17th December on this subject to the hon. Member for the Attercliffe Division (Mr. Cecil Wilson) and the hon. Member for East Ham South Division (Mr. Barnes).

asked the Minister of Health whether he is prepared to take such action as may be necessary to confer powers upon local supervising authorities to inspect and supervise all maternity homes within their area?

I would refer my hon. and gallant Friend to the answer given on the 17th December on this subject to the hon. Members for Attercliffe (Mr. Cecil Wilson) and East Ham South (Mr. Barnes).

Union Accounts (Audit)

asked the Minister of Health whether he has received any representations from boards of guardians in favour of a reversion to the half-yearly audit of union accounts; and, if so, what action he proposes to take in the matter?

A certain number of boards of guardians have passed resolutions in favour of a return to the system of half-yearly audits; but the change from half-yearly to yearly audits was made by Parliament as recently as 1922, mainly in consequence of representations received from the Poor Law authorities themselves, and I see no sufficient, reason for a reversion to the old system.

Blind Teachers

asked the Minister of Health if he is aware that a number of blind teachers have recently been dismissed by the associations for the blind in London and Middlesex and their places taken by sighted visitors; whether he can state the length of service given by these blind teachers; and whether any pension or compensation has been granted to them?

I am aware that several blind teachers have not been taken over by the associations referred to, which are acting as the agents of the respective county councils in this matter. I am not in a position to state the length of service given by these teachers. As regards the last part of the question, I am informed that the former employers of the teachers are compensating those who are past work, and are arranging for the training and employment of those who are still able to work.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that some of these blind teachers have been dismissed after 20 years' service, and the compensation awarded is a temporary grant of £1 a week for a period of months; and does he consider that adequate compensation for a man who has given 20 years of his life to this teaching?

I am not aware of the actual amount of compensation. If the hon. Member sends me particulars of any case in which he is interested, I shall look into it.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that a committee representing these blind men, and set up by themselves, has expressed itself as entirely satisfied with the arrangements come to by the authorities mentioned.

Vaccination (Exemption)

asked the Minister of Health the number of children on behalf of whom exemption from vaccination was claimed during the year 1924; and how-many of those claims were allowed?

The last year for which particulars are at present available is 1923. During that year statutory declarations of conscientious objection to vaccination were received by vaccination officers in respect of 284,551 children. I have no information as to the number, if any, of statutory declarations which were not accepted because they did not comply with the statute or were otherwise invalid.

Business of the House

Will the Prime Minister be good enough to tell us what business he proposes to take next week?

Monday, further consideration of Supplementary Estimates in Committee and on Report.

Tuesday and Wednesday, until 8.15p.m., further stages of Trade Facilities Bill, War Charges (Validity) Bill, Northern Ireland Money Report, and other Orders on the Paper.

Thursday, we shall move Mr. Speaker out of the Chair on Air Estimates, and consider Votes A and Nos. 1 to 4 in Committee.

Will the right hon. Gentleman say how many Orders on the Paper he expects to get to-day?

Oh, I do not expect anything. [An HON. MEMBER: "Then you will not be disappointed."]

Is it settled yet, or can we have an indication, when the Wireless Telegraphy Bill will be introduced?

I am afraid I cannot say.

Ordered,

"That other Government Business have precedence this day of the Business of Supply."—[ The Prime, Minister. ]

Private Business (London Electricity Bills)

May I ask, Mr. Speaker, what the procedure will be on the discussion of the London Electricity Bills (No. 2) and (No. 1), which are set down for consideration to-day at 8.15?

There are four Bills set down on the Paper to-day for 8.15. I have looked at the Bills, and find that the first two cover exactly the same point, although different areas, but that the third and fourth Bills raise different issues. I have consulted with the hon. Members whose names appear to the various Motions standing on the Paper, and am prepared somewhat to relax the ordinary rule, which would debar them from moving the Motion that I understand it is their desire to move, if it can be understood that the proceedings on the first Bill will be taken as covering the second one at the same time. If that understanding be come to, other time will have to be found for the third and fourth Bills should they not be reached to-night. I understand that that is agreeable to the parties interested. "HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"]

PERFORMING ANIMALS (No. 2) BILL,

"to regulate the exhibition and training of Performing Animals," presented by Brigadier-General COCKERILL; supported by Captain Bowyer, Major Clifton Brown, Sir Walter de Frece, Captain Arthur Evans, Sir Sydney Henn, Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy, Sir Robert Newman, Lieut.-Colonel Pownall, Mr. Trevelyan Thomson, and Mr. Wignall; to be read a Second time upon Tuesday next, and to be printed. [Bill 70.]

Selection

Chairmen's Panel

Mr. WILLIAM NICHOLSON reported from the Chairmen's Panel; That they had come to the following Resolutions, which they had directed him to report to the House:

"That any member of the Chairmen's Panel may and he is hereby empowered to ask any other member of the Chairmen's Panel to take his place temporarily in case of necessity."

"That, in the absence of the Chairman of the Chairmen's Panel, the Panel may be convened at the request of any two members of the Panel."

"That where, on two successive sittings of a Standing Committee called for the consideration of a particular Bill, the Committee has to be adjourned by reason of the absence of a quorum within the first twenty minutes of the time for which the said Committee was summoned, the Chairman do instruct the Clerk to place the particular Bill at the bottom of the list of Bills then waiting consideration of that Committee and that the Committee shall forthwith be convened to consider the other Bill or Bills then waiting."

"That it is the undoubted and established right of the Chairman who is appointed to a Standing Committee for the consideration of a particular Bill to name the day and hour on which the consideration of the Bill shall begin."

Mr. WILLIAM NICHOLSON further reported from the Chairmen's Panel:

"That they had appointed Mr. Samuel Roberts to act as Chairman of Standing Committee A (in respect of the Agricultural Rates (Additional Grant) Continuance Bill); and Sir Cyril Cobb to act as Chairman of the Standing Committee on Scottish Bills (in respect of the Church of Scotland (Property and Endowments) Bill)."

Reports to lie upon the Table.

Scottish Standing Committee

Mr. WILLIAM NICHOLSON reported from the Committee of Selection, "That they had discharged the following Member from the Standing Committee on Scottish Bills (added in respect of the Church of Scotland (Property and Endowments) Bill): Mr. Morgan Jones; and had appointed in substitution: Mr. Snell."

Report to lie upon the Table.

Orders of the Day

Anglo-Italian Treaty (East African Territories) Bill

Considered in Committee.

[Mr. JAMES HOPE in the Chair.]

CLAUSE 1.—(Assent to Treaty.)

I beg to move, in page 1, line 14, after the word "and," to insert the words "after submission to the Legislative Council of Kenya Colony."

I understand it will not be possible to raise any Amendments in Committee on the Articles in the Treaty, which is the subject of this Bill, and, therefore, this Amendment has been put upon the Order Paper with the object of making it possible to ask the Secretary of State a few questions—in fact, to repeat certain questions which I put to him on the Second Heading of the Bill, and which were, perhaps, insufficiently answered, partly because of the lateness of the hour, and partly, perhaps, because I did not warn him beforehand of these questions. Turning to the Treaty itself, which is the subject of the Schedule, I should like to ask him in relation to Article Xo. 3 whether the cancellation by the Italian Government under this Treaty of the Treaty of Commerce between Italy and Zanzibar of the 23rd May, 1885, will leave any other nationalities in Zanzibar with special privileges or concessions, or is it the case that, if this Treaty goes through, all other nationalities will remain on precisely the same conditions, that is to say, the conditions awarded to the Italians of equality with our own subjects. This is a matter of considerable importance, because in the recent history of Africa we have had many cases where it has been made very difficult for the British Government to clear up a situation owing to the agreements separately entered into by different nationalities with local potentates, and, looking to the future, it may be that we have in Zanzibar, as in previous cases in Africa, causes of difficulty in arriving at a complete settlement that may lead us to clear up the local situation. Again, in regard to Article 4, I would like to repeat the question I put to the Secretary of State, and to ask him whether it is the case that the annual tribute or payment of £1,000 a year, which is to be paid to the Sultan of Zanzibar by the Italian Government under this Treaty, is to form a deduction from the tribute of £10,000 which we presently pay to the Sultan, or is it outside that sum of money?

If the hon. Member is going to discuss anything beyond the question of submission to the Legislative Council of Kenya Colony, that should come on the question, "That the Clause stand part of the Bill." But if he is going to keep his argument to the Kenya Colony, he will be in order.

I was going to show how, in my opinion, it is necessary that this particular Bill should, at some stage, to submitted to the Legislative Council of Kenya. There is a very clear stipulation in the Treaty that the Italian Government can commute the annual payment of £1,000 by a capital payment down of £25,000, and I should like to know whether, if the Italian Government decides to make the capital payment, all the rights of the Sultan of Zanzibar are extinguished by the commuted payment. In that case, I should also like to know whether we cannot, for our part, make a similar capital payment of the equivalent sum for the remaining portion of £9,000, and so extinguish the rights of the Sultan of Zanzibar on the mainland. I put down the Amendment in the form it is, because it seems to me there is a very interesting question involved in the passing of this Bill. I should like to know at what stage in the history of a Colony, from its status as a Crown Colony, ruled by Downing Street, and supported by Grants-in-Aid from the House of Commons, right up to the point at which it becomes a self-governing Dominion, a Colony acquires the right of being consulted with regard to the disposal of its property.

I raise this question, because it has been the subject of considerable discussion in the Colony and the Colonial Papers. Claims have been made that something should be given to Kenya for depriving her of so-called potential assets, and suggestions have been made that part of the Kilimanjaro area of Tanganyika should be taken away from that country and given in exchange for Jubaland to Kenya. I do not support those claims, but I think they should be considered. Kenya for at least four or five years has been an independent colony from the financial point of view, and so long ago as four years the Government of this country authorised Kenya to raise a public loan in London for £5,000,000 on the guarantee of its own revenue. It seems to me that in this particular case it is perfectly clear that this piece of Kenya Colony ought not to be cut off from the Colony without first obtaining the consent—of which I think there is no doubt whatever that it would be granted—of the Colony that is interested in this matter. It is for that reason I beg to move this Amendment.

4.0 P.M.

I desire to add a few words to the remarks that have been made by the hon. Member for Blackburn (Sir S. Henn). The Committee will remember at the time the Second Reading of the Bill was before the House, the proceedings were rather hurried, and the Secretary of State for the Colonies had very small opportunity to make an effective reply to the various questions that were put to him. It occurs to me that when we are haggling about big slices of Africa and matters of compensation to a European Power, and African territory is being used as a pawn] in European politics, we ought to regard with a very critical eye what is being done. In the present instance, the first question we have to ask ourselves is, from whom does the equitable compensation come I Now the equitable compensation—I am quoting the words of the Secretary of State—comes partly from the territory of Great Britain, that is the Colony of Kenya, and partly from the territory of the Sultan of Zanzibar, which is under our Protectorate. The Committee are no doubt aware that an area of 10 miles, I think, round the town of Kismaya is the Sultan's territory, in which the Sultan's flag flies, and which is' under the Protectorate of Great Britain. The islands of Zanzibar and Pemba are equally under the flag of the Sultan and under the Protectorate of Great Britain, but the administration of the area on the coast is entirely separate and apart from the administration of the islands of Zanzibar and Pemba, At the time the Sultan originally gave the concession, on which our rule of that part of the coast of Africa is founded, he asserted, and he has always subsequently asserted, the right to keep his flag flying in that part. It is true that his mainland dominions have been entrusted entirely to British administration, but subject always, as I say, to the condition that his flag should be kept flying. Under this Treaty that particular area in Kismayu is being handed over to the Italian Government, I must confess that I find it still somewhat difficult to understand how it is that the Sultan was not made a party to this Treaty. Hero is a Treaty between Great Britain and Italy by which a portion of his possessions are given away.

The remarks of the hon. Gentleman will be more relevant to the Question, "That the Clause stand part of the Bill." The present Question is whether the assent of the governing Council of Kenya Colony should be obtained or, at any rate, whether the matter should to submitted to them.

I do not wish to go into it too deeply, but I am leading up to that particular point. A portion of the territory of the Sultan is being given away by this Treaty. The Secretary of State, on the Second Reading of the Bill, said that it was being done with his concurrence. I may say that I have bad information that the Sultan has protested. I should like some assurance from the Secretary of State whether the Sultan did or did not protest. I can quite under stand that he may have had some ground for protesting, seeing that the £1,000 a year which is the price to be paid to him for handing over this territory is to be paid by Italy in future—I do not know whether it is to be in lira or not—instead of by Great Britain; and, added to that, is the fact that his flag is to be hauled down. Article 6 and Article 7 of the Treaty deal with the nationalities of persons who are in the area that is to be handed over and their rights to property. I agree that attempts to consult the natives of areas in Africa as to whether they wish to be handed to one Power or another are apt to be somewhat illusory; but—and this is the main point—the whole of the responsibility for these people and for their rights at present rests with the Governor and Legislative Council of the Colony of Kenya, and I agree most heartily with, the hon. Member for Blackburn (Sir S. Henn) that a point of very considerable importance is here involved. I do not intend to argue for a moment that a Treaty of this kind cannot be made without consulting the Governor and Legislative Council or governing body of the Colony, but I do suggest, though it is a Crown Colony, that it is of very considerable importance that the authoritative governing body of that Colony should be consulted when matters of this sort are about to be dealt with. If mistakes are apt to be made when transfers such as this are made in the capitals of the European countries concerned, those mistakes would be more likely to be guarded against supposing a Treaty of this nature were in the first instance submitted to the Legislative Council of the Colony itself. Procedure of that sort could only lead to an increased sense of responsibility in the local Legislative Councils. We desire that the local councils in all our Colonies should always proceed with the very fullest sense of responsibility, and they should, I think, always be treated on our part with the very fullest confidence. I do not wish to detain the Committee longer. I think the point has been sufficiently placed before it, and I can only say that, had this procedure been adopted, the necessity for this discussion might not have arisen.

I desire to put a question or two to the representative of the Government who presumably will reply to the discussion. Article 4 of this proposed Treaty specifies that the Sultan of Zanzibar is to receive an annuity of £1,000 per annum, which, according to the hon. Member opposite (Sir S. Henn) who introduced the discussion, will be deducted from the £10,000 annuity which I understand the British Government at present pay to the Sultan. Further on in the same Article we are informed that the Italian Government shall be entitled at any time to commute, by one lump sum payment, this £1,000 annuity for £25,000. Evidently the annuity which the Sultan of Zanzibar enjoys is valued at 25 years' purchase, and, if the annuity of £9,000 which we still have to pay the Sultan of Zanzibar is valued at 25 years' purchase, then, so far as I can see, we are liable sooner or later for a lump sum payment of no less than £225,000. I think we ought to have some information from the Government as to what we get in return for this annual sum, and for this huge potential capital liability which sooner or later we may have to meet. This discussion, so far as it has gone, has rested entirely upon a proposal made that the Governor and Legislative Council of the Colony of Kenya should be consulted before this Treaty is ratified. That is a very reasonable proposition. If we are going to have an Empire at all, the sooner we apply the principle of devolution in these matters, at least so far as their principle can be applied by consultation with our Colonies, the better for everybody concerned. But if we are going to consult the Governor and Legislative Council of Kenya, I should like to know how far the native population is going to be consulted. I see in Article 6, for example, that

"Such persons, not being Somalia, or belonging to the native races of the area transferred, shall have the right to retain their existing nationality on condition that they withdraw from the transferred territory within twelve months from the coming into force of the present Convention."

We ought to have the fullest possible information from the Government as to what precisely that means. How far has the existing population in Kenya been consulted, how far have their rights and privileges been preserved, and have the Government any intention whatever of seeing that the native population, the existing population in Kenya, whether through the Governor-General or otherwise, shall be in the fullest possible manner consulted before this Convention is ratified?

I am glad that this Amendment has given me an opportunity, which I am afraid I 'was unable to enjoy fully before Christmas, of answering the questions which my hon. Friend the Member for Blackburn (Sir S. Henn) and my hon. Friend the Member for Orkney and Shetland (Sir R. Hamilton) have raised. The main question, of course, is whether this act of cession should have been submitted in the first instance to the Council of the Crown Colony of Kenya. I think the Committee will realise that if the action of the British Government in its relation to foreign nations had to depend, not only upon that concurrence of the great Dominions which is now an established part of our international political system but also upon the consent of any Crown Colony which might be affected, the position really would be impossible. I know that my hon. Friend the Member for Blackburn did suggest, when he raised this matter before—and I apologise to him for not having answered his point at the end of the evening—that there was in the Crown Colony of Kenya a community with a considerable sense of growing political status. That is perfectly true, but I think it is quite impossible that you should conduct these matters, from the point of view of foreigners, with regard to remote possibilities of self-government.

After all, it was laid down in the White Paper of July, 1923, as the general policy of His Majesty's Government with regard to Kenya—and it was made quite clear—that "His Majesty's Government cannot but regard the grant of responsible self-government as out of the question within any period of time that need now be taken into consideration," I think anybody who has dealt with the very complex affairs of Kenya—native problems and other matters—would not differ from that conclusion, at any rate as regards the near future. Of course, if it were a mutter of self-government due to come in a few months' time, it would be another thing. In that case, it is not a matter of constitutional theory, but of practical good sense which would govern our action. This is a case where, I think, eventual self-government does not enter into consideration. I might also add that, if it did come into consideration, it would by no means follow that the area of self-government for which the present colonists in the highlands of Kenya may become responsible would necessarily be exactly coterminous with the present area of Kenya Colony, or that this particular strip of territory would enter into consideration at all. Therefore, I do not think it is in any sense a derogation on the part of His Majesty's Government of what they realise is due to the enterprising and vigorous British community in Kenya Colony, or to their legitimate aspirations for the future, that this particular matter should not have been formally submitted for their consent. The whole matter is, however, one which has been one of common knowledge for some years, and I need hardly add that the various stages of the international negotiations have been communicated by the Foreign Office to the Colonial Office and to the Government of Kenya. The parties have been kept closely in touch, so that any special interest in Kenya could have been raised, and, of course, there has been no question gravely affecting the interests of the Crown Colony. I think really I have given a sufficient answer to my hon. Friend to make it quite clear that we are certainly not violating or doing any injury to the present or prospective rights of any community in the Empire, that we have kept in view all the interests affected. As regards the other points raised by the hon. Member, T do not know whether you, Mr. Hope, will allow me to touch upon them, as I am not sure that they come strictly within the scope of the Amendment.

Obviously they are matters of importance and of propinquity to the Government of Kenya; under those circumstances, I think the right hon. Gentleman is entitled to deal with them.

I am glad that you allow me to deal with these points. As regards the position of the Government of Zanzibar, that Government has made known formally its concurrence and consent. It was possibly owing to an oversight that at the last stage of the negotiations with the Italian Government they were not brought into the discussion, but the oversight has not in any way, I think, affected the dignity or the position of the Zanzibar Government; if it had I should have regretted it. As regards the financial position which the hon. Member for Blackburn (Sir S. Henn) raised, let me say that the £1,000 per year is in subtraction from the sum of £11,000 a year paid at present by Kenya. Therefore, in future Kenya colony will pay £10,000 and not £11,000. My hon. Friend asked whether, if Italy commuted the £26,000, the political rights of Zanzibar would be extinguished. If he will look at the first paragraph in Article 4, he will see that they are extinguished straightaway by the Treaty, and that the £1,000 a year is "an indemnity which shall in no wise represent a tribute implying any survival of sovereignty." The extinction of the Zanzibar sovereignty takes place immediately on the completion of the Treaty.

The position in this respect is parallel in every way to what took place when Italian sovereignty displaced Zanzibar sovereignty in what is now Italian Somaliland, when that matter was settled by the Treaty of 1895 by a payment of £144,000. 'The hon. Gentleman also asked whether Kenya itself could commute its tribute of £10,000 a year for a capital sum. No arrangement, has been made and no discussion has been initiated, but it is always conceivable that the matter might be raised. Still, under present circumstances, as the Government of Kenya and the Government of Zanzibar are working together in perfect accord, we see no immediate advantage in raising a matter which, after all, to some extent had better be left in its present position, seeing it does not affect the dignity of the Sultan of Zanzibar. I might add, however, that the tribute is not tribute to His Highness's personal revenue, but is to State funds to be used for State purposes. Then the hon. Member for Blackburn raised the further point in connection with this cession, whether the abolition of the Zanzibar-Italian Treaty of 1885 will leave any one nation in a more favoured position than any other nation. The answer to that is that under the Treaty of St. Germain, which superseded the Berlin and Brussels Conventions, all the Powers are in a position of absolute equality in Zanzibar, except that there are certain small rights which France still enjoys under the Treaty of 1844.

I am afraid I could not tell offhand the details, but they are minor matters, some of them raising occasionally some small controversy between the French and ourselves—landing rights, and certain other matters—but they are not matters which are of very great consequence. The hon. Member for Dundee (Mr. Johnston) raised a question which he is, I think, fully entitled to raise as complementary to the point raised by the hon. Member for Blackburn, namely, whether the native races had been consulted, and how far native opinion had been or would be taken into account? I think the Committee will realise that any attempt to consult the native tribes remote from the area immediately affected would be no easy task, and possibly inconclusive. In the case of the native tribes in the immediate area there are some 15,000 or 16,000—which is the whole population of the area—of nomad Somalis who wander about between the river and the water-holes in the country districts, which are for a short time pasture lands and for a good part of the year desert. It is quite impossible to arrive at any form of political judgment from these people. What has been done is that very great care has been taken in fixing the boundary to take into account their tribal interests, so as to leave the water-holes of the tribes and the grazing lands accessible, and to make sure that the change of sovereignty shall not affect their rights and conditions of living. There is no question of a number of officials of one nationality being displaced by those of another. The area in question is in no sense closely administered, and I think there is every reason to suppose that the life of the Somali population will go on after the cession exactly as it has gone on before. The real practical effect of the change is to enable Italy to control the whole of the Juba waters so as to make full economic use of the possibilities there. The further concession of the territory west of the river was really made in order not to debar the natives who live backward and forward between the Juba river and the waters of the interior from their access to the river, while giving Italy full control in the river bed itself.

Article 6 says:

"British-protected persons and British subjects … will acquire Italian nationality, and cease to be British-protected persons respectively … provided, however, that such persons … shall have the right to retain their existing nationality on condition that they withdraw from the transferred territory within 12 months from the coming into force of the present Convention."

This is not. a question of wandering tribes. It is a question of British subjects, definitely recognised as such. Have these people been consulted?

was understood to say that this had reference mainly to British traders in Kismayu who would have the option either of changing their nationality or of coming hack to British territory. They would get all the ordinary facilities as British subjects in the community.

There is no liability of the British Government. At present the colony of Kenya administers the coast-line strip and pays to the State of Zanzibar £11,000 a year for that concession. Of course, the general value of that administration of the coastal territory amounts to a good deal more than £11,000. In future Kenya will pay £10,000 and the other £1,000 will be paid by Italy.

Under the Treaty there is an obligation on Great Britain in this respect, but the payment is made by Kenya Colony which administers the territory.

Amendment negatived.

Motion made, and Question proposed. "That the Clause stand part of the Bill."

While these suggestions and queries which the Committee have listened to are quits reasonable in themselves, nevertheless I am very glad to see that the hon. Member for Blackburn has not pressed his Amendment. It seems to me that this Treaty, which we are now called upon to ratify, is the liquidation of a debt the discharge of which has already been too long delayed. The more we consider the historic circumstances which lie behind this Jubaland Treaty the less we shall be inclined to apply the critical microscope to its details. This Treaty is the direct consequence of the Pact of London of 26th April, 1915, under which Italy threw in her lot with the Allied cause in the Great War. It is perfectly true that the Pact of London has been violently criticised on both sides of the Atlantic. It has been criticised, in the first place, as a secret Treaty, and it has been criticised, also, as involving the transfer, without their consent, from one allegiance to another, of various peoples in violence of the principle of self-determination which the Allies sub- sequently decided to adopt, I do not desire to discuss the merits of that Treaty—it would hardly be in order to do so here—but I will say this, that anybody who considers the situation of the Allied cause in the spring of 1915, and realises the difficulties which confronted the British Government at that time, will, I think, come to the conclusion that our Government had no option but to accept the terms which the Italian Government required. If we consider the question from the Italian point of view, if we remember that the Italian statesmen were then coming to the conclusion that they must bring a divided and perplexed nation into a dangerous war, then I think we shall be the less inclined to criticise the terms which they decided to ask. They asked for a strong northern frontier; they asked for a safer Adriatic.

I think the right hon. Gentleman is giving an extension to this Debate which is hardly in order. It would be perfectly in order to show that something which was done at that time was necessary, but he can hardly argue the merits of the Treaty of 1915, except to show that it has a close connection with this Treaty.

The point of my argument was that Italy had already paid the price of this Treaty. The hon. Member for Dundee (Mr. T. Johnston) asked us what price we were to get for this alleged sacrifice. The point of my argument is that we have entered into a, bargain with Italy, that Italy has paid her price, that Italy has done her share, and that it now devolves upon Great Britain to do hers in return. I think there is some force in the contention which is commonly alleged in Italy, and which is to some extent substantiated by what has happened in this Debate, that the sacrifices of the Italian nation in the Great War have been insufficiently appreciated north of the Alps. We have to remember that Italy, by no means obliged to take sides in the War, threw her weight into the Allied scale, that she lost more than half a million of dead, that more than a million of her people were wounded, and that she contracted a crippling debt of £2,000,000,000 I think it is also pertinent, if we are to put this Treaty into its just context, to realise that Italy has obtained a very small part of what was promised under the Pact of London. She was promised under the Pact of London the Province of Dalmatia and all the islands north and west of Dalmatia, and she has not, for reasons which I fully appreciate, received those islands. She was promised the neutralisation of all the great East Adriatic ports. None of them have been neutralised. She was promised the great province of Adalia, and that promise, again, has disappeared.

The only colonial promise contained in the Pact of London which will be made good relates to this miserable strip of scorching African territory which, under the terms of this Treaty, is to be transferred to Italy. I venture to think this House would ill-consult its dignity or its debt to a great Ally if it were to regard this transaction in a niggling or grudging sense. Italy is an old friend of Great Britain. We in this country sympathised with the great movement for Italian unity. I shall never forget the impression I received when travelling as a young man in Italy when I found how the name of Gladstone was revered by the peasantry and the fishermen in many parts of the country. I venture to hope that his Treaty, which closes a period of very difficult diplomacy, may open another period, during which the Italian and the British nations may march together in concord and in the spirit of mutual forbearance and sympathy.

I cannot allow the remarks of the right hon. Gentleman who has just spoken to pass without some word of dissent. The idea that because Italy assisted this country, and the Allies generally, in the Great War she must, in 1925, have this strip of desert land handed to her as part and deferred payment for her services is, in my opinion, and I think in the opinion of those who care to examine the matter carefully, placing Italy in a position which is the very reverse of that which the right hon. Gentleman the Member for- the English Universities (Mr. Fisher) tried to show her to be in. I am not concerned about the promises made. Quite a lot of promises were made that have not been kept, some of them being promises for which the right hon. Gentleman was partly responsible. They were promises to people much nearer home than Italy. I submit that the suggestion made by the right hon. Gentleman does not put Italy in that high and exalted position he made her appear to occupy. With me, if it were a question of the honour of another country, I should look upon a country as showing its honour and its idea of high sacrifice by not asking anything for the services it might render; but according to this Treaty and according to the right hon. Gentleman Italy is exacting at least a part of the price she contracted for when she was "delivering the goods" during the Great War. I object very strongly to any Government in this country taking it for granted that where the inhabitants are ordinary natives who have little education they are to have no rights of consultation, and that we as a nation have a right to hand over people who are under the British flag just as we please—to transfer them from British nationality to Italian nationality, or American nationality, or any other nationality without their wishes or desires being consulted at all. One of the reasons why the many promises, the lavish promises, made in the 1915 secret treaty were not fulfilled was, I submit, because had they been fulfilled, or had an attempt been made to fulfil them, we should have had the whole of that part of Europe, mentioned by the right hon. Gentleman a seething cauldron, and it would have taken many years to calm it down. Italy is now asking and obtaining some part of the world, some part of British territory, which the British Government thinks it can hand over without any terms being made with the natives and without any future complications arising with them.

There is just this other point. If this Government considers that the object of transferring this territory is to placate Italy, is to place Italy in a position of greater friendship with this country, I submit that a mere handing over of a strip of territory of this character is not going either to bring about friendship or cement friendship more strongly. I object to the Government handing this territory to Italy as a bribe for something which may have been done. If it is being handed over, as the right hon. Gentleman suggests, in redemption of a pledge given, then I think it is high time this Government redeemed a great many of the pledges which many Members of it-were responsible for giving to the people of this country. While those pledges to Britains living in the United Kingdom remain unfulfilled I, for one, fail to see why a pledge to a foreign Government should be kept by this or by any Government that may have preceded it.

Question, "That the Clause stand part of the Bill," put, and agreed to.

Clause 2 ( Short Title ) ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Schedule

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this be the Schedule of the Bill."

The hon. Member may ask a question as to the meaning of words in the Schedule.

Question put, and agreed to.

Preamble agreed to.

Bill reported, without Amendment.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read the Third time."

I only want to ask a few questions on the Treaty. In the first place, I take it the Treaty will be registered forthwith with the League of Nations. The second point is that this portion of territory with 17,000 inhabitants is not apparently of very great value from the trading point of view. My hon. Friend beside me (Sir R. Hamilton), who knows this district, has given me some figures about the trade. The trade is not very great, but the territory is capable of development by means of irrigation on the Juba river, and it is suitable for cotton growing and other cultivation. What I want to ask is whether we have any arrangements, any understanding—I cannot see it in the Schedule—with regard to any trading rights once this territory is handed over. It is true that the question of concessions is dealt with, but there is no mention of trading right. Are our traders going to enjoy equal rights with Italian subjects in this area? If it had been a mandated area, there would have been equal trading rights to all nationalities, but that is not so. This is simply an act of cession, and I would like to know whether that matter is being considered by the Government. If not, I suggest that before the Bill receives the final Royal Assent the matter might possibly be reopened, and the Italian Government might give us an assurance as regards these trading rights in the future.

I believe the last speaker stated that property rights had been adequately and satisfactorily protected in this Bill, but that is just the point which is not quite clear to me, despite the answers already given by the Secretary of State for the Colonies. We have been informed by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for the English Universities (Mr. Fisher) that the sole reason for this Bill was that it was an obligation undertaken at the time of the Pact of London. This is Italy's payment for entering the War. Take an imaginative parallel and suppose we were going to pay Ireland for entering into the War and we were going to pay her by transferring the territory and population of Wales. I merely use this illustration because of its geographical contiguity to the Irish Free State, and also because of certain national characteristics which the two races have. Let us suppose that we were passing a Treaty in this House to consummate such an arrangement, and suppose there were Clauses like Article 6 in this Treaty in the Treaty declaring that the transferred British subjects who were transferred from the territory of Wales to Ireland had not been consulted, were not to be consulted, and that they could only retain British nationality on condition that they cleared out of that territory within 12 months. Suppose, further, that the only concessions to be given were that there should be no export duties on their moveable property when clearing out and that there should be no import duties on their moveable property when they were going into Ireland. Let us also suppose in this case that there was to be no compensation to be given to them, and that they might retain the ownership of their fixed property in the territory they left behind them. All this is set forth in the last paragraph but one of Article 6.

But what kind of ownership of fixed property is a man going to have who is compelled to clear out of the territory altogether and move his property? What kind of ownership is that worth in Zanzibar? I think we are entitled to have from the Colonial Secretary a much fuller explanation of how these British subjects are to be treated. It is quite clear that they have not been consulted. It is clear also from what the right hon. Gentleman has already said that they are not going to be consulted, and we are to take it that it is the policy of the Conservative Government to take away the property of British subjects without compensation and without consulting them at all, and at the same time we decry another Government in Europe which is alleged to have applied the same principle to its nationals.

I think the hon. Member will see that this merely refers to certain very limited cases. British subjects generally who may happen to reside in Somaliland can stay on and retain their British nationality as long as they choose. It only refers to certain protected persons who became such by the annexation of Kenya Colony, certain Somalis, Arabs and certain other natives of Kenya. These are quite limited exceptions. In these cases there might be some inconvenience if they remained and refused to become Italian subjects. But this only deals with a small section of the people—I do not suppose they number many scores.

With regard to what has been said by the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy) I can assure him entirely on the question of trade and other economic rights of British or other subjects in the area ceded to Italy in case there is any great development of irrigation. That area comes within the "International Basin of the Congo," and therefore under the Berlin and Brussels Acts and the Treaty of St. Germain, and there can be no discrimination as regards that nationality. With regard to the other question I have no hesitation in assuring the hon. and gallant Member that as soon as the Treaty is ratified we shall take steps to see that it is registered with the League of Nations.

Question, "That the Bill be now read the Third time," put, and agreed to.

Bill read the Third time, and passed.

Northern Ireland Land Bill

Order read for resuming adjourned Debate on Question [18 th December ], "That the Bill be now read a Second time."

Question again proposed.

I do not rise to ask the House to oppose the Second Heading. In the first place, hon. Members must be aware that this is not by any means a universally agreed Measure, and I am afraid, although I do not profess to have any knowledge of the locality, that a very large number of the persons affected very strenuously object to the terms of this Bill. I am not going into the intricacies of the calculations, but I presume these people can have their claims brought forward during the Committee stage with regard to any possible alteration of the terms. At this stage we are really only properly concerned with the general principle of this Measure, and in so far as this Bill is merely the completion of the main arrangements certainly that is not a policy which I have any desire to oppose or criticise. It does seem to me to be rather serious that this purchase is to be compulsorily imposed upon all those tenants and their landlords. A large number of people are discontented with the terms. There happens to be a special point about those terms which raises a certain political difficulty. As I understand it, these unfortunate tenants are going to be compulsorily converted into owners upon conditions of which they themselves dis- approve and which will be less advantageous than corresponding tenants in the Irish Free State have already obtained. I do not know that it will be satisfactory to the tenants in the Northern province to have worse terms than have been given to the tenants in the Irish Free State, but I suppose there is some political reason. I wish to say, however, that I do not object to the general policy nor do I object to the specific action which we have to take in this Bill in authorising the British Government to guarantee bonds to the extent of £8,000,000 or £9,000,000 which will have to be created by the Northern Province

5.0 P.M.

The Treasury, when I knew it, was very much averse to extending the use of British credit to any part of the British Empire, and it always refused to back the loans of any of the Colonies or Dominions or municipalities, and the result was that some of these Colonies, and other parts of the British Empire, had to raise their loans on very onerous terms. I remember the case of one Colony where the British Government would not back the bill with the result that the Colony had to pay no less than 7 per cent. at a time when the British Government was borrowing at a rate under 4 per cent. So strong was the Treasury on this subject that they actually compelled the Colonies and Dominions to borrow on such terms as they could rather than extend the practice of guaranteeing their loans by British credit. I think the policy of the Treasury was wrong on that point. I am not, however, going to object on the ground that we are departing from that policy and asking the House to extend British credit to these bonds in the case of the Northern Province in order to enable this money to be borrowed at so low a rate as 4½ per cent., or to enable the 4½ per cent. security to maintain a par value in the market, I should like, however, to point out that there have only been one or two cases during the past half-century in which the British credit has been put at the disposal of Colonies and Dominions, and these have been very rare and quite exceptional cases. When the departure was made with regard to the Irish Free State in connection with this same problem of land purchase, the Irish Free State was in the position of a Dominion, while the Northern Province is not quite in the position of a Dominion. It is represented in this Parliament, and really consists, if I may be excused for saying so, of six counties of this Kingdom, and those six counties have populations very considerably less than some of the counties of England. That province is now to have the privilege of borrowing with the backing of the British Treasury. I do not object; I think it is a good thing, and I think it is quite necessary to enable the policy of land purchase to be carried out. But I should like to point out that those who are going to benefit by the giving of this guarantee are the landlords who are to be bought out by being granted Northern Province bonds, which they have been complaining did not fetch £100 in the market. I think the complaint is wrong. Provided they have the backing of the British Government, these bonds will be worth their full par value, and it is in order that they may be worth their full par value to the landlords who receive them that this backing is to be given. As I have said, I do not object to that, but I would point out that there are other places in which that policy might just as well be applied as in this case. In this case it is applied in order to enable the landlords to receive £100 if they wish to sell a £100 bond. I think they ought to have it, but there are other cases. In England and Scotland there are local authorities that are unable to borrow, even for the most necessary and useful purposes, because their credit is practically exhausted. I do not, of course, refer to London, or Manchester, or Glasgow, but if you ask a rural district council why it is not proceeding at it greater rate with housing, you will find that in many cases that rural district council, even though it may in fact include large communities of an urban character, cannot, because it is a rural district council, give the security required, and in that case it finds it extremely difficult to borrow in the London market, not merely at 4½ per cent., but, if it has been energetic and has already a considerable debt, even to borrow at all. One of the reasons why the Minister of Health is finding these rural district councils so slow in getting ahead with housing is just that, on their own credit, they cannot extend their borrowing. I venture to say that the claim of the Northern Province landlords to have the backing of the British Treasury behind the bonds which they receive in return for their land, although it is a good case, is not a better case in the public interest than that of a rural district council or other small local authority in England which finds that its borrowing is hampered because the Treasury, on the strict theory of the matter, will not allow the British credit to be put at the back of such authority.

I am not going to suggest that there is any great risk in the Treasury backing the bonds of the Northern Province There are complicated financial transactions' between the Northern Province and the British Government which would enable the British Government, at any rate in theory, to secure itself absolutely in the quite impossible event of default on the part of the Northern Province Government. That is very good on paper, though I am not so sure that if the transaction ever came to be actually carried out it would be quite 60 simple. Still, it is good enough on paper; but there is exactly the same security in the case of a rural district council or other local authority which is in receipt of regular Grants-in-Aid from the Treasury, which grants could be impounded in the unlikely event of any default occurring. My principal reason for rising is not to object to the action of the Government in giving this credit, but to say that I am very glad that the old Treasury theory has been overridden in this case, and to express the hope that the precedent will be applied in other cases in which the public interest is at least as great as in seeing that the Irish landlords get their full pound of flesh. Therefore, we may well ask in the future that the backing of the British Government may be placed behind the local authorities in the loans that they raise in order to enable them to carry out the work which Parliament has directed them to do.

It happened that I was not present on the 18th December, when there was a short discussion on this Bill, and I hope I shall not raise any points that were dealt with then. I do not think the Government had any opportunity of making a statement, and I am rather surprised that the Home Secretary has not risen to give us some words of explanation about this Bill before we are asked to pass the Second Reading.

May I say that I myself, like the hon. and gallant Member, was otherwise engaged on the previous occasion, but the Bill was moved by my Noble Friend the President of the Board of Education, as the hon. and gallant Member will see from the OFFICIAL REPORT.

I think it ought to be pointed out that the right hon. Baronet is not being quite candid, because, as the Noble Lord the President of the Board of Education will inform him, the Bill came on only at 10 minutes to Eleven o'Clock.

I am sorry if I have overlooked the remarks of the President of the Board of Education on this matter: I had, perhaps, forgotten that he speaks on other subjects besides education, even at Question Time, or I should not have made that mistake. However, I think we are entitled to some further explanation about this Bill, particularly as I notice that right hon. and hon. Members from Northern Ireland are in full force on the Front Bench below the Gangway opposite.

My party are not so concerned as their party. My party is here whenever general matters are discussed, while their party is only here when Irish matters are discussed. My anxiety for some explanation is due to the fact that, although they are in their places, they do not seem to be taking any part in this discussion, and, if they are satisfied, I think it is very necessary for us to look carefully at the provisions of the Bill. Might I ask, therefore, what is the total amount of money for which we are made responsible? Under this new arrangement we are putting up the amount of interest by a considerable sum, and I should like to know what the additional liability will be over and above what has been entered into before. The second matter that I wish to raise is in connection with Clause 15, dealing with mineral rights. It is rather difficult to understand, but, as far as I can gather, the minerals under land purchased under this Measure pass to the Crown, which is a very right and desirable provision—unless they are of some value. Sub-section (2) of Clause 15 states that where the Commission is satisfied that any such rights possess a substantial value, whether actual or potential, and that, although they are not being exercised at the time of the application, there is a reasonable prospect of mines or minerals to which they relate being worked or developed within 20 years thereafter—I am paraphrasing in order not to be too long—then the Commission may direct that the rights therein specified shall to the extent mentioned be excepted on the vesting of the holding in the Commission, and they shall be so excepted accordingly and shall not be affected by such vesting.

As far as I can gather, that means that the Crown does not take the minerals. I may be wrong, and I would ask the Home Secretary if he will explain that matter. Unless I have misunderstood the Subsection—and it is in rather legal language and rather involved—where the minerals are not supposed to exist they go to the Crown, but where they are of some value, or where mines may be developed within 20 years, they do not go to the Crown. I think we ought to have some explanation on that point. The general principle has, of course, been thrashed out in previous Land Bills, and it is rather late in the day to expect any new policy, especially, perhaps, from the present Government. Generally speaking, where public money is used for the purchase of these lands, I think the minerals under the land should go to the Crown. That, surely, is good policy, and I am very sorry that this Bill should contain anything in the nature of a departure from it. Apart from that, I think we ought to have some general explanation of the Bill, which is an important and bulky one, and certainly, as I think, involves considerable financial liabilities which we are asked to assume if we pass the Second Reading.

I am very pleased, as an Irishman, to learn that the Govern- meat are prepared to do something in connection with land purchase in Ireland, in order to help the Governments of the two new States that have been created to cope with a difficulty. I only wish they were equally generous when we approach them in England. I happen to be a member of a board of guardians covering 1,250,000 people—a population nearly as large as that of Northern Ireland. We have lately had to approach the Treasury for the purpose of getting the right to borrow some more money to relieve the unemployment existing in our neighbourhood—unemployment for which we are not responsible—and we have asked for a loan of £400,000.

I must ask the hon. Member to indicate how his remarks are connected with the question of a grant of money for the purpose of land purchase in Ireland. We cannot go into the details of any cases elsewhere.

I was simply thinking that the question of bread purchase in England is at least as important as that of land purchase in Ireland. We have been told that we must pay 6 per cent. interest or that money. I am pleased to know that our fellow-countrymen in Ireland are able to get it for 4½ per cent. We should be quite willing to pay 4½ per cent. if we could get the money, but we have not been given the opportunity of borrowing it so cheaply, and to-day the interest comes to about 1s. in the £ on the rates alone. I am not going to argue against the principle contained in the Bill, because I believe the land ought to belong to the people in the most direct way possible, and that the best way for the people to get hold of the land is to tell those who have been exploiting the people for so long that they must get off the people's backs. We buy them out, however, because it is the most convenient way. In Italy they give them castor oil; in Ireland they give them a low rate of interest. We are only asking for the same kind of treatment. Surely, the Government of this country ought to have learned the lesson——

If it is a matter for the Ministry of Health, while there is life there is hope, and there is a possibility that we may be able to get some our way now that Ireland has got its pound of flesh.

When this matter came before the House on 18th December, I raised some questions with the President of the Board of Education, who was in charge of the matter, but time was not available for adequate discussion.

I understand the hon. Member spoke on this, question the last time it was before the House. He has therefore exhausted his right.

I have not had an opportunity of looking at the OFFICIAL REPORT to see whether he asked questions or made a speech.

I have the Report here, and as the Debate was over very quickly and perhaps the hon. Member's speech amounted only to a series of questions, I raise no objection if you allow him to proceed.

I merely wanted to say that I have been quite convinced since that, by conversations with Members more particularly interested in that part of the country, that this Bill was at least as honourable an Act for this House to pass as the one we have just passed with reference to our bargain with Italy. I would not do anything to prevent its passage, but I would take this opportunity, when we are dealing with a matter that affects the internal affairs of Northern Ireland, to impress upon those who have some responsibility for those affairs that many of us here are considerably distressed at the repeated stories that come to us of somewhat harsh treatment of political prisoners inside their boundaries, and at this time, when Great Britain is trying to fully implement the arrangement come to under the Treaty, we think those who are responsible for managing the internal affairs of Northern Ireland might consider that sufficient time has now elapsed for them to consider exercising some clemency towards those who have been a political minority in their midst.

I am prepared to agree that perhaps the prisoners I am referring to are on that very narrow borderline that separates political from criminal. It is always criminal when you happen to be in the unsuccessful minority, but it is political when you finally turn into a majority. I would suggest that when this House, as I hope it will, passes this Bill to give to Northern Ireland exactly the same treatment in this respect as they have already given to the Southern State, they would consider the value of showing some clemency to those in their midst who may have given them some trouble while this present position was being got up to which has enabled us to pass this Bill.

The last time the Bill was under discussion I rather regretted that it did not receive its Second Reading. Rightly or wrongly, we had already given the Irish Free State a Bill almost similar in character. I do not want it to be held out that this side of the House is prepared to give to the Irish Free State something which we should refuse to Northern Ireland. I should be the last man to wish to convey the feeling that those in the Labour movement would seek to do a thing to Northern Ireland which we would not carry out to the Free State. I deplore having to pay 4½ per cent. in interest on this money. I want to make an appeal to the Home Secretary, who has shown great ability since he became a member of the Government and has become possibly one of its most popular figures. Common people read this discussion, and they read the Bill. They see Northern Ireland and the Irish Free State receiving money to purchase land and to purchase mining royalties. They cannot go into intricate details, but they know that there is distress in their own localities. The connecting link I want to make is this. They want to know why a parish council or a Poor Law authority in Scotland or England should 'be refused money at the same rate of interest to help poor and needy people in their locality, while to purchase land and to give to rich landlords in Northern Ireland and the Free State money should be granted at a lower rate of interest. It is not explainable to them. It cannot be defended to them. I ask the Home Secretary to assist those of us who have to meet poor people to try to get the same treatment for the urban and Poor Law authorities in the country that you are giving to the Free State and to Northern Ireland in the purchase of mineral rights. I am not going to oppose the Bill. I believe we were wrong in setting up the Northern State. I should have wished it to be a United Ireland. But we have done it. Now they have got it, I wish them every success, and I do not wish to differentiate between one part of the country and the other. I lived and worked in the North of Ireland for a long while, and I found them good, honest, decent folk, but may I appeal to those who represent the other side? I hope the passage of the Bill will be a step of goodwill and that they will extend it to the folk mentioned by my hon. Friend the Member for Bridgeton (Mr. Maxton) and see that a speedy release of these prisoners takes place.

I wish to say one word in support of the Second Reading, not that it is necessary, but rather to emphasise the unanimity with which the Bill is assented to in all parts of the House. I very deeply regret that owing to the circumstances of the War, which has made money so much scarcer and dearer, it was quite impossible for the State to carry out its original intentions with regard to land purchase in Ireland. There never was such a policy which has been so completely justified as that of land purchase in Ireland. It will always he honourably associated with the very distinguished name of Mr. George Wyndham. It is an immortal deed which will be recorded as long as the history of Ireland is written and read, because it brought appeasement where some of us remember great trouble and incessant rebellion and suffering. It was not a transaction which could be justified merely upon the basis of 2½ per cent. as against 2¾.The mere money transaction does not represent all that the State gets or what its bounty brings, and the bounty of the State has brought something to Ireland which is infinitely greater than the £12,000,000 which was given by way of bonus to the landlords or any loss which may have been inflicted by having to lend money at a lower rate of interest than that at which they borrowed.

When we had to consider this transaction, I remember how we considered whether it would be possible to carry through the whole transaction even on the original terms, but we felt that, having regard to the very gigantic burdens upon the shoulders of the people of the country, burdens which are heavier than those borne by taxpayers in any other country in the world, we were not justified in doing that. I can, however, assure the tenants of Ireland that it was not from any lack of sympathy with their position and it certainly was not from any sense that they had no right to expect it. I have had some communications from some of them recently, and if I could not see my way to support the claim that we should carry out the transaction in its original form—and I really could not press the Government to do that in present conditions—it is not because I am not sorry that they are placed rather in a worse position than other tenants who completed the transaction before the War. It was part of the risks of war which everyone had to take, and on the whole the Government have dealt not merely generously but wisely in the Bill they have introduced, and in so far as those with whom I am associated are concerned, we are only too glad to do anything in our power to facilitate the carrying through of this transaction.

May I express the hope that all the Bills I propose from this Box will receive the same hearty assent as this one has.

The right hon. Gentleman must know they will all be sound. I desire to acknowledge the kindness with which hon. Members in all parts of the House have received this Bill. It is the completion of a very great transaction, and I am sure all Members on this side of the House have been much touched by the right hon. Gentleman's reference to Mr. Wyndham, whose name is so closely connected with the progress of land purchase in Ireland. It may interest the House to know that prior to the War, up to 1918, 13,500,000 acres of land had been sold under the previous Act and only 5,750,000 remained in the whole of Ireland. Another Bill has been passed for Southern Ireland and we are passing this Bill because this was a particular subject which was reserved when the Treaty was passed and the Bill relating to Northern Ireland was passed. It will affect about the remaining third in the six counties of Northern Ireland, where two-thirds of the land has already been sold, about 1,000,000 acres remaining to be sold. That will all be cleared off under the provisions of the Bill, and Ireland will have ultimately a complete land holding tenancy. That is a very great advantage to Ireland. Perhaps some of us might desire to see it extended to other parts of the Dominions. However, I will not enter into controversial questions. The right hon. Gentleman on the Front Bench did not really ask me any questions at all. He made a friendly speech but he wandered off, as did one of the Members for Glasgow, into other questions which are hardly germane to the Irish land question—the question of the price at which money should be lent to the smaller and poorer local authorities. The real answer is that the rate of interest on any loan depends upon the security. Here we have the whole security of Northern Ireland land and we have backing that security the Government of Northern Ireland, so that we who are advising the Government in this matter are convinced that there is practically no possibility of loss to the British taxpayer in guaranteeing these bonds. That is why the bonds are to be guaranteed with the full support of the Government and Treasury of Great Britain, at 4½ per cent.

The hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy) asked me a question with regard to mining royalties. The position is, with very slight alteration, as in the previous Bill. What is being sold here is the rental value of the land. If there is at most a suspicion that there are any mines under the land, they will vest in the Commission; but if there are mines either being worked or about to be worked, or if there is a reasonable prospect of minerals being under the land—I am not now discussing the whole question of mining rights—and if they have a reasonable prospect of value the value may be reserved to the landlord, and come to him as it would have come to him if he had retained the land and continued to receive rent from the tenant. As we are compelling the landlord, whether he likes it or not, to part with his land, we are making that reservation, which is the proper reservation with respect to mineral rights.

No. The capital value is simply the rent at so many years' purchase. It is surface rent and takes no account whatever of mineral value. The remaining question relates to the amount of money involved. The amount involved is £8,900,000. That is the amount of the bonds to be issued, which will be guaranteed by Great Britain and will be secured on the whole of the land which is bought, and by a charge on the revenue of the Government of Northern Ireland. The Northern Irish Govenment takes, as it were, the whole responsibility for this expenditure. In addition, there are always accounts between Northern Ireland and ourselves. Northern Ireland has to pay us several millions of money every year under the provisions of the Northern Ireland Act, and if there should be at any time—an eventuality which we do not consider humanly possible—that there should be a small deficit in regard to the payments under this Land Act, it will be set against the money which the Northern Ireland Government is bound to pay us every year, so that there is ample security for the whole of the bonds.

Since the Bill was introduced by my Noble Friend on the 18th December, there has been consultation between the Government of Northern Ireland, the Farmers' Union of Ireland and the landlords. The landlords and the Government of Northern Ireland have agreed to pay an extra bonus of one half year's rent to the tenants, whether they are in arrear or not, one-fourth to be provided by the landlord and one quarter by the Government of Northern Ireland. There is no liability upon us in this House or upon this Government or this country. The provision as to the extra bonus to tenants is an additional advantage which will be inserted in the Bill in Committee. Hon. Members will be glad that that arrangement has been made to give this additional benefit to tenants who purchase under the Bill. As nobody has opposed the Bill, I hope the House will give us a Second Reading forthwith. There will be one or two Amendments to be inserted in Committee, and we shall put them down as soon as possible. I hope that when we have passed this Act it will be the final stage in that great work of land purchase with which, not merely the name of Mr. George Wyndham was associated, but an even greater name, that of Mr. Gladstone, for so many years.

Question, "That the Bill be now read a Second time," put, and agreed to.

Bill read a Second time, and committed to a Standing Committee.

Northern Ireland Land [Advances, Etc.]

Considered in Committee of the Whole House under Standing Order No. 71A.

[Mr. JAMES HOPE in the Chair.]

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That, for carrying out the provisions of any Act of the present Session to amend the Law relating to the occupation and ownership of land in Northern Ireland, it is expedient—

In moving the Resolution, I do not think I need trouble the Committee with details, because I have stated already the terms of the Resolution. Hon. Members will have received the White Paper which explains the Resolution in full.

Question put, and agreed to.

Resolution to be Reported upon Monday next.

Borough Councillors (Alteration of Number) Bill

Order for Second Reading read.

I beg to move, "That the Bill be now read a Second time."

I am sure that my right hon. Friend the Member for Carnarvon Burghs (Mr. Lloyd George) will agree with me that this is a good Bill, and I hope that it will receive the unanimous support of the House. It is a very small Bill. It was drafted in 1923, brought in by the late Government in 1924 and passed through the House of Lords. It came down here too late to be passed into law. It is a Bill to enable a slight difficulty to be overcome in regard to the number of borough councillors in the country and in London. The position at the present time is, that if a town is growing or if the wards of a borough are growing no alteration can be made in the number of borough councillors without a private Bill passing through this House, with all the difficulties and the expense attaching thereto, or without a Provisional Order, sanctioned by Parliament. That provision is a great nuisance and expense to municipal authorities and, therefore, we are proposing to apply a very simple procedure.

In this Bill we are proposing to assimilate the, procedure for altering the number of councillors to that by which the wards may be altered. It is very curious that, as the law now stands, if the boundaries of a ward in a municipal borough require to be altered, it can be done by order of the Privy Council in the country or by Order of the Secretary of State in London, but the number of borough councillors cannot be altered except by a special Act of Parliament. That is a ridiculous provision. This Bill seeks to enable the Privy Council to make an Order in the country and the Secretary of State for Home Affairs to make an Order in London altering the number of borough councillors, if it is so desired. The Bill has been brought in at the request of and strongly supported by the Association of Municipal Corporations and the Metropolitan Boroughs Joint Standing Committee. It received the full sanction of the late Government, and I do not suppose that any hon. Member will oppose it.

No, it is not applicable to Scotland.

Question, "That the Bill be now read a Second time," put, and agreed to.

Bill read a Second time.

I suggest that we might take the Bill in Committee of the Whole House, and deal with it now.

It is a most unusual procedure to take the Committee stage immediately after Second Reading, unless it is a case of public urgency.

I suggest that we take it in Committee of the Whole House, but not now.

Bill committed to a Committee of the Whole House for Monday next.—[ Sir W. Joynson-Hicks. ]

Importation of Pedigree Animals Bill

Order for Second Beading read.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read a Second time."

I apologise to the House for not being here to move the Second Reading of the Bill and to give the explanation which the right hon. Gentleman quite properly and naturally wishes to have. It is a very simple Bill to carry out one of the Resolutions passed by the Imperial Economic Conference in 1923. Canadian store cattle. Under that Act it was provided that further provision for the admission of cattle should be made by order of the Minister. There was Parliamentary history attached to that. The matter was brought before the Imperial Conference, and, as a result, this Resolution was accepted and adopted by the Committee. The Bill gives effect to that Resolution, with the necessary consequential alterations and adaptations of previous Diseases of Animals Acts.

This matter has been under the consideration of the agricultural Councils of England and Wales and also of the Statutory Agricultural Advisory Committee which advises the Ministry on these matters. Therefore, unless any hon. Member is anxious that I should enter more closely into the details of the Bill, I will content myself now by asking for a Second Reading.

No. My right hon. Friend may rest assured that it in no way alters that. The Bill goes one step further to implement the desires of the Canadian Government and the desires of other Dominion Governments in the matter of pedigree cattle. It is only concerned with pedigree cattle. It gives general power for the importation of pedigree animals where the Minister is satisfied that they are pedigree animals, where he is satisfied that there is no risk of disease and also where he is satisfied as to the more or less reciprocal arrangements between ourselves and the Dominions. From the point of view of the Dominions and of our own agricultural interests it is, substantially, a non-contentious and agreed Bill.

Question put, and agreed to.

Bill read a Second time, and committed to a Standing Committee.

Agricultural Returns Bill

Order for Second Reading read.

I beg to move, "That the Bill be now read a Second time."

This is also a small administrative Bill to enable the Ministry to collect agricul- tural statistics more efficiently. It is almost identical with the Bill which was introduced in another place last Session, and I think also in the preceding Session. Under the Board of Agriculture Act, 1889, an obligation is imposed on the Minister to collect statistics. That obligation was stated in general terms, but no means were provided by which the statistics could be collected compulsorily if anybody chose to ignore them. We have to depend upon voluntary returns by farmers. The Corn Production Act, 1917, made these returns compulsory. When that Act was repealed in 1921 those compulsory returns disappeared. There is no question that the value of having accurate statistics is very great from the point of view of agricultural policy. You find yourself falling back upon the need for exact information as to what the position is, and the statistics from time to time reveal rather startling surprises. Therefore it is of the greatest importance that these figures should be accurately compiled. It is incidentally of great importance to the Minister who has to seek to satisfy the thirst for information on the part of hon. Members to be able to do so with information on which he can rely. Up till now there have been a certain number of farmers who make these returns in a rather dilatory fashion. The great majority make them willingly enough. Some make them in a dilatory fashion, and others are apt to forget about them altogether. Therefore under this Bill we take powers of compulsion in the sure and certain belief that the mere existence of compulsory powers will ensure that the information is accurately and readily rendered. This Bill has the support of the various agricultural bodies in England and Wales, including the Farmers' Union, and it has also the support of the labourers organisations. It will involve no extra expense. Rather will it cause economy in expenditure by making the returns more prompt and easy. I commend it as a useful administrative reform that will enable the House to place itself in possession of information which is accurate and complete.

It is hardly necessary to have any discussion or to spend any time over this Measure, as every one will agree, but I would like to say one word in confirmation and reinforcement of the arguments of the right hon. Gentleman. It would have been the duty of any Government of any complexion to bring in this Bill. We are behind other countries in a matter which the public think has long been settled. It is amazing that such a Bill should be required at this time. Some hon. Members who were in the House the year before last will recall a curious incident. The Minister of that day was obliged to tell the House that there was a trifle of 500,000 acres in regard to which it was difficult for him to account for their destination, and that is merely one illustration of the urgency of getting on with this matter. We are part of an international organisation for the collection of statistics, and this might have been much more useful than it has been if we had not been behind in a matter in which very few other countries are behind. In this respect, there can be few Measures in regard to which so much advantage can be gained at so little cost and with such little difference of opinion.

I am very glad that the Minister of Agriculture is introducing a Bill to secure more accurate agricultural returns. It is true, as he says, that the figures which we have at present are incomplete. But they are worse, they are defective. You get one authority who pretends to be the last word upon agricultural statistics who gives you one figure, and you meet an equally high authority who gives you another figure in respect of the same aspect of the question. This is a matter upon which there ought to be no doubt. We had in the census of production for the industries of this country a much more difficult and complicated matter. No one quite liked it, everybody protested against giving his information, but no one doubts now that it is a vital matter for the industries of this country to know exactly what has been produced.

I regret very much that owing to the War the second census was not put through, and I am very glad that my right hon. Friend the late President of the Board of Trade (Mr. Webb) set in motion the machinery to get a renewal of that census for the coming year, but it is absurd that, while you have a census of production of our industries, in the greatest industry of all we should have no accurate census. Therefore I should not have thought it necessary even to have any argument at all as to the desirability of having a complete and adequate account of what is being produced by the agricultural industry of this country. But this Bill is incomplete. This Bill calls for an account of what is done by the occupiers of cultivated land. We want to know what is being done by the occupiers of land which is not cultivated, and which ought to be cultivated. My right hon. Friend the late Minister of Agriculture (Mr. N. Buxton) said that we were considerably behind other countries in the information which we had as to the products of the soil. There is no other country that cannot give an accurate account of what is done with its land.

This is a most important question. It is generally agreed we are not producing half of what is produced by countries with inferior soil. In other countries you have a census of the uncultivated land, and a census of the forests and waste as well as a census of the cultivated land. When we are considering the best use that may be made of land, the State has a right to demand an account, from every man who owns and occupies land, of what he is doing with it. He is the trustee for the community, and the community has a right to ask him for the account of his stewardship. Let the House look at this Bill. It says that agricultural land includes an Amendment is inserted which will make the return include the whole land of this country, whether it is cultivated or uncultivated, with also a demand for an explanation as to why it has not been cultivated and what use is being made of it.

One ought to have a full account of what is being done about afforestation. Why are forests left out? You cannot pass through any part of the country without seeing acres of land which have been timbered and which were completely denuded of timber during the War, and nothing is being done to renew that timber. Everybody knows what difference it made to us during the War to have those forests, so that we were not obliged to run the risk of sending our ships abroad to import heavy cargoes of timber. In every other country it is compulsory to re-plant when you cut down. The right hon. Gentleman ought to ask here for the full account of the land which is under timber now and the land which was under timber, and what is being done, and whether they are re-planting.

That is information which is very vital to the State. We do not want to have to depend upon controversial leaflets which will always be challenged by the other party. We want official information as to what is being done about afforestation, by way of replanting any forests which have already been cut down. I see that the right hon. Gentleman is in communication with a gentleman who is responsible for afforestation, and I appeal to him to use his influence with the Minister to see that there is authentic official information which will help him and the Department in reafforestation. We want to find out what is the land which is now under forests; how much land there is which formerly was under forests and which no attempt is being made to replant: and how much land there is which would be available for afforestation if somebody took it for that purpose.

There is a survey being made of all afforested land in the country and of all the land that has been afforested land.

6.0 P.M.

I am very glad to hear that. That is all the more reason why we should be provided with full information of this character. It will not impede the process of survey. We want the statistics from the occupiers themselves as to the purposes for which the land is being used. Coming to the next point, I am not quite sure as to the advisability of bringing allotments in. I agree that it would be very difficult to get small allotment holders to fill up these very complicated forms. But I make this suggestion: I do not see how the Minister for Agriculture can leave out allotments. The question of the number of allotments in this country is a very important one. Cannot the right hon. Gentleman depute some official—it may be a village schoolmaster, who for a very small fee would gladly do the work, or there may be an Excise officer or someone else of intelligence located in the district—to fill up the forms relating to allotments? We surely want to know how many allotments there are in order to be able to follow the movement. There is no movement more important for the creation of contentment among the working classes. Allotment holders are not the men who interest themselves in Communist conspiracies. They have something far better to do. It is something which may not be quite as exciting, although there is a good deal of excitement in an allotment, and excitement of a very healthy kind. Now that the right hon. Gentleman is taking the matter in hand, I hope that he will have a really complete survey of the resources of this country and the use which is being made of them at both ends—the uncultivated part and the cultivated as well. A survey would be incomplete if it had no account of the allotments. I can quite see his objection to saying that a labourer, under a penalty of £5, must fill up rather an elaborate document. I suggest, therefore, that someone should be deputed to fill up the forms. The right hon. Gentleman rather apologised for the cost of making these returns. However strict an economist any Member of this House may be, I do not think he would regard as wasted money which was spent for obtaining complete information. I make these suggestions to the right hon. Gentleman. Otherwise I gladly support the Second Reading of the Bill.

Question, "That the Bill be now read a Second time," put, and agreed to.

Bill read a Second time, and committed to a Standing Committee.

William Preston Indemnity Bill

Order for Second Reading read.

I beg to move, "That the Bill be now read a Second time."

Probably almost all Members are aware of the circumstances which have led to the framing of this Bill. They have obtained wide publicity, and I need recapitulate them only in a few sentences. Mr. William Preston stood as a candidate for Walsall at the last Election, and he was elected. Thereupon he took the oath and his seat, and I think he was a most diligent Member and voted in every division during the Session before this. He voted in eight Divisions. The House is aware that where a person is disqualified from becoming a Member, if he sits and votes he incurs the heavy pecuniary penalty of £500 for every occasion on which he votes. In fact, it appears that Mr. Preston, who is a contractor, had two small contracts running with the Post Office. They were both tenders accepted long before there was any question of his becoming a Parliamentary candidate. When he became a candidate he took advice, which unfortunately turned out to be bad advice, as to whether the fact that he held these two contracts was a disqualification. He was told that it was not. I believe that the profit on the contracts was something like 50s. They were for the erection of boxes or something like that.

There is no doubt that the holding of these contracts did disqualify him. As soon as that fact was brought to his notice he took the proper course. He wrote to Mr. Speaker and so informed him. Of course, one result was that his seat was vacated, which in itself is a heavy pecuniary penalty, as all of us know, and there is now an election going on at Walsall, where he is one of the candidates. But it was thought that, inasmuch as the mistake was entirely an honest mistake made by inadvertence and on bad advice, and inasmuch as he has suffered this very heavy penalty of losing his seat and having to fight another election, it would not be right or fair that he should be saddled, in addition, with the penalty of £500 for each time that he voted, if any common informer were to bring proceedings against him. Fortunately, no common informer has yet commenced proceedings, but one might do so at any moment if this Bill were not passed. In previous instances, where there has been an honest mistake of that kind, the House has seen fit to relieve against the penalties—not against the forfeiture of the seat—and I hope it will be the general wish of the House that in these circumstances Mr. Preston shall be so relieved.

I rise not in any way to oppose this Bill, but merely to put to the Attorney-General a question which I think must have occurred to many hon. Members. As I understand the position, the nomination of the candidate in this case could not have been valid, because he at that time held a contract. With a view to preventing a recurrence of Measures of this kind, is it not possible to institute some inquiry, at the time of a candidate's nomination, as to whether in fact a nomination is Valid? Such an inquiry would make quite certain that the candidate does not hold a contract which will afterwards invalidate his election. I confess that I ask that question merely for information, as the law is complicated. It seems to me that we ought to be able to clear up such a point at the time that a nomination is lodged, or before the candidate proceeds to take any steps which will lead to his nomination as a Parliamentary candidate.

Everybody sympathises with the position that the ex-Member for Walsall finds himself in as a consequence of being a member of the Conservative party and the natural ignorance arising therefrom. But it is very appropriate indeed that the learned Attorney-General, who found himself in a similar position a short time ago, should be the Mover of the Second Reading of this Bill. The Law Officers of the Crown told us that in law a certain thing was right, and afterwards it turned out to be wrong. It was then necessary to have an Indemnity Bill to save their skins. Evidently one good turn deserves another. We who are members of local authorities have been well aware for years that we are not allowed, as individuals, to hold contracts with the authorities of which we happen to be members. I thought that was generally understood. Presumably there are people ignorant enough not to understand that. We can be shareholders in public companies and hold contracts, but we cannot as individuals hold contracts with an authority and be members of that authority. I have no objection to this Bill being passed. But a better Bill than this should be introduced, a general Bill covering the whole situation and putting members of public bodies in a position to understand exactly where they are. It seems ridiculous that I, as an individual, cannot hold a contract with a public body of which I happen to be a member, but that if I happen to be a big shareholder in a public company I can hold as many contracts as I like, and get big profits out of those contracts, without running any risks. The whole position should be cleared up. I hope that the present Government, or some Government, will take the matter in hand, and introduce such a Bill. It will not be the present Government, because half of them would not be here if the law were not as it is. We have every sympathy with this gentleman, and I hope he will not have the opportunity of losing his seat again except by the vote of the electors.

Like other hon. Members who have taken part in the Debate, I do not rise to oppose the Second Reading, but I would like to ask the Attorney-General or some other member of the Government what was the last occasion on which a Bill in terms of this sort was carried. My own memory does not go very far back, but I well remember the case, which many people thought a hard case, of Sir Stuart Samuel, of whom there was at least this to be said, that there was a very serious argument of a rather technical kind as to whether he had offended. No indemnity was forthcoming in his case. If there are instances similar to the present case there is no reason why the precedent should not be followed. In view of what has been said by the last speaker, I look at the Bill. The Bill contains no date or limit of time at all, and I suppose that when it becomes an Act of Parliament it will have to be interpreted as at the date when it receives the Royal Assent. May I make an assumption? If Mr. Preston was hereafter to be elected a Member of this House—an event which I do not antici- pate—and if he was elected before this Bill becomes law, what is the meaning of the words which the Attorney-General asks us to adopt? Supposing this gentleman has a contract with some Government Department on the day when he is elected or the next day—should he be elected again—then I am to read:

"William Preston, Esquire, shall be and is hereby indemnified, freed, and discharged from and against all forfeitures, incapacities, or other penal consequences whatsoever (if any) incurred by him by sitting or voting as a Member of the House of Commons during a time when be was executing, holding or enjoying a contract, agreement or commission made or entered into with the Postmaster-General."

I quite understand that the Attorney-General means only to propose an indemnity in respect of things that have already happened, but unless I misunderstand the way in which such Acts of Parliament may be construed, unless there is some date put in, and unless it is to come into operation on some date at the end of last year, if by chance this gentleman is elected again, and after he is elected the Royal Assent is given to the Bill, it really would operate as an indemnity in respect of a contract when he is re-elected. That is not the intention of the Attorney-General. Ought there not to be inserted some limit of date which shows up to what time it is proposed to make the indemnity effective?

In reply to the hon. Member for Central Edinburgh (Mr. W. Graham), the suggestion which he has made is quite worth considering. It would be quite easy to carry out, but one would have to devise machinery for examining condidates at the time of nomination. It is worth investigating in future, although it does not concern us to-day. The right hon. and learned Member for Spen Valley (Sir J. Simon) is perfectly right, of course, in his law, as he always is, but we are proposing to ask the House, if it sees fit, to pass this Bill at once, and to ask another place to pass it with equal rapidity, and before the event which the right hon. and learned Gentleman so tactfully anticipated we hope that the Bill will have become an Act and that it will not be necessary to put in a date. It will only refer, of course, to forfeitures and penalties incurred before the date of the Act itself, and that will be a date before the event to the possibility of which the right hon. and learned Gentleman has alluded.

Do I gather from the last explanation of the Attorney-General that it would not be legal for Mr. Preston to take his seat if this Bill were not passed before 27th February.

No, it does not affect the question of his taking his seat so long as he is qualified at the time of re-election.

Last year when the hon. Member for Dover (Major Astor) unfortunately made a slip.

Question, "That the Bill be now read a Second time," put, and agreed to.

Resolved, That this House will immediately resolve itself into the Committee on the Bill.—[ The Attorney-General. ]

Bill accordingly considered in Committee.

[Captain FITZROY in the Chair.]

CLAUSE 1.—(Indemnification of William Preston, Esquire.)

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Clause stand part of the Bill."

I have no desire to delay the progress of the Bill, but I take the opportunity presented by the Committee stage of repeating a question which I previously put to the Attorney-General. The right hon. and learned Gentleman has slated that there is probably a case for the point that I put forward, but he has indicated that certain machinery would be required, and that it would be necessary to have investigation made. Surely, when a returning officer is accepting nominations, it would be easy to ask all candidates whether they held any public contracts of any kind. If that were an integral part, as I think it would be a simple part of the machinery, and if it were generally known that a question of that kind would be put, then such a matter would be considered in advance, and cases of this kind would not arise. With due deference to the wide experience of the right hon. and learned Gentleman. I do not see that any elaborate machinery is necessary, and I think the case could be met in the comparatively simple way I suggest. While such a provision probably could not be included in this particular Bill, is there not a case for an immediate small general Measure to get rid definitely of circumstances of this kind which, after all, have arisen in this House two years in succession, and which expose certain Parliamentary candidates to some uncertainty in their elections?

Of course we could, by a general Bill, impose upon the returning officer the duty of asking a question such as the right hon. Gentleman suggests, but it is not quite such an easy question to answer as the right hon. Gentleman seems to think. If he looks at the decisions under the Statute he will find it is not easy to determine what are, and what are not, contracts which disqualify. In addition to the disqualification through holding contracts there are other disqualifications in respect of holding or obtaining offices about which presumably questions would also have to be asked. I agree it is a matter worth considering, but I cannot say that I think the procedure is as easy as the right hon. Gentleman would have us believe. Therefore, I cannot say, offhand and here, that we will introduce legislation. All I can say is that the suggestion will be considered.

I wish to know from the Attorney-General whether, if Mr. Preston is returned in the present election, this Clause will not secure him against forfeitures should he enter into contracts after being re-elected to the House? Without having anything personal against the individual, but solely because of his political opinions, I hope he will not again become a Member of the House, but supposing he were to be elected and entered into contracts with the Postmaster - General, similar to those which he held before, does not this Clause render him immune from a disability which applies to every other Member of the House. If I were to enter into a similar contract now, my seat would "go west," and it seems to me, quite apart from the point raised by the right hon. and learned Gentleman the Member for Spen Valley (Sir J. Simon), that this Clause would place this individual, if he became a Member of the House, in a privileged position with regard to future contracts.

I think I can reassure the hon. Member. If the wording of the Clause were "forfeitures, incapacities or other penal consequences … incurred, or to be incurred," then the position would be, as the hon. Member fears, but those words are not in the Clause. The Clause merely states "forfeitures, incapacities or other penal consequences incurred," which means incurred up to the date on which the Bill becomes an Act of Parliament. If the hon. Member consults any of his legal friends, he will find that this is the proper form and that I am right in stating its effect.

I will take the Attorney-General's opinion on this matter, although, remembering a previous opinion of his from which I differed. I only accept it with a good deal of hesitation.

I beg to move, in line 9, after the words "if any," to insert the word "already."

I do not wish to express any opinion on this technical legal matter except to say that the inclusion of the word "already" would put beyond any doubt the intention of the Bill, which is, retrospectively, to indemnify Mr. Preston for this slip. The inclusion of this word should relieve any doubts existing in the minds of hon. Members.

I have no objection to the insertion of that word, although I think the hon. and gallant Gentleman will find that it makes no difference. I believe he will find that view confirmed by a very good authority who is sitting below him. If this word is included, however, I hope it will not delay the Report stage, as I should be sorry to do so.

The Amendment is proposed in order to make quite certain that the words we use carry out our intention. In view of the fact that Mr. Preston has apparently already suffered from advice on this subject and, despite the fact that he really and truly did hold this contract, that somebody was to be found to tell him that it did not make any difference because it was a little one—which was an extraordinary piece of advice—I think we had better make certain that the language we now use cannot be misunderstood by anybody.

Amendment agreed to.

Clause, as amended, ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Clause 2. ( Short Title. ) Ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Bill reported, with an Amendment.

As amended, considered; read the Third time, and passed.

Trade Facilities [Money]

Considered in Committee. [ Progress, 18th February. ]

[Captain FITZROY in the Chair.]

Question again proposed,

"That it is expedient to amend the Trade Facilities Acts, 1921 to 1924—

I was endeavouring to make some remarks upon this Resolution at 8.15 yesterday when other business intervened. I do not wish to delay the passage of this Measure, nor do I wish to increase the amount of unemployment on the Clyde, as was suggested—presumably, in the heat of the moment—by three right hon. and hon. Gentlemen on the Treasury Bench. That was no part of my intention, and I am sorry that the representatives of the Government, who are responsible for this Money Resolution, imagined that it was any part of my intention. In any case, I do not think that such would be the result even supposing they did not get this Resolution to-day or to-morrow, because I gather from the very limited information which has been given to us in the Memorandum that they have still £7,000,000 in hand and a month to go.

I do not wish to suggest that the hon. Member would have prevented the Bill being passed by the end of March, but the point is that all powers expire on that date and, considering the amount of business which has to be got through in this financial year, we are anxious to have this Measure passed by that time so that there will be no gap in the powers of the Committee to grant these facilities. We could not foresee yesterday that business would be gone through so quickly and that we should get this opportunity of making progress with the Measure.

I scarcely think the right hon. Gentleman has justified the references that were made. However, I make interruptions myself which are, perhaps, directed more to party ends than to the high ends of statesmanship, but I thought that practice was limited to the back benches of the Labour party, and I never expected it from a responsible Government Front Bench, especially a Conservative Government of all the virtues and all the talents. What I was endeavouring to point out was that, when we are asked to commit ourselves, in principle, to increasing the amount available under the Trade Facilities Acts from £65,000,000 to £70,000,000, we have a right to some explanation of how this money was expended last year. Practically £60,000,000 worth of credits have been granted under this scheme. We also wish to know whether the Government propose to bring in a Trade Facilities Bill in exactly the same form as the Acts of recent years and if no steps are going to be taken to get a more direct control between the responsible Minister and the Committee that is responsible for deciding the grants. Always last year and in the previous year, when we were endeavouring to increase the usefulness of the Trade Facilities Act, we were told that the Government representative was very powerless and that the Advisory Committee had full powers as to saying in what directions the credits were to go. It seemed to me that it was not good that £65,000,000 of the nation's credit should be put behind private profit-making enterprises and that the responsible Minister should have no say in directing where that credit should go, and that this Advisory Committee should sit almost, as it were, in a position of superiority to the responsible Minister of the Crown.

I understand the Bill is not yet printed, and I urge upon the Minister that before introducing the Bill he will have some consideration given to see if the working of this Trade Facilities Act cannot be improved, so that claims put forward may have their consideration expedited and that the grants that are given may have not merely some influence in the relieving of unemployment, but may be directed towards ends that are of real national value. I heard, for instance, of a case during last year where a very reasonable proposition for support under the trade facilities scheme was made by a firm who wished to extend the manufacture of bricks. I understand that that was refused by the Advisory Committee, taking it on its merits without regard to general national considerations, but it was shown to-day by a Minister in reply to a question that nationally there is an urgent need for more bricks than are now being produced. If there were a direct contact established between the Government and the Advisory Committee, and maintained, and the Government's responsibility maintained over the Advisory Committee, there would be some connection between the grants that are given, the problem of unemployment, and national needs in one direction and another.

I know the arguments urged from the Front Bench against the Government having any control over the Advisory Committee. They are just exactly the arguments that were urged from the benches below me against the safeguarding of industries suggestions that were brought forward on Monday last—the argument that if you have the Advisory Committee controlled by a Cabinet Minister, you will have all sorbs of log rolling and wire pulling to secure credits in this direction rather than the other direction. I think the Government spokesmen in the discussion on the safeguarding of industries question on Monday absolutely rebutted that argument, and their rebuttal on Monday seemed to me to stand to-day with reference to the Trade Facilities Act. Last year, on the Clyde, our shipbuilding was very good as compared with the previous two years. The tonnage that was turned out on the Clyde was the best that it had been for two or three years and was a very high proportion of the total national output of shipping, and I believe that a large proportion of that tonnage was built only because of the operations of the Trade Facilities Act, which just made all the difference between a particular piece of construction being proceeded with and being left untouched. I want to see the operations in this direction very much extended, but I want to be perfectly certain that they are adequately and properly controlled by the responsible Government of the day.

I would like to ask the Leader of the House if he did not make an arrangement at the beginning of this week that the Anglo-Italian Treaty Bill, the Northern Ireland Land Bill, the Northern Ireland Money Resolution, the Borough Councillors Bill, the Importation of Pedigree Animals Bill and the China Indemnity Bill were to be taken to-day and nothing else. I am reading the full list from the OFFICIAL REPORT. We were a little surprised, therefore, to hear the present Order called this evening. Indeed, one of my right hon. Friends, the Member for Norwich (Mr. Hilton Young), had intended to take part in this discussion at the earliest possible moment, and he left the House on the understanding that the programme announced on Monday by the Leader of the House would be adhered to. I think we heard to-day that the further stages of the Trade Facilities Bill were to be taken on Tuesday, along with the War Charges (Validity) Bill, and, under these circumstances, I would like to ask the Leader of the House whether he does not think it would be as well to defer this Order until Tuesday, together with the War Charges (Validity) Bill.

My right hon. Friend will realise that I have not the same familiarity with the details of the business of the House as has the Chief Whip, but when that announcement was made, we certainly hoped we should have got this Committee stage yesterday, and I think the Debate was talked out last night. Getting the Financial Resolution through is very important, as my right hon. Friend knows from his own experience, in order to get on with the Bill as quickly as possible. There will be an equal opportunity for discussion on the Report stage. In a matter of this kind, the Government is anxious to get the rest of the stages of the Financial Resolution as quickly as possible, in order to proceed with the Bill, and our mutual right hon. Friend the Member for Norwich (Mr. Hilton Young) will have every opportunity on the Report stage.

I need not point out to the right hon. Gentleman that the discussion on the Report stage is naturally circumscribed.

I understand that Mr. Speaker would be in the Chair, and it is not possible to conduct a discussion in detail as freely and, if necessary, in such a conversational spirit as with the Chairman or Deputy-Chairman in the Chair. I do not want to delay this Resolution, but when an announcement of business is made by the Government, we rely on that programme being adhered to. I suggest to my right hon. Friend that it would be more to the convenience of hon. Members if we had the programme adhered to in detail. No intimation was made to anyone on this side, at any rate by the Chief Whip, that this subject would be taken to-night, and we all understood that it would be taken next Tuesday. I, therefore, hope the right hon. Gentleman will defer this stage until then.

My right hon. Friend will have had notice that it was on the Order Paper for to-day, and that the Standing Order would be suspended to enable business other than Supply to be taken. I cannot imagine that on a discussion of this kind on the Financial Resolution there will not be ample opportunity on the Report stage for my right hon. Friend the Member for Norwich to speak.

That is not quite so. The Prime Minister knows very well that we do not get quite the same opportunity for discussing a Money Resolution on Report stage as in Committee. There is no question here of opposing the Bill of the Government, but it is a matter of eliciting from the Government what the particular proposals are, and a good many questions will have to be put. On the Report stage, if my right hon. Friend the Member for Norwich (Mr. Hilton Young) got up and asked a series of questions, he could not afterwards intervene in the Debate, but he could do so in Committee, and that is the advantage of the Committee stage when you come to a purely money transaction. I have been here practically the whole of this afternoon, and the Prime Minister has not, but those who have been here know—and I now invite the attention of the Patronage Secretary, who was present—that there was a very long programme of Bills gone through, and that it would have been very easy for us to have kept those Bills going until 8.15. In fact, two or three of those Bills could very easily have been kept going till then. There was the greatest desire on the part of Members, above the Gangway and below, to facilitate business. The Bill on Irish land could easily have been discussed at very great length. It was a long Bill and a very important Bill, but the speeches were very friendly and short, and there was every disposition to assist the Government. Take the last Bill which went through. We gave to the Government clearly the Second Reading, the Committee, the Report, and the Third Reading stages practically without any discussion at all, and we did the same with the very important Bill with regard to agricultural returns.

I know my right hon. Friend the Member for Norwich had intended to be here when this Order was on. Indeed, he was the author of the Bill, as the Prime Minister knows very well. He introduced it, and he was very anxious to have a good deal to say upon it. It is a very important proposal, and ought to be discussed in its bearing upon unemployment and, more than that, in its bearing on projects of a similar character, upon which I think this justifies the Government in embarking. It is a great precedent. The right hon. Gentleman knows that a refusal under those circumstances, when the Opposition have been exceedingly helpful, never helps business. I do not want to go to the extent of moving to report Progress. I would rather make an appeal again to the Prime Minister not to take this Order. It will facilitate the progress of the Bill later on, I am certain. On the other hand, if he refuses, I do not think that he will gain anything in the matter of time, and I, therefore, appeal to him, without any Motion to report Progress, which I should be very sorry to have to move, because it would look like a hostile act towards a Bill which we do not approach in any hostile spirit.

May I remind the Prime Minister that at Question Time today I asked him a specific question as to which Bills he intended to take to-day. He gave me a jocular reply, which I appreciated in common with every other hon. Member in the House, but we did not anticipate that he intended to take a Bill put down for another day, and my right hon. Friend the Member for Norwich (Mr. Hilton Young) left the House on that understanding.

I quite appreciate what the hon. and gallant Member says, but, after all, the business of the House has to be proceeded with, and it is impossible for anyone to say how far we can go. Although my hon. and gallant Friend may have thought my remark jocular, it was not meant to be jocular, and we intended to get as far as possible with the business. My hon. and gallant Friend knows very well that any Order down on the Order Paper is liable to be taken, in the event of no statement being: made that we propose only to go to a certain point.

No; the right hon. Gentleman is aware that it is a common practice to put down nineteen or twenty Orders without the least intention of taking them all.

We have had no intimation on this side that there would be any difficulty at all about this stage of this Financial Resolution, because the Financial Secretary of the late Government, speaking for that part of the Opposition, gave us to understand that there would be no difficulty about it, and. indeed, we quite expected to get this Order last night. Failing to get them last night, we want to get them as soon as we can. I have every desire to meet the Opposition as far as I can, but it is impossible to accept a Motion to report Progress at this moment, because it would be absurd to proceed with the War Charges (Validity) Bill, which is a Bill of considerable importance, between now and a quarter-past eight.

I hesitate to press the Leader of the House, who usually tries to meet the House, but I would point out the inconvenience which must arise. If we are to proceed with this Resolution to-night, I am quite sure it will necessitate a great deal more discussion than would otherwise be necessary. Less time will be taken up if the Leader of the House accedes to the request we make, especially as it is in strict conformity with the programme he announced, no variation of which has been conveyed to us by the Patronage Secretary or by anybody else. Unless the right hon. Gentleman can see his way to meet us in this matter, and adhere to the programme mentioned earlier in the week, and repeated to-day, I shall have to take upon myself to move to report Progress.

I beg to move, therefore, "That the Chairman do report Progress, and ask leave to sit again."

The Prime Minister has referred to a statement which I made last night. May I explain briefly the circumstances in which we were placed? This Resolution was reached very late last night, when only a few minutes remained before 8.15, and, in view of the appeal of my right hon. Friend the Financial Secretary to the Treasury, we were inclined, as regards the Opposition, to allow it to proceed, after giving notice that we would raise certain large issues on the Bill. I think the House of Commons ought to make up its mind whether it wants full discussion on the Committee stage of the Financial Resolution, or whether it wants full discussion on the Second Reading of the Bill. From my experience, I do not think it counts for a great deal, because the Financial Resolution is the Bill. The two things are practically interchangeable, and it seems there might be opportunity for a full debate on one occasion or the other. It is perfectly clear that if we start a discussion now, it must end at 8.15, and I should have thought it better business to have taken a full debate on the Second Reading of the Measure.

I find myself in some difficulty. I was in the House to-day when we were discussing very important Measures, which went through with a great deal of facility—[HON. MEMBBRS: "Oh!"]—with my acquiescence, may I remind my hon. Friends—including the Irish Land Bill and the Anglo-Italian Treaty Bill, on both of which I and my friends here had a great deal to say, but refrained, in order not to delay other business. We all learn in time that it is not a bad thing to try to meet the Opposition half-way when we can, and we, of the Opposition, are always ready to make any arrangements we can. To-day my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Leith (Captain W. Benn) asked what number of Orders it was expected to get through during this Sitting, and the Prime Minister would not tell us. He did not even say that he hoped to get as far as possible by 8.15. The result is we come on to this very important Money Resolution, involving millions of money, rather late, without having had any expectation of reaching it. I think it would be very much better if we postponed discussion on this particular Resolution, and went on to the other important business on the Order Paper, because I have matters of some, importance to raise on this Resolution. I want to raise a matter of principle, and I want the Financial Secretary to the Treasury to explain certain matters in connection with the working of the Trade Facilities Act, which is of immense importance at the present time, when trade is languishing, and there is great unemployment, and every means must be taken by Government credits, or otherwise, to help British industry. I am not satisfied with the way the Act has been worked up to now. I am not going into details, but there are very important matters indeed in connection with the working of trade facilities. I also wish to take the opportunity——

I must inform the hon. and gallant Member that the Motion is to report Progress, and that he cannot discuss the Bill.

With very great respect, I have not opened up the discussion of the Bill at all. I am pointing out why it is necessary to report Progress, and saying that there are very important matters in connection with the Trade Facilities Bill which I hope to have an opportunity of placing before the Treasury representatives in due course. We have only an hour between now and 8.15, and I, therefore, think it much better that further discussion should be postponed. I say with very great humility I do not think the Government will lose by doing that. We are at the beginning of another Session, and do not know what it will bring forth. The Patronage Secretary thinks he has plenty of time in front of him, but a few months ahead it will be a different story, when we come to the "slaughter of the innocents," and the supporters of the Government are trying to get away to the Highlands. So that a little concession now will be bread cast upon the waters.

The hon. and gallant Gentleman said it was a good thing for the House of Commons to arrange matters, and I am sure the House as a whole will admit I am one of the most easy people with whom to make arrangements. I wish to refer to the charge of a breach of faith that was made by the right hon. Member for West Swansea (Mr. Runciman). If hon. Members will turn to the OFFICIAL REPORT for the 16th February, column 665, they will see that in announcing the business for to-day my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister mentioned

"Importation of Pedigree Animals Bill, Second Reading, and, if time permits, China Indemnity (Application) Bill, Second Reading."

On the Paper which my right hon. Friend was reading, I had crossed out the China Indemnity Application Bill, which we did not intend to take, and put "Other small Orders on the Paper," and I took the first opportunity of inserting this in the OFFICIAL REPORT. If hon. Members will look at the OFFICIAL REPORT for the 17th February they will see at the end the following paragraph:

"BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE.

The China Indemnity (Application) Bill was not mentioned by the Prime Minister on Monday (as stated in the OFFICIAL REPORT) among the Bills which, if time permitted, the Government proposed taking, for Second Reading on Thursday next, 19th instant. At the last moment, a change was made in the order of business, and the right hon. Gentleman indicated that some other small Orders would be taken."

I only say that to repudiate the charge of breach of faith, which, I think, is one of the last things to impute to me.

If there is any suggestion that I made a charge of breach of faith, of course I withdraw it at once. I am sure the hon. and gallant Gentleman would never do that. But we are placed in a difficulty. The announcement of business has been published in the OFFICIAL REPORT, and there are many of us who have read it, and relied on it. Some are not here, and there are others who are here who might discuss the Resolution, but have not got the material here, because we did not think the Resolution was coming up. I admit it is an accident, but I think the Government ought not to take advantage of it.

If there be any real misunderstanding, I hope the Government will yield to the suggestions that have been made. I must say, so far as we are concerned, there has been no misunderstanding. The usual paper handed to me last Monday did contain "the China Indemnity Bill" crossed out, and "other small Orders." I am not quite sure the Trade Facilities Bill can be called a small Order. The Resolution was started last night, when there was less time than a quarter of an hour ago. Therefore, so far as I was concerned, I did not object to it last night. We were perfectly prepared to discuss it, and, not having objected to it last night, I did not object to it this afternoon. At the same time, if there be a genuine misunderstanding, I hope the Government will not push the advantage it has got in this respect.

Frankly, I am rather surprised at the misunderstanding, but if hon. Members in some way or other have been misled, and if the leader of the party, the right hon. Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George), really feels that we would be proceeding with business he did not expect, I will postpone the discussion of this until a convenient day next week.

7.0 P.M.

I thank the Prime Minister for the courteous way in which he has met our objections. I can assure him that the appeal was not made to him with a view to delaying business. I am greatly obliged to my right hon. Friend for the courtesy with which he has met the appeal, and I hope my hon. Friend will withdraw the Motion.

Question, "That the Chairman do report Progress, and ask leave to sit again," put, and agreed to.

Committee report Progress; to sit again upon Monday next.

War Charges (Validity) Bill

Order for Second Reading read.

I beg to move, "That the Bill be now read a Second time."

On the Motion for the Financial Resolution which preceded this Bill, I made a lengthy statement with reference to the Measure, so I hope the House will forgive me if I summarise briefly now the position of the Bill. I undertook to put the Bill into the form in which it was agreed to in Committee by the House, during the last Parliament, and in that form the Bill gives effect to the decision and the programme of four successive Governments. During and immediately after the War, a certain number of prohibitions were imposed in the public interest. All those prohibitions were strictly legal, and were regarded at the time as being necessary and in the public interest. Exemptions were sought from certain of those prohibitions, and, as time went on, exemptions were granted, licences were granted, and fees were charged. A person thought he was doing good business to apply for a licence, because it profited him to do the thing he sought permission to do. In every one of these cases, it was a business transaction. The procedure was very well known to this House at that time. These fees, collected from the people who found it paid them very well to obtain these permissions, amounted to something like £18,000,000. Four successive Governments decided that it was necessary to legalise that action and to introduce a Bill of this kind Three Governments in turn also found that a General Election supervened before the Bill could reach its final stages.

As regards the actual legal position at present, that must depend, in the absence of a Bill, upon the final result of several actions which are pending in the Court. If claims are not, in fact, barred by the Act of Indemnity, then there will un- doubtedly be a legal claim on all these charges amounting to something like £18,000,000. If they are barred by the Act of Indemnity, it is perfectly true the legal liability will be reduced to a figure of something like from £70,000 to £128,000. The actual legal position may vary in accordance with the final finding of the Court. Morally, I think there can be no question that the claimant who refrained from bringing his claim on the faith that the Government undertaking would be carried out and legislation would be introduced has claims just as good as the man who persisted with his claim in spite of such an undertaking by the Government.

The Bill in its present form is in the form to which the last House of Commons agreed after a very long Debate in Committee, in which I remember the late Attorney-General (Sir P. Hastings) and the present Attorney-General (Sir D. Hogg) discussed in great detail what was the final form in which it should be framed. Two points, particularly, were raised. One was that in a Measure of this kind each charge which it sought to legalise should be clearly and plainly stated in the Schedule. That is done, as the House will see, in the present Bill. The second point was that proper provision should be made on a generous scale for those who have brought an action and who have not yet had judgment entered against them. The House will see that the proviso in Clause I makes the provision which was agreed in the Committee stage on the last occasion.

Very little has been said in opposition to the Bill. On the last occasion the only opposition was based on three grounds. The first was a constitutional ground that this kind of thing was improper: but, as a matter of constitutional law and precedent, if I may say so, I am quite content to follow the considered opinions of successive Lord Chancellors in four Governments. If they felt that such a course was necessary and was right, then I do not think that we need be unduly anxious about transgressing any great constitutional maxim. It was also said some opposition might be raised on the ground of justice. I really cannot see what justice there is in taking £18,000,000 of the taxpayers' money in order to pay it over to a selected number of people, all of whom found it good business to engage in these transactions, the greater number of whom have not sought to challenge them, but al. of whom, without question, would be equally entitled to challenge them, possibly in law, and certainly in equity, if this Bill be not passed. Finally, the suggestion was made, which I do not at all follow, that this Bill was contrary to the best interests of trade. It has been said in a great many quarters that nothing could be of greater advantage to trade than the relief of taxation. I am certainly not going to promise anything on behalf of the Chancellor of the Exchequer in this Debate. But, if the statement be true, I cannot imagine that a greater disservice could be rendered to trade than to refuse to pass this Bill, for a large proportion of the £18,000,000 would have to be levied upon trade to pay over to a number of people who, as I have said, quite rightly found it; good business to engage in these transactions. Therefore, for all those reasons, following the considered judgment of four successive Governments in four successive Parliaments. I would ask the House to give a Second Reading to this Bill and to pass it without any undue delay.

The one figure that has been omitted in the speech of my right hon. Friend is the revised figure, not the £18,000,000, he has quoted, covered by this Bill. I understand the figure of £18,000,000 mentioned by him was the figure of the Bill not before the House. I have looked carefully through the White Paper, No. 2,295, and I cannot make the totals by any means within speaking distance of £18,000,000. I should like to know what is the exact figure that would be covered by the various items set out in the Memorandum and Schedule. In the cases which are now pending, and which this Bill seeks to cover—the amount seems to be £164,000—not more.

Perhaps I did not make myself clear, but the figure of £18,000,000 is the figure of all the fees collected for the licences granted under the different items that are set out in Annexe I of the Memorandum. The limited figure to which the right hon. Gentleman has referred is, as I have said, the figure which the Government will be liable for to-day if this Bill be not passed. The figure of £18,000,000 becomes relevant if the position is reversed in the Court of Appeal or in the House of Lords. Then there is a legal claim for the £18,000,000.

I am very much obliged to the right hon. Gentleman for his explanation. That does clear the ground. I understand that if this Rill were not passed it would certainly make the Exchequer liable for this £18,000,000. I presume that the presence of the Attorney-General and the other legal authorities is in view of what is likely to happen; but we are advised, looking into this matter, that there is very little likelihood of all the penalties which my right hon. Friend has described being incurred. However, that is not the point I wanted to discuss in this Bill. My objection to it is that it is a very dangerous precedent. It is all the more dangerous because it has to do with what is in fact a serious charge made on the subject without the ordinary financial procedure of the House being complied with. The cases with which I am most concerned are those of British vessels under the foreign flag. I have had the opportunity of learning during the last few days from some of those intimately concerned, and in case the House does not know exactly what happens, may I describe briefly the transactions which this Bill seeks to cover? There were a number of shipowners who used to sell their old tonnage to foreign purchasers. The foreign prices, for various reasons, were higher than those obtained in this country. It has long been the practice of British shipowners to sell their older vessels to foreign purchasers. The inducements to do that in the period of the War and for some time afterwards were greater than before. During the War, while all British vessels were subject to requisition, vessels flying a foreign flag were not subject to requisition and were able to carry freight that might be regarded as purely British. The foreign market was extremely profitable.

The Ministry of Shipping were quite alive to these transactions, and they laid it down—it was part of their administrative rule—not the legal sanction whatever—that if application were made for a licence to transfer British to foreign ownership that 15 per cent. of the purchase money of the vessel should be paid into the finance branch of the Ministry of Shipping, and that the English shipowner who made the sale must forthwith give an order to an English yard for a new Vessel. I am not one who blames the Ministry of Shipping for having taken this step, but I think it would have been better if the Government of the day had come down to the House and asked for the necessary powers. I am quite sure the House would have given these powers. It was an unfortunate omission on the part of the Ministry of Shipping and of the Treasury of that day.

In a good many cases the whole thing was a perfectly proper contract, and I do not think the subjects had very much cause for complaint if they were mulcted in these large sums. And I do state what I believe is the general opinion of the Shipping Trade that in the great majority of instances it would have been unfair and not playing the game—whatever the legal position—for those concerned to come down now, and at this time of day succeed in getting reimbursed what was taken by the Ministry of Shipping. I am authorised to say that on behalf of the shipping organisation. But there are one or two very hard cases which I am sure must have been brought before the Board of Trade at one time or another. Let me take the case of the Marshall Shipping Company, the particulars of which have been given to this Board of Trade. These two excellent young shipowners—or they were young at that time—managed the company, and immediately on the War breaking out went off to perform War service, and left the control of the ships they had in the hands of some members of their staff. When they came back they found themselves quite unfitted, by lack of knowledge, of what was going on, and general War conditions, to carry on their business, and they endeavoured to sell their vessels. They were at once told by the Ministry of Shipping that they must pay the 15 per cent. charged, and they must fill up the gaps in their fleet with new ships. They were unable to carry on their business. They sold their vessels naturally in the best market. They were compelled to purchase vessels at most expensive time that has ever been know in the history in shipping, the result being that that company has been greatly handicapped ever since, because of the capital locked up. The outlay to which they were put would have given them at least three times the number of ships to-day. The Marshall Shipping Company is one case that is not covered in this Bill. They had three separate transactions during the War, and their claim was lodged in 1922. I believe it would have come on very soon had it not been barred by this Bill. No provision is made whatever in this Measure to meet hard cases like that of the Marshall Shipping Company, and in which no complaint has been made either by the shipping organisation or by the skilled experts of the Ministry of Shipping. There are some other cases which are not quite so creditable. I do not know whether my right hon. Friend can give us any satisfaction in regard to the cases like that of the Marshall Company. They must be well known to the officials, and it seems to some of us that these cases are most unfairly dealt with by a Bill of this nature. The claims are lumped together without any distinction or classification. I trust that when we get to the Committee stage the right hon. Gentleman will be able to tell us whether there will be any reconsideration of cases like that of the Marshall Shipping Company. There are one or two others which I am not quite acquainted with, but this is certainly one of those cases in connection with which, in the shipping world, the general view is that they have been very hardly dealt with, and that there should be some reconsideration given to them.

I should like to say that so far as the whole of the cases are concerned, there is no sympathy with many of those who have made complaints. Everybody in the shipping trade at that time realised the conditions and difficulties under which the Ministry of Shipping were labouring, and we are not now for a moment challenging in the least what the officials of the Board of Trade did. Still, those who placed themselves fully in their hands and accepted humbly the conditions of the Board of Trade, think that it is a little hard that cases should have been brought up by those who were not so ready to play the game as they were themselves. That does not apply to such cases as the one I have brought before the House.

The only other point I would make is this. This Bill is not the Bill which was introduced by the predecessors of my right hon. Friend. The original Bill was a much harsher measure, and it met with comparatively short shift in this House. The next Bill modified its proposals. If I remember rightly this is the fourth draft which has been brought before Parliament. This drops some of the claims which were included in the other Bills. For instance, milk has disappeared from the list. I do not know whether there are other cases, but there is certainly great modification of the view of the Treasury in the milk case. These changes make one suppose, and one cannot help feeling, that the Board of Trade cannot regard this as entirely an unalterable matter. In view of what has happened, one naturally inquires why there should have been such modification in the various Bills which have been issued by successive Governments. I hope that the form of this Bill is not to be the final form and that the President of the Board of Trade will see whether he cannot meet the burdens which have been placed upon entirely undeserving shoulders, undeserving of condign punishment, and that he will do what he can to spread the feeling which exists amongst a very large proportion of the shipowners that he is endeavouring to act fairly and squarely by all parties concerned. If he can satisfy the House on that point, I am sure he will go far to satisfy those with whom I usually act, and we will do nothing to impede this Measure.

I do not approach the consideration of this question from quite the same angle as my right hon. Friend. I am in general agreement with the conclusions arrived at, but I approach the consideration of this question, not simply as a member of a particular side, but simply from the constitutional standpoint. I had the opportunity when the Money Resolution was before the House of making my protest as strongly as I could in regard to this Bill, and I do not propose to weary the House to-night by repeating the arguments I then ventured to use. I should like to say two words, and two only, about the Bill. In the first place my hostility to this Measure is not diminished by the fact that the two Front Benches are in virtual agreement upon the subject. That renders me rather the more suspicious about the Bill. My hostility to the Bill is not lessened by the fact that various decisions have been given by successive Lord Chancellors. This is really not a question of relief to individual firms, not of relief to certain people who made certain bargains during the War, but it raises a very broad constitutional principle. The principle is this: Whether, in order to save public money—because there can be no other issue involved—the Executive is entitled to come down to this House and ask it to fly in the teeth of certain decisions which have been obtained in the Law Courts, and, by the action of the Legislature, deprive the subjects of His Majesty of remedies which they have obtained from the Courts. That, to my mind, is the sole issue involved in the Bill before us.

The President of the Board of Trade has over and over again—and he is not the first President of the Board who has done it—attempted to frighten the Members of this House by the bogey of the figure which he has quoted in his memorandum and has more than once quoted in his speech. The figure given is £18,000,000. I do not believe that any such figure is in question at all. On the decision which has already been obtained in Court, the total sum involved is about £160,000 or £170,000. It that judgment stands, all other claims are barred out entirely, and the House may put. from its mind any question of a gigantic sum of £18,000,000, unless, of course, the Executive subsequently come to this House and say that because certain persons have obtained judgment for sums of £160,000 or £170,000 they feel morally impelled—because at present they are under no legal obligation to do so—to ask the House to re-open the whole question and to indemnify people who have not asked for indemnity. That is a matter between the Executive and this House. As the matter stands to-day, the sum involved is not £18,000,000 but £l60,000 or £170,000. The question the House has to decide is whether, for the sake of a comparatively trifling sum, it is prepared to give to the Executive powers which have been denied to it by the Courts of Law, denied to it by the highest Court of Law in a case of first-rate importance. I have really no knowledge of the claims made by individuals or individual firms, and I have no special sympathy with them, but I submit to the House that by this Bill it is embarking on a rather slippery slope. The question of the relation between the Legislature and the Courts of Law is one going far beyond the limits of this particular Measure, and I venture to ask the House to consider very carefuly whether it ought to assent to the Second Reading of this Bill.

I would like, first to make an observation with regard to the speech of the hon. Member (Sir J. Marriott), who has just spoken. Obviously, there is a constitutional point involved in this Bill, but, whilst I seldom agree with the right hon. Gentleman who is submitting this Bill to the House, I cannot help feeling that I ought to support him this evening. I have in mind the rent muddle the House found itself involved in some two years ago, when we had to have recourse to legislation similar to this. There was another case in 1923, and whilst I objected to it at that time the Conservative Government of that day felt it ought to bring forward a short Measure, which had retrospective effect, for the purpose of avoiding serious trouble for the Attorney-General and the then Home Secretary. Also, we have this afternoon passed a small Bill to prevent difficulties for an individual who, I think quite innocently, made a mistake a few weeks ago. Therefore, it seems to me, there are ample precedents for disposing once and for all of this five or six years' old trouble.

With regard to my right hon. Friend on my left (Mr. Runciman), whilst it may be fair and legitimate to argue that among a large number of cases one case can be found very different from all the rest, if the right hon. Gentleman in charge of the Bill were to make any concessions of the kind referred to by my right hon. Friend it would open the door to many other possible applicants who are not only not contemplating making applications, but who, at the time these Orders were passed, were happy to accept the implication of the Orders, and, incidentally, made very large profits as a result of the powers given to them under the Orders of 1917 and 1920. Could anyone imagine, for instance, that the brewers who were permitted to brew special quantities of beer, from which they made large profits, would sit idly by and permit themselves to be contributors in individual cases similar to those referred to by my right hon. Friend below the Gangway? It is obvious that once you open the door again the number of applications may be endless, and, in view of the fact that this matter has been before the House on so many occasions, I think the only safe thing the House can do is to pass this short Measure. Hardships are not going to be inflicted either upon individuals or organisations, and it will certainly close a, very unpleasant door, and will prevent repetition. For that reason, notwithstanding the constitutional change or the constitutional precedent, as the hon. Member (Sir J. Marriott) calls it, I think it very desirable that this matter should be disposed of once and for all.

I do not propose to say more than one or two words, because I am sure that on the whole the Bill has not met with an unfavourable reception from the House, and it has to be borne in mind that although we, a Conservative Government, are introducing this Bill to-day it is a Bill which we inherited from our immediate predecessors, who in turn inherited it from us, as we in turn had inherited from the Coalition Government. So it is a Bill which, at any rate, has considerable Executive sanction. It will be remembered also, that there were modifications introduced into the Bill which the late Government brought before the House, and that those modifications have been accepted and incorporated in the present Bill, They were modifications which were thought to be right by the Committee which considered the Bill, and they certainly went towards alleviating its provisions in the interests of individuals affected, and those modifications have been reintroduced.

There are two real criticisms levelled against the Bill. My hon. Friend the Member for York (Sir J. Marriott) condemned the Bill, because, he says, we are depriving the subject of remedies obtained in the Courts, and that this is really a question between the judicial authorities and the Executive in which we are seeking to override the judiciary. I can relieve his objection on both scores. First of all, there are no judgments obtained in Court which this Bill seeks to invalidate. The judgments as they stand to-day are judgments in favour of the Crown. The only judgments in favour of the subject were the judgments of the House of Lords in the milk cases, and those are expressly excepted by the operation of this Bill. Secondly, there is really no conflict involved here between the Executive and the judicial authorities. What the Law Courts, including the highest authority of all, said, was this, that there was not to be found in the Defence of the Realm Act authority for the Executive to raise these sums of money by means of Regulations, and therefore that the sums levied could not be legally levied without the assent of Parliament. That decision is accepted, of course, by this Government, as by its predecessors, and we come, therefore, and ask Parliament to legalise the Regulations. The Courts do not say that Parliament cannot or should not do that—that would be outside their province. What the Court has said is that the Executive cannot do it without Parliament, and it is for that reason that we come to Parliament.

I pass from these two criticisms to the criticisms of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Swansea (Mr. Runciman). He really was almost a benevolent critic. He put forward certain hard cases which he suggested should have exceptional treatment. First, I would like to tell him that he was mistaken in thinking that the case of the Marshall Shipping Company is at present before the Courts. The Marshall Shipping Company case came on about 10 days ago, and I appeared as counsel for the Crown, and the Marshall Shipping Company had judgment given against it. At present there is no action pending by it. Of course, I do not know whether it will appeal; but the position is that judgment has been given against that company. The right hon. Gentleman, not as a matter of law, as I understood him, but as a matter of hardship, suggested that some consideration ought to be given to it, and he put forward, if I may say so, very plausibly, the hard case of the particular shareholders involved in that company. When one investigates it, one finds that the hardship of which he complained is not due to anything we are seeking to do here.

What happened with regard to these ships—and when I say these "ships" I mean not only the Marshall Shipping Company's ships, but the ships with regard to which the levy was exacted—was this: Immediately after the War, a tremendous profit was to be found in transferring British ships to foreign flags. There was a scarcity of shipping. British ships were liable to be requisitioned or directed, and had therefore to take blue book rates; they had to accept comparatively small rates. But if the ship was under a foreign flag it was free from requisition and could command much higher rates. The result was that it was a very profitable thing to sell a British ship to a foreign buyer. An Act of Parliament was passed, the Transfer of Ships (Restriction) Act, which prohibited such transfer without licence of the Board of Trade. Nobody disputes that it was perfectly open to the Board of Trade to say: "We will not allow any transfer to a foreign flag." What happened, in fact, was that the Board of Trade and the Shipping Controller, who were acting together in this matter, said: "It is in the national interest that our ships should be as modern as possible. Therefore, we will not allow ships to be sold to foreigners unless they are at least fifteen years old." Secondly, they said: "We will not allow old ships to be Bold to foreigners unless two things are done. In the first place, you must have a new ship built." Of course, the owner could get a ship built for a good deal less than the price he was getting out of the foreigner. Secondly, it was laid down that the owner who sold the ship must give to the Exchequer a proportion of the enormous profit which he was getting, resulting not from any act of his own but from the fact that in the national interest British ships should not be allowed to receive more than a certain moderate rate.

If an owner asked to be put in a privileged position by being allowed to sell his ships to a foreigner, it was laid down that the profit resulting from that freedom from requisition should not all go into his pocket but should, to some extent, go into the pocket of the State. The one provision, the provision which I understand militated against the Marshall Shipping Company, that they should replace the ship sold by a ship built in a British yard, was a perfectly legal provision, and it was quite competent for the Shipping Controller to say that he would not allow them to sell their ships unless they built new ones. The other provision, that a payment should be made to the Exchequer, was held to be illegal without express Parliamentary sanction, and accordingly, that 15 per cent. cannot be retained by the Exchequer as against the shipowner. Although the shipowner entered into the bargain with his eyes open, and he was under no obligation to take the licence, although he realised the other 85 per cent. of this enhanced price, and although he embarked upon the transaction, not under any compulsion, but because he thought it paid him to do so, he can recover it.

The right hon. Gentleman says that the Marshall Shipping Company have lost money, because the new ships they built were built at higher prices than they could be constructed to-day. Really it is difficult to differentiate, and say, "We will let this man off, because he served in the War," or, "We are going to let others off for some other reason." If you do that, there will be no end to your concessions. The only way you can approach the subject is to enact that as it was not unreasonable for the Exchequer to receive a portion of this profit, and, inasmuch as it now appears that the demand for it had not been authorised by the Act, although at the time it was believed to have authorised it, we will put that matter straight, and sanction a demand which the House of Commons of the day would have sanctioned if it had been asked to do so.

That is the whole proposal in this Bill, and I am afraid I cannot hold out any real hope that a sort of dispensing power will be exercised by the Board of Trade to give back some of this money in particular cases where they think a particular individual has been unfortunate afterwards, because if we once began to do that it would be arrogating to the executive a power which should be jealously guarded, and it would be regulating the taxation of the individual by the executive. Therefore I cannot hold out any real hope to the right hon. Gentleman on this point. I recognise the very friendly way in which he put forward his suggestion, but I cannot say that I think the Board of Trade would in individual cases be willing to pay back this 15 per cent. I do not think it would be possible for an official to undertake the responsibility of saying which people should be treated as inside the provisions of the Bill and which should be outside. If the House thinks it is reasonable that this taxation should be imposed and allow it to fall on all alike who have paid these moneys, all of whom paid them voluntarily in the sense that they need not have taken up the licences unless they thought it would pay them, I hope, with that explanation and with an anxious desire not to seem not to recognise the attitude adopted by the Opposition which has been quite fair, the House will see its way to pass the Second Reading of this Bill. Question put, and agreed to.

Bill read a Second time, and committed to a Committee of the Whole House for Monday next.—[ Commander Eyres Monsell. ]

Public Accounts

Ordered, "That the Committee of Public Accounts do consist of Fifteen Members."

Colonel Sir William Allen, Mr. Walter Baker, Sir Gervase Beckett, Mr. Briggs, Sir Henry Craik, Mr. Ellis, Mr. Gillett, Mr. William Graham, Mr. Guinness, Sir Robert Hamilton, Mr. Harmsworth, Mr. Pethick - Lawrence, Colonel Assheton Pownall, Major Salmon, and Sir Fredric Wise nominated members of the Committee.

Ordered, "That the Committee have power to send for persons, papers, and records."

Ordered, "That Five be the quorum."—[ Colonel Gibbs. ]

Public Petitions

Ordered, "That a Select Committee be appointed, to whom shall be referred all petitions presented to the House, with the exception of such as relate to Private Bills; and that such Committee do classify and prepare abstracts of the same, in such form and manner as shall appear to them best suited to convoy to the House all requisite information respecting their contents, and do report the same from time to time to the House; and that the reports of the Committee do set forth, in respect of each petition, the number of signatures which are accompanied by addresses, and which are written on sheets headed in every case by the prayer of the petition, provided that on every sheet after the first the prayer may be reproduced in print or by other mechanical process; that such Committee have power to direct the printing in extenso of such petitions, or of such parts of petitions, as shall appear to require it; and that such Committee shall have power to report their opinion and observations thereupon to the House."

Mr. W. M. Adamson, Major Ainsworth, Mr. Batey, Mr. Blundell, Captain Bourne, Sir William Bull, Sir Charles Cayzer, Mr. Clarry, Mr. Foot Mitchell, Admiral Sir Guy Gaunt, Colonel James, Major Kenyon-Slaney, Mr. George Oliver, Sir Robert Thomas, and Mr. Robert Wilson nominated members of the Committee.

Ordered, "That the Committee have power to send for persons, papers and records."

Ordered, "That three be the quorum."—[ Colonel Gibbs. ]

As there is Private Business appointed for a Quarter past Eight o'clock, I will now leave the Chair until that time.

Sitting suspended at Fire minutes before Eight o'Clock, until a Quarter past Eight o'Clock.

Private Business

LONDON ELECTRICITY SUPPLY (No. 2) BILL [Lords]. (By Order)

Order for Second Reading read.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read a Second time."

I beg to move to leave out from the word "That" to the end of the Question, and to add instead thereof the words

I want first to make a protest against these Bills really being considered at this stage. In a few days' time, on 5th March if my memory is correct, there will be an election of the London County Council. It is possible that the electors may, in their judgment, reverse the decision they have made for a number of years in regard to the party which controls the fortunes of the London County Council at present, and because there is a possibility that that reversal may take place, we have this unseemly haste in trying to get these Bills through instead of allowing the electors to be able to decide the question for themselves and to make a further decision if necessary. We are told that these Bills are the result of agreement between the London County Council and the companies. Who entered into this agreement? If I am credibly informed, the negotiations were simply carried on by the Chairman and Vice-Chairman of the appropriate committee of the London County Council and the representatives of the companies, although there was opposition in the County Council, although the whole of the Labour party in the council were opposed to these propositions, and not only the Labour party, but also the large bulk, with the exception I think of three members, of the Progressive party were opposed as well. After all, when you enter into negotiations of this character, negotiations which are going to determine the future of such an important industry as electricity in regard to a place like London, public interests ought to be taken into consideration at the same time. This has not been done. I know that the agreement has been confirmed by the votes of the London County Council. The County Council has a majority as highly disciplined as the majority in this House, and it goes without saying that the Measure is bound to be supported. We are told that these Bills are to implement certain agreements between the companies named and the County Council, whereby consent is given to the establishment of a Joint Electricity Authority in London and the home counties. That is set out in the statement which has been issued by the promoters in which they say the primary object of these Bills is to enable an agreement to be entered into after three years of negotiation. I think it is an absolute public scandal that we should have agreements of this kind being brought forward and legislation being demanded and particular advantages given to private interests in order to secure a public benefit. It is an absolute scandal from beginning to end. There is an old quotation from Cicero with which many hon. Members will be familiar in which we are told that all things shall be laid bare so that the buyer may not be in any way ignorant of anything which the seller knows, and that is the proposition we have to consider this evening.

It is, after all, rather interesting and novel that we are going to have one evening devoted to the fortunes of the County and the City of London. Usually London is the Cinderella of politics. London is usually not considered. If representatives of Scottish constituencies come to the House they are listened to with the greatest respect, if perhaps not with admiration, but at the same time they are always able to wring some concessions from the most reluctant Minister. On the other hand hon. Members opposite, on occasion after occasion, get up to profess their devotion to the British Empire and the British Commonwealth, but after all, when we are considering either the affairs of Scotland or of the British Commonwealth, we have to remember that the population of Scotland is something like half the population of the administrative County of London, and that the population of Australia is very little more than the population of the administrative county, and the population of Canada is less than the population of Greater London. Therefore, I think our interests ought to be taken into consideration. What happens always in regard to London? The Home Secretary is so jealous that he takes care we are not even allowed to look after the police. The Minister of Transport is also so jealous that he will not even allow us to look after our own traffic. Even the Labour Minister of Transport was as jealous of London as any other Minister. They always take away from us any powers which they can take away, because the people in this Imperial City are not supposed to be fitted to be trusted with the control of their own affairs. In these Bills we have exactly the same thing in regard to the electrical industry. We are to have a joint electricity authority. It is true that the municipalities are to be represented upon that authority, but the whole power is to be placed in the hands of the various companies who are combined under this particular Bill. They are going to have liberty all the way through.

I am not arguing so much in regard to the details of the Bill as in regard to the broad general principle, as to whether electricity, which is a very important industry to-day and is going to be an industry of greater importance in the future, should remain in the hands of private companies. We are constantly faced with what is called the social problem. Over and over again, we talk about the conditions of the people, the conditions of unemployment, housing, and so on. Various solutions are put forward. No matter how much we differ in regard to the solutions, we are certainly attempting to discover solutions. Why have the present conditions arisen? They have arisen because, something like 150 years ago, when there came a new source of power into the nation, the power of steam, a power which absolutely revolutionised industry, we allowed that power to go into private hands, instead of keeping control of it in the interests of the public.

Electricity is the great power, the great force of the future, and if we are going to allow it to pass into the hands of private exploiters, who will not be concerned with the development of the industry as an industry, and who will not be concerned with the supply of electricity purely from the point of view of electricity, nor from the point of view of the benefit that will come from the industry, but solely from the point of view of the profits they will be able to make on the capital invested, we are going to do a disastrous thing. That is what is being proposed in this Bill. In regard to this question of electricity, we have a considerable volume of evidence that it is municipal electricity, public-owned electricity, which comes out all the time as being absolutely the best in the public interest.

I would refer hon. Members to the evidence which was given before the Coal Industry Commission. We find there, in regard to capital expenditure, that the private companies of the country expended £79·3 per kilowatt, while the municipalities spent £52·6 per kilowatt, a difference of 50 per cent. in favour of public enterprise. When you come to working expenditure you find that the average cost of private companies is 1·7d. per unit and the average cost of the municipal undertaking ·77d. per unit. In regard to the expenditure on management, we are always told that public ownership is very expensive because of the bureaucrat. It is said that all the bureaucrats have to be paid and that, therefore, the management of private enterprise is much cheaper. We find that the expenditure on officials in private companies is ·223d. per unit, while for municipal enterprises the cost is ·135d. per unit. Private companies only depreciate at the rate of 1·78 per cent., while municipalities depreciate at the rate of 3·28 per cent.

The average price charged by the private companies is 2·392d. per unit, whilst the average price charged by the municipalities is 1·492d. per unit, which is 60·3 per cent. in favour of municipal enterprise. I live in a borough the name of which is familiar to hon. Members of this House, the Metropolitan Borough of Poplar, where for a considerable number of years we have had a municipal electric undertaking. As far back as 1903–4, a period before persons who held the wicked opinions which I am supposed to hold had any power at all in that district, the power being in the hands of the Municipal Reform party, the amount of electrical energy sold for power purposes was 37 per cent., and the average price was 1·716d. per unit. We were then the cheapest in London, but we found that that was the price which the consumers of power could not afford to pay. We therefore reduced the price by 25 per cent. and brought in a scale of charges according to the low factor instituted. The result was that the demand for energy for power increased from 37 per cent. to 83·5 per cent., and the average price fell from 1·716d. to ·646d. per unit. That was under Municipal Reform.

To-day, the Poplar Council is under the control of Labour. We pay the highest wages in the electrical industry. We pay £4 a week minimum to unskilled labour and £4 5s. 1d. per week minimum to skilled labour. We work a 47-hour week, and to-day our labour cost per unit of production is ·06d., which is the lowest of any undertaking in the country. Right away through, I find that in regard to working costs per unit the private company comes out at 1·45d., while the municipalities come out at 1·29d. If you take the cost of repairs and maintenance, the figure comes out every time in favour of municipal enterprise.

With regard to the amount that has been credited to the relief of rates as the result of municipal electric enterprise, I find from the 40th annual statement of rates levied in the various towns for 1924–25, issued, not by any political party, but by an impartial person like the borough treasurer of Preston, that the amount given in the relief of rates in 74 county boroughs was £380,904, in 65 non-county boroughs £26,350, in 31 urban districts £36,147, and in 18 metropolitan boroughs £102,859. In only one urban district was there a loss, and that was the infinitesimal sum, compared with the others, of £1,375. The total relief given to the rates in these various districts from municipal enterprises was £544,885.

The hon. Member mentioned that the total labour cost in Poplar was ·06d. per unit. I do not understand that figure, compared with some of the other figures.

Our figure is ·06d. per unit labour cost in Poplar. The average wages cost for private companies is ·17d. and for municipal undertakings ·14d. but in Poplar it is ·06d. as against ·14d. It is the very lowest cost, although we pay the very highest wages. I commend that to hon. Members as one of those cases which show that high wages and proper conditions of employment help to cheapen the cost of production. We have the Electricity Commissioners now trying to get through a scheme, and, unless these Measures pass, that scheme, I understand, cannot be sanctioned. Under this Measure there is a postponement of the purchase of the municipal undertakings for at least 40 years. Under the Act of 1888 the London County Council could purchase the electricity undertakings in 1931. Under this Measure that purchase cannot take place until 1971. We are told that there is a tremendous financial advantage in this. I have been trying to ascertain what this financial advantage is, and I have been unable to discover it.

I find, for example, that when we compare the cost in London of electricity in the municipal undertakings it is 2·16d. per unit, while in the case of the companies it is 3·07d., which is practically a difference of 1d. In regard to this No. 2 Bill, which concerns what is generally known as the West End group of companies, I find that the number of units sold in 1923 was 218,000,000. In the East End group, which is affected by No. 1 Bill, the number of units sold was 151,000,000. Taking that at a penny, I find that there would be a loss to London in actual charges of £1,538,000 a year. That loss is being put on London, because they will have to pay the higher cost, as the charge by the privately-managed companies is a penny per unit higher than the amount charged by the municipalities. Now in regard to the 7 per cent. dividends provided for under this Bill. A one per cent. dividend for a year on the two groups of companies would represent £65,878, and a 7 per cent. dividend, therefore, is equivalent to £461,146, which means that over a period of 40 years we shall have to pay out us dividends no less than £18,435,889 to these companies.

That seems to me to be a very large sum for us to pay in order to get the consent of these particular companies to the establishment of a joint electricity authority for London. We all acknowledge that we want a joint electricity authority, but that authority ought to be public authority, an authority which has the control and the management over these interests with which it is concerned, and that thorn should not be these two conflicting interests. I have shown, I think conclusively, that in every sense of the word, wherever you look into this question of public or private ownership public ownership comes out the whole of the time as an absolute success. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] I am not able to understand these particular passions which seem to be aroused whenever anyone uses the words "public ownership" in contradistinction to private ownership. I am not one of those who think that there is some kind of mumbo-jumbo idea in regard to either private of public ownership. The question all the time depends on whether you are able to get, in regard to those who are experts in the management of a particular industry, the best brains and the greatest ability for one or the other.

I contend that so far as our municipal officials are concerned they compare favourably with any officials. These electricity undertakings have been conducted by officials who have not been concerned merely in managing the industry to provide profits for shareholders. The great difference after all between an official who is managing an industry for the public and an official who is managing it on behalf of a body of shareholders is that the public official can think of the public interest the whole time, while the official of the private enterprise has got to think of his shareholders. The public interest does not matter to him. It can go hang so long as the dividends are paid, and the bigger the dividends the more he would be appreciated by his shareholders and by the directors of this particular industry, whereas we know that the public officials serve faithfully and well over and over again for lower salaries and less emoluments and rewards than are required by those who are engaged in private enterprise. [HON. MEMBERS: "What about the tramways?"] So far as the tramways are concerned I would refer the hon. Members who interrupted me to the hon. Member for Greenwich (Sir G. Hume), who will be able to give them some valuable information, and to the speech that is published for all to see in the London County Council tram service itself. You will find that the London County Council tramway service, managed as it has been very badly in some respects by the Municipal Reform majority at present in Spring Gardens, will compare very favourably with any private tramway interest in the country.

I stand on the principle of public ownership of these particular industries. I regard it in the public interest that they should belong to the people as a whole. It would be a grave danger, indeed, if the great resource of power, which is going to have very far-reaching effects in this country, which is possibly going to help us in regard to our coal conservation and in regard to our public health, and is going to be the solution of the smoke nuisance, which is going to be the great development that will take place in regard to" our machinery, in giving us greater opportunity for production than we have at the present time, should pass into the hands of private persons who must use it for their own profit and not for the public interest. It should be in the hands of the pepole and be used for the benefit of the people, and for these reasons I beg to move my Amendment.

I beg to second the Amendment.

I would point out in the first place that the subject of electricity in London has been for many years the battle-ground of the great principles as to whether it is best that this public service should be in the hands of private companies or in the hands of the municipalities. There are certain outstanding facts which both parties, whatever their views may be on this question, hold in common. During the last 10 or 15 years, since this subject has been constantly under the care of the London County Council, certain main principles have been accepted by both sides as essential to the well-being of the concern in whatever hands the electricity may be placed. Just before the "War the London County Council Electricity Committee consulted Mr. Mertz in regard to the whole position of London electricity. In his report, dated 1914, Mr. Mertz stated that if all the electricity companies and the municipalities could be in the hands of one central body, it would pay to scrap almost all the plant and to build one or two large generating stations near the river, and that something like 18 per cent. could be saved in expenditure. I think that all of us, after what we heard, became convinced of the wisdom of what this report stated, and practically everybody who has studied the subject holds that view to-day. The recent reports, one or two of which have been referred to by my hon. Friend, are on exactly the same lines. The Coal Conservation Sub-Committee, referring to the whole country, said that 600 power stations ought to be swept away and that in place of them there ought to be 16 stations, or about that number. From that we had the Measure which was passed by the Coalition Government in 1919.

That brought us to the present position, with the appointment of Electricity Commissioners, and with an attempt being made to follow out the recommendations of the Electric Power Supply Report of 1918, to bring into existence, in various parts of the country, the boards which might control the generation of electricity. That was one of the fundamental principles of the report. It is in regard to that, apart from this question of municipal or company control, that I lay greatest stress, because I believe that in the Bill now before the House it will be found that we are not following the recommendations of that Committee. In 1923 the scheme of the Commissioners was brought before London. Here we have an instance of the interest which the companies take in the well-being of London. When the Commissioners' scheme was brought forward it was blocked by the companies, and owing to the fact that this House did not give the Commissioners compulsory powers, they have been unable to move forward: they have been helpless in the hands of the companies, which have done everything they can to prevent the scheme coming into existence. They have considered no public interests except what they regarded as the interests of their own shareholders.

Before the scheme was propounded, one of the companies, I think it was the County of London, brought a Bill into the House asking for powers to enlarge their station at Barking. I am speaking from memory, but I think I am correct in saying that that Bill was opposed by the London County Council. In spite of that opposition, which said that the Bill was not desirable until the board had come into existence—the board to whose care the various generating stations were to be handed—the Bill was passed and power was given to this company to build and enlarge the Barking station under certain definite terms, one of them being that in five or six years the board would have the power to purchase. While I agree entirely with my hon. Friend in blaming the London County Council for the support that they are giving to these Bills to-day, I think it is partly a policy of despair on the part of the London County Council, for that body never finds any support in this House in opposition to the desires of the company. It is because London has never found it possible to stand up to the company when any Question came before this House, that I think possibly the London County Council may in despair have taken this very unsatisfactory step, thinking that they were gaining something by it. The next step is that the new board being dropped by the company, and nothing being done, these two Bills are brought in to-day.

I ask the Minister, first, whether he is prepared to say that these two Bills are going to place the control of the generating stations entirely in the hands of one central body, which was the recommendation of the Government Committee. I assert that if an answer is given it will prove that, although nominally they are connected, really you are going to have three groups in London generating electricity, related more or less in such a way that, if they choose to work together they can do so, and if they choose to oppose one another in the way in which the company have been opposing the general interests of electricity in London, they can follow the game that they are playing now, and do it easily. The Minister is responsible, and he is to support this Measure. How can he justify that support? I ask, next, whether there is any justification for giving away the public rights of the people of London to these companies. What is being given in return? Can he tell me anything that is being given in return?

The financial side of this Measure is involved and very difficult for anyone to understand. As far as I can gather, if you take the capital invested in these various companies up to the end of 1923, you will find that it is a sum of about £21,000,000. Take the terms under which these companies can be bought out. Owing to the circumstances of the War and the changes that have taken place, the terms are very onerous to the people of London. Instead of a statement that you will pay off this capital, it is provided that you have to value the buildings at their value to-day, less depreciation. It is impossible to say actually, in an arbitration of this kind, what the sum involved might be, but it is quite possible that, when the figure is given, you may have to pay even £24,000,000 sterling in order to purchase these undertakings in 1931. If a new board were formed, or if the London County Council took them over, I estimate that London would be involved in an interest payment of something like £1,100,000 on the supposition that London could raise the money necessary at about 4¾ per cent., with a sinking fund for 20 years of £850,000, to wipe out the capital, or a charge for the time being of about £2,000,000. The question is whether, even in face of these figures, it would not be simpler to buy out the companies in 1931 and place the whole control in the hands of one body. It will be found that at present we are paying in ordinary dividends and dividends on preference stock something like £1,500,000.

Another factor is that at the end of 40 years these companies are to be purchased on a different footing, and the purchase price at the end of 40 years will, it is estimated, be £10,000,000 less than the price payable in 1931. No doubt the supporters of the Bills will argue that this is a reason for accepting them. I would point out, however, that at present, we are paying in dividends something like £350,000 more than we should be paying in interest. If you take that £350,000 for 20 years as a sinking fund charge, you find that it would just about wipe out the £10,000,000 difference involved as between these two periods, with the advantage that at the end of the 20 years you would have purchased the companies, and in 1931 you would have been able to reorganise the whole of your generating system. In 1923 these companies placed close on £750,000 to their reserve fund, quite apart from anything to meet depreciation, so that it is a very profitable thing. If there is a gold mine in existence at the moment it is for those who deal in electricity. That is why the companies are so anxious to keep control. If the representatives of the companies were interested in this matter in the same way as we are, they would no doubt advise us to get hold of these electricity companies purely from the money point of view, and on that account I believe these Bills to be fundamentally wrong.

9.0 P.M.

I would remind the Minister of Transport that when these Bills were before the House a year ago, the hon. Member for Whitechapel (Mr. Gosling), whose absence through illness we all regret, had—at least it was so stated in the papers—practically persuaded the companies to agree that in the year 1941 the London County Council or the Board should have the right to purchase, and also that the terms of purchase should be for the year 1971 and not 1931. These two concessions my hon. Friend had good reason to believe would have been conceded by the companies when there was a Labour Government in office. We shall now see whether the Conservative Government is going to do less for London than the Labour Government was prepared to do. Hon. Members have been favoured with one or two interesting documents in connection with this subject. One is from the supporters of the Bills mentioning the fact to which I have already referred, that the London County Council has given its support. I have stated what I feel to be the only excuse that can be made for the London County Council having, to my mind, betrayed the best interests of London by agreeing to these terms. I feel exceedingly disappointed at the way in which the Electricity Commissioners have handled the whole problem. The position of the Commissioners is very difficult and seems to be unlike that of other civil servants. They are not fully responsible to the Minister, and one does not know whether to attack the Minister or to attack the Commissioners. [HON. MEMBERS: "Attack both!"] On the other hand, one does not care to attack those who cannot make any reply. If the Minister is taking responsibility I should like to say that I consider the advice given by the Electricity Commissioners, with his consent, to be most unfortunate in the interests of London.

Another interesting document is that signed by two or three gentlemen, one of whom, at any rate, bears a name well known in the City of London, which criticises the pamphlet issued by the London Labour party regarding these Bills. They refer particularly to certain figures which are quoted in that pamphlet. I am willing to acknowledge that possibly some of these figures are not exactly such as should have been pre pared in this connection. But I think it will be found, even taking this into account, that the main argument remains the same. Some of the figures given are higher than they ought to have been, but others are lower, and virtually the matter remains as it was. The complaint is made that we have only given a few of the companies. All we have done is to take six of the largest municipal concerns and six of the largest companies and to compare these together. When the authors of this document complain that we did not put in the whole list there is really no point in their argument. They have brought to our notice the fact that at the end of last year the municipal borough of Stoke Newington was found with the highest figure, and it is interesting to remember that this is one of the borough councils which has no generating station and takes its power from a private company. We are indebted to these gentlemen for drawing our attention to that fact. They also mention that the Woolwich municipal undertaking had a deficit of about £240,000, but possibly they were not aware that a great part of that loss was incurred under the management of the Municipal Reformers. Since then the position has improved, and under the control of a Labour council is becoming quite satisfactory, and they need have no more concern about it.

With regard to other complaints which are made as to figure comparisons in the pamphlet, nothing of the kind suggested was intended. What we claim is that the figures for London as between the companies and the municipal undertakings show that, comparing the management of the one with the other, the figures are better, and in regard to initiative and adaptability to the needs of the district, in almost every case the municipal undertaking is more efficient and more alive than the private company. They also have suggested in the earlier part of this document that the pamphlet almost suggested confiscation. I have read the pamphlet, and have been anxious to try and find out where any idea of confiscation could be found in it. I discovered that the only suggestion that could in any way bear that implication is a proposal that, instead of having the terms of purchase such as they are at the present time, they ought to have been, if anything, more on the lines of what the terms of purchase are to be, according to this Bill, in 1971. That is what is called almost confiscation. I should like to remind the House that there are other things that can be confiscated besides the concerns of 'private companies, and those are the great interests of the people of London.

These two Bills cannot be defended in the best interests of the whole of the electrical undertakings of the City of London or on financial grounds. This House, in passing these Measures, would simply be sacrificing the interests of London to the interests of private companies, and personally, as representing one of the districts of London where so much could be done if only we could have really cheap electricity, on behalf also, I might say, of the business interests of London, I hope we shall one day wake up to the importance of cheap electricity.

We spend hours in this House discussing questions like Free Trade, the safeguarding of industries, and so forth, but really cheap electrical power would be of much more use, in my view, to the business world. Other countries have recognised this. In France to-day they are building great power stations. Here in this country we are always having stress laid on the competition between the business world here and that of other countries, but we are to be handicapped in London simply to serve the interests of private companies, and personally I wish to make my protest against it and to beg the House to reject these Measures.

The PARLIAMENTARY SECRETARY to the MINISTRY of TRANSPORT
(Lieut.-Colonel Moore-Brabazon)

I must ask at the start the indulgence of the House, because, although it has been my fortune to be a Minister now in three successive Parliaments, this is the first time that I have had the privilege of addressing the House from this Box, and I assure you, Sir, that the traditions and historic associations connected with it rather overawe me. Moreover, the complexity of the subject under discussion tonight is one which only those who have really taken an interest in this London problem can appreciate. I have in my hand a bundle of documents that must be read before acquiring the smallest grasp of the subject at all, and I would like to start my remarks tonight by saying that I regret very much that my old opponent, Mr. Herbert Morrison, the late Member for Hackney, is not here. He, although differing from me on almost everything, is a keen lover of London, and I know perfectly well that in dealing with a case like this no one could have bettered his stilting of the case. I am reassured in this respect in speaking on this subject, because I do not believe there is a single thing which is more important than the development of electricity in this country. In an industrial country like our own, cheap light and cheap power are of the very essence of our prosperity. But tonight I am not going to adumbrate any schemes of the Government for the general electrical development of this country; I am going to confine my remarks entirely to the question of electricity and London. As the hon. Member opposite said, London does not really get enough attention, and, after all, it is not a wholly insignificant town in the British Isles.

In these Private Bills, when they deal with things of great importance such as are dealt with by these two Bills, it is expected of the Minister to say a word or two of guidance in order to show whether the passing of the Bills conflicts with or runs along the same lines as the general policy of the Government for the development of the subject under discussion. I can say straight away that the passing of this scheme into operation would not run counter to any plans which the Government may have for a greater electrical development of the country. I have never liked those speeches in which weighty arguments are put on each side by the same speaker, and you do not know on which side of the fence he is coming down. I think it is kinder and more merciful always to start off by saying definitely on which side you are, and I start by saying to-night that the Government would like these Bills to be given a Second Reading. I want just to go back a little, as did my hon. Friend the Member for Mile End (Mr. Scurr). The passing of the Act of 1919 established the Electricity Commission, and I regret with him that some of the powers which were proposed to be given to the Commissioners were afterwards withdrawn. It has put the Commission ever since in an extremely difficult position. I was sorry this evening to hear, both from the Mover and Seconder of flu; rejection, a criticism of the Electricity Commissioners in this respect, because whatever agreement the London County Council may make with the companies is a private affair for London. The Commissioners do not butt into that. The Commissioners are anxious to get a joint electricity authority for London, and it is not within their sphere to butt in on a question of London politics.

For myself, I think this nation owes an enormous debt to Sir John Snell and the Electricity Commissioners. In face of enormous difficulties they have done a great amount of good for this country. Their ability and their industry have been, to me, amazing, and also, I think, although I see a smile on the faces of hon. Members opposite, they have shown a judicial impartiality in dealing with these local politics, in which passion rises so high, which has gained for them the confidence of most of the authorities and of the private companies throughout the land. It has been the object of the Commissioners to get a London Authority, and, as the last speaker pointed out, the difficulties have been very great. First of all, you have got to deal with 81 authorised undertakings, 41 of them municipally owned, and 40 public companies. You have got the London County Council and you have got the Electricity Commissioners, and you have got to get an agreement between these. Surely that is a pretty complex problem to face and to bring to a successful issue.

The London companies had a charter which went to the end of 1931, and under the Acts of 188S, 1908 and 1010 those companies could be bought out in 1931 by the London County Council. They were to be bought out on the same basis as in the Tramways Act of 1870, which has been interpreted in the Law Courts to mean that they must be taken over on a basis of cost of replacing the actual plant in situ. As everybody knows, the price of building has gone up, the price of plant has gone up, and, in spite of the depreciation of machinery, there is little doubt, I think—because I have been into this matter to see what sort of agreement the London County Council made—that the London County Council, from the point of view of the public purse, have saved money in adopting this particular method.

It has been asked: What is London getting for this extra franchise they are giving to the London companies? I think it ought to be known, because it is very considerable. First of all, there is the reduction of dividends. The companies now cannot pay more than 7 per cent. on their ordinary shares, and the old rate of interest remains on the other shares. The average interest now on the whole capital throughout is 6¼ I per cent., that is, after 1931 it comes back to the average rate of 6¼. The only amount they can make over and above the 7 per cent. is that after one year's working, if there is a profit over the 7 per cent., three-quarters of it has to go into the next year to reduce the price of current, and of the balance one-eighth goes to the employé s, and one-eighth to the shareholders.

Is it not also provided that if the companies are able to effect certain reductions in the charges to the consumers, they may then participate up to one-sixth?

As I pointed out, in the particular year in which the reduction takes place, three-quarters must go to the reduction of the price of current in the next year, and, of the remainder, one-eighth to the employés and one-eighth to the shareholders. That is not a very big sum, considering it is only from year to year. I want to state what London gets for the extra franchise. The private companies come in under the joint authority, and agree to be bound by the technical scheme, which the joint authority imposes upon them, always, of course, with the consent of the Electricity Commissioners, and that has really got the whole of London electricity into one organised whole.

I do not want to be drawn into a controversy with regard to private and public ownership. I know it ranges from the nationalisation of children to the running of armies by private enterprise, but I think plumb in the middle of these two extremes lies the question of electricity. You can make out an extremely good case on either side. No one to-night, although municipal undertakings have been praised, has said a word of the North-East Power Company, which nothing approaches in the way of municipal undertakings. Manchester is quite a good undertakng from the point of view of municipal undertakings, but nothing to-day can compete with the North-Eastern Power Company, which is a private enterprise. [An HON. MEMBER: "You have not a coalfield near London !"] They have one near Manchester. I want to pay a tribute to Glasgow for their outlook on electricity. They are a municipality with a very broad vision on the question of electricity, and I only wish that some of the parochial spirit one sees all over the country with regard to electricity was gone, and that they viewed it as Glasgow does.

We, as a Ministry of Transport, come into this question rather more than if it were an ordinary private Bill, because, although these two Bills confirm an agreement made between the companies and the London County Council, the whole object of the Bill is to start a joint authority, and before that can be brought into actual operation, the Minister of Transport must confirm an Order of the Commissioners, it must be passed by both Houses of Parliament, and it is the operation of No. 1 Bill, No. 2 Bill and the Order, which will bring into effect the joint electricity authority for London.

Now, I think many people would say, "What is the Joint Electricity Authority going to do?" It is going to compel a technical scheme from the companies. I do not think I can help stating this point: here you have got an agreement constituting your authority in which the authority is composed mainly of municipal undertaking representatives. I think the balance is overwhelmingly of municipal undertakings in that authority, and while private companies consent to the technical scheme imposed upon them by that authority, yet London municipalities will not accept the scheme of technical development which they themselves as the joint authority must bring forward. It seems to me a curious attitude.

All the municipal authorities in coming into the joint authority refuse to be bound in the same way that the private companies do on the question of technical development. That is the situation as it is to-day. It is quite obvious, I think, that when they get working together in the future they themselves, who are going to make the recommendation, will comply with their own recommendation.

I have not noticed that the Electricity Commissioners have raised this point, and I know of no disagreement.

I did not say there was any disagreement. I said that of the two bodies, companies and local authorities, one bound themselves to the technical scheme and the other did not. The Electricity Authority is going to impose upon London the technical scheme which is along the lines of co-ordination, with the hope that cheaper electricity may be supplied. The first thing is the interconnection of stations in London. As everybody knows, each plant running as a seperate unit has got to have an enormous amount of stand-by plant. It will surprise many hon. Members to know that the ordinary company supplying electricity has to have a stand-by plant of no less than 68 per cent. That represents an enormous amount of capital doing nothing at all. The moment you get interconnection you can reduce the amount of your stand-by plant. Again, by intercommunication, you can get a better load factor. There is this point also, that when you have interconnected you are able to close down your uneconomical plant altogether and run your economical plant. Of course, the Joint Authority would deal with that pressing matter to the ordinary public, the matter of voltage throughout London.

I want to say a word on the broader point of view of London electricity. The average consumption to-day of electricity throughout England is 100 units per person. In America it is 500 units. London, as a matter of fact, uses a little more than the average consumption: London uses 130. I want the House to imagine a state of affairs where London using as much as the average used by America—and it is not a great stretch of imagination to say that may occur in 10 years——

It is a good deal higher; it goes up to 1,000. May I develop it. I put the average consumption to-day in London as 130. The present consumption in America is 500 units. I want to see what will happen to London when we in London consume 500 units a year. The total generating plant in London to-day is 675,000 kilowats. To satisfy the demand in London of 500 units per person per year, you will want 2,000,000 kilowats. Consequently, London has to build in the next 10 years sufficient to satisfy that demand, or 1,500,000 kilowats. The Joint London Electricity Authority is the body charged with the supplying of that need for London, and it is no use hon. Members saying we are handing London over to private enterprise. Three times the generation of to-day has got to be put down in 10 years, and it has got to be put down at the direction, from the technical point of view, of the Joint London Authorities, so really one cannot say that London electricity is being handed over to private enterprise—it is not that at all. There are one or two other points in regard to electricity. There is a sort of popular belief in this country that you cannot have cheap electricity unless you have water-power. That is absolute nonsense. This country's coal supply is one of the best in the world. Water is a nice thing to have about, but we can produce coal better than any other country in the world. This is a curious point. When you are paying for electricity you are paying for three things—you are paying interest on capital, you are paying for fuel and you are paying for distribution. It may interest hon. Members to know what are the percentages of what you pay. Twelve per cent. of what you pay goes towards capital charges, 18 per cent. goes towards fuel, and 64 per cent. goes to distribution. I think as we look at future London some of us will want to know whether there is any possibility of the generation of electricity at the pit mouth and transmission by high tension electric cable to London, and whether generation in London will, in fact, disappear, and shall we have eventually current sent to us from the country. Of course, nobody knows what will happen in the future. To send energy 100 miles is equal to transporting coal at the rate of 6s. per ton, railway rates are 11s. Consequently, there is a case there for supplying electricity in bulk. The coal consumed in London is not rail, but water-borne, and from the nearest mine the charge is 2s. 10d. and a little further 3s. 6d. I think it is right to tell hon. Members that, because they would notice that the supply of electricity in London is dependent upon water-borne coal. I think that in the future we should look to at least one or two lines in the combination of inter-communication cables to the Midlands, which would take the load partially, so that we should be able to maintain an essential service if a coal supply was not available. Hon. Members may with justice ask me whether the experts think that the whole supply of London will come from one or two generating stations situated by the Thames, or, anyhow, near the water, where they can get the advantage of cooling. The answer to that is, No. What is looked for is that four or five big generating stations in and around London will carry an actual basic load, while the peak load will be carried by about eight or 10 of these existing stations in London. The reason of that is that, although it is a fascinating and delightful thing in theory to transmit your electricity by high tension cables from a distance, when you get absolutely into London you have to weigh up the cost of inter-communication, putting your lines under the street, and so on. Is it worth doing that compared with a slight loss in efficiency?

I have tried to draw as well as I can a picture of electricity as it should develop in the future. I hope I have helped people to see that there is a lot to be done, that the thing which we are looking to is to co-ordinate the supply itself, to have the control of London electricity in the hands of London folk, who will get a cheaper rate of electricity. We may have differences of a parochial type. We may have a difference of policy as the private ownership; but really the establishment of a Joint Electricity Authority transcends all these questions together. London, since 1905, has been trying to get an agreement between its electrical companies to work together. These Bills may not be ideal, but they are stepping stones towards that combination. Co-ordination is the best, the practical best, and the essence of cheap electricity in London. It is long overdue. It is much wanted. I feel confident that if the electrical authorities in London will pull together in the provision of electricity for London, it would be well, and it is for that reason I ask the House to give a Second Reading to this Bill.

Would the hon. and gallant Gentleman be good enough to answer the question which was put to him by the hon. Member for Finsbury (Mr. Gillett), and which I would like to repeat? Is he not aware, seeing it has been announced in the Press that during the period of office of the Labour Government, when these Bills were under discussion, that the Minister of Transport of the Labour Government did secure considerably better terms from the companies than these Bills propose? He reduced the period to 1941 from 1971. Under these circumstances, is the hon. and gallant Gentleman, in asking his supporters to support these Bills, not making a much worse bargain for the public of London than would otherwise have been the case?

The hon. Gentleman has put me in somewhat of a difficulty. The negotiations, he says, have been set out in the Press. I have not read the actual Press cuttings, although I do know a little more than I can say about it. On the particular matter, however, let me say this: that an agreement was never actually made. The only basis upon which the discussion was continued was upon the basis of equal consideration being paid to the companies whether the date was 1941 or 1971. There was no difference from the point of view of the London ratepayers as to what of their money should be paid in the different dates.

We have had a very interesting lecture from the Minister of Transport on electricity. He did not, however, deal very much with the substance of our objections to these Bills. I think it is a little unfortunate that the only allusion he made to the difficulties of getting this plan of a joint electricity authority for London was the suggestion that the London municipalities had, somehow, not agreed. As a matter of fact, if he were to ask his advisers, they would have told him that during the last five years the difficulties in getting a scheme for London have not come from the municipalities but from the companies, and that in every possible way the companies have impeded a solution.

Another point that he made was to compare the municipalities with the North East coast. But he should remember that municipalities except in London where we have a special Act, have not been allowed to link up. Therefore it is quite impossible to get the same agreement as possible in other areas. I want to deal with some of the outstanding points in these Bills. I am one of those who am strongly in favour of the idea of a joint electricity authority for London, but it is absolutely necessary that the people of London should have a say as to the sort of price they are going to pay. Here we have in London, as it has been said, the whole area divided up between the companies and the municipalities. The original idea was that all the stations should be handed over to the joint electricity authority, and it is there we have the objections of the companies and in the course of arranging with the companies unfortunately we have had this sort of double arrangement, where the municipal undertakings are unified in one group and the companies in another!

We have the negotiations of the London County Council with the companies, and we have the fruit of that in the agreement which is in these Bills. I think this House will scrutinise very carefully what the agreement amounts to, because you are in fact handing over the distributive side, which, from the point of view of making a profit, is the important side, to the companies for a further period of 40 years—a period in which all the experts agree there is likely to be very enormous developments in electricity. We have to see what is the quid pro quo, what is London going to get out of this, because we know that when the boot is on the other leg the companies are not slow to value highly their privileges. I would refer to the case of St. Marylebone, which is fairly well known to London people, and the enormous price St. Marylebone had to pay the company under a valuation of their tenure for a much shorter period than forty years. St. Marylebone has been weighed down for years by the price it had to pay to that company. That case showed how highly the company and the arbitrators valued the right of supplying electricity. What are we to get for this forty years' extension? We are to have a sliding-scale arrangement. I am a little sceptical as to the value of sliding-scales as a protection to the people. Our experience with gas companies has not been very happy. I think it is a very illusory form of protection. There is always the danger that the basis will be a wrong one—that the basis will be too high on the profits of electricity undertakings to-day. Be that as it may, I think we shall be far wiser to go ahead with unifying the whole of the electricity undertakings in London in 1931 by taking over the companies.

We owe our real difficulties in this case, as I think the Minister will agree, to the fault of the Act of 1919. We owed that to the Government of the author of "Coal and Power," who, unfortunately, despite the great enthusiasm for electricity he has developed recently, climbed down before the opposition of certain electricity directors in another place. That was Very unfortunate, because it has enabled the companies to hold up London, the Ministry not having sufficient powers. I know the Government wish to develop industry in this country, and I wish they would take their courage in both hands and, instead of bringing forward Bills in which we have to yield to the companies, would introduce other legislation to bring to book both the companies and parochially-minded electricity undertakings, even though these be municipal. I know there is a great deal of parochial feeling about, but I think the Minister will agree that in London we have, to a large extent, got over that parochial feeling.

Members opposite ought to regard this question not entirely from the point of view of their predilections about municipal and private enterprise. They ought to realise its immense importance to industry. In London we want to see our industries built up. In the East End of London, in those boroughs which certainly have the most efficient undertakings in the London area—Poplar, Stepney and West Ham—we have built up our industries by developing a big power-load at a very low rate of charge. It has done an immense amount for employment in London. We want to see that policy developed, but we ought to spread industry out instead of getting it concentrated in the large towns; and if that is to be done, we need to have an electricity policy for the whole area directed from the social point of view and not purely from the profit-making point of view.

The real point about electricity is that it ought not to be regarded as a trade for making money; it is the basis for other trades and for social life. The tendency of a company will be to develop where it best can make a profit, though that is by no means necessarily the same place where it would be socially desirable that London's industries should develop. I would draw a parallel from housing. Housing has developed where land was cheap, and therefore we have masses of houses built in the swamps of the Lea, while other parts, where it is more desirable to live, have not been developed. We want to see electricity developed from the social point of view.

Next I want to bring before the House the question of the domestic load. If we really want to do something for the women we ought to improve their workplace, and that is the home. That is possible only by developing a domestic load of cheap electricity, and by developing mass production of fool-proof electricity appliances. Some municipalities have developed that to a great extent, notably Grimsby, in the north, and Hackney, in London. We want to see an alteration of the conditions for the women of this country, mainly through electricity. But to develop the domestic load is not necessarily the most profitable way of working. If you have part of your electricity in London run by municipalities from the social point of view you will get that sort of development, but a company naturally thinks of nothing but profits. I have listened to quite eloquent speeches by some of the eminent financiers controlling London companies describing how their hearts were wrapped up in London and its people, but actions speak louder than words, and I never found very much of that spirit when it came to doing business across the table. If we want that development we must see electricity developed in the London area for the good of the people of the area, and not for profits, and that is why I object to this handing over of the distributing end of the companies' business for a further period of 40 years. I want to see unification of our power stations, we certainly ought to go forward with that, but I do not want to leave the companies in charge of distribution.

I recognise that the Electricity Commissioners have an extremely difficult task, and I am not going to say a word against them. I know their difficulties, for they have been trying to work with a thoroughly inefficient instrument, the Act of 1919. With regard to the London County Council, which is making this agreement, it is at the point of death, it is going out of office very shortly, and we do not know what will take its place, and a dying council like that ought not to rush through an agreement to which there is considerable opposition throughout London.

I ask the House to throw out these Bills by supporting the Amendment. I do not want to see any delay in the unification of London's electricity, but pushing for- ward these Bills is not the way to deal with it. I would like to see the Government taking the wider and more statesmanlike line of introducing general legislation to enable us to deal with the companies. I admit the present difficulty about the purchase terms. I should like to see other and better terms substituted for them, because those terms were given when our exchanges were more or less stable and the value of money was at a level very different from that of to-day, and it certainly would be unfair that they should be paid out on that basis now. Let us have a new Bill. I most strongly support the reference back of these Bills, in order that the Government may consider a more constructive policy with regard to electricity, not only in London, but also outside.

In the first place, may I congratulate the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Transport on the admirable speech in which he expressed the view of the Government in regard to this Bill. In the second place, may I enter a protest against the reflection cast upon the Electricity Commissioners by the hon. Member opposite. A charge of that kind is quite uncalled for against a body of public servants like the Electricity Commissioners, whose work has commended itself to almost everybody who has come in contact with them for the way in which they have discharged their difficult task. I have had considerable experience of them, and I have been in touch with the difficulties which the Electricity Commissioners have had to contend against, and I have no hesitation in saying that they have displayed patience, tact, thoughtfulness and consideration for the various interests concerned in a way which must earn for them the admiration of the whole country.

The Bills before the House, are not new. Hon. Gentlemen opposite, in the course of the last Session, took every opportunity of preventing these Bills becoming law. With that great political wisdom which is always the quality of hon. Members opposite, they resisted the passage of these Bills through the House, and at the same time they were doing that they knew they were sacrificing opportunities of giving employment in this country to a large number of working people. These Bills contemplate opportunities of employment which mean the expenditure of £1,500,000 in wages during the next five years, and an increasing sum after that period. The hon. and gallant Gentleman the Member for Limehouse (Major Attlee) was in the last Government, but I do not think he made very much effort to facilitate the passage of the Bill we are considering, which would have given an. opportunity for the employment of a large number of people.

10.0 P.M.

The whole question evolved is that of providing London with a cheap and abundant supply of electricity. That is the formula laid down in the Act of 1919, which has been employed so frequently in connection with this question ever since. The Electricity Commissioners have been struggling for years to set up a Joint Electricity Authority. Judging from the remarks of hon. Members on the Labour benches one would imagine that the companies concerned with these Bills are going to exploit the publie—[HON. MEMBEES: "Hear, hear"!]—instead of which in point of fact many of the companies would have been better off if they had sold their undertakings in 1921. Hon. Members opposite have accused the companies of obstructing the formation of a Joint Electricity Authority, but that is not so. These Bills were examined before a Committee in another place, where every argument produced this evening was brought forward with all the force at the command of the opponents of these Bills, and to-night the House is asked to reject these Measures upon which so much thought, time and consideration has been expended during the past three years in an effort to get the London electricity supply put upon a businesslike basis in order that the consuming public may get the fullest benefit of economy. To achieve this you must get your Joint Electricity Authority started. The agreement contained in the Schedule has been arrived at between the London County Council and the companies after an exhaustive examination by one of the ablest accountants in London, and I think hon. Members in this House would feel very strongly the impropriety of hon. Gentlemen opposite making an attack on the London County Council. I think the present London County Council has handled its affairs with great wisdom and skill during one of the most difficult periods through which London has passed for a quarter of a century. This agree- ment was arrived at after a long and careful discussion by all the interests involved. One would imagine from the speeches of hon. Members opposite that the interests of London boroughs were being sacrificed. May I point out that the Metropolitan boroughs are now proceeding with a scheme of their own, and they are producing a working scheme subject to the approval of the Electricity Commissioners. The companies concerned with these Bills have been the pioneers of the development of electricity supply in this great city.

In all the speeches made to-night there has not been one single reference to the risks which were taken when the pioneering work of these companies was done and the development of these undertakings had to be undertaken for a long period of years without profits and when the enterprises as far as their future success was concerned were in the lap of the gods. We are now asking the approval of Parliament for these Bills, and the London County Council deserve the thanks of the whole of the City for the work they have accomplished in building up the great machinery of electricity supply. The hon. Gentleman the Member for Mile End (Mr. Scurr) referred to the precious document which was issued by the Intelligence Department of the London Labour party who called attention to various figures, and the hon. Member for Finsbury (Mr. Gillett) admitted that in dealing with the average prices there was a serious defect in the text of the document.

I did not say that, I said the figures were not correct, but that even if you had had the correct figures the argument was absolutely good.

When an hon. Member of this House confesses that in a certain document the figures are not correct, I ask the House to consider what must be the effect of this document when it is circulated. [An HON. MEMBER: "The whole of your speech is not correct."] The figures which were selected with regard to the prices per unit charged by the municipalities left out a great many other figures with reference to other municipalities, which certainly ought to have been included if fair play were given. For instance, in the case of Bermondsey, the price is 2·69d. per unit, in Fulham 2·81d., in Hampstead 4·64d., in Islington 3·55d., and so on. If the Intelligence Department of the London Labour party really wanted to present a fair case, they ought to have given the figures in the case of those municipalities where the unit prices were high, as well as of those selected ones where the prices were low. The companies have also been considerably hampered in past years by the rigidity of the legislation under which they had to work, and they had always hanging over their heads this period of 42 years Which was imposed upon them by the Act of 1888. The municipality has not to provide reserves to meet its sinking fund; all that is paid out of the rates; but the company——

All these companies, in view of the continuously expanding demand for electricity, and in view of the fact that they had to meet continually increasing obligations, had to put aside considerable reserves, and it is to that splendid spirit of providing for the future that we really owe the rapid advance of electrical development in the City of London. The linking up of these companies is of the greatest importance for the cheapening of the supply all over the City, and, in making comparisons of prices, one must remember that in the main the western companies are lighting companies and the eastern companies are power companies. In making out average prices and putting figures in parallel columns in order to convince the public that municipal undertakings have the greater advantage, no notice is taken of the question of bulk supplies and of supplies given in the ordinary way, as is the case with the greater part of the western companies, for lighting purposes. The County Council has examined every feature of the possibilities of safeguarding the public. If anyone examines the agreement which has been arrived at, and which is embodied in the Schedules to these Bills, he must admit that the most drastic obligations are imposed upon the companies in order to safeguard in every respect the interests of the consuming public.

We on these benches desire continuous and rapid progress in the distribution of electricity. We recognise profoundly the important part which, as has been said from the other side, electrical power plays now, and still more will play in the economic life of the country. It is only by bringing into play all the resources of private enterprise that you are going to get that measure of development which everyone hopes for in the near future. All these companies have been working for many years, frequently under great difficulties, expanding their industry, trying to moot the requirements of the public, and very often investing large amounts of capital upon which for a considerable period no return could be hoped for. The companies have done their duty well by the City of London, and their performance of that duty has been recognised by the London public and acknowledged by the London County Council. The agreement is the basis of this Bill, the Bill itself is the basis of the formation of the Joint Electricity Authority, and the Joint Electricity Authority is necessary in order that this great city may have, in the fullest measure and at the lowest price electricity for all its industrial and social purposes in the future. I sincerely hope, following upon the speech of the Minister, and following upon the somewhat extravagant speeches that have been made on the other side of the House, that a Second Reading by a large majority will be given to the Measures now before the House.

The speech of the hon. Member who has just sat down was an example of splendid Irish eloquence, but I have been wondering which was his constituency. I have a shrewd suspicion—I do not quite remember—that it is somewhere in Birmingham. Certainly, I did not recognise him as a London Member. I wonder if his speech will be reported in the Birmingham Press. I am speaking from memory, but I believe I am right in saying that Birmingham has not a company's supply of electricity, but has what Birmingham people, irrespective of party, think is a very fine municipal system, providing cheap electricity for power, light and other purposes, and even at times going as far as relieving the rates out of its profits. I wonder if the hon. Member would go to Birmingham, summon a public meeting in the Town Hall, and make the same speech down there. I cannot quite understand why we should not have the same kind of supply of electricity that that great Conservative town of Birmingham enjoys, but the hon. Member's Irish eloquence accounts for his enthusiasm. At any rate, it is interesting to see that he thinks London should have something very different from the town he represents.

This is a very old controversy, going back, unfortunately, for many years, and the only justification—I think there is some justification, and I want to be fair—for these particular Bills, is that London is undoubtedly suffering from the effects of a controversy between municipal and company enterprises, dating back to somewhere about 1905, upon which very large sums of money have been spent, both by public authorities and by the companies. I am going to submit to the House, quite irrespectively of controversy between company and local authority, that these Bills, and this one in particular, are bad Bills. I realise, because I think we have to face the facts, that the dominant majority in the House of Commons are really honestly opposed to municipal trading, and I think that, if we are going to get these Bills rejected, we have to try to persuade the House that, quite apart from municipal trading or company trading, this is not going to give London what it wants so badly, namely, a cheap and efficient supply of electricity. There have been endless inquiries of recent years into the electrical problem—the Coal Conservation Committee, the Board of Trade Committee, the Committee presided over by Mr. Williamson, known as the Wiliamson Committee, and many other inquiries, and the general agreement by all technical experts, quite apart from their prejudice in favour of company or municipal organisation, is that if you are really going to get for the consumer the benefit of a cheap and efficient electrical supply, you must have unified control at any rate of generation, and have that generation over as large an area as possible. That is a matter of accepted policy by all the experts, all the engineers and every committee which has inquired into the problem. Even some years ago, when a Select Committee was set up by this House known as the Luke White Committee in 1906, it reported as follows:

These Bills deliberately depart from that principle. They propose to divide the Metropolitan area into three, one to be supplied by one set of companies, one by another, and another by the local authorities, one group being called the East London group for the sake of convenience, another the West London group and another known as the local authorities group. So instead of London having the advantage of one uniform system of generation of electricity, you are going to have this division, not for the purposes of economy, not in order to secure a cheap supply, but in order to placate various conflicting interests. Is it wise at a time of great industrial competition, when every country in Europe is making great efforts on the lines of economic development, for London, where we have so many unemployed, to take a step which may be fatal to our economic development, which is so largely dependent on electricity. In Italy and France vast expenditures of money are being made in order to get the cheapest form of electricity on a colossal scale. The same thing is going on in our Dominions. It is going on in America. In Chicago, quite apart from the question of municipality or company control, you have the whole supply of electricity in the hands of one company. You are not going to do that here. The Minister might have had a strong case if he had come and asked for a scheme to hand over electricity in the Metropolitan area to one company as you have in the North-East of England. This scheme proposes to divide London, a comparatively small area, into three geographical, artificial areas. That is a thoroughly unsound proposition, and I do not think any engineer would attempt to defend it. It is an attempt to get a satisfactory compromise, but it will not be satisfactory. You are not making a good bargain. It is proposed to give the companies an extra 40 years' lease, and in return for that valuable concession they are to be limited to a 7 per cent. dividend. That sounds a rather attractive proposition, but when you look at it more closely and go into the terms in greater detail, it is purely an illusory concession, because the companies, as the Minister pointed out, are to be allowed to increase their dividend as they reduce the price of electricity. As the price of electricity comes down, they will be able to increase their dividend above the 7 per cent. figure.

London, at the present time, has something like 70 generating stations. The whole purpose of this scheme is to reduce the number of generating stations. All technical experience shows that unification of generation and the right kind of improvement must mean an enormous reduction in the cost of producing the power. Any kind of reorganisation must bring down the price. Even under very ordinary management, with only the minimum of co-ordination, there must be, inevitably, a reduction in price. Therefore, the companies are to be given absolute security, really, in order to be able to pay their shareholders very much more than the 7 per cent. dividend.

Under no possibility will it exceed 7¼ per cent. If the hon. Member would take the trouble to read the document, he would understand the position better.

With great respect to the hon. Member, may I say that I have studied the document? I have come to the conclusion that, if you study it closely, if there is a reduction in price the companies are to be allowed to increase above the 7 per cent. figure. If the hon. and gallant Member can prove to the contrary, I am open to conviction. I have studied the matter for a long time. While I realise that the companies are only to have a 7 per cent. dividend, if they bring down the price, they will be allowed in future to increase beyond the 7 per cent. figure to the extent of one-sixth of the reduction. All technical experience shows that, with proper coordination, with proper bulk supply generated down the river by super-stations, there must be an enormous reduction in the cost of production and, inevitably, there must be a larger amount of money to distribute amongst the shareholders, and, on the other hand—I want to be quite fair—amongst the consumers of electricity. I want the advantage of that greater efficiency and that better working to go, not to the shareholders, but to the business people of London, the consumers, who so badly want the advantage of a cheap supply. We have a great commercial interest in this matter in London. The London Chamber of Commerce issued recently to its members a very interesting statement regarding the cost of electricity in the City of London, showing the very high prices which are paid at the present time by the consumer. The statement made a comparison between the prices in the London area and in various provincial towns. This document is dated the 22nd March, 1924, and is issued from 97, Cannon Street, the headquarters. It shows that Birmingham was getting its electricity at 4½ d., Bradford at 7d., Brighton at 5d., Bristol at 5½ d., Coventry at 5½ d., Halifax at 7d., and so on, but up to the last the consumers in the City of London, the one square mile, were paying the Charing Cross and West End Electricity Supply Company, I think, 8d. Though there was a minimum charge the price to the consumers in the City of London was very excessive compared with not only other parts of London, but also with almost every provincial town. So it gives a very large margin to the company to play with in order to get the advantage of being able to increase their dividends beyond the 7 per cent.

The hon. Member who spoke from the Front Bench below the Gangway pointed out that just before the General Election the companies were prepared to have a very fair deal, I was approached by a Member of this House on behalf of the companies, and I was told that the companies were prepared, in order to settle this controversy, to accept a 10 years' term. That was a definite offer, and it was even suggested that I should have the honour of moving the substitution of 10 years for 40 years. I frankly admit that I did not jump at that proposal, because I do not like the idea of dividing the London area into three artificial districts, but that shows that, if the companies were prepared to accept the shorter term, the proposal was satisfactory to them then and was one which ought to be considered' by this House. I suggest to hon. Members opposite that if they feel compelled to support a scheme of this kind they ought to see that this valuable franchise should not be handed over to the companies for such a long period as 40 years, because electricity is making tremendous strides. Inventors are very active, and during the next 40 years there may be a tremendous improvement both in methods of production and distribution. It is a serious thing to hand over a valuable franchise like this practically without: any valuable consideration for nearly half a century, and so I say that this House, except that we can get some adequate guarantees that will safeguard the public, quite apart from the question of private as opposed to public enterprise, should follow the principles laid down by all the experts as to the right and proper way to secure for the industry and consumers of London the cheap and efficient electricity so vital to the well-being of the whole people of London.

It has been pointed out already that these two Bills are primarily necessary in order to give legal effect to the arrangement which has been come to between the London County Council and the various companies. The position of the London Members on these benches is that the present county council has no right to barter away the birthright of London with regard to the supply of its electricity for the next 40 years. It has no mandate and no authority so to do, because the question of the London electricity supply was not before the electorate three years ago when the last elections took place, and on the other hand a general election throughout London will take place in about a fortnight's time, and it appears to us to be positively indecent to rush these Bills in the way in which they are being rushed before the electorate of London has a chance to say what it thinks of this matter. There has been a very great change taking place in the situation in London, in all the industrial boroughs, during the last three or four years. Before 1922 the advantages of electric light and power, so far as domestic use was concerned, were limited practically to the sale to the landlord classes, but now the municipalities which own electricity undertakings—Hackney, Bermondsey, Poplar, St. Pancras and others—have deliberately, as a settled policy, laid themselves out to supply the working-class consumer. Throughout these industrial districts many thousands of working-class households are being supplied with municipal electricity, and in the next three or four years, at the present rate of progress, many hundreds of thousands more will have the advantage of the supply. That means that the ordinary working-class man or woman in the County of London has at last a direct interest in this question. Never having had an interest before, never having had the question placed before them before, they have never expressed an opinion before on the subject. They have an opportunity to express an opinion in a fortnight's time, and I suggest that the House ought not to give its assent to this Bill until the people of London have definitely said their say on the matter.

I noticed that the Minister of Transport, speaking a fortnight ago at the Institute of Electrical Engineers, expressed in general terms something of the same sort. He said: Minister practically admitted it. We have to say from this side that practically all the public authorities concerned, all the municipalities throughout London, the Joint Conference representing all those public bodies which own electricity undertakings in London and Greater London, and the Association of Municipal Corporations, have declared against these Bills and protested, and they are petitioning against them, and the whole voice of organised public opinion expressed through the municipalities, so far as it has been expressed at all, has been against the principle, with the sole exception of the London County Council. Under these two Bills these companies will enjoy practically financial and administrative independence. They will be entitled to go ahead almost exactly as they please, with very minor and insignificant restrictions and reservations, whereas the municipalities are already tied hand and foot. They are to be tied still further under the Bill.

An hon. Member opposite mentioned that certain public undertakings had high expenses and charged a high price per unit. He referred to my own borough of Bermondsey. I want to say that many of the municipalities are labouring under the gravest possible disadvantages, the rigid legislation of the past, the restricted legislation which has prevented them from expanding and doing what the North-Eastern Power Company has been given power to do. Again and again municipalities have been refused powers which are given to private companies. Let me give one instance in London of a municipality which labours under a grossly unfair disadvantage in regard to this work. The borough of Bermondsey owns and operates its own electric supply, and was entitled to distribute electric current within its own borders, but by a Provisional Order issued in 1895 the most lucrative district in the whole borough was taken away and handed over to a private company, that being the district from London Bridge to the Tower Bridge, containing all the great warehouses and industrial establishments. The borough has not the power to-day to light its own streets in that area, nor to supply light to its own public offices, and we have the extraordinary spectacle of a municipal electrical supply to one side of the street at a certain charge and a private company's supply on the other side at a higher charge. Hon. Members for Glasgow divisions tell me that in Glasgow development is hampered in the same way. Speaking frankly, we on these benches regard these Bills as the legislation of public robbery. We say they are intended to authorise profiteering and to guarantee the profiteers.

We know that immense technical developments in the application of electricity will take place in the next few years, and if these Bills go through in their present form, almost all those advantages will be "scooped" by the companies and the public will be at their mercy. We regard the sliding scale as affording us practically no protection, and we are not prepared to agree with the statement that the dividends after 1931 will be limited to 7¼ per cent. Our technical advisers tell us that they may range as high as 9 or 10 per cent. after 1931. We are not satisfied that the public is adequately protected, and we warn the promoters of these Bills that this particular legislation is by no means the end of the matter. If they secure their Bills, as I suppose they will in this House, we, as representing developing public opinion in London, will not be parties to the continuance of these exactions by the companies for another 50 years. We shall hold ourselves free, later on, when opinion in the House is more favourable, to bring forward Bills which will materially modify the arrangement of to-night. We desire to be fair to all parties, but we feel strongly that an unfair advantage is being taken of the people of London. We shall express our feelings in that regard by voting against these Bills to-night and by opposing them at every subsequent stage.

Some of the speeches made in the course of this Debate have tended to divert it from the point which is of real importance to those who represent London constituencies. The hon. Member for South West Bethnal Green (Mr. Harris) twitted the hon. Member for Moseley (Mr. Hannon) because Birmingham has a municipal undertaking. Nobody suggests for a moment that such is root the case, but we have to deal with the conditions as they exist to-day in London.

From what I gather, hon. Members opposite would like this condition to go on for another six years, and perhaps longer, and the citizens of London to suffer from the great disabilities under which they are suffering to-day. I do not see what other chance there is to cure these difficulties except by some arrangement arrived at by mutual agreement between the various parties concerned. I do not see what the hon. Members opposite have to find fault with as regards the municipal undertakings, because their interests have been left entirely untouched by this Bill, and they are not damaged in the slightest. I do not see why they should try to interfere with the other citizens of London, who would like to have a cheaper and a better supply, because they themselves, apparently, would like to wait until 1931. This is a question to which I have given a great deal of careful consideration for many years past, I am well acquainted with all the very great difficulties with which it is surrounded, and in this connection I should like to offer my sincere congratulations to the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Transport for the very able way in which he dealt with an extremely difficult problem.

I should like to say that, from the personal knowledge which I have of the Electricity Commissioners, I feel perfectly confident that they would never have recommended a scheme unless they thought it was the best possible solution that could be arrived at in any given conditions, and I am confident, from my knowledge, economical as well as engineering, of this difficult proposition, that the scheme now before this House is the very best possible solution for those who have to purchase electricity and those who require electricity in this great city of ours. We want cheap electricity supplied, but we want it not in six years' time, but as quickly as possible. Hon. Members opposite wish for counsels of perfection. None more than I would like to see one single authority, be it company or local authority, controlling the whole of London, but those are impossibilities to-day, and I would remind the hon. Members opposite of a well-known French proverb, by a very wise Frenchman who lived not so very long ago, who said, " Le mieux est l'ennemi du bien." We want what we can get, and we do not want to wait six years.

This question has been considered up hill and down dale. It has been considered in the most complete investiga- tion, in 1921, that has ever been carried out, which the Electricity Commissioners held, and at which every side was heard, and I say, without fear of contradiction, that under the conditions that exist in London to-day no better real, practical solution of that question could be found than by passing the Bills now before the House. Hon. Members opposite have suggested—I suppose the wish is father to the thought—that in a few weeks hence there may be a different London County Council. I venture to predict that, although some of the individual members of that Council may be changed, the party which has so ably administered the affairs of London will again be in power, and, one may say, more powerfully in power than they are now. I should like to say, with my hon. Friend the Member for Greenwich (Sir G. Hume)—under whom I sat for some years on the London County Council, and than whom I know, in connection with the question of electricity supply, there is no man who has had more at heart the real interests of the whole of London, regardless of any question of party—that if the London County Council have agreed, and not only agreed, but have requested the Members of this House to vote for this Bill, and if the Electricity Commissioners are, as we know they are, absolutely in favour of this Bill, and that an agreement has been reached which I consider is a very satisfactory agreement from the County Council's point of view, and much more satisfactory from their point of view than from that of the companies, then I suggest that it is a proper and a right thing for this House to read this Bill a Second time.

It is rather significant that London Members on the opposite side of the House are not venturing to give, support to these two Bills. Whether it is due to apprehension of what will happen in a fortnight's time, when the London County Council Election takes place, I leave it for the House to settle for itself. May I make a reference to the Minister's statement that, he was not concerned so much with the relative merits of the municipalisation of the electricity supply of London as with the details of the Bill, and as to the different methods of generating and distributing electricity? I do not pretend that I have any technical knowledge of electricity, but what we are anxious about in respect to these Bills is that we may have some concession from the Minister with reference to the period after 1931. I think we have a right to expect from the Ministry an attempt on their part to secure for the public authority the possibility of purchase in different periods from 1931 to 1971, and I ask him whether he is not able to say that those who are supporting this Bill are in a position to make a concession, now that the Conservative party is in power, that they were prepared to make when the Labour Government was in office.

I notice that no mention has been made to-night of some important provisions in these Bills. There has been no reference to the provision for the amalgamation of these companies. May I put it that the proposed amalgamation of these companies is not for the advantage of the community, but rather with a view to conserving the interests of the companies themelves by amalgamating their concerns, and making, if possible, those concerns more profitable than they were before. If we want any illustration of the evils of private company connection with the generation and distribution of electricity, we have it in the City of London. The London Chamber of Commerce have been asked to consider this matter with a view to the companies being taken over by the Corporation of the City of London. One would like to hear the views of the Members of the City of London on that particular point.

I, like my colleagues on these benches, am of opinion that the development of power through electricity is a branch of industry that should be taken over by the public authorities of this country. I, for one, am not afraid of nationalisation so far as concerns a matter like electricity. We have examples throughout the country of municipal undertakings in London and in the provinces producing electricity in a way that benefits the interests of the community.

We are anxious for the interests of the community first and foremost. We believe that public control of the electricity of the community is in the interests of the people of London, and we believe that the people of the City of London are: behind the opposition to these two Bills. The fact that the London Members on the opposite side have not thought fit to support these Bills shows that at least they are paying some respect to the opinion of their constituents. While we may have to submit in the Division to superior forces, we know that the Vote for these Bills does not represent London opinion, although it may be an indication that those who are supporting the Bill are supporting private enterprise as against municipal enterprise and municipal control. While the London County Council election during the next fortnight is taking place, those London Members in this House at least can go to their constituents and find out whether or not the statement I make is true as to whether it is the opinion of London in regard to these Bills.

The hon. Member for Moseley (Mr. Hannon) asked whether those supporting these Bills were desirous of exploiting the community. I will answer his question in the affirmative. I believe the promoters have no idea in their minds but to exploit the community. I should not believe any hon. Member who made the suggestion that these Bills are being promoted for the public good. If there were no question of 10 per cent. interest, if there were no question of 7 per cent. interest plus the one-sixth of the consumers' advantages there would be no private Bill before the House to-day. Therefore, I ask those Members on the opposite side of the House, if they cannot vote for the Amendment now before the House, that they will at least remember that the Labour party in this House stands for public ownership and the power that is going to change the whole industry throughout this country, and that at a time when industry needs that power to be provided in the cheapest and most economical way.

I cannot hope, perhaps I should not expect, to have the attention of hon. Members opposite—[HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"]—when they know that I am speaking all the time and until the time against the interests that they represent. We at least on this side of the House can say that we represent no financial interest in connection with this matter. If hon. Members on the other side will say the same, it will be an enlightenment to this House in learning why it is they should support these Bills. We are animated by no such consideration. While it may suit hon. Members to cover up their connection with the financial aspects of this question—[ Interruption ]—they cannot do it to the conviction of those on this side of the House who know what are those connections. The hon. Member for Moseley is quite right when he suggested that exploitation was behind this scheme, although he put it in the form of a question to this Party. May I, in conclusion, thank the Minister for his generous reference to my colleague, Mr. Herbert Morrison, whose absence from the House no one regrets more than we do. That regret is shared, I believe, not less by us than by Members in all parts of the House.

rose in his place and claimed to move , "That the Question be now put."

Question, "That the Question be now put," put, and agreed to.

Question put accordingly, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Question."

The House divided: Ayes, 252: Noes, 135.

Division No. 15.]

AYES.

[11.0 p.m.

Acland-Troyte, Lieut.-Colonel

Bethell, A.

Butler, Sir Geoffrey

Albery, Irving James

Betterton, Henry B.

Butt, Sir Alfred

Alexander, E. E. (Leyton)

Birchall, Major J. Dearman

Cadogan, Major Hon. Edward

Alexander, Sir Wm. (Glasgow, Cent'l)

Bird, E. R. (Yorks, W. R., Skipton)

Campbell, F. T.

Allen, J.Sandeman (L'pool, W.Derby)

Bird, Sir R. B. (Wolverhampton, W.)

Cassels, J. D.

Applin, Colonel R. V. K.

Blades, Sir George Rowland

Cazalet, Captain Victor A.

Apsley, Lord

Boothby, R. J. G.

Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton

Ashley, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Wilfrid W.

Bourne, Captain Robert Croft

Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood)

Astor, Maj. Hn. John J. (Kent, Dover)

Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W.

Charteris, Brigadier-General J.

Baird, Rt. Hon. Sir John Lawrence

Brass, Captain W.

Churchman, Sir Arthur C.

Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

Briscoe, Richard George

Clayton, G. C.

Balfour, George (Hampstead)

Brocklebank, C. E. R.

Cobb, Sir Cyril

Barclay-Harvey, C. M.

Brown, Brig.-Gen.H.C. (Berks, Newb'y)

Cochrane, Commander Hon. A. D.

Barnston, Major Sir Harry

Brown-Lindsay, Major H,

Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K.

Beckett, Sir Gervase (Leeds, N.)

Bullock, Captain M.

Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips

Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W.

Burton, Colonel H. W.

Conway, Sir W. Martin

Cooper, A. Duff

Hohier, Sir Gerald Fitzroy

Rentoul, G. S.

Cope, Major William

Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard

Rhys, Hon. C. A. U.

Couper, J. B.

Homan, C. W. J.

Rice, Sir Frederick

Courthope, Lieut.-Col. George L.

Hope, Capt. A. O. J. (Warw'k, Nun.)

Richardson, Sir P. W. (Sur'y, Ch'ts'y)

Cowan, Sir Wm. Henry (Islington, N.)

Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley)

Roberts, E. H. G. (Flint)

Crook, C. W.

Horlick, Lieut.-Colonel J. N.

Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford)

Crookshank, Cpt.H. (Lindsey, Gainsbro)

Home, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert S.

Ropner, Major L.

Cunliffe, Joseph Herbert

Hudson, Capt. A. U. M. (Hackney, N.)

Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth)

Curzon, Captain Viscount

Huntingfield, Lord

Rye, F. G

Dalkeith, Earl of

Iliffe, Sir Edward M.

Salmon, Major I.

Davidson, J. (Hertf'd, Hemel Hempst'd)

Jackson, Sir H. (Wandsworth, Cen'l)

Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham)

Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H.

Jacob, A. E.

Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney)

Davies, A. V. (Lancaster, Royton)

Kennedy, A. R. (Preston).

Sandeman, A. Stewart

Davies, Sir Thomas (Cirencester)

Kindersley, Major Guy M.

Sanders, Sir Robert A.

Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.)

King, Captain Henry Douglas

Sanderson, Sir Frank

Dawson, Sir Philip

Knox, Sir Alfred

Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D.

Dixon, Captain Rt. Hon. H.

Lamb, J. O.

Savery, S. S.

Drewe, C.

Lister, Cunliffe-, Rt. Hon. Sir Philip

Shaw, R. G. (Yorks, W.R., Sowerby)

Eden, Captain Anthony

Little, Dr. E. Graham

Shaw, Lt.-Col. A. D. Mcl. (Renfrew, W)

Edmondson, Major A. J.

Lloyd, Cyril E. (Dudley)

Shaw, Capt. W. W. (Wilts, Westb'y)

Ellis, R. G.

Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (Handsw'th)

Simms, Dr. John M. (Co. Down)

Erskine, Lord (Somerset, Weston-s.-M.)

Loder, J. de V.

Skelton, A. N.

Erskine, James Malcolm Monteith

Looker, Herbert William

Slaney, Major P. Kenyon

Everard, W. Lindsay

Luce, Major-Gen. Sir Richard Harman

Smith, R.W. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, C.)

Fairfax, Captain J. G.

Lumley, L. R.

Smith-Carington, Neville W.

Falle, Sir Bertram G.

MacAndrew, Charles Glen

Smithers, Waldron

Fanshawe, Commander G. D.

M'Connell, Thomas E.

Spender Clay, Colonel H.

Fielden, E. B,

Macdonald, Sir Murdoch (Inverness)

Sprot, Sir Alexander

Fleming, D. P.

Macdonald, Capt. P. D. (I. of W.)

Stanley, Col. Hon. G. F. (Will'sden, E.)

Foster, Sir Harry S.

Macdonald, R. (Glasgow, Cathcart)

Stanley, Lord (Fylde)

Foxcroft, Captain C. T.

McDonnell, Colonel Hon. Angus

Stanley, Hon. O. F. G. (Westm'cland)

Fraser, Captain Ian

McLean, Major A.

Steel, Major Samuel Strang

Gadie, Lieut.-Col. Anthony

Macmillan, Captain H.

Storry Deans, R.

Gates, Percy

Macnaghten, Hon. Sir Malcolm

Stott, Lieut.-Colonel W. H.

Gibbs, Col. Rt. Hon. George Abraham

Macquisten, F. A.

Strickland, Sir Gerald

Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John

Maitland, Sir Arthur D. Steel

Stuart, Crichton-, Lord C.

Glyn, Major R. G. C.

Makins, Brigadier-General E.

Stuart, Hon. J. (Moray and Nairn)

Goff, Sir Park

Manningham-Buller, Sir Mervyn

Styles, Captain H. Walter

Gower, Sir Robert

Margesson, Captain D.

Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser

Grace, John

Marriott, Sir J. A. R.

Sykes, Major-Gen. Sir Frederick H.

Grant, J. A.

Mason, Lieut.-Col. Glyn K.

Thompson, Luke (Sunderland)

Greene, W. P. Crawford

Meller, R. J.

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Greenwood, William (Stockport)

Merriman, F. B.

Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement

Grotrian, H. Brent

Meyer, Sir Frank

Turton, Edmund Russborough

Guinness, Rt. Hon. Walter E.

Milne, J. S. Wardlaw

Vaughan-Morgan, Col. K. P.

Gunston, Captain D. W.

Mitchell, S. (Lanark, Lanark)

Walker, Forestier-, L.

Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham)

Wallace, Captain D. E.

Hall, Lieut.-Colonel Sir F. (Dulwich)

Moles, Thomas

Ward, Lt.-Col. A.L. (Kingston-on-Hull)

Hall, Capt. W. D'A. (Brecon & Rad.)

Monsell, Eyres, Com. Rt. Hon, B. M.

Warner, Brigadier-General W. W.

Hammersley, S. S.

Moore, Sir Newton J.

Warrender, Sir Victor

Hanbury, C.

Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C.

Waterhouse, Captain Charles

Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry

Nelson, Sir Frank

Watson, Sir F. (Pudsey and Otley)

Harland, A.

Neville, R. J.

Watson, Rt. Hon. W. (Carlisle)

Harrison, G. J. C.

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

Watts, Dr. T.

Harvey, G. (Lambeth, Kennington)

Nicholson, O. (Westminster)

Wells, S. R.

Harvey, Major S. E. (Devon, Totnes)

Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield)

White, Lieut.-Colonel G. Dairymple

Haslam, Henry C.

Nuttall, Ellis

Williams, Com. C. (Devon, Torquay)

Hawke, John Anthony

Oakley, T.

Williams, Herbert G. (Reading)

Henderson, Capt. R. R. (Oxf'd, Henley)

Oman, Sir Charles William C.

Wilson, R. R. (Stafford, Lichfield)

Henderson, Lieut.-Col. V. L, (Bootle)

Pease, William Edwin

Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George

Heneage, Lieut.-Col. Arthur p.

Penny, Frederick George

Wise, Sir Fredric

Henn, Sir Sydney H.

Peto, Basil E. (Devon, Barnstaple)

Wood, B. C. (Somerset, Bridgwater)

Hennessy, Major J. R. G.

Peto, G. (Somerset, Frome)

Wood, Rt. Hon. E. (York, W.R., Ripon)

Henniker-Hughan, Vice-Adm. Sir A.

Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton

Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L.

Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford)

Ramsden, E.

Wragg, Herbert

Herbert, S. (York, N.R., Scar. & Wh'by)

Rawlinson, Rt. Hon. John Fredk, Peel

Yerburgh, Major Robert D. T.

Hilton, Cecil

Reid, Capt. A, S. C. (Warrington)

Hoare, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir S. J. G.

Reid, D. D, (County Down)

TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—

Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (St. Marylebone)

Remnant, Sir James

Sir George Hume and Sir Harry Brittain.

NOES.

Adamson, Rt. Hon. W. (Fife, West)

Beckett, John (Gateshead)

Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock)

Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock)

Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith)

Compton, Joseph

Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro')

Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W.

Connolly, M.

Ammon, Charles George

Broad, F. A.

Cove, W. G.

Astbury, Lieut.-Commander F. W.

Bromfield, William

Crawfurd, H. E.

Attlee, Clement Richard

Brown, James (Ayr and Bute)

Dalton, Hugh

Baker, J. (Wolverhampton, Bliston)

Buchanan, G.

Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale)

Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery)

Cape, Thomas

Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton)

Barnes, A.

Charleton, H. C.

Day, Colonel Harry

Barr, J.

Clowes, S.

Dennison, R.

Batey, Joseph

Cluse, W. S.

Duncan, C.

Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty)

Kenworthy, Lt.-Com, Hon. Joseph M.

Smith, Ben (Bermondsey, Rotherhithe)

Edwards, John H. (Accrington)

Kirkwood, D.

Smith, Rennie (Penistone)

Evans, Capt. Ernest (Welsh Univer.)

Lansbury, George

Snell, Harry

Finburgh, S.

Lee, F.

Snowden, Rt. Hon. Philip

Forrest, W.

Lindley, F. W.

Stamford, T. W.

Garro-Jones, Captain G. M.

Lowth, T.

Stephen, Campbell

Gibbins, Joseph

Lunn, William

Stewart, J. (St. Rollox).

Gillett, George M.

MacDonald, Rt. Hon. J. R. (Aberavon)

Sutton, J. E.

Graham, Rt. Hon. Wm. (Edin., Cent.)

Mackinder, W.

Taylor, R. A.

Greenall, T.

Maclean, Nell (Glasgow, Govan)

Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow)

Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne)

March, S.

Thurtle, E.

Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan)

Maxton, James

Tinker, John Joseph

Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool)

Mitchell, E. Rosslyn (Paisley)

Trevelyan, Rt. Hon. C. P.

Groves, T.

Montague, Frederick

Varley, Frank B.

Grundy, T. W.

Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.)

Viant, S. P.

Guest, J. (York, Hemsworth)

Naylor, T. E.

Wallhead, Richard C.

Guest, Dr. L. Haden (Southwark, N.)

Oliver, George Harold

Walsh, Rt. Hon. Stephen

Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil)

Paling, W.

Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline)

Hardie, George D.

Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan)

Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda)

Harris, Percy A.

Pethick-Lawrence, F. W.

Welsh, J. C.

Hartshorn, Rt. Hon. Vernon

Ponsonby, Arthur

Westwood, J.

Hastings, Sir Patrick

Potts, John S.

Wheatley, Rt. Hon. J.

Hayday, Arthur

Radford, E. A.

Whiteley, W.

Hayes, John Henry

Richardson, R, (Houghton-le-Spring)

Wignall, James

Henderson, T. (Glasgow)

Riley, Ben

Wilkinson, Ellen C.

Hirst, G. H.

Ritson, J.

Williams, Dr. J. H. (Llanelly)

Hirst, W. (Bradford, South)

Robinson, W. C. (Yorks, W.R., Elland)

Williams, T. (York, Don Valley)

Hore-Belisha, Leslie

Saklatvala, Shapurji

Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe)

Hudson, J. H. (Huddersfield)

Salter, Or. Alfred

Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow)

Johnston, Thomas (Dundee)

Scrymgeour, E.

Windsor, Walter

Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown)

Scurr, John

Wright, W.

Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly)

Sexton, James

Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd)

Shaw, Rt. Hon, Thomas (Preston)

Kelly, w. T.

Shiels, Dr. Drummond

TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—

Kennedy, T.

Slesser, Sir Henry H.

Mr. John Robertson and Mr. Warne.

Bill read a Second time, and committed.

London Electricity Supply (No. 1) Bill [ Lords ] (By Order),

Read a Second time, and committed.

County of London Electric Supply Company Bill [ Lords ] (By Order),

North Metropolitan Electric Power Supply Company Bill [ Lords ] (By Order),

Temporary Chairman of Committees

Mr. Speaker has in pursuance of Standing Order No. 1 (Sittings of the House), nominated—

The Right honourable John Frederick Peel Rawlinson, K.C.,

Sir Archibald Henry Macdonald Sinclair, baronet, C.M.G.,

Dennis Henry Herbert, esquire,

Charles Edwards, esquire, and

Major Clement Richard Attlee

to act during this Session as a temporary Chairman of Committees when requested by the Chairman of Ways and Means.

Ecclesiastical Committee

In pursuance of the Church of England Assembly (Powers) Act, 1919 (9 and 10 Geo. V, c. 76, s. 2 (2), Mr. Speaker has nominated the following Fifteen Members

Second Reading deferred till Monday next.

The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.

Adjournment

Resolved, "That this House do now adjourn."—[ Colonel Gibbs. ]

Adjourned accordingly at Twelve Minutes after Eleven o'Clock.

of the House of Commons to serve, for the duration of the present Parliament, upon the Ecclesiastical Committee:—

The Right honourable Lord Hugh Cecil,

The Right honourable Charles William Bowerman,

Sir Robert Hunt Stapylton Dudley Lydston Newman, baronet,

Sir Thomas Vansittart Bowater, baronet,

Brigadier-General Howard Clifton Brown, D.L., J.P.,

Lieut.-Colonel Sir Joseph Nall, D.S.O.,

Sir Henry Slesser, K.C.,

Major Horace Evelyn Crawfurd,

Major John Dearman Birchall, J.P.,

Frank Briant, esquire,

The Reverend Herbert Dunnico, J.P.,

Doctor Leslie Haden Guest,

George Lansbury, esquire,

Robert Geoffrey Ellis, esquire, D.L., J. P.,

Joseph Compton, esquire.