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Commons Chamber

Volume 196: debated on Thursday 17 June 1926

House of Commons

Thursday, June 17, 1926

The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the chair.

Private Business

Guildford Corporation Bill,

London County Council (Money) Bill,

Read the Third time, and passed.

Oral Answers to Questions

Naval and Military Pensions and Grants

Accident (William Richardson)

asked the Minister of Pensions whether his attention has been tailed to the case of an ex-service man, William Richardson, 1, Down Terrace, Brighton, who, while a patient, at the Ministry of Pensions Hospital, Orpington, in 1921, was knocked down and run over by a motor car within the grounds of the institution; whether he is aware that the examining doctor stated that Richardson had a badly bruised leg; that it was two days before Richardson was examined by a hospital surgeon; that as the result of such treatment in the hospital the limb had to be amputated; and whether, in the circumstances, a compensation grant can be made to this ex-soldier whose war pension is only on a 20 per cent, scale?

The hon. Member appears to have been misinformed as to the facts of the case. The accident referred to occurred at the hospital gates and was occasioned by a private motor lorry which had no connection whatever with the Ministry. The Ministry was, therefore, under no liability in the matter, but in view of the emergency all necessary treatment was immediately given in the hospital. The man was, in fact, kept in the hospital for some four months until he was in a fit condition to be removed to his home. At that date the injury was progressing satisfactorily and the prognosis was favourable. The Ministry had no responsibility for or knowledge of the subsequent medical history of the injured leg, nor of the circumstances which led to amputation being considered necessary about a year later. I have inquired into this case very fully, but I can find no grounds that would in any way support the suggestion of neglect or improper treatment on the part of the hospital staff, and I regret that I should have no authority to adopt the suggestion in the last part of the question.

In view of the fact that this ex-service man was at a Ministry of Pensions hospital due to disability arising out of War service, does not the Ministry accept some responsibility for his present condition and any accident that may happen to him, and also was the setting of the fracture performed by an unqualified person and not by a hospital surgeon?

No. The Labour Government stated on this question that the Ministry could accept no liability in the matter, and that it was quite clear that the man received every care and attention, and there is no doubt that decision of my predecessor was correct.

Has a statement been taken from the man himself, and has he had an opportunity of examining wit nesses?

I have myself carefully gone into the question since the Labour Government went into it, and I have no doubt that their reply was correct.

Was compensation given to the man by the owner of the private motor car?

No. He first endeavoured to obtain damages against the owner of the car which had injured him, and it was only subsequently that he endeavoured to obtain damages from the Government.

In view of the unsatisfactory nature of the reply I will raise the matter at the first opportunity on the Adjournment.

Shell-Shock Cases

asked the Minister of Pensions what number of pensioners are receiving treatment for war neurosis and other shell-shock complaints; and whether the treatment given is wholly in Ministry of Pensions hospitals or otherwise?

In April last there were some 3,350 of these cases undergoing treatment. Of these cases, with the exception of 300 who are receiving treatment in their own homes and 61 being treated in or at civil institutions medically approved by the Ministry, all the cases were being treated in hospitals or at clinics owned or under the medical control of the Ministry.

Dispensing Warrant, 1884

asked the Minister of Pensions whether, seeing that under Section 7 of the War Pensions (Administrative Provisions) Act, 1918, every man suffering from a disability attributable to,or aggravated by, service has a statutory right to pension, he will introduce an amending warrant providing that in cases where the pension has ceased and is re-issued under the Dispensing Warrant of 1884, the pension shall be re-issued in accordance with the statutory right, and not as an act of grace?

The hon. Member has, I think, misapprehended the purport of the Section referred to. That Section gives a statutory right to receive such pension, gratuity or allowance, as may have been awarded under, and subject to, the conditions contained in the Warrant under which it was awarded.

Is it not understood that these men who were injured in the War, and in whose case all the warrants that have been passed during and since the War are in operation, will not be prejudicially affected by any warrants passed prior to the War?

I have informed the hon. Member that this dispensing warrant never takes anything away from the pensioner. On the contrary.

Questions

Borstal Treatment (Seaside Camps)

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department what support has been forthcoming following his appeal for the scheme of seaside camps as a feature of Borstal treatment?

£326 14s. 6d. has been received since the appeal was published.

It has been a most successful appeal, but if the hon. and gallant Gentleman can help me still further, I shall be grateful.

Dolgarrog Dam Disaster

5 and 6.

asked the Home Secretary (1) whether he has yet received the Report of the official investigation into the causes of the Dolgarrog dam disaster; whether he proposes to publish this Report; and, if so, when;

(2) whether he has yet received the Report of the official investigation into the condition of the dams adjacent to the Dolgarrog dam; whether he proposes to publish this Report; and, if so, when?

I regret that the completion of the Report has been delayed. The firm of engineers who are making the investigations have come to the conclusion that they must carry out some further examination of the foundations of the Eigian dam, one of the two dams which gave way. I am assured that the work will be expedited as much as possible.

Prisoners (Incurable Diseases)

asked the Home Secretary whether he will consider the advisability of remitting sentences in suitable cases of convicted persons suffering from incurable diseases so as to avoid the additional ignominy to the relatives of the prisoner having died in gaol?

Such cases are always considered upon their merits, and if the hon. Member has any particular case in mind I shall be glad to consider it.

Has the right hon. Gentleman seen the strong comments of the coroner for the Isle of Wight on a case that happened in Parkhurst Prison the other day, where a man died from cancer?

No, I have not had it called to my notice, but I will make inquiries.

Prison Officers (Appeal Tribunal)

asked the Home Secretary whether, in view of the close personal contact at prison establishments between officers and governors and the consequent reticence of officers to represent others when reported by the governor for disciplinary offences, he will consider the extension to the prison service of any proposals for appeal tribunals in the police?

The answer is in the negative. Prison officers have a right of appeal to the Commissioners. If they are in danger of dismissal (otherwise than on account of conviction by a Court of a serious offence) they can have a personal hearing by the Commissioners, or one of them, before a decision is formed; and can, if a decision to dismiss is taken by the Commissioners, have any written appeal considered by the Secretary of State.

Seeing that proposals for appeal tribunals in the police force are being considered, on the ground that such tribunals are in the interest of and for the welfare of the service, will the right hon. Gentleman not consider similar proposals on the same ground for the prison service?

The question of an appeal tribunal for the police is not yet settled, and I have decided that there is no real analogy between the two services.

Death in Bedford Gaol (Reginald Russell)

asked the Home Secretary whether he is now in a position- to make a statement with regard to the circumstances attending the death of Mr. Reginald Russell, in Bedford Prison, on 23rd May?

If the hon. Member will put down his question for a week to-day, I hope I shall then be in a position to answer.

Aliens

Pecuniary Guarantees

asked the Home Secretary if he will consider legislation, which has been found practicable in other parts of the Empire, to obtain pecuniary guarantees ensuring behaviour satisfactory to the police on the part of aliens or of those without nationality; and will he provide that police regulations may be made at discretion to ascertain from time to time the means of subsistence of such persons, with power to prescribe their place of residence?

I think the existing powers go as far as is practicable, but perhaps my Hon. Friend will refer me to the specific provisions which he suggests might be adopted here. I would point out that I have already power to impose restrictions as to an alien's residence, and any person who offends against the law can be required by the Courts to give pecuniary guarantees.

Nationality

asked the Home Secretary whether he is aware that other European countries have amended the legislation tracing nationality by place of birth instead of racial descent; whether he is aware of the effect upon this country of allowing the children born in England from aliens or enemies of the Empire to elect, at 21 years of age, to enjoy all the rights of British citizenship, notwithstanding racial hostility thereto; and whether he will appoint a committee to adopt remedies which other countries have found practicable?

I know that the nationality of many European countries depends on descent rather than on place of birth, but I am not aware of any urgent demand to change the law of this country.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that this is England, a country with fairly decent traditions of liberty, and will he remember that it is his duty to preserve those traditions?

Will the right hon. Gentleman remember that this is also a Scottish question? It is not England, but Britain.

David Backer

asked the Home Secretary whether, in view of the refusal of the Russian Government to take back David Backer, one of their own nationals, who has been repeatedly ordered for deportation as a criminal alien, he has now come to any decision as to what means are to be adopted to rid the country of him?

I would refer my hon. and learned Friend to the reply which I gave to the hon. Member for Acton on Monday last.

Is it not a fact that the right hon. Gentleman is not in a position to deal with this, and does he not know that already the procedure has been adopted of taking people like that outside the three-mile limit, putting them on a seaworthy raft and letting them find their way home?

I do not know of any case in which that course has been adopted.

Is there any other European or other country which will not take back their own citizens when discharged from another country?

I am afraid that occasionally we have trouble with countries besides Russia. I have communicated with the Soviet Government, and I hope to have an answer shortly with regard to this case.

Questions

Electric Lighting Act, 1882

asked the Home Secretary whether, in the case of an offence against Section 22 of the Electric Lighting Act, 1882, by unlawfully or maliciously cutting or injuring any electric line or work with intent to cut off any supply of electricity, which is punishable as felony and liable to penal servitude or imprisonment, the Home Office takes the initiative in prosecuting or, if not, what procedure is adopted?

The normal course, in this as in any other case of felony, would be for the police to take the necessary action on receiving information that an offence had been committed.

Disturbance, Poplar

asked the Home Secretary whether he is aware that in the police baton charge in Poplar on 12th May the police forced their way into a committee room where the mayor of the borough was presiding; that when he informed them who he was they cursed and swore at him and belaboured him over the head and right arm, which caused him to be laid up for over a week; that the police also batoned a number of men in the room, went upstairs and batoned a young woman who was waiting up there for her father, who was at the meeting, and also deliberately broke the electric bulbs in the room and the billiard cues before they left the place; and that the refusal to receive a deputation from the council is causing dissatisfaction amongst many of the inhabitants of the borough; and will he reconsider his decision?

I had not previously received any allegations to this effect, and since the question appeared on the Order Paper I have not been able to discover any confirmation of them. A claim has been made by a woman who states she was struck by a police baton inside the premises in question. This is being investigated, and any specific statements submitted by persons who feel themselves aggrieved by the action of the police will also receive full investigation. The matters referred to in the question were not mentioned in the application which I received from the borough council, and I do not think a deputation is an appropriate method of dealing with such complaints.

Owing to the very unsatisfactory statement made by the Home Secretary, I beg to give notice that I will raise this question at the earliest possible date on the Adjournment of the House.

Education

Elementary School Teachers (Examination)

asked the President of the Board of Education whether his attention has been drawn to the hard ship inflicted upon elementary school teachers who are now unable to qualify after the November examination; and whether he will consider the substitution of some other examination to enable elementary school teachers to qualify as such?

I assume that my hon. and gallant Friend is referring to the certificate examination for acting teachers. As I have already stated, it is, I think, generally agreed that a written examination is not a suitable method of promoting uncertificated teachers to certificated grade, but it was because I was anxious not to treat existing uncertificated teachers in a way which might be regarded as unfair to their legitimate expectations that I decided to hold the examination once more in November, 1926. It is made clear in paragraph 3 of Circular 1377, a copy of which I am sending my hon. and gallant Friend, that uncertificated teachers will still be eligible for admission to training colleges.

Will the right hon. Gentleman consider having some other examination—one of the University examinations or one of the minor examinations—for a certificate for these people?

I am willing to consider anything in order to find an examination suitable for these people, but I do not think the examination itself is a very good way. However, I will consider any proposal made by my hon. and gallant Friend.

League of Nations

asked the President of the Board of Education the present position with regard to explaining the work of the League of Nations in elementary and secondary schools; whether such teaching is compulsory or permissive; and the extent to which such teaching is carried out?

My Department circulated, early in 1924, a memorandum to local authorities and governing bodies of schools recommending to their favourable consideration the resolution of the Fourth Assembly of the League of Nations on this subject. I understand that, last year, the Association of Education Committees recommended its members to send a letter to all elementary and secondary schools in their areas, containing a summary of the various methods by which such instruction might be encouraged in the schools. There is no question of making such instruction compulsory. I find it difficult to answer (he last part of the question, since this can hardly be regarded as a separate subject of instruction.

In view of the importance of this matter could we have a more definite statement in regard to the latter part of the question?

My difficulty about the latter part of the question is that I do not think any of us would want to keep out the League of Nations except in connection with history or general instruction. There can be no doubt that making it a compulsory subject, including in the curriculum to be variable by examination and inspection, would not be desirable.

May I take it that there is a considerable amount of teaching in history, and will that include teaching about the League of Nations?

I think in an increasing number of our schools the League of Nations is brought into the general teaching.

Will the right hon. Gentleman consider the advisability of teaching peace and conciliation at home as well as abroad?

Does the Noble Lord not think that it is equally important to have a League of Nations Day in the schools as an Empire Day?

New Code

asked the President of the Board of Education whether before the proposed new code comes into force the House of Commons will have an opportunity of approving it?

The new Regulations will, as required by Section 118 (5) of the Education Act, 1921, be laid before Parliament as soon as possible after they have been made.

Will the House have a chance of discussing them before they come into force to replace the old code?

If the hon. Member is asking whether time will be given for discussion, he must address his quetsion to someone else. The matter can be discussed on the Estimates

Will the Noble Lord consider the advisability of having an examination for Members of Parliament?

The Regulations will not come into operation before the 1st August, and I can rely upon hon. Members to see that the Estimates come on before then.

Feeding of School Children, Armthorpe

asked the President of the Board of Education if he is aware that of the 864 children of school age at Armthorpe, near Doncaster, accommodation has only been provided for 337, while 527 are receiving no education at all; and will he insist on the provision of an open-air school at once so that the children can obtain both education and any advantages under the Feeding of School Children Act?

I am informed by the local authority that it has been ascertained, as a result of a recent census of children of school age in Armthorpe, that there are 236 for whom no school accommodation is at present available. The authority are now providing temporary accommodation for 150 of these children and are considering the provision of another temporary building for the remainder.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that a more recent census than the one taken by the West Riding County Council shows that there are 527 children for whom no accommodation has been provided, and will he insist upon the earliest possible provision being made for these children?

I must rely upon the latest information I can get from the local authorities'. The hon. Member, very rightly and naturally, is very persistent on this subject, but I think I can assure him that the education authority of the West Riding are doing everything possible to meet the difficulties of the situation.

Does the noble Lord think that the best that the West Riding Education Committee can do has been done by leaving these children without any accommodation?

Is the Noble Lord aware of the enormous improvement in the education of the children in the United States by using out-of-door schools?

Yes, but an open-air school is not a school in the open-air, and buildings must still be provided.

Questions

Frensham Ponds (Sewage Works)

asked the Minister of Health if the Farnham Rural District Council have submitted plans for the establishment of sewage works in the Frensham Ponds area; and, in view of the popularity of this district among tourists from overcrowded London districts, will he take such action as will retain this beauty spot as an open space?

I have not received any application. If an application be made, all considerations will be taken fully into account before a decision is given.

Has any offer been made of accommodation for this effluvium in the adjoining district of Churt?

Casual Wards, Brigg

asked the Minister of Health if his attention has been called to the decision of the Brigg Board of Guardians to postpone for 12 months the question of the improvement of their casual ward; and will he take steps to urge them to proceed at once with the work?

I have not received any communication to the effect suggested from this board of guardians, but I do not propose to allow the matter to drop.

Medical Officers of Health

asked the Minister of Health if it is the policy of the Ministry to secure the replacement of general medical practitioners by specialist medical officers of health throughout the country as and when possible; what was the proportion of whole-time to part-time medical officers of health when this policy was originally adopted by the Local Government Board in 1872; and what is the proportion now?

It is the general practice of my Department to approve, where possible, the appointment by local authorities of whole-time medical officers. As regards the remainder of the question, a Parliamentary Return published in 1873 shows that for England and Wales the proportion of whole-time appointments was about one-quarter. At the present time the proportion is slightly over one-third, the number of authorities having considerably increased.

Does the Minister think that shows that the policy of getting whole-timers is an impossible one?

asked the Minister of Health if he proposes to utilise general medical practitioners for the prevention as well as cure of disease in the community in his reorganization of the public health system and his proposals for reform of the Poor Law; and what steps he is taking to improve education in the medical curriculum accordingly?

In common with my predecessors I have always been anxious that general practitioners should take their full share in preventive medicine, but the proposals for the reform of the Poor Law will not affect the responsibilities of general practitioners in this regard, and as at present advised I see no necessity to invite my Noble Friend the Lord President to advise the General Medical Council to consider any further modification of the medical curriculum with this object in view.

Is it not a fact that the Sanitary Commission of 1869–71 originally suggested that the Poor Law medical officers should be the basis of the sanitary arrangements of this country, for which they are not at present fully educated; and would it not be an advantage that they should be so educated?

Is it not a fact that their education is almost entirely therapeutic?

Water Supply, Risley

asked the Minister of Health whether he has received a resolution passed by a meeting of ratepayers in the village of Risley, Lancashire, concerning the danger to their health arising from a shortage of water supply; whether he is aware that the wells of the Warrington Water Corporation are draining the springs in the district, and that the said corporation hold themselves responsible for the water supply; and will he inquire why the expense of the suggested extension of water mains to meet the necessary needs of the inhabitants should be charged to the owners and occupiers when all previous extensions have been charged upon the rates, which the said owners and occupiers have paid?

I have received a copy of the resolution and am aware that the village is within the limits of supply of the Warrington Corporation. I am making inquiries in the matter.

Mental Defective (L. G. Bint)

asked the Minister of Health if he is aware that a lad named Leonard Gordon Bint, aged 21, who was resident in the institution for mental defectives, Calderstone's, near Blackburn, was released on the intervention of the hon. Member for North Lambeth on licence on 12th April, who undertook to supervise the lad on his release and, in accordance with that promise, had seen him two or three times each week; that on 7th June he was, without previous notice to his mother or to the hon. Member, forcibly fetched from his home and taken back to Calderstone's, although he was about to start work; if inquiry will be made as to the reason for this action; and if it is intended to retain the lad at an institution without a more prolonged trial as to his capacity to take his place in ordinary life?

I will make inquiries into the case, and communicate with the hon. Member upon the points to which he draws attention.

Is it necessary, when taking a lad like this back to an institution, to send an officer accompanied by a police constable?

Maternity and Child Welfare Centres

asked the Minister of Health the number of maternity and child welfare centres in existence in England and Wales at the present time, and the figures at this time last year?

On the 1st June, 1926, there were 2,463 maternity and child welfare centres known to my Department in England and Wales, as compared with 2,385 on the corresponding date last year.

Housing, Torquay

asked the Minister of Health how many days were lost in the housing schemes under the Acts of 1923 and 1924, respectively, through men leaving work during the genera] strike in the Torquay area?

I have not the information asked for by my hon. Friend, but am making inquiries. Perhaps he will put down another question in about a fortnight's time.

Contributory Pensions Act

asked the Minister of Health whether, under the powers given him in Section 36 of the-Widows,' Orphans,' and Old Age Contributory Pensions Act, he will consider the desirability of permitting persons of any age who have contributed to the National Health Insurance for a period of five years or more to become voluntary contributors under the Act?

Section 36 of the Act does not give me power to alter the Act in the manner suggested. But I may inform the hon. Member that under Section 13 any person under 70 years of age, other than a married woman, who has contributed to the National Health Insurance scheme for a period of two years is already able to become a voluntary contributor.

Tax Offices (Overtime)

asked the Secretary to the Treasury whether he is aware that for the year ended 31st December, 1924, the hours worked in excess of normal by the established non-overtime grades in the taxes branch amounted to 80,242, and for the six months ended 30th June, 1925, the total was 94,324, and that paid and unpaid overtime is still being worked in tax offices up and down the country; and, if so, whether he will explain the reason for the dismissal of a number of temporary clerks owing to alleged redundancy?

I accept the hon. Member's figures, which work out over the periods in question at just over an hour per week of the grades referred to, but I must correct the apparent assumption that the work of the grades in question, which requires considerable experience and training, could be performed by temporary clerical staff. Overtime is occasionally unavoidable owing to special seasonal pressure of work, and as the staff are located in separate district offices, the necessity for such overtime may well synchronise with redundancy of staff as a whole.

Agriculture

Students' Scholarships

asked the Minister of Agriculture what steps are taken by his Department to secure situations for students who are granted agricultural scholarships?

All applicants for the agricultural workers' scholarships are informed that the Ministry cannot guarantee them a better-paid position or an offer of employment at the termination of the scholarship; and no special arrangements for their benefit are made by the Ministry, though it does, if necessary, give all the assistance in its power. I have no reason to think that ex-scholars are unable to hold their own in open competition with other applicants for suitable situations. As a matter of fact, the majority of scholars who have completed their training are known to have found employment.

Condensed Milk Imports

asked the Minister of Agriculture how much condensed skimmed milk has been imported this year from countries where animal diseases are rife; what this volume represents in liquid milk; and how it compares with the imports from those countries for the corresponding period in 1925 and 1924?

I am circulating in the OFFICIAL REPORT the figures desired by my hon. Friend. I am advised that the temperatures to which this condensed milk is subjected in factories on the Continent are sufficient to destroy the virus of foot-and-mouth disease and the tubercle bacillus.

Following are the figures promised:

The imports of sweetened condensed skimmed milk from countries in which there has been a considerable amount of foot-and-mouth disease have been as follow:

January to May:

Approximate Equivalent in Liquid Milk.

Cwts.

Gallons.

1926

734,132

24,065,000

1925

634,085

20,785,000

1924

569,377

18,665,000

condensed skimmed milk. So far as I am aware, other animal diseases are not especially prevalent in countries from which imports of condensed milk are obtained.

Foot-And-Mouth Disease

asked the Minister of Agriculture if before authorising the prohibition of the import of fresh meat from the Continent he consulted the National Farmers' Union; what other bodies, if any, were consulted; and if he has received and considered any representations from any section of London meat traders regarding the measures to be taken to protect the public against inconvenience and increase of prices arising from the cutting off of nearly 50 per cent, of the fresh meat supply of London?

The prohibition of importations of fresh meat from the Continent was imposed when I became satisfied that the infection of foot-and-mouth disease was being conveyed by that means. I did not consult the National Farmers' Union nor any other interested body. I have since received deputations from the London traders engaged in the importation and sale of foreign meat. While I regret the losses to which some of them have been put by the dislocation of their trade, I see no reason to doubt that the requirements of London will be fully met from other sources and that prices will adjust themselves.

The main stress was laid upon the cost of pork, and pork went up from 7s. 4d. to 8s. 7d. in a week, but since then it has fallen to 8s. 4d. That is in London only. If you take the cost of pork in Manchester, it has kept steady at 8s. 8d., and in Birmingham it has fallen in that same period from 9s. 4d. to 8s. 8d.

Is it not very essential that the public of this country should have meat free from any sort of disease?

Yes, and I think the general acceptance of these Regulations and the temporary inconvenience involved undoubtedly shows that the public do recognise the danger to their health as well as to the health of the flocks and herds of this country.

Is the inspection here, as well as on the other side, as -efficient and as stringent as in the case of pork?

Yes, but the embargo now applies not only to the case of pork, but to the case of all fresh meat from Europe which comes from countries where there is a chance of foot-and-mouth disease, and therefore the question of inspection in the case of -these supplies does not arise.

There is no evidence that foot-and-mouth disease could be conveyed in frozen meat.

Then is the inspection as stringent as in the case of the Dutch supplies?

Most certainly. The Ministry of Health inspect all imports of frozen meat, but they do not inspect them from the point of view of foot-and-mouth disease, and in the case of the Manchurian supply they inspect them to see that they do not convey evidence of disease which would be dangerous to human life.

What grounds has the right hon. Gentleman for making the statement that there is no evidence of frozen meat carrying foot-and-mouth disease?

Of course, it is negative evidence. The late Sir Stewart Stockman went to the Argentine, and he gave a very satisfactory account of the arrangements there for the sterilisation of all the offal and the treatment of the frozen meat which comes over. The hon. Member no doubt realises that the danger is chiefly in the blood, and Argentine meat is free from that. We are taking further steps with the Argentine Government to see that proper precautions are taken to prevent the slaughter and export of animals suffering from foot-and-mouth disease, in case they should convey disease, although we have no evidence that they do so.

asked the Minister of Agriculture whether, seeing that no outbreak of disease has been traceable to the trade in mutton, pork or veal, between Smithfield Market and London during the last 20 years, he is prepared to amend the Order issued on 2nd June to the extent of exempting from its provisions consignments under Dutch inspection guarantees in wooden crates and sent from Dutch ports to Smithfield Market, subject to the condition that calves and sheep are sent without skins or head, and that all pigs have been scalded?

It is impossible by inspection here or in Holland to guarantee that carcases have not been derived from animals that are in an infectious stage of foot-and-mouth disease. The conditions that the hon. Member suggests—scalding and the removal of skins and heads—would not eliminate the infectivity, though they might render the previous existence of disease in the animal more difficult to detect.

Questions

Kenya (Educational and Medical Services)

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he has noted the recommendation made by the Acting Governor of Kenya Colony, in the Report of his official tour through the provinces in 1922, that it would be both unwise and unjust to restrict Government expenditure for educational and medical services, on the ground that the people are taxing themselves for these purposes through their native councils; and how far the principle thus recommended has been observed?

Yes, Sir. I have noted the recommendation, and while I cannot give a categorical reply to the last part of the question, I can assure the hon. Member that the expenditure on native educational and medical services is increasing.

May we take it that in the expenditure on medical services there is no restriction in favour of the white population as against the Indian population?

There is no question of any restriction of the medical services in connection with the natives, and it is being steadily improved.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies to what extent the native councils in Kikuyu Province, in Kenya Colony, are being utilised to raise levies from the natives for medical services; and how much money has been raised for this purpose?

I have no information, later than that contained in Cmd. 2573 on these levies, but I will inquire of the Governor. The suggestion that the native councils are being utilised by the Government to raise levies from the natives is unfounded.

also asked what steps have been taken to meet the recommendations made by the Kenya Economic and Finance Committee in its Interim Report on Native Labour in 1925, that steps should be taken to lessen the high death rate among the natives by an increase of the medical services in the reserves?

The total medical provision has been increased in the 1926 Estimates from £134,031 to £178,964. Among the increases are 10 medical officers and two sanitary overseers for the native reserves, and six nurses, two male orderlies, and a large number of native attendants for native hospitals.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether the measures taken have been effective in decreasing the death rate in the reserves.

This is an increase in the Estimates for 1926, and it is a little difficult to appreciate their full effect at the moment.

May I ask, in view of the serious mortality amongst the Kikuyu and other tribes in the reserves, where white influence is not able to direct and instruct the natives, whether the right hon. Gentleman will consider an increase in the hut tax, the whole of which should be spent on this service?

Empire-Grown Fruit

asked the Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs whether, in the publicity campaign projected for the greater consumption of Empire-grown fruit, he will display and contrast prominently the wages rates and describe the labour conditions of the British and foreign fruit workers?

I have no doubt that the considerations suggested in the hon. Member's question will be kept in view by the Empire Marketing Board when we come to work out the details of any specific publicity campaign.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that in the OFFICIAL REPORT presented to him last week it was shown that we were purchasing a large proportion of our fruit from employers who were paying their workers 3d. per hour? What steps is he taking to stop that?

We hope to enlist the support of the public in preferring to buy their fruit supplies from our own people.

Jamaican Bananas

44 and 50.

(1) asked the Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs whether, seeing that in the Report of the Imperial Economic Committee the average price paid to the banana grower in Jamaica is stated to be about 2s. per bunch of 120 bananas, he will say what are the wholesale and retail prices of these bananas;

(2) the Parliamentary Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department whether his attention has been drawn to the Report of the Imperial Economic Committee, wherein it is stated that the supply of bananas to this country and their market here is almost entirely controlled by an American company; and if he can give the average retail price of bananas in Britain and the United States of America?

I have been asked to reply to these questions. I have seen the statements to which the hon. Member refers. The wholesale prices of Jamaican bananas in this country have this year ranged from £22 10s. to £25 10s. per ton. The retail price has. averaged 1½d. per banana. According to official American figures, the average retail price in the United States of America has been about 3 cents each.

Will the hon. Gentleman tell us how these figures work out by weight of banana?

I bought a banana coming to the House, in anticipation of such a question, and had it weighed. Although I have given the price as l½d. on the average, I was charged 2d., and the one banana weighed about one -quarter of a pound. I work it out in this way: The price, according to the hon. Gentleman's figure and my reply, works out so that the Jamaican grower gets one-fifth of a penny per banana. The wholesaler pays for that, landed here with all charges paid about ¾d., and the public here pay l½d. on an average. I paid 2d.

Railway Services

asked the Prime Minister whether, seeing that the restriction of services on the railways has taken place at the request of the Government, the Government intends to compensate the railway companies financially for the loss resulting from the decreased services?

I have been asked to reply to this question. The answer is in the negative.

Broadcasting

Government Proposals

asked the Postmaster-General whether any decisions have been reached with regard to the findings of the Commission on Broadcasting; and when he will be in a position to state the Government's intentions, and/or introduce legislation?

I cannot at the moment add anything to the answer which I gave to the hon. Member on the 4th May upon this subject.

Will the Noble Lord let me know when he is in a position to make a statement?

I will let the hon. and gallant Member know when I am in a position to do so.

Boot and Shoe Trade (Conciliation Scheme)

( by Private Notice ) asked the Postmaster-General if it is a fact that the employers and the workers in the National Boot and Shoe Trade had agreed to broadcast a description of their conciliation scheme, which had prevented any general upheaval for upwards of 31 years; whether the Independent Chairman of the Conciliation Board in the industry had agreed to broadcast; and for what reason the Postmaster-General refused to allow the broadcasting to take place?

The facts are as stated. The only point of such a broadcast at this moment was that it should imply the advocacy that a similar scheme could and should be forthwith applied to the Mining Industry. A suggestion of this nature may or may not be desirable, but it is undoubtedly controversial, and consequently was not permitted as a broadcast.

May I ask if there was a single word in the message which it was proposed to broadcast, which in any way even gave the impression that the scheme might be applied to the mining dispute?

If that be the fact, then- I do not think the broadcasting will suffer by being delayed a little.

Will not the Postmaster-General reconsider his decision, in view of the fact that this is interesting information which the country ought to have; and if it is prevented from being broadcast, does not that show that the broadcasting company is being controlled for political purposes?

There is not a shadow of foundation for that suggestion. I have to do the best I can to try to keep matters of political controversy out of broadcasting. May I remind the right hon. Gentleman that this matter is very closely allied to a Debate which took place a couple of years ago upon the Industrial Councils Bill, which was very largely supported by those who sit on this side of the House, and opposition to which, if I remember aright, came entirely from the right hon. Gentleman's side of the House. There is no doubt whatever—and I do not think the right hon. Gentleman will dispute this—that arbitration which is compulsory to the extent that it depends upon the forfeiture of a guarantee is a subject of political controversy, and in my judgment as long as the rule about subjects of political controversy stands, I must enforce it.

In view "of the unsatisfactory nature of the Postmaster-General's answer, I give notice that I shall raise this matter on the Adjournment at the earliest possible date.

Questions

Royal Air Force (Hendon Display)

asked the Secretary of State for Air what number of planes, and how many different types, will take part in the forthcoming display at Hendon?

180 aeroplanes of 28 different types will take part in the Royal Air Force display.

Will the squadron of the Royal Air Force which is now returning from the Cairo-Cape-Cairo flight take part in this display?

It is hoped that the officers of the squadron and, possibly, the machines as well will take some part in the course of the display.

As far as I can remember I think they are; but if the hon. and gallant Member puts down a question, I will give him a more accurate answer.

Airship Flight (India)

asked the Secretary of State for Air when it is expected that the first airship flight will be made to India; where mooring masts have been erected or are in process of erection; and what negotiations are in progress with regard to continuing communication through to Australia?

The answer to the first part of the question is that the first flight to India may be expected to take place in the summer or autumn of 1928. As regards the second part, mooring masts are being erected at Cardington and Ismailia; it has been found necessary, for reasons of economy, to postpone for the present the erection of a mast at Karachi, where, however, a shed will be available. As regards the last part, no actual negotiations are in progress, but I have every hope that the present scheme of airship development will lead to a regular airship service to Australia.

Officers' Training Corps

asked the Secretary of State for War whether an official Report on Officers' Training Corps is to be published as a White Paper?

The answer is in the negative. I will, however, if hon. Members wish, have copies of the Report for the year ending 30th September. 1925, placed in the Library of the House.

Russia (British Claims)

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he is aware that no compensation has yet been paid by the Russian Government to any private persons who supplied goods or services to Russia as undertaken by the Russian Soviet Government in the Trade Agreement of 16th March, 1921: if not, whether he will recommend that the said Agreement be abrogated; and whether he can now indicate the steps that have- been taken to obtain such payment?

I cannot say definitely that no compensation has been paid in any instance, but it is a fact that the great bulk of the claims remain unsatisfied. As is well known, the Soviet Government have hitherto refused to satisfy the just claims against them, except on conditions which are not acceptable to His Majesty's Government. His Majesty's Government do not think that the abrogation of the Trade Agreement would in itself secure the object which my hon. and gallant Friend has in view.

Has the right hon. Gentleman made careful investigation into all the claims made against the Soviet Government; and, if so, is he or his Department satisfied that all the claims so investigated are just claims?

Before my right hon. Friend replies to that question, will he tell the House whether he is aware that British citizens, some of them my own constituents, have actually seen their own marked property sold in London through the agency of Arcos and money paid to Arcos, while not a penny is paid to them in respect of their own property?

I have heard my hon. Friend make that statement in this House, and I have no reason to doubt it. I have not myself seen objects so marked, but I have no reason to doubt the facts are as he states. Regarding the question put by the hon. Member for Govan (Mr. Maclean), I would not pretend that I personally have investigated the whole range of the claims, nor will I say that no unfounded claim has, possibly, been presented by some British citizens at some time. My answer is confined to the just claims of British subjects.

Is it not the case that millions of people in our own native land at this moment have just claims against the Government which the right hon. Gentleman represents here to-day, and that they are not getting satisfaction?

Royal Navy

Armament Supply Department (Bombay)

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he can now say, with reference to the men employed in the Armament Supply Department, Bombay, if the Admiralty can see its way to adopt the course practised by the Army Department, and pay the wages of these employés at the standard rate of rupees, namely, 15 to the £ sterling?

As my right hon. Friend the First Lord promised on the 6th May, he has looked into the matter, and a full explanation of the situation has been sent to my hon. and gallant Friend by letter.

Officers (Furniture Charge)

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty what is the reason why naval officers berthed in a ship should receive the use of official cabin furniture free and when accommodated in a shore establishment be charged a daily sum for the use of precisely the same furniture; and whether he will cause steps to be taken to adjust this anomaly?

A small charge is made against naval officers accommodated in R.N. barracks and shore establishments in respect of the cost and upkeep of certain items of their cabin furniture, which it was formerly the practice for officers to provide at their own expense. A similar charge used also to be made some years ago against officers when afloat, but the charge was discontinued as a partial set-off against certain allowances which were abolished at the same time.

Questions

Approved Societies (Optical Appliances)

asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware that certain approved societies have made arrangements with the Joint Council of Qualified Opticians and the National Association of Opticians for the supply of spectacles to their members; and whether he will see that the free choice of an optician by members is not interfered with?

I am aware that some approved societies have made arrangements with organisations of opticians for regulating the quality and price of optical appliances to be supplied to members of the societies who are entitled to ophthalmic benefit as an additional benefit under the National Health Insurance Scheme. Having regard to the fact that at present it is open to any person to supply spectacles to the public although possessing no particular qualifications, I see no reason, as at present advised, to interfere with arrangements which are designed to protect the interests of insured persons by securing that articles of a satisfactory quality shall be obtained at a reasonable price.

General Strike and Coal Dispute

Russian Payments

Home Secretary's Statement

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department what steps he proposes to take respecting the offer of money by the Soviet commissariat of finance for the general strike; and whether he will consider the advisability of withdrawing the recognition of the Soviet Government?

I have also received a Private Notice question on this subject, and, as the answer is a long one, perhaps it will be convenient to the House if I give it at the end of Questions.

Provided we have our right of asking supplementary questions.

Is the description of the Soviet Commissariat of Finance offering money for the general strike an accurate one?

Perhaps the right hon. Gentleman will await the answer—I am prepared to give it now, but I thought it would be for the convenience of the House to reply at the end of Questions.

Later:

( by Private Notice ) asked the Home Secretary whether any sums of money have been transferred from Russian sources in aid of the coal strike in this country, and what steps he pro- poses to take in regard to any further transfers?

On a point of Order. May I put it to you, Mr. Speaker, that the question asked by the hon. and gallant Member for Burton (Colonel Gretton) is an abuse of the Rule dealing with Private Notice questions? I understand the Rule to be that Private Notice questions should deal with matters of urgency, or should be questions which cannot be put upon the Order Paper in time. This, Sir, is a subject which has been before Parliament ever since we re-assembled, and I put it to you that the Private Notice question is also out of order in view of the fact that another hon. and gallant Member has a similar question on the Paper.

Further to the point of Order. May I ask, in view of the previous question put here—where the insinuation was that these Russian moneys came from the Russian Government, and this question to-day is not an emergency question—whether the hon. and gallant Gentleman has not reduced the charge to "Russian sources," without any reference to the Russian Government?

I will reply to these questions together.

His Majesty's Government is satisfied—as stated by my right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary on Monday last—that the Soviet Government waived the Regulations for the export of money, in order to enable the All-Russian Central Council of Trade Unions to transmit certain funds to this country in aid of the general strike and subsequently in aid of the miners' strike. They are further satisfied that for all practical purposes in this connection the Government of Soviet Russia and the various Communist and Trade Union Organisations in that country are instruments of a single controlling authority, and. this view is in accord with the statements in the note of the right hon. Gentleman the present Leader of the Opposition (Mr. Ramsey MacDonald) which he sent to the Russian Government on the 24th October, 1924.

The first sum of £26,427, which came to one of our London banks, was refused by the Trades Union Congress. A second sum of £200,000 was sent from Moscow by transfers of £175,000 from the Deutsche Bank of Berlin and £25,000 from an American bank, with instructions from Russia immediately to transfer £100,000, part of this sum, to the Trades Union Congress.

His Majesty's Government have been under no illusions as to the motives which inspire these professedly eleemosynary gifts, and as soon as I received this information I gave directions to the London bank in question not to make such transfer, and the money was, with my assent, returned to Moscow. The views that I have already expressed in regard to the money which came for the Trades Union Congress apply equally to that sent from Russia to the Miners' Federation. I find that the following sums have been transmitted from Russia to the Federation:

From the All-Russian Central Council of Trade Unions:

£

22nd May

(approximately)

274,551

1st June

(approximately)

42,238

3rd June

(approximately)

34,511

9th June

(approximately)

28,826

Total

(approximately)

380,128

From the Ukraine Co-operatives:

2nd June

£1,070

From Centrosoyus and the Agricultural Co-operatives:

31st May

£2,700

And the statements made by the Federation's Secretary coincide with my own information. May I add that the attitude of all the London banks has been perfectly correct.

As I stated in the House on the 20th ultimo, His Majesty's Government draw a distinction between money contributed to support an illegal and unconstitutional movement such as the General Strike, and support for an industrial dispute. They have again reviewed the question in all its aspects. They are not blind to the motives which inspire these contributions, and which can be read in countless declarations by Soviet leaders and in the Soviet press. But the General Strike was happily of short duration, and, having made their protest in the most formal manner to the Soviet Government, His Majesty's Government do not propose, at present at all events, to take the step indicated by my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Handsworth (Commander Locker-Lampson). Equally they are not disposed to forbid so-called charitable gifts to those who are concerned in an industrial dispute. At the same time, it is my duty to say that His Majesty's Government are continually and carefully watching the further action of the Soviet Government and its affiliated organisations, and if at any time they should be convinced that British interests required a change of policy, they would not hesitate to take the necessary steps.

The first question I should like to put, arising out of the answer we have just heard, is this: Will the Home Secretary now state quite specifically whether the statement he made to this House a few days ago [ Thursday, 10 th June ], that the Russian Government itself did send money to this country, is true or untrue?

I stated that His Majesty's Government is satisfied that the Russian Government and the various Communist and Trade Union Organisations there are subject to one controlling centre, and I am satisfied that, whether the money comes by cheque of the Russian Government or by cheque of the Central Council of Trade Unions, it is one and the same thing.

I do not know if the right hon. Gentleman can answer this question, but am I to understand that that was the nature of the diplomatic representation made to the Russian Government?

I think the right hon. Gentleman must put any question relating to diplomatic representations to my right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary.

Before the right hon. Gentleman referred to a certain despatch which I sent to the Russian Government, did he see that despatch, and when he saw it, did he find that the reference in that despatch was to the Trade Unions or to the Third International?

Here is the despatch ( reading ):

"No one who understands the constitution and the relationships of the Communist International will doubt its intimate connection and contact with the Soviet Government. No Government will ever tolerate an arrangement with a foreign Government by which the latter is in formal diplomatic relations of a correct kind with it, whilst at the same time a propagandist body organically connected with that foreign Government encourages, and even orders, subjects of the former to plot and plan revolutions for its overthrow."

I leave the matter here, with this further question: Is the right hon. Gentleman under the impression that the characterisation quite accurately made by me—at least, I still hold to it—was a characterisation that related to trade unionism, or to the political organisation known as the Third International?

In my view, reading the right hon. Gentleman's statement as I have done, the latter part of it applies to any organisation of any kind.

Even if the Leader of the Opposition wishes to leave this matter where it is, is the right hon. Gentleman aware that there are a great many Members of this House who do not want to leave it where it is, but who have every intention of raising it at the earliest possible opportunity, and will the Home Secretary give us a day on which to discuss it?

I am authorised by the Prime Minister to say that, if the hon. and gallant Gentleman, or any of his friends, will communicate in the usual manner with the Chief Whip, a day shall be arranged for the discussion.

I was perhaps rather misunderstood in the use I made of the phrase "I shall leave it." I join, and we all join, in the request that has been made.

Will the discussion be followed by a free vote, without the Whips?

May I ask the Home Secretary, in view of the nature of his replies, whether he will now take the honourable course of saying that the statement which he made categorically last week that the Russian Government had sent money to this country for the purposes of the strike—whether he will take the honourable course of withdrawing that statement?

I imagine that the hon. Gentleman has not heard my supplementary answers.

Several hon. Members rose

Since it is understood that we are to have a discussion, it is much better that it should take place when fixed rather than at Question Time now.

When the discussion takes place—and I think it is desirable at an early date—will it enable the whole matter to be discussed, not only in regard to the relations between the British and the Russian Governments, but also the trading relations between ourselves and Arcos?

I really hope that the Government will be able to arrange that the discussion which will take place is of as wide a character as possible.

Does the right hon. Gentleman not agree that the statement which he has made to-day is an entirely different statement—[HON. MEMBERS: "No!"]—from that which he made before—the statement of the Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs?

I think the point raised by the hon. Member will come better forward later. We shall then have both statements in print—that of to-day and that of a week ago.

It would be much better to wait until we have these statements before us.

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether on the discussion we should be entitled to a free vote of the House?

Is it not a fact that the Russian trade unions do not possess anything like the amount of money which has been sent? [ Interruption. ]

This is a question of principle. The Home Seecretary has been asked by a supporter of the Government whether the Government is going to allow the House a free vote. Am I to understand that the supporters of the Government are not free?

In making arrangements for the discussion, will the right hon. Gentleman see to it that these are made sufficiently wide to cover the expenditure of moneys which were made to Denikin and Koltchak by the British Government?

Assistance to Miners

asked the Home Secretary what moneys have been received from abroad, other than from Russia, for the assistance of the miners in the present coal dispute; from which countries and/or organisations it has been received; and whether he proposes to take any steps in the matter?

I understand that £5,000 has been received from the Miners' Union of Germany, about £6,000 from Dutch trade unions, and about £10,000 from the United States. I do not propose to take any steps to prevent the receipt of such moneys.

Why do we hear only about money from Russia from the right hon. Gentleman, and not of the sums from these other foreign sources?

Surely that is consequent upon the questions. The hon. and gallant Gentleman must have heard about these sums.

This is the first authentic information I have received.

Can the right hon. Gentleman answer the question I put on Monday which he asked me to put to-day—how these small sums referred to in the answer he has just given compare with the figures of the sums received from Russia?

If my hon. Friend will await the answer I am going to give to a later question, he will get the figures.

How much coal has been supplied to British markets by these countries and also by Russia?

asked the Prime Minister whether he will give time for discussion and a vote in the House before any Emergency Regulation is made effective to intercept contributions to the funds for the miners' dependants?

I have been asked to reply. I have at present no intention of asking for any further Emergency Regulation. But any such Regulation would require the confirmation of Parliament.

Is it not a fact that, under Regulation 13A, the right hon. Gentleman can take certain action? I am asking him whether he will consult Parliament before he takes it?

That was not the question. I was asked whether there will be a Vote of the House before any Emergency Regulation is made effective.

I am asking whether, before the right hon. Gentleman makes it effective by taking action, he will consult Members of the House?

In my view, the Regulation is quite effective, apart from any action that I may take. The action that I may take is a matter within my own discretion, and subject to confirmation by this House.

Then the short answer is that the right hon. Gentleman will not consult the House of Commons before he takes action?

Is it the intention to place before this House the steps that the right hon. Gentleman proposes to take, if any, to prevent money of the Russian Trade Unions coming in to help the British miners in their struggle?

There is a question on that subject on the Paper, and I will answer if in a moment.

Emergency Regulations (Prosecutions)

asked the Home Secretary how many persons have been arrested and prosecuted, respectively, for breaches of the Emergency Regulations committed since the calling off of the general strike; and whether any of these persons have been workmen, normally employed as miners, proceeded against for acts done in connection with the present dispute in the coal-mining industry since the calling off of the general strike?

When the coal stoppage comes to an end. I will consider whether to call for reports giving this and other information, but, in view of the extra work that would be caused, I cannot undertake to do so at intervals.

asked the Secretary for Scotland if lie can now state the number of police prosecutions in Scotland for offences under the Emergency Regulations; the number of cases in which a term of imprisonment without the option of a fine was imposed; the number of cases in which no conviction was recorded; and the number of cases in which he has been able to advise a reduction of the sentences imposed?

Up to the 11th instant, the number of persons in Scot-land who were sentenced to imprisonment, without the option of a fine, for offences in connection with the recent strike is 409, of whom 140 were charged with offences under the Emergency Regulations, and the remainder with such offences as intimidation, breach of the peace, assault and malicious mischief. I have no information as to the number of cases in which proceedings were taken but no conviction followed. I have felt justified! in advising some remission of sentence in five cases, and a few further cases are still under my consideration.

Applicants for Relief

asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware that the Ashington Co-operative Society have refused to supply goods to anyone in exchange for relief tickets except their own members, owing to their fear of rendering themselves liable for Income Tax if they did so; and if he will inquire into the position of persons not belonging to co-operative societies who received from Poor Law guardians tickets which are only negotiable at co-operative stores?

My attention has not previously been called to this difficulty, but I will make enquiries. It is not the general practice of boards of guardians to limit in the manner suggested in the question the use of orders for relief in kind.

If I put down a question for this day week will the right hon. Gentleman make inquiries, and give me a reply?

Will the right hon. Gentleman also inquire from other boards of guardians for what reason they prevent co-operative societies, who are large ratepayers, from having any share of the trade in relief coupons?

asked the Minister of Health if he is aware that during the recent general strike applicants for relief to the Chester-le-Street Board of Guardians, when asking for vouchers to enable them to obtain food from their local shops, were refused, and were only granted vouchers exchangeable at the co-operative stores; and whether he will inquire into the matter?

Civil Servants

asked the Minister of Labour what is the constitution of the Whitley Council which deals with questions affecting civil servants, and what matters can be referred to the Council; is he aware that a committee of the Council during the general strike passed a resolution urging civil servants to disregard the Government's appeal for volunteers, which resolution was communicated to all civil servants represented on the Council; and if he will state what action the Government propose to take to put a stop to the Wihitley Council machinery being used for political propaganda purposes?

I have been asked to reply. The National Whitley Council for the Administrative and Legal Departments of the Civil Service consists of 54 members, appointed as to one-half by the Government and as to the other half by groups of Staff Associations. The questions which may be referred to the Council are matters affecting the conditions of service of the staff. I am aware of the terms of the resolution referred to, which was a resolution passed by the General Purposes Committee of the staff side of the Council. As regards the last part of the question, I would refer the hon. and gallant Member to the reply which I gave to the hon. and learned Member for the Moss Side Division of Manchester (Mr. Hurst) on the 7th June.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the Joint Consultative Committee were so extremely annoyed at the resolution that had been passed, that they communicated with the staff side intimating that they would withdraw altogether unless there was a repudiation of the statement made at the Albert Hall meeting held on 3rd May?

Mobile Coal Reserve

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that on the 1st May, the steamship "Monarch," which was lying at the Corporation Wharf, Prince Rock, with a cargo of coal for the electricity works, and on the 3rd May, the steamship "Haytor," with a cargo of coal for the Plymouth Corporation gasworks, which was lying at Tamar Wharf, were prevented from being discharged by the Customs authorities at Plymouth under the Coal Emergency Regulations; that, notwithstanding the many representations which have been made by the corporation to the Coal Shipment Emergency Committee, this committee refuses to remove the embargo unless the corporation agree to bear the expense incurred by the shipowners for the extra cost of retaining the crews, or to indemnify the Government against any claims in this respect which may be made by the shipowners on the ground that such cost should be borne by the consumer rather than that it should fall upon the taxpayer; that the corporation object to making this payment; that this coal was urgently required for the Plymouth gasworks to supply gas to Government establishments; that as recently as Friday last the question was submitted to the Coal Shipment Emergency Committee, who refused to release the boats unless the indemnity was given; and whether, seeing that the corporation have already been put to considerable cost in removing coal by motor lorry from one of their works to another so as to keep these supplies going, he can see his way to release these ships at once without asking for the indemnity in question?

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that, as a result of instructions issued by his Department, the steamship "Spurn Point" is now lying in Fraserburgh Harbour with an undischarged cargo of domestic coal; whether he is aware that on 26th May his Department intimated to a local coal merchant that it was prepared to bargain with him for the release of this cargo; and whether, in view of the fact that there is evidently no further need for holding this vessel on emergency grounds, he will give instructions for the immediate and unconditional discharge of the cargo?

I s will answer these questions together. I am aware that the "Monarch," the "Haytor" and the "Spurn Point" are-held up, in common with other vessels, with cargoes of coal on board. I have already explained in the House the policy of the Government in this matter, namely, that these ships are held as a mobile reserve. The Mercantile Marine Department, in accordance with their usual practice, asked the consignees whether they were prepared, if and when the cargoes could be released, to indemnify the Government against any claims the shipowners might have in respect of crews retained on board, but they refused. As stated in the House on the 2nd instant, I consider it reasonable that, if and when it appears necessary to release cargoes to the original consignees, they should pay the extra cost incurred in respect of the detention of the ships.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that this coal is destined for the use of the Government partly—for its institutions in Plymouth—and that it is very unfair to hold up a town like this, when it has only a few days' supply?

Is my right hon. Friend aware that in the case of two other vessels now lying at Peterhead, the coal is intended primarily for fishermen, and, in view of the state of the fishing industry, will he consider making special modifications in his instructions?

No, Sir. I think it would be very unfair to override a Regulation which was passed by Parliament, to the preference of one particular constituency or another, or of any particular type of constituent in any constituency. It is only fair that all should be treated alike.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that, although he may think his Regulation reasonable, in fact, it is working illegally, and he is rendering the Government liable to be called into the Courts?

If the hon. Gentleman desires to test the action of the Government in the Courts, he is open to do so. The Regulation is authorised by Parliament, and follows the precedent of other occasions.

Arising out of the answer of the right hon. Gentleman, is he aware that the fishing industry is a seasonal industry, and that it is the summer fishing season now. This coal will be of no use to the fishing industry in a few months time. Cannot the right hon. Gentleman, therefore, release coal for this seasonal industry?

The question is not whether a particular industry should have coal, but whether it should pay what is in fact the net cost.

In view of the evidence as to the acute shortage, can- not the right hon. Gentleman provide ways and means of securing all the coal required by these and other people, by giving the miners of the country a living wage?

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that every day this coal is held up means an increase in the cost to the consumer?

Business of the House

Might I ask what business the Government propose to take next week?

On Monday it is proposed to conclude the Committee stage of the Finance Bill.

The business for the remainder of the week will be announced to-morrow.

Orders of the Day

Supply

[12TH ALLOTTED DAY.]

Considered in Committee.

[Captain FITZROY (Deputy Chairman) in the Chair.]

Civil Services and Eevenue Departments Estimates, 1926–27

Class II

Scottish Office

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a sum, not exceeding £102,609, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the Bum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st of March, 1927, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Office of His Majesty's Secretary for Scotland and Subordinate Offices, Expenses under the Inebriates Acts, 1879 to 1900, Expenses under the Private Legislation Procedure (Scotland) Act, 1899, a Subsidy for Steamer Services to the Hebrides, and Grants in respect of Unemployment Schemes."—[ Note : £60,000 has been voted on account. ]

I beg to move to reduce the Vote by £100.

As far as we are concerned, we on this side shall limit our speeches to something like 15 minutes each, in the hope that other Scottish Members will fall in with that suggestion and so enable as many as possible to take part in the discussion. I had the privilege of reading a speech delivered by the Prime Minister, I think last Saturday at Chippenham. I am not going to repeat the whole of that speech on this occasion, but I should like to quote a passage that I hope will be specially taken note of by the Undersecretary for Scotland. It was to this effect:

I should like to know, particularly in the case of recent happenings in Scotland, whether that statement is in any respect correct? Is the law the same for the poor man as well as for the rich man? I know it is so in theory, but in actual practice does the rich man or the professional man or the man engaged in commercial pursuits, when he transgresses the law of the land, have the same treatment meted out to him as is meted out to ordinary members of the community and particularly to those who are allied together in trade unions? I would like to draw the attention of the Committee to a case which I submitted to the Secretary for Scotland a few weeks ago. Two young men, named McLuskey, during the night were taken from their beds, arrested, and taken to prison. They were kept in prison for nearly five weeks without any charge being formulated against them. These two brothers were both miners. They were kept in prison on mere suspicion. There never was, I understand, any charge formulated against them, and during the time they were in prison they were treated as ordinary prisoners who had been convicted of some offence. When the law authorities arrived at the conclusion that there was no possible hope of bringing any charge home against them, they were liberated, but, when they were liberated, they were refused as much as the price of their fare from Glasgow to Burnbank on the plea that they had enough money between them to pay their fare.

I should like to ask the Secretary for Scotland whether he discussed the matter, or whether such treatment would have been meted out to any member of the commercial or professional classes who had been kept in prison for such a length of time and whose ordinary rights of citizenship had been taken away from him? If so, it would have been interesting to have heard the comments and observations made by some of the learned gentlemen who sit on the benches opposite. When I ask that compensation should be paid in these cases, I am told that the men are not entitled to compensation. I hope that the Scottish Office will reconsider the matter, because it seems to me to be a gross abuse and contrary to elementary justice that men should be treated in that fashion. It is in direct conflict with that statement of the Prime Minister's that the law of the great man has become the law for all. I notice that during the last few weeks a Member of the House of Lords has been charged with a breach of the law. He did not even require to attend the Court. As a matter of fact, the ease was called on three times, and he was not present on any one occasion. On the last occasion on which the case came up, his agent put it to the Bench that they expected that he would be relieved entirely from the charge because he acted as a sort of conscript during the recent so-called general strike.

This Noble Lord did not appear at all, and did not require to appear, and he was actually guilty, whereas these two young men, taken out of their beds, arrested, and kept in prison for five weeks merely on suspicion, and, after having been kept that length of time, they were given the choice either of paying their own fare home or of walking home. I want to suggest to the Secretary for Scotland that there is something very materially wrong when that sort of thing goes on. It gives point to the fact that there is a considerable body of people in Scotland who are beginning to have a very strong contempt for the whole administration of the law. Since these Emergency Regulations came into operation, we have had some hundreds of young men arrested, and to be arrested is sufficient to secure a conviction.

I am not quite sure what these cases have to do with the Secretary for Scotland. This appears to me to be an attack on the judicial Courts of Scotland and to have nothing to do with the Secretary for Scotland.

I do not wish to attack the right hon. Gentleman on anything for which he has no responsibility, but he has already given an answer to-day to a question on the Order Paper asking how many persons have been arrested since the Emergency Regulations came into force, and he gave the numbers. I am only seeking to draw attention to the fact, as is well known, that a large number of these young lads who are in prison are there in consequence of these Emergency Regulations, and I understand that the Secretary for Scotland is the authority in Scotland for carrying out these Regulations. If so, I submit that I am not making any charge upon the character of the Judges when I call attention to the fact that a large number of these lads have not been proved guilty. It has always been held, I believe, that before a man can be convicted and sent to prison he should be proved guilty.

I do not think that these cases come under this Vote at all. Perhaps the Lord Advocate may have something to say on the point.

All these cases under the Emergency Regulations were tried before Sheriffs, and the Sheriffs' salaries are on the Consolidated Fund. Therefore, the question of the merits of the convictions cannot be raised on this Vote.

I should, of course, say that that does not exclude discussion as to whether the Secretary for Scotland should recommend the exercise of the Royal prerogative, but the question whether the Sheriff had or had not the right to convict cannot be raised

We are living under the Emergency Power Regulations, and they are administered in Scotland by the Secretary for Scotland. The Secretary for Scotland exercises there all the powers that are exercised, for instance, by the Board of Trade and the Minister of Transport in England. Therefore, I say that any question which it is competent to raise here relating to the administration of the Emergency Power Regulations as it affects England can equally and legitimately be raised on the salary of the Secretary for Scotland.

There is a distinction to be drawn between questions of administration. If there be a provision in some of the Emergency Regulations the contravention of which infers an offence, then the administration of that provision is not in the hands of my right hon. Friend at all, but is a question of the enforcement of law and order, which is primarily in the hands of the Lord Advocate and the Courts. The Secretary for Scotland has nothing to do with that side of the administration. On the other hand, there are questions of administration, which are truly administrative, and not questions of law and order, and for those he is responsible.

Is it not a fact that the Secretary for Scotland has the power, after a conviction, to advise the use of the Royal prerogative in reducing the sentence? These are some of the matters which we want to discuss, but if your ruling holds good, I am afraid we are going to be debarred from raising the question of the Secretary for Scotland advising the exercise of mercy in the case of these men.

My ruling is not intended to preclude the question of the Secretary for Scotland advising the exercise of the Royal prerogative, but I wanted to draw a distinction between that and an attack upon the judiciary.

May we not in this Debate criticise the conduct of the police, who in our judgment are primarily responsible for a very large number of the convictions, and who in many cases are also responsible for the disorder which took place and out of which the convictions arose?

Up to a certain point it would be admissible to discuss the conduct of the police, but we cannot go into questions in regard to which the Secretary for Scotland is in no way responsible.

Surely the Secretary for Scotland is responsible for the police force, and any question as to the conduct of the police can be raised in a discussion on the right hon. Gentleman's salary. I do not see anything to prevent that at all, and I think this is the proper place to discuss it.

The position with regard to the police is that the Secretary for Scotland is in the same position in Scotland as the Home Secretary is in England. Therefore, we are entitled to discuss the conduct of the police in Scotland on the right hon. Gentleman's salary just as we are entitled to discuss the conduct of the police in England on the Home Secretary's salary.

To the extent that the Secretary for Scotland is responsible for the police, their conduct can be discussed.

The case which I have already mentioned is one which, I think, will come clearly within the jurisdiction of the Secretary for Scotland. The matter does not, except in a very indirect way, deal with the judicial authorities. I am seeking to draw the Committee's attention to the fact that a large number of those who have been in prison and have been held guilty of breaches of the Emergency Regulations are youths, many of whom we believe we can prove in some cases were not there at all when the incident arose which led to their arrest. I take it that when the time comes for considering the Estimates dealing with the Law Officers' salaries, we shall be at liberty to discuss the question of the judges themselves. I would like to know whether it is competent for this Committee to make any reference to the attitude taken up by judges when on the Bench, whether we are entitled to draw attention to their utterances, and whether it is their duty to carry out the law and not to express opinions of a controversial character?

I understood the Lord Advocate to say that when the Estimates affecting the Law Officers come up we shall be at liberty to raise certain points reflecting upon the conduct of the judges.

If you do not mean that—well, we will wait until that time comes to see if we can do anything then, or not. Meantime, I wish to draw attention to the specific fact that any number of these lads—according to the answer given to-day there are close on 500 in prison in Scotland—are innocent of the charge that was made against them. We believe we can prove our assertion, and I would ask the Secretary for Scotland whether he is prepared to have a full inquiry into the matter, such a form of inquiry as will enable us to bring evidence to show that the police have gone beyond their powers and have pursued a course of conduct which is very dangerous to the civil rights of the people. The position under these Emergency Regulations was such, though we are supposed to have the right of peaceful picketing, that if a man went over and spoke to a policeman it was a crime. That is not a crime in accordance with the law, but it is a crime under these Emergency Regulations, although the Home Secretary specifically declared that the ordinary law with respect to peaceful picketing would not be changed by the passing of those Regulations. A great number of those lads in prison were accused of intimidation or of interfering with so-called blacklegs.

I submit there is a case for inquiry, and I sincerely hope the Scottish Office will give us facilities to prove the statement which will be made during this Debate. I do not raise the matter with any desire to make an attack upon the Scottish Office in the ordinary way, but we are living in very serious times, living under conditions which call for the greatest amount of restraint from each of us, arid if anybody ought to set an example of restraint it is the police authorities. Unfortunately, they have not done so in Scotland, in some cases, and as a consequence young lads have been sent to prison for three months, young lads who have not been connected with any form of mischief, but who were arrested for doing what they were advised by the Home Secretary, in this House, they were perfectly entitled to do. I really hope some sort of humanity will be manifested by the officers of the Scottish Office; that we shall not merely get stereotyped answers to the complaints we make as individual members, but that the Secretary for Scotland will be prepared to say he is willing to have an open inquiry. If he does that, I think we shall be able to establish the facts which I am putting before the Committee and which other Members will supplement. In conformity with the promise made that we would try to observe the fifteen minutes' rule I refrain from saying anything more.

I realise that, as the hon. Member has just said, we are living in difficult times, and that it behoves everyone, when dealing with these problems, to speak with circumspection and with real judgment. I must demur immediately to the statement that the action of the police forces in Scotland has been otherwise than restrained, though, possibly, effective. The country as a whole owes an enormous debt of gratitude to the common sense of those who were controlling these forces, and to the members of the forces themselves, for the fact that there was not more serious trouble. In a sense, I am responsible for certain aspects of the police forces in Scotland, but I am responsible only in the sense that the Home Secretary is responsible for the country police in England. I have no direct control over any force such as the Home Secretary has over the Metropolitan Police of London. It must be understood that the police forces in Scotland are controlled by the local police authorities, who are responsible for them.

Do you say that the county councils have control of the police in Scotland?

But the county council, as such, have no control over the police in a county?

No, it is the Standing Joint Committee which is the local police authority in Scotland, and which controls the actions of the police—through the chief constables, in the ordinary manner. From time to time questions have been put to me in this House as to particular cases, and I have answered a question to-day as to the total number of cases. I conceive it to be my duty to give that information to the House whenever I can. As I understand it, my particular part in regard to this matter is that when a particular case is brought to my notice, and circumstances are placed before me for my consideration, then I am in a position, if I think it desirable, to advise clemency by a emission of a part or the whole of the sentence. That is a duty for which I accept responsibility. I have made it my duty during the last few weeks personally to go through all these cases. From what the hon. Member has said, one would imagine that men had been seized and convicted for no offence.

Any suggestion that there is one law for the rich and another law for the poor is a proposition which those who know the administration of the Sheriff Courts in Scotland will not substantiate in any way, nor will the commonsense and general knowledge of the general public. I have made it my business to investigate a number of cases which were brought to my notice either by petitions from the persons concerned or from others interested. Not only did I investigate those cases but I investigated all cases, whether representations had been made or not. I have gone through them with my officials, acting with the advice of the Lord Advocate, and I have considered them with the greatest care, and, I think I may justly claim, with impartiality, because I have no desire to do other than justice in these cases. As I stated in the House to-day, I have already recommended remissions in a certain number of cases, and I am now considering a few of the others, but in the main I have come to the conclusion that the convictions were fair and proper, and I cannot in those circumstances recommend any clemency.

I have been asked whether I will grant a form of inquiry. If any real and substantial fresh evidence can be produced in any individual case by anyone acting for any one of those prisoners, that fresh evidence will be considered upon its merits with regard to the individual case—as it would be my duty to do in any case, apart from cases connected with this situation; but beyond that I cannot go. I can only repeat that I have taken the greatest possible trouble to investigate these cases, and I am acting with a grave responsibility of which I am very sensible, but at the same time I am convinced that I am doing my duty in taking the stand I have done on this question.

I have received all the evidence. I would only conclude by saying that I trust hon. Members will realise that what was referred to as peaceful picketing does not arise in those cases of violence and disturbance for which, in the main, these men have been convicted.

I wish to continue the Debate in regard to the conduct of the police in order to impress upon the Secretary for Scotland more forcibly the necessity for an inquiry into the manner in which a very large number of the cases which were brought before the Court originated. The police, I know, behaved with great restraint, and nobody on this side of the House desires to make any general sweeping charge against the conduct of the police in Scotland of manufacturing charges or adopting any irregular method of bringing evidence before the Court. So far as I am personally concerned I think the police of Scotland and elsewhere are always entitled to the support and sympathy and respect of every well-disposed citizen. In this connection, however, where the police have acted irregularly—and there are cases in which they have so acted—the real guilt lies not so much with the police as with those in higher places who instigated, promoted, and suggested a policy in which it was very difficult for the police to avoid taking sides. It is always regrettable when the police take sides in any case, but in the case of a, trade dispute it is not the business of the police to take the side of the employers as against the workers or the side of the workers as against the employers. Their business is to preserve the peace because they are citizens who have been specially selected to protect the rights of the citizens.

I want to bring forward certain incidents in which the usual tact and good conduct displayed by the police generally has not been observed. Very largely the prosecutions and convictions which took place arose out of incidents connected with what is called picketing. There may be differences of opinion with regard to the exact boundary line between peaceful picketing and certain things that happened during the dispute, but I think no member of this Committee will dispute the right of the worker to be on strike, either sectionally or generally, and nobody will dispute the workers' right to indulge in peaceful picketing. The Emergency Regulations expressly legalise peaceful picketing, because it is provided that none of these Regulations shall make it an offence for any person or persons to take part or peacefully persuade any person or persons to take part in a strike, and they are entitled to indulge in what is called peaceful picketing. In my own constituency the representatives of the workers who were appointed to act as pickets were not allowed to function, as they were entitled to do, and they were interfered with by the police and provoked in some cases into disorderly conduct. Not only were they provoked by the police, but also by those who had volunteered to take the places of those workers who were on strike.

What we are now concerned with is the action of the police. I have evidence which I accept as being reliable that on the 7th May at a level crossing in Fifeshire the police adopted a most provocative policy which resulted in a large number of workers being arrested and imprisoned. Again, on the 10th May, at Muirend Corner, the pickets there were threatened by the police while discharging their ordinary duties as pickets, and one of them was actually assaulted by the police. While I wish to avoid mentioning names, I desire to bring to the notice of the Secretary for Scotland the case of one inspector who is universally regarded in the particular district to which I refer by thousands of respectable citizens as being more responsible than anybody else for the whole of the disorder in that district. There is ample evidence to support the statement which I have made. With regard to the special incident of which I am speaking, namely, the disturbance at Muirend Corner, this inspector actually urged the driver of the motor car in which he had arrived on the scene to drive his motor car through the crowd in order to disperse them. He was guilty on that occasion of the most irregular conduct in the sense that he assaulted a boy of 10 and betrayed every evidence that he had lost his temper, and was not prepared to act as an officer of police should have acted upon such an occasion. This is a case in which an inquiry should be made, because the peculiar feature of it is that in this district on a similar occasion a few years ago during a miners' dispute perfect order was maintained; but in an adjoining district in which this inspector was stationed there was a very serious disturbance and exactly the same complaints being made in the present case were made about him in 1921. On the present occasion in the district in which this officer formerly had charge perfect order and peace was maintained, whereas in this case and in the district I refer to there is a universal inclination to believe that the inspector was really at the root of the whole trouble, and they believe that if he had acted more discreetly and reasonably the whole trouble could have been avoided. I am not quite sure what I am permitted to say with regard to convictions and the severity of the sentences imposed on these people. With regard to what has been said about the request for a reduction of these sentences, I think it is regrettable that only in five out of 400 cases has any reduction of the sentence taken place. Considering the general state of panic into which the authorities were put by the issue of the Emergency Regulations, I think the sentences imposed and the heavy fines inflicted were grossly disproportionate to the offences committed.

The hon. Member is getting perilously near to condemning the sentences which have been passed. That is not in order in this House on any occasion except upon a substantive Motion.

I was suggesting that the sentences were of such a character that we might reasonably have expected the efforts of the Secretary for Scotland in the direction of clemency to have been more successful than they have been. The remarks I have made with regard to the action of the police the Committee will understand are not made on my own responsibility, but I wish to say that at a meeting of magistrates a protest was unanimously passed against the conduct of this officer of police, and on that ground alone I think I should be entitled to press the right hon. Gentleman to give effect to our desire for a complete inquiry into the whole conduct of the police during the recent industrial crisis.

I think we are indebted to the hon. Member for Kirkcaldy (Mr. T. Kennedy) for bringing forward this question, and we can accept the word of the Secretary for Scotland that he is not merely examining particular cases but is systematically examining all the cases which have been brought under the emergency law. That is a wise proceeding for this reason, that on this side of the Committee, and I suppose the same applies to the other side, we have no sympathy whatever with hooliganism, either during a time of trouble or at any other time. We can easily distinguish between the incidents which occurred during the general strike and the incidents which occurred outwith that period. I happen to be one of those persons who was stoned near Newcastle. Two days later I had the great privilege of having in my own Court to conduct the defence of the principal rioters in my own county. Therefore, I was able to realise all through this crisis that the excitement engendered at that time might easily involve in criminal proceedings a type of individual who, as a rule, is far removed from being a criminal; in fact, you are dealing with a type of individual who under ordinary conditions is law abiding

That simple fact distinguishes this case from any other class of criminal case. Speaking as a lawyer more than as a politician, I heard with gratification the announcement that the Secretary for Scotland was going to examine all the cases of prosecutions under the Emergency Regulations. I am aware that it has always been held that you cannot either favourably or unfavourably review the judgments of the Sheriffs, and I mention that matter in view of the statement which has been made by the hon. Member for Hamilton (Mr. D. Graham). I was rather sorry to hear what the hon. Member for Kirkcaldy said about the police, although he obscured the name of the particular officer to whom he referred. I think those of us who have had occasion, professionally or otherwise, to follow the incidents of the strike, were consistently impressed with the magnificent discretion and extraordinary judgment displayed by the police. I have no wish to praise the police unduly, but I think it would be most unchivalrous for any of us, now that the trouble is past, and remembering how serious it was, not to acknowledge with gratitude the splendid services rendered by the police. I do not wish to say anything more, except that I think the statement of the Secretary for Scotland is an assurance to everyone, even to hon. Members opposite, that this Amendment for a reduction of the right hon. Gentleman's salary, however it may be employed as a useful and proper method of discussing freely the incidents that took place during the strike, is one that should at the end of the discussion be withdrawn.

I am rather surprised at the pleasure with which the hon. Member for Linlithgow (Mr. Kidd) received the statement of the Secretary for Scotland. Like him and other Scottish Members, I feel rather diffident in asking for a reduction of the salary of any Member from Scotland, and I only do so because I want to raise the, shall I say, lack of giving effect to the powers of the Secretary for Scotland in regard to reducing sentences which may have been passed by the Sheriffs in these cases. While the Secretary for Scotland was addressing the Committee, he pointed out that he had granted certain remissions of sentences. It is rather regrettable in the circumstances that he did not give the names of the individuals. I understand that only five cases have been favourably reviewed, so far as the Secretary for Scotland is concerned. I recognise that the police had very difficult situations to deal with during the crisis, but I also recognise that, owing to the action of one or two police officers, trouble was caused when it could have been avoided. After all, the policeman's duty is to arrest the individual who may have broken the law, or who is alleged to have broken the law. It is not his duty to try him. The individual, when arrested, is taken before the Sheriff, who has the power to pass sentence upon the individual. Unfortunately, in these cases, Sheriffs have been passing sentences of varying severity. I agree that, as has already been said, no one can justify violence, but I am not going to refer, as the hon. Member for Linlithgow did, to these people as hooligans. There are many men in gaol to-day who are just as good individuals as I am, and I have never willingly broken the law.

I know they are a long way better than he is. I am not going to refer to them as hooligans, and I do not think any one of them has ever willingly broken the law.

None of my friends are hooligans, but evidently some of the hon. Member's friends are. I want to draw the attention of the Secretary for Scotland to two particular cases. I recognise that the Sheriffs have power to pass sentences, and I likewise recognise, from my reading of the Press reports, that the sentences have varied so much that I think the Secretary for Scotland ought to review a second time even the cases that he has already reviewed. I will give two instances, and I give them because, as a Member of the House of Commons, before the general strike had commenced, I made a special appeal in my own constituency, pointing out that, even if the law be bad, it ought to be obeyed until such time as by constitutional means we can change it. I am proud to say that, so far as my constituency was concerned, there was no violence, but there were two cases before two different Sheriffs, in one of which it was admitted by the Deputy Fiscal, in moving that the charges were proven under the Emergency Regulations, that there was no suggestion that the men had used or had attempted to use force towards drivers of vehicles, but that the evidence was to the effect that they were only peacefully picketing. It may have been a breach of the Emergency Regulations, but how many miners in Scotland know anything at all about the powers contained in the Regulations, and how many of them knew the penalties that could be inflicted, and that were inflicted, for merely holding up their hands and asking a driver to stop for the purpose of peacefully picketing that driver?

In the two cases to which I am referring, it was admitted that these men never used any force to stop any driver. In one case the man merely held up his hand, and the driver did not even stop, but reported the incident to the police, and the police, under the Regulations, ultimately arrested the man. He was fined £3, or 20 days' imprisonment. In an exactly similar case, but tried before another Sheriff, it was also admitted that no violence had been used. The Secretary for Scotland will know the case to which I am referring when I say it is the Lothian case. A man 58 years of age, against whom no conviction had been previously registered, who was as good living a man and as law-abiding a citizen as anyone in this country, was sentenced to one month's hard labour and a fine of £10, and, failing the payment of the fine, a further month's hard labour. All that I want to draw the attention of the Secretary for Scotland to is the difference between these two sentences. It might be suggested that the one was too light, but I am prepared to argue that both were too severe, I am prepared to argue that the first was too severe, and, if that were so, surely the Secretary for Scotland, with his power to try and apply some fairness in connection with the sentences which have been passed, ought at least to have been able to report to this House that in the Higgins case, to which I am referring, he had been prepared to grant some remission of the sentence passed.

I trust that there will be a further review of these cases. Many of the men are still in gaol. We ought to have a full and open inquiry, both into the charges made against the police and into the varying sentences that have been passed. I am not saying that they were not passed with the power that the law gave to the Sheriffs, but surely, in a crisis like this, there ought to have been greater uniformity. I have even a case in which violence was used, and I am not pleading for that, but in that case, tried, again, before a different Sheriff the sentence was only 20 days' imprisonment or a fine of £3, while in the two cases in my own constituency, in which it was admitted, even by the Deputy Fiscal himself, that there was no violence, and no charge of violence was made, the fine in one case was the same as I have just mentioned, while in the other case the sentence was a month's hard labour, plus a £10 fine, and, in default of payment of the fine, a further month's hard labour. I press the Secretary for Scotland to grant us an inquiry. After all, nothing can be lost by an inquiry. Members on both sides of the House only want to see a fair deal given in connection with all those who may have been acting illegally for the moment under the Regulations. For these reasons, and until such time as the Secretary for Scotland is prepared to grant us an inquiry into the allegations against the police and into the varying nature of the sentences which have been passed during the crisis, I shall certainly support the Motion for a reduction of his salary.

Like my hon. Friend the Member for Linlithgow (Mr. Kidd), I heard with satisfaction that the Secretary for Scotland was inquiring into these cases. I am pretty well satisfied that the hon. Member for Hamilton (Mr. D. Graham) is under a misapprehension in thinking that there was not evidence enough, or, perhaps, no evidence at all, in these cases. Many of them might really be said to come within the purview of the law of mobbing and rioting, and the rule there is that your mere presence is an offence. When disorder is going on, your best plan is to go home; your safest place is in your bed.

The hon. and learned Member suggests that the best thing for a person to do who does not want to take part in a riot is to go home to bed. I arrived in Edinburgh when one of these riots was going on, and I tried to get to the place at which I was to stay, but could not do so because the police lost their heads and were batoning people right and left.

I am perfectly sure the hon. Member could have got round by what is known as a circuitous route. When there is a row on, it is best not to forget the old maxim, "If you had not been amongst the crows you would not have been shot." It is impossible to administer the law in any other way, because everyone who is present in a crowd is encouraging the, perhaps, comparatively small disorderly element that is responsible for the whole disturbance. When people are standing looking on, it is very often the first man that is grabbed, and the fact that he is in the crowd is itself a breach of the law. That is one of the few occasions in this world when idle curiosity meets with its just and due reward. I have defended many of these cases, and have always been very sorry for the men concerned; and I think the hon. Member for Hamilton will agree that I always did my very best for them.

Yes. I always felt that the law had put these men's heads into a bag. The hon. Member for Hamilton spoke about peaceful picketing, but, after all, the margin under the law with regard to peaceful picketing is a very narrow one. It is a sort of magic carpet—

People ask for absolute uniformity of sentences, but how can that be expected? It is necessary to know the circumstances of each individual case, and you cannot get at them by an ex parte statement. Picketing depends very much on the tone of voice. Words spoken in the nice, sweet, gentle tones of the hon. Member for Peebles (Mr. Westwood) might be all right, but the same words spoken by the hon. Member for Dumbarton Burghs (Mr. Kirkwood) would almost be a threat. The whole thing depends upon the way in which it is done. In the cases which I defended I was always profoundly sorry for the boys. In fact, I am not sure that, if had been one of their number, I should not have been in the dock also. I think it is very probable that I should. When you get a squad of fellows who want to stop a particular industry from going on, and a number of other fellows come on the scene, it is exactly like when you get a number of men engaged in a sham fight. In that case, as officers will tell you, you must not let them get too close, or they will start actually fighting one another, just because they are face to face. It is well known that in a large mob one or two disorderly elements will quite easily start a riot. But hon. Members must remember that when one comes to deal with a body of miners, they are, as our foes found in the Great War, fine fighters. There is no finer fighting man in the world than the British miner. There is no criminal taint about him. Many of these rows were like some of the old student rows which I have seen in the old days. Those taking part have been none the worse for those rows, although we knew that a great many of us should have been arrested. It is all very well to speak about the numbers of people who have been convicted, but it would be very much more interesting to see the number that ought to have been convicted. That number would possibly have very much exceeded the number who were convicted. But this is not where the real trouble comes in. I think this peaceful picketing law is a fraud. It never can work. It is too delicate.

The hon. Member would not be in order in continuing the discussion on those lines.

I have no doubt whatever that the men in question were endeavouring to carry out the law of peaceful picketing, and to do it peacefully, but the task set them by the Statute was much too delicate. They started off to carry ou peaceful picketing and they got into an atmosphere of excitement of some kind, and that is how the trouble happened. I have first-hand knowledge, and I can say that there never has been such a magnificent exhibition of the law-abiding characteristics of all classes of our population. If there was any disorder in any part of the country, it was not due to the men of Scottish or English blood, but it was due to our mistaken generosity in taking into this country far too many people who do not understand the liberty and freedom which exists in this country.

It is my duty to call attention to some of the cases in my own constituency. I do not at all agree with the hon. Member who has just resumed his seat, that a number of prosecutions have necessarily taken place because the men concerned have been engaged in peaceful picketing. I want to put the case of two men. I will not mention their names, but they were not taking part in any kind of picketing. They were passing through the city of Glasgow on business. One was going on a little act of mercy on behalf of his mother. Neither had taken any part in any kind of disorder, but they were arrested, and they were sent to prison for three months with hard labour. There were two boys, 17 years of age, involved, and another boy 18 years of age, who had taken no part whatever in the picketing, and no substantial evidence has been brought against them. I have put the case before the Secretary for Scotland. It is now six or seven weeks since these arrests were made, and, if something is not done to hasten these inquiries, at the present rate of progress these men and boys will have served their sentences of three months' imprisonment before it has been possible for the officials to consider the facts of the case and to come to a decision.

I want also to call attention particularly to what I regard as a very grievous case. There was an attack upon a tramcar in Cambuslang, coming down Silverbank, run by blackleg labour, which incited the public very greatly. It is highly improbable, if, indeed, not absolutely impossible, that anybody could identify people who throw missiles when a car is travelling—as in this particular case the car must have been travelling—at a rate from 25 to 30 miles an hour. Of the two people who were arrested, one was a mother with five children and the other was a young wife and an expectant mother. They have each been sent to prison for three weeks. I do appeal to the Secretary for Scotland, not only in the case of the young men, but particularly in the case of these two women. It is impossible for anybody to give evidence of identification correctly in these two particular cases, and it is evident that a gross injustice has been committed in sending a young expectant mother to prison for three weeks, as well as a mother of five children. That was a very severe and undue penalty to inflict at a time of great excitement. Feeling is running very strong in this particular neighbourhood. While I do not want to enter into an argument with the right hon. Gentleman as to whether 'it is true that there is one law for the rich and another for the poor, I know what my own conviction is.

I have had a much wider experience than the right hon. Gentleman with regard to industrial disputes, and my own serious conviction is that there is one law for the rich and another for the poor. Feeling is running very high in the district of Cambuslang against some of the police. Some of us have appealed time and again to our people, not merely to observe the law, but, if possible, to do all that they can to maintain order, and some consideration should be given in such cases as I have stated. In regard to the cases of these two women, would it not be possible to release them without any further delay? I appeal to the Secretary for Scotland on humanitarian grounds to use his good offices in these cases.

I would not have intervened at all, had it not been for some remarks made by the hon. and learned Member for Argyllshire (Mr. Macquisten), who said that the best way to avoid trouble in times of a general strike was to get to bed. I happened to be with the hon. Member for Peebles (Mr. Westwood) in Edinburgh. We arrived there at a quarter-past seven on the third day of the general strike. In a quarter of an hour's time we were in the thick of a row, and if there had been a demand from Edinburgh as to the necessity for an inquiry into the conduct of the police, I should have heartily supported it. The conduct of the police in the streets of Edinburgh was absolutely brutal. The hon. Member for Peebles told me that certainly he did not believe I had so much agility as I showed that evening. I consider that I escaped rather cleverly, but I saw women and men, old women and old men, just as innocent as I was, brutally bludgeoned by the police, and in one case right in front of us a person was split right from the front of the head to the chin. I do not believe that the old women or the old men were strikers or that they had any sympathy with the strike at all. They were simply like ourselves; they had got into that position without intending to do so. I represent a constituency that has been said to have within its borders a great many revolutionaries, but I want to say that it was the quietest constituency anyone could have had. There was no trouble at all. The police did their very best to keep the peace, and the superintendent and myself met several times to deal with any likely circumstance that might lead to trouble. But, unfortunately, without my knowledge, two rather serious cases occurred. I am not going to waste the time of the Committee in speaking about individual cases. I understand the Secretary for Scotland has said that he is willing to make inquiry into all these cases. I simply leave it there, and I will take the earliest opportunity of bringing these cases to his notice. But I do think that, in regard to the case of the police in Edinburgh, we should be justly within our rights in demanding an inquiry into their attitude, and, indeed, an inquiry into the attitude of the police in some other parts of the country.

I understand that this Vote is not to be pressed at this stage, but that the Secretary for Scotland will withdraw it. I should like to remove an impression that may have been created by the speech of the hon. Member for Linlithgow (Mr. Kidd), when he referred to what I said regarding the police. I made no general charge against the police at all. What I said was that if the police of Scotland had generally acted as they acted in some cases, the number of convictions, instead of being between 400 and 500, would have run into tens of thousands. The police lost their heads in certain cases.

I accept that. I hope the hon. Gentleman will repudiate the statement of the hon. Member who spoke before him.

I cannot repudiate that because it is a fact. Two hon. Members saw it, and saw that most brutal treatment was meted out by the police to an innocent crowd. The police were running after the crowd, and were deliberately batoning them from the back.

I do not think it is necessary for me to add anything to what I have already said, but I should like to say that I appreciate very much what the hon. Member for Kirkcaldy (Mr. T. Kennedy) has said. I think he spoke with great fairness about the police generally. I should like to say that in regard to the problem with which they were faced at Muirend it was not in any way a case, so far as my information goes, of purely peaceful picketing. There was a crowd of thousands of people armed with sticks and stones. It is true that some of them may have been perfectly peaceful, but the police had to deal with some disorderly element of which there was a large nucleus in that crowd, and a very serious situation in regard to law and order had arisen in the City of Edinburgh at that time. No doubt women and children were there, and a number of perfectly innocent people, but at a time like that it is essential that these groups should be moved on, and people should understand that they should do so when they are requested by the police. I can only repeat that, if any hon. Member has any further evidence of any particular case, I am perfectly willing to consider it. In view of the opinion of the Committee, I am perfectly willing that this Vote should be withdrawn.

Will the promise the right hon. Gentleman makes, that he will consider any case which may be put to him, apply to the specific case I drew his attention to of the man who has already suffered five weeks imprisonment in the manner I have described?

I have considered the case upon its merits. If there is any new fact, I shall be willing to consider it.

What is the right hon. Gentleman's decision in connection with the case I raised?

I cannot carry all these cases in my mind—I have to consider such an enormous number—but I will let the hon. Member know as soon as I can.

Will the right hon. Gentleman give special consideration to the cases of the two women in Oambuslang?

Those are under consideration at present.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

Original Question again proposed.

Motion, by leave, withdrawn.

Class VII

Scottish Board of Health

Motion made, and Question proposed.

"That a sum not exceeding £1,858,345 be granted to His Majesty to complete the sum necessary to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1927, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Scottish Board of Health, including Grants and other Expenses in connection with Housing, Grants to Local Authorities, etc., Grants in respect of Benefits and Expenses of Administration under the National Health Insurance Acts, certain Expenses in connection with the Widows, Orphans and Old Age Contributory Pensions Act, 1925, and certain Grants-in-Aid."—[ Note : £870,000 has been voted on account. ]

On a point of Order. When we are discussing Estimates, I understand we can only discuss questions of administration. May I ask your ruling as to the possibility of being able to discuss the subject when we have not got the Report of the Board of Health before us.

Of course it has been the desire of the Office to have the Report ready for this occasion, more particularly as last year the Vote was put down on the day after the financial year closed, so that it was impossible to have the Report ready, but owing to the general strike the printing of the Report has been considerably delayed, and consequently we have not been able to have it printed and circulated. We have done our utmost, however, to meet the convenience of Members, and we have two draft copies of the proofs laid in the Library to-day. I admit that that is not long for hon. Members to consider it, but we have laid it before either the Secretary for Scotland or myself have had time to consider it as a whole. It is regrettable that the Report has not been available, but I understand on this occasion also it is improbable that the Vote will be passed, and we do not intend to press for it on this occasion, consequently, if hon. Members so desire, they will have the chance of raising the detailed and intricate questions which can only be discussed with the statistics and statements of the Office actually before them.

May I suggest that the same procedure as was followed last year on the Vote of the Secretary for Scotland would be preferable, and that is that my hon. Friend the Member for Camlachie (Mr. Stephen) and others should put forward their grievances first and then the Under-Secretary should reply, rather than that we should have a formal Debate when the Vote is to be kept open?

I thought, as very serious grievances were being specifically raised on the Secretary for Scotland's salary, it would be to the convenience of all parts of the Committee that a short statement should be made introducing the Estimates, because, after all, these are the Estimates for the year as a whole, and although it may be possible for us to get another day we all know how careful one has to be in making use of Parliamentary time and it is not always possible, with the best intentions, to get other occasions to review these Votes. The general question of the health of Scotland is germane to the discussion which I understand is about to be raised by hon. Members opposite. That is the efficiency with which the Board of Health is discharging its duties as trustees for the health of the people as a whole, and in particular its administration of relief during the crisis that is now going on. It is of use to the Committee to consider that in relation to the background which I should hope to be able to sketch in a few sentences. The vital statistics of Scotland show that the hope we expressed last year, that the movement of the curves which had taken place against us in 1924 would not be maintained, that the lost ground would be recovered and that we could look forward to the continuance of that curve and an improvement of the general vital statistics of the country which has been a feature of the past 50 years, and certainly an increasing feature of the past few years, has been realised.

The general death-rate, which in 1924 was 14·4, has fallen to 13·4; and the infantile mortality, which in 1924 was 97 per 1,000, has gone down to 90. The death rate between one and five years has gone down from 15 to 12 and is equal to the rate for 1923, which is the lowest ever recorded in Scotland. Infantile mortality in its turn is less than for any previous year except 1921 and 1923, so that in the case of the small children we have a mortality as low as we have ever registered before and there are only two years in which it has been lower in the whole history of the country. I think that is a source of congratulation on the part of all sides of the House. These variations are not and cannot be the effect of any single year's administration. Variations occur, up or down, as it may be, but a continuous fall such as we have seen in tile mortality statistics of infantile, child and adult show clearly that the general physical condition of the people is being maintained in spite of a long continued depression without parallel in the history of our country. That is reflected also in the tuberculosis rate, which has fallen from 80 per 100,000 in 1924 to 76, while in non-pulmonary it has gone down from 36 to 34. In both these cases, the death rate last year is the lowest that has ever been recorded in the statistics of our country. In the case of pulmonary tuberculosis, what is known as consumption, the death rate is not only the lowest we have ever recorded for Scotland, but it is a record for the whole of Great Britain. It is better than any other part of the United Kingdom. The English rate is 83 and the Scottish rate is 76, which seems to show that the campaign that has been embarked upon is definitely beginning to yield fruit. We are not so fortunately placed with regard to non-pulmonary tuberculosis and it may be that the various campaigns of cleaner milk and better food generally will have some effect in reducing that rate. On the question of housing there is a large increase in the Vote.

May I appeal to the hon. and gallant Gentleman not to raise that issue to-day, when we have not got the Report in front of us and cannot reply to him? It is a very controversial subject, and he ought to keep it till the next day, when we have the Report.

I do not wish to say more than that housing, while it is improving, while there were 8,000 odd houses built last year, is still far below what is necessary for the needs of the people as a whole. The numbers are going up. For the first time we have touched and passed a thousand houses in a month. In May we had 1,175 houses built and completed. I am sure that cannot be regarded as controversial, and Members in all parts of the House, and people in our own country, would be glad to hear the news that the curve of housing is steadily rising. Since hon. Members do not desire it, I will not trench on the interesting questions which will be found in the Report, and which I was warned yesterday would be raised by hon. Members opposite.

The work that is being done with rickets, which is another social disease—I am not bringing these things forward as an interesting medical discussion on a Thursday afternoon but as indications of the health of our people, without which basic facts we cannot go on to consider questions of the relief, adequate or inadequate, of destitution and unemployment which hon. Members opposite intend to raise. In the case of rickets, although this disease is still very prevalent in our cities there is a marked decline recorded by all the Public Health Authorities except those of Paisley. The other points which I should have thought were germane to the discussion on such a subject as rickets do not show that correlation with housing that one would expect. It is not specially associated with a poor standard of housing. It occurs among the better class of people as well as among the poorer artisan class. [ Interruption. ] I did not, nor will anyone at this box, rejoice at the incidence of the disease in any class of the community. [ Interruption. ] I am not going to discuss questions of disease with the hon. Member because we might get into controversy, and I understand we are not to discuss any controversial matter at present.

When we come to discuss questions of relief for the parishes of Scotland, and the adequacy or inadequacy of the scales of relief which are now being granted, and we come to consider the weight of unemployment for the past years—it has been a tremendous weight—and the burden which the general strike and now the long-continued coal stoppage has thrown upon the finances, not only of the public, but of every family in the land, we must remember the background against which we have to consider these questions, namely, that so far no irreparable damage has been done to the health of the people of the country, the vital statistics are still moving in our favour, and if we have sense we can continue to keep them moving in our favour. There is no reason to suppose that we cannot improve in every way upon the vital statistics which I have read; but although they are amongst the most favourable ever sumbitted from this Box, they are still far below what hon. Members of all parties desire to see in their own native country.

I beg to move to reduce the Vote by £100.

I am sorry that we have not the Report before us on which the Under-Secretary for Health has seen fit to express himself. We wanted this Vote to-day in order that we might discuss certain pressing matters, and that we should not have to await the publication of the Board of Health's Report. With respect to the vital statistics, we all know Chat figures may prove anything. On a previous occasion in this House when the same Under-Secretary was congratulating himself on the satisfactory nature of the figures, there were some of us who took a very different view of the situation, and we had a somewhat unpleasant experience in the House as a consequence. What I shall have to say has a bearing upon the optimism of the Under-Secretary as to the upward tendency of the vital statistics. Because the coal stoppage has taken place, the Board of Health has felt it necessary to send a circular to the parish councillors in connection with the relief which is to be given. I do not intend to press the matter in regard to the position of the miners and the relief, but the Circular has in view the position of the miners' wives and children. A similar Circular was issued by the English Ministry of Health a few days before the issue of the Scottish Circular. The Circular of the Scottish Board of Health goes very much on the lines of the English document. I want to draw attention to paragraph 8: I want to join issue with the Undersecretary. A letter has been sent to the parish councils from the Board of Health, dated 11th June, and it would seem from this letter that some ratepayers have sent remonstrances to the Board of Health that the relief of miners' dependants is in many cases being afforded to persons who are not acutely destitute and who, therefore, do not fall within the scope of paragraph 6 of the Circular. When hon. Members on this side draw attention to the fact that relief is not being given to a decent amount in certain districts, and we send letters to that effect, we do not succeed in getting a special leaflet issued by the Board to the parish councils; but when it is some of the rich people complaining, possibly some of the coalowners complaining because they are not getting their wage-slaves to accept their terms, the Board of Health at once sends a remonstrance to the parish councils, to tell them to examine every case very particularly, to get a microscope and to put every case under the microscope.

I wish to deal specially with what has happened in connection with the Glasgow Parish Council. That council has taken the Circular very much to heart, and has decided that relief shall be given entirely in kind, and that no monetary payments shall be made. They evidently have given a great deal of attention to the Circular or, possibly, they are anxious to starve the dependants of the miners in order to bring the dispute to an end. At any rate, they have decided that there is to be no monetary relief given. Communal feeding may be defended on the basis that it is more economical, but this Glasgow Parish Council, evidently thinking that the miners' wives cannot spend money properly, proceed to give an exhibition of how not to spend money. I have brought exhibits into this House showing what they do, ard I want the Under-Secretary to tell us who was the contractor responsible for supplying such food for the wives and children of the miners in Glasgow. The rumour has been current in Glasgow that the co-operative society was responsible, but I Rave a, statement in the "Scottish Co-operator," which denies that this particular contractor is a co-operative society. I am informed that the green, mouldy cheese which hon. Members saw, was in a bag on which was the name Cooper and Company. It has been suggested that it was owing to sufficient care not having been taken by the servants of the education authority in packing, that the food was spoiled. It was not the packing that made the cheese which I showed to the House green and mouldy, but something different. I admit that since I raised the matter in the House there has been an improvement.

I suggest that the Minister should send a letter to the Glasgow Parish Council pointing out that they have misread his Circular, and that there should be monetary payment as well as grants in kind. There are over 1,000 women and 2,000 children, dependants of miners, who are being fed by the Glasgow Parish Council. They have three meals a day. It means that the poor mother has to leave her home with her children at 7.30 in the morning to be at the feeding centre at 8 o'clock. She has to be out of the centre at 8.30 in order that the centre may be used in connection with the school. She has to be back again at 12 noon, and out of the feeding centre at 12.30, after getting dinner for herself and children. She has to be back again for tea at 4.30, and from 4.30 until 8 o'clock there is nothing given to the children. The education authorities give to poor children a pair of boots, but if the children go to school with their boots not properly cleaned, they are sent home. The wife of the miner cannot clean the boots of the children at home, because there is no money coming into the house with which to provide boot polish, nor is there money available for the mother to provide thread with which to sew her children's clothing. This is cruel, callous, cold-hearted treatment of the dependants of the miners, and I am making this protest on their behalf. How would the Minister like any family dependant of his own or any friend of his to be put into those circumstances?

In these feeding centres there are children sleeping while the feeding is going on. Washing of dishes is also taking place. All this happens in the one room, and in the wealthiest centre of Rosemount and Gourlay Street. We have protested in this House against the one-compartment system, in which the one compartment comprises the dining room, the drawing room, the bathroom and everything else, and here is the Glasgow Parish Council adopting that system in the wealthiest centres. Possibly the Education authority is to be commiserated with because they are not getting from the parish council sufficient money to allow them to increase their staff in order that the work can be done more efficiently. The Prince of Wales sent a donation to the miners' fund, and in the accompanying letter he said:

I do not intend to touch upon matters which have been discussed already, but I want to ask the Secretary for Scotland and the Undersecretary as well what their intentions are with regard to the Report of the Committee appointed in June, 1924, which reported in December, 1925. That is the Committee over which Lord Mackenzie presided, which had to consider the question of hospital accommodation in Scotland. In their Report it was pointed out that there were a large number of cases which require hospital accommodation, but under the present conditions they cannot be treated; with very disastrous results all round. Many of these cases wait for months, sometimes as long as a year, and even longer, before they are informed that accommodation is available for them. The lives of many of these patients might be saved if they had earlier treatment and earlier medical attention. The Committee estimate that there is a shortage of 3,600 beds to meet the normal requirements of the people. Three thousand of these beds are in general hospitals, and 600 in connection with maternity hospitals. There are many cases that are not at present receiving proper attention for which hospital accommodation is urgently required, according to the statement made in the Report. No provision is made for the accommodation of patients suffering from certain infectious diseases. With regard to maternity cases, under the Notification of Births Act local authorities are made responsible where the persons themselves are not in a position to provide the necessary medical and nursing attendance. Many of these births take place in one-room or two-roomed houses, and according to the medical evidence where complications ensue they are absolutely unsuitable for the carrying out of any operation. The Committee estimate that to meet these requirements at least 600 beds are necessary. I should like to know what the Government are going to do in order to put into operation the recommendations of the Committee on these two questions.

We have heard today from the Undersecretary the tremendous advance which has been made in reducing deaths from tuberculosis, but at the same time he admitted that so far as surgical tuberculosis was concerned we were not progressing nearly so well. The Committee again draw attention to the fact that while Scotland, so far as sanatorium accommodation is concerned, is not, on the whole, badly served, more accommodation is required for the treatment of surgical tuberculosis, so far as children are concerned. What is the Government doing in this direction? Then we come to the Poor Law. It is true that in Glasgow—I am not saying this because I happen to represent a Division in Glasgow, but because it is the fact—the Committee say that so far as the Poor Law hospitals are concerned they are as well equipped and as up to date as any general hospital throughout the length and breadth of the land. They have everything that is requisite for proper treatment, but they find this difficulty, that because of the stigma attaching to the Poor Law in Scotland the people will not use these well-equipped hospitals. They go to the infirmaries instead. They will not go to the Poor Law hospitals, which are provided by the community generally, and the Committee recommend that steps should be taken as quickly as possible to divorce these hospitals from Poor Law administration, and that they should come under the local authority in the same way as infectious hospitals.

While this is true of Glasgow it is not true generally of the whole country. The Committee condemn very roundly indeed the conditions that obtain in many of the so-called hospitals connected with the Poor Law. Nursing is bad and proper medical attention cannot be given. The accommodation is utterly insufficient and out of date, and the sanitary and hygienic arrangements are not what they should be. I should like to know what the Government is proposing to do to alter what has been a scandal of many years standing. This is not the first time that the conditions of our Poor Law hospitals have been brought to the attention of Parliament. As early as 1909, when the Royal Commission sat, Scotland came in for condemnation with regard to the standard of nursing that was given in these Poor Law hospitals. I hope the Government in the immediate future, where they have the power—and I think you have without legislation—will force parish councils who are dilatory to take such action, either by themselves or in combination with other parish councils, as will provide a higher standard of treatment than is given now. Let me say a word with regard to the treatment of school children. A large number of ailments are prevalent among school children which require special medical and nursing attention. There are no Hospitals under the control of the education authority for the purpose of dealing with these cases, and the Committee recommend that the local education authority shall be made responsible and that there shall be a development towards providing beds for these children in hospitals over which they will have some control.

Finally, I want to draw the attention of the Committee to the hospital and medical conditions which obtain in the Highlands and Islands. There is a grant of £42,000 a year for medical services in the Highlands and Islands to provide medical treatment, which is so costly in these remote parts of our country. But the £42,000 is being more than taken up and it is not sufficient to pay the medical officers for the extra medical attention that has to be given, and there is nothing left to provide the hospitals which are required. The recommendation of the Committee is that, apart from Inverness, at least 100 beds ought to be provided forthwith. Successive Boards of Health for Scotland have shown some considera- tion for the improvement of the conditions under which the poorer people of our country live and have their being, and it is now producing marked results which will ultimately, in my opinion, pay for all the money we have spent in this direction. It will pay a monetary return. Good health means everything. It means intelligence. It means morality. If the body is physically diseased and not properly cared for you cannot have that standard of life which is the ideal of everyone. While we have made all this progress much remains to be done, and the Committee has recommended that these things should be done forthwith. I should like to have, therefore, an assurance from the Under-Secretary or from the Secretary for Scotland himself that they are alive to the necessity of the case and that the Government is prepared, even at some little cost, to take the necessary steps which will ultimately pay us and pay them, which will be of great value indeed and which will mean a still further development and improvement of the health services so far as Scotland is concerned.

6.0 P.M.

I wish to draw the attention of the Under-Secretary to what is taking place in my own constituency in regard to feeding the miners' wives and children. Two food centres have been established, and while I am not going to discuss whether the Government is taking sides in the dispute or not, what I am going to say will show that the Government in these centres has decided to put the most harassing conditions possible on the wives of miners and miners' children who have to obtain the scanty and rotten food which is being supplied. The Under-Secretary, who is a medical man, will realise the full meaning of this. Dinner is at 4.30 p.m. and breakfast at 8 o'clock in the morning; a fast of 15 hours. That is a good fast for an average person, but when you come to a child, and a child in Scotland, who as we know is always ready for a piece, it is a very long time, especially when the child has been playing from half past four in the afternoon until bedtime. No provision is made for any meal during these 15 hours. If the Government think that they are saving any money by adopting this attitude and deciding that everything is to be paid out in kind, they are making a big mistake. They are spending more in supplying what is needed than they would spend in paying out the cash.

It is evident that it is not a question of the Act itself, but of how much inconvenience it is possible in a revengeful spirit to put upon the wives and innocent children of the miners. In the statements that have been made with regard to the feeding, let me say that I have some special knowledge of Dovehill, a cooking centre, and know its arrangements. It is one of the most up-to-date cooking centres anywhere. Yet we find complaints that everything is being sent out cold instead of hot. There is no excuse for that, for there is an ample supply of covered tins and cars to distribute. But even that would seem to have been pre-arranged in order to cause the utmost discomfort to the miners' wives and children. Quality and prices ought to be compared by anyone who is talking about economy. If you take the cost of handing out this food, which has practically no market quality, such cost is greater than that of handing out cash equivalent. There was the rotten black pudding. There was cheese that looked like soap and smelt like something else. These had no market. But you keep these mothers harassed, and especially the pregnant mothers, by bringing them out twice a day. Think of the single apartment where it is necessary to get children ready for attendance at certain places at eight o'clock, treated as if they were criminals. Only the criminal type of mind could impose such conditions on innocent women and children. The pregnant mother in the single apartment, with three or four children, has to get them ready so that they might have this rotten food handed out to them.

If you think that you are making any progress in civilisation and adding anything to your claim to being a Christian nation by doing a thing like this, I wish you joy of all your claims. There is no Christianity in it. It is the action of an uncivilised people. A Fijian Islander would act more kindly; he would take a club and hit you on the head. But the supposed Christian acts like this. Such actions are the basis of all the evils that come forth from such conditions. You have these people coming long distances with their young children, who fall asleep naturally and lie about the floor. Yet there are halls and churches standing about empty. And we call ourselves a Christian nation! "Suffer the little children …" I see that an hon. Member opposite smiles. I wonder what he is smiling at. I suppose he is smiling at the creed of Christ, and it is only the atheistical type of mind which would do so.

On a point of Order. May I ask whether it is in order for an hon. Member to insinuate that another Member has an atheistic type of mind?

I do not think it is out of order. My ear was occupied for the moment with the report of my predecessor in the Chair, and I did not catch the hon. Member's argument. In any case I do not think it would be out of order. As to the matter of taste, I am not the judge.

Is it in order for an hon. Member to sit with a grin on his face while reference is being made to the sufferings of the miners and their children?

I made the reference in a general way, that it was that class of mind that would smile at such a statement about the children. When you come to Rosemount Feeding Centre, you have the people coming from the farthest end of the constituency. You are increasing everything in your administration of this rotten relief, you are paying the car fares for these people four ways, twice up and twice down. Is not that a stupid waste of money which could be spent at home more wisely? The position is that the Government are showing through their actions that they are out with a revengeful spirit, in order to do everything they can against the wives and children of the miners. They are doing everything they can in an attempt to break down the resistance of the miners. In Springburn there are not many miners. But why should the people, respectable people, some of whom have been living there 25 or 30 years, be subject to this kind of treatment? Why should it be that every parish council in every case where there is need hands out what it considers the right sum, 12s. and 4s., but that this group in Glasgow, who seem to think that the only way of getting equal with other people who have courage is by taking advantage of the stomachs of innocent children and defenceless women—why should it act differently? There is nothing courageous or great about an attitude like that.

If you take the conditions as they obtain to-day, there are 1,012 mothers and 2,220 children at certain centres. These are only the wives and children of miners. At a meeting of the Glasgow education authority, of which I used to be a member, Mr. John M. Piggott asked the Rev. M. McQueen, the convener, who was the contractor. The name was denied to us, simply because there was something to hide. There is no man here who can contradict the statement that here is blue mouldy rotten food being handed out. And we are paying for it. It is the duty of the Health Department to see to it that a question like this is not submerged. We ought to have at least the name of the contractor. We ought to know whether the food supplied was of a quality ordered, or whether a better quality has been paid for. If we do not get the information to-day, we shall adopt other means of finding out what is behind it all. This is a method or torture for these women and innocent children. Everything is being done in the most inhuman way. I tell the Government that they are not going to diminish resistance one bit by doing all these things. They will simply stiffen the backs of the people. I started life as a miner, and know all the conditions of the miner's work. Those who oppose the miners can say what they like. We have always proved ourselves equal to the fight, and even now, despite the fact that the Government has taken sides with the owners, and is backing up parish councils to issue rotten food, despite the fact that the Government think that by issuing stinking food to the dependants of miners and denying to them the right to spend the money which they have subscribed for in past years, they can break the miners' resistance, we defy the Government to continue this horrible mess, this thing which is a blot, not only on civilisation, but something which should make everyone who claims to be a Christian ashamed to hold up his head.

I hope we shall get a reply to the question raised about the institution for mentally defective children in Dundee. The Minister was good enough to say that some steps were being taken to facilitate provision of the additional accommodation required. Then there was the question raised by the former Under-Secretary for Health (Mr. Stewart) as to tuberculous patients. I would like to have some definite indication of what is occurring as a result of the extension of sanatorium treatment throughout the country. Can anything be said as to the criticism formerly raised against sanatorium treatment, that it would not be effective in restoring those who were afflicted so that they could enter their former employment. I have always held that something has been and is being done substantially to improve the condition of many of those who have unfortunately been attacked by the disease, but with the advance and extension of sanatorium treatment I imagine that some substantial evidence has been acquired on the subject. May we be told something of the experience of patients who have left these institutions in order to follow their several occupations, and whether there has been frequently by a recurrence of the trouble to such an extent that they have had to return to the sanatoria once more?

There is another very important public question which it is more difficult to speak about, but one which has been taken in hand by the authorities, namely, the treatment of venereal disease. It is a very serious and most difficult question to handle. In this case, also, there has been in the municipalities an extension of the system of providing medical advice and treatment for those cases which are voluntarily reported. Whether or not that step is bringing about all the good results which might have been expected from it, we cannot say, but it would be very helpful if we had some information in that respect. We should know whether or not results have been reached warranting the adoption of compulsory notification which has been advocated in some municipalities. The evidence acquired from the schemes now in operation in large cities may not yet justify such a step, but having regard to the Royal Commission Report of some years ago, while the difficulties in the way of compulsory notification are considerable, the awful results of the disease to the patients themselves and to succeeding generations, and the con- sequences such, as blindness which follow upon it, constitute a strong argument for compulsory notification.

It may also be in order to refer at this stage to the treatment of mentally deficient adults. We know that some improvement is being effected in this matter, and that those in charge of our mental institutions are making arrangement to facilitate the progress of their patients towards recovery by seeing that they are not brought too much into contact with other patients. I do not know if we have yet reached the stage of endeavouring to follow out, by the efforts of the Government and local authorities, the treatment which is given in some private institutions. Specialists, by constant attendance upon and study of a particular defect or weakness of the mind, have been able to produce wonderful results, and have been able to replace patients in ordinary life so cured as to be able to discharge all the responsibilities of life, and to show not the slightest indication of ever having been mentally affected. I have given some attention to this matter, and though I allow for the improvements which have been made in the conduct of mental institutions, I am disappointed at our rate of progress in dealing with this matter. I have in mind one particular case when I say that I am disappointed that we should still relegate to an institution a man who has been reported as liable to take the life of his wife, and has been duly certified, and although there was never any further indication of any tendency of that kind, yet it is impossible to get a doctor to say that that man should be allowed out of the institution. I have found that the surroundings and the circumstances in which such a man is placed, and the other patients with whom he is brought in touch, destroy the slightest likelihood of any change for the better, and tend rather to make things go from bad to worse. By treatment in a private institution where care, consideration and study could be given to each patient's particular weakness, more substantial results could be obtained.

There is no affliction more sorrowful, not only to the sufferers themselves, but to their relatives and friends than deprivation of the powers of reason, and anything we can do in this matter is worthy of commendation. In large institutions such as we have to-day, the patients are huddled together. I know they are classified, but the classification is very general, and we do not go the whole length of recognising what the medical fraternity will admit, that mental afflictions can be treated and cured just as successfully as bodily ailments, if the proper steps be taken. I believe we are lagging behind in this matter, and that with more determination and more expenditure of money a great deal could be done. Certainly the subject calls for steps a long way beyond those which we have, up to the present, taken.

I do not desire to initiate a debate on housing, because I agree with the hon. Member for Dundee (Mr. T. Johnston), that we cannot usefully engage in such a debate until we have the necessary material. At the same time, I wish to ask the Secretary for Scotland a specific question. He is aware that under Section 5 of the Housing Act, 1924, it falls to the Government in October of this year to revise, if they think well of it, the subsidies granted for housing schemes. I was informed a few days ago that the Edinburgh Council are getting a decision from the Scottish Board of Health on this matter. I do not know if the right hon. Gentleman is in a position to announce a decision to-day. I know that the matter depends on the Minister of Health for England, but at the same time, in view of the fact that these are the months when building may go forward, it would be helpful to local authorities if he could say, at any rate, when a decision may be expected. That is not asking much. It obviously is of great importance that local authorities should not be left entirely in the dark as to the date when they shall know whether or not after October they are to continue to get the assistance of the Government in these schemes.

I wish to refer to a question which has been raised by the hon. Member for Camlachie (Mr. Stephen) and several others, namely the question of parish councils and poor law relief and particularly to mention a matter affecting the constituency of the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary for Scotland. That is the case of the Eastwood Parish Council. In the circular issued by the Government it is suggested that the scale should be 12s. for adults and 4s. for children. The Eastwood Parish Council have only paid 10s. for adults and 3s. 6d. for children. Reference has been already made to the fact that Glasgow Parish Council are paying in kind. I wish to ask the right hon. Gentleman if in view of this circular, most of the parish councils, with the exception of Glasgow and a few others, are not making efforts to come into line on a uniform scale, and if he will advise the Eastwood Parish Council to raise the scale to the figure which is operating in other parts of the country? The scale laid down in the circular is not a magnificent one, and we ought to condemn it here for being too small, but all we are asking the right hon. Gentleman to do is to advise the Eastwood council to raise it to the 12s. level. No doubt he will reply that it is a matter for the local authority, and that the local people are entitled to carry out the local government in their own way. I would point out however, that the Scottish Board of Health already issue circulars instructing parish councils to reduce the sums payable. Why cannot they exercise the same power in ordering parish councils to increase the sums payable? I should agree with the right hon. Gentleman's reply if he left the parish councils alone in all cases, but if the Board issues circulars suggesting reductions, the same power should be operated in the opposite direction when the need arises.

I would also point out that the general circular itself suggests that the present scale paid to unemployed should be reduced. The parish which I represent is one of the most heavily burdened in the matter of poor relief. They have been paying small additional sums—1s. or 2s.—to men drawing Employment Exchange benefit. It is proposed in the circular that no unemployed person drawing benefit can have that benefit augmented in any way. Does not the right hon. Gentleman think that in this matter he is carrying his powers a little too far? I know it is all done, as the hon. Member for Springburn (Mr. Hardie) has said, in the interests of economy, but is it economy? You may, and I have no doubt you will, save a certain amount of money, nationally and locally, in this way at the expense of the miners' children and other poor people. But while you may save that amount to-day, you are storing up for the future, as the result of ill-health among the people, an expenditure which will more than outweigh any saving at the present time.

Before the coal crisis arose, and before the great national stoppage, there was throughout Scotland almost a scarcity of doctors to deal with Poor Law cases. When the doctors were originally appointed, the Poor Law did not extend, and was never meant to extend, to anything like the number of cases which it now covers. Long before the coal stoppage, the number of doctors was insufficient to attend to those who came under the Poor Law system. How much more is that the case now since the stoppage developed? In so far as the scale of 12s. and 4s. is concerned, the circular ought to be universally carried out. Eastwood ought to be made to pay the same as other parish councils, these payments in kind ought to be stopped, and at least we ought to get to know the name of the firm in Glasgow which is supplying the food. I understand the Co-operative people have denied it and that the firm of Cooper have denied it and in the interests of the various trading firms, I think the name of the firm should be put forward.

The attention of the Under-Secretary to the Board of Health has been drawn to the action of the parish councils with regard to the granting of relief, but, in the first place, I would like to say that I am sure we all heard with pleasure his statement to the effect that the health of Scotland generally has improved. I hope it will go on improving and that the Board of Health will do everything it possibly can to improve the health of the people of Scotland. It is unfortunate that we have not the Report of the Scottish Board of Health before us, for we might, in that case, have been able to pick a few holes in that Report and to show that the picture was not quite so beautiful as it was painted by the Under-Secretary. At the same time, I hope that it is as good as he led us to believe, and that his determination is that it shall be better next year if the Board of Health can possibly make it better.

I wish to join with the hon. Member for St. Rollox (Mr. Stewart) in drawing the attention of the Under-Secretary to the position so far as tuberculosis is concerned. I think our local authorities require to be encouraged to go in for an extension of the treatment of tuberculosis. What we are finding in some of our areas is that the accommodation available is too small for taking the cases that really ought to be treated in sanatoria, that the cases are too far advanced before they reach the sanatoria, and that, consequently, the number of fatal cases attaching to sanatorium treatment is much higher than it should be. I am certain that the local authorities would welcome any assistance that the Board of Health could give in order to make sure that we are going to be more successful in our treatment of tuberculosis in the future than we have been up to now.

I wish to say a word or two with regard to the parish councils and to the treatment which they have been meting out to their dependants. I believe that in most of the cases there has not been very much trouble or complaint. We have heard of the treatment of cases in the West of Scotland, and I must confess that the same is not prevalent in the districts in the East of Scotland. So far as I can learn, we have not the same types of case as in the West. That may be due to the fact that our parish councils have been acting in rather a different manner. In the County of Fife the chief difficulty that we have had has been in getting the Board of Health to allow the parish councils to overdraw at the bank without fulfilling certain conditions. The Board has certainly been exercising its powers to compel parish councils to do certain things before being allowed to overdraw at the bank. A number of our parish councils have been in trouble in this connection, and they are not out of trouble at the present moment. At least, our latest information is that, while they may be out of trouble this week, they may be in trouble next week again, unless certain conditions which are laid down by the Board of Health are observed. We were led to believe that the parish councils had a certain amount of latitude with regard to what they could do, but when they are in the unfortunate position of having expended all the money that they have collected through their assessments, and are being compelled to go to the Board of Health to be allowed to overdraw at the bank just at this particular time, we find the1 Board laying down conditions which are not to the liking of the parish councils.

With regard to the scale of relief that has been granted to miners' wives, it is true that in some of our parishes the scale has been reduced at the instigation of the Board of Health, not lower than the scale that has been mentioned in the Debate, the scale suggested in the Circular of the Board of Health, namely, 12s. for the wife and 4s. for the child, but at any rate the parish councils were paying on a higher scale, and before they found any accommodation on the part of the Board of Health they were compelled to reduce that scale. A difficulty has arisen in another connection, which I should like to mention now, because sooner or later we may have to face it. The parish councils at the moment are finding difficulty because they are refusing to give any allowance for children under five years of age. They have said that that is the duty of the other local authorities, or at any rate, that if the other local authorities, that is to say, the district committees of the county and town councils, are prepared to make arrangements for dealing with these children, the parish councils have no responsibility. Now, our parish councils are finding that unless they are prepared, not to curtail their expenditure, not to husband their resources, as they are advised to do in that Board of Health Circular, but to increase their expenditure by paying the 4s. per child for each of these children whose mothers are receiving assistance from the parish, an overdraft at the bank is being refused them.

I believe that we are going to have no further difficulty so far as that is concerned. I believe that the parish councils would be quite prepared to shoulder their responsibility, to make the allowance not only for the women but for the children as well, but their point is that, so long as that is being done by another authority, they have no right to undertake that particular obligation. We find the same difficulty with regard to the feeding of school children. In our area the education authority have made arrangements that in cases of destitution that satisfy the education authority, they will make arrangements for the feeding of the children, and, again, our parish councils have had a difficulty with regard to that, because it has seemed to be the policy of the Board of Health that the whole of that expenditure should be thrown on the parish councils rather than the other local authorities undertaking obligations that they have a perfect right to do under the powers given to them by the various Acts. These are all points of very considerable importance to our parish councils, giving them very grave concern during this trying time, and I hope we are not going to have any more annoyance from the Scottish Board of Health, so far as the local parish councils are concerned.

I would like to put a question to the Secretary for Scotland as to whether, on the question of parish relief, the assistance given could not be afforded to those parishes, particularly in the Western Highlands of Scotland, which are at present overloaded with an influx of people from other districts, and who as a consequence claim parish relief. As the right hon. Gentleman knows, in the Western Highlands at the moment the Fort William Power Company is engaged in a very large undertaking, which has brought many hundreds of men into the district for employment, and these have again brought many hundreds more after them, with the natural result that a great number of them claim relief from the parishes. These parishes in the West are particularly poor parishes, and it is not right that they should be so overloaded. I think assistance should be given in some way from the central Treasury to help them to bear the load that is being put upon them through the undertaking of these works. It is not only that works have been undertaken in this district, but it is certain that, owing to the granting of powers which will probably come into operation next year, a similar state of affairs will arise in the Central Highlands, and I hope the Secretary for Scotland will see his way to give the relief to parishes which are so overloaded that they really cannot bear the full amount of relief which they are at present entitled to give to all who apply for it.

I have a great amount of sympathy with the Secretary for Scotland and his associates in having to listen to so many speeches, but I want to suggest that we are not in any way to blame for that. It is due to the fact that; the arrangement of the business of the House gives us so little time to discuss the affairs of Scotland. I understand the difficulties that the Board of Health may have in dealing with parish councils, and I also understand that, rightly or wrongly, there is a certain amount of prejudice entering into the Debate because of the coal stoppage, but I want to suggest to hon. Members that if they have listened to the glowing report of the Under-Secretary about the improved health conditions in Scotland, they might have overlooked the fact that that has been brought about as the result of years of work in trying to raise the standard of living and housing in Scotland. It cannot be done in a year or in two years, and I suggest that during this awful period through which we have been passing since 1921, we have had men unemployed almost continuously for about four years. At the beginning of that time some of these people would have felt insulted if anybody had suggested parish relief of any kind, but in the course of a long period of unemployment, reserves have become depleted and the needs of the family have increased, and we have to look at this question of poor relief from a very different standpoint from that from which I was inclined to look at it as a parish councillor, because I admit quite frankly that I believe in that Scottish feeling that you should never come to the parish if you can possibly avoid it. Unfortunately, your Coalition Government, and your Conservative Government, have broken down that feeling, and they have made parish relief not only popular, but very necessary. I regret very much that this is one of the institutions which is nourishing to-day. I would much rather that were not so, but unfortunately we have to deal with things as they are.

I should like to put to the Parliamentary Under-Secretary some of the figures that I have taken from the Report. I note that the cost of the indoor poor for 1925 was £52 8s. 10d. per head and the cost of the outdoor poor was £17 15s. Id. It is penny wise and pound foolish to adopt a policy of that kind. I would rather pay £52 to keep the people out of one of these institutions than pay £17 15s. Id. to compel them to remain in. I suggest that the time has come when we should try to make the poorhouses more unpopular, and if we want to make them unpopular it would be much better to pay the people to remain outside. We are likely to have the matter before us for a long time to come, and it is better in the interests of the nation that we should treat those concerned fairly, and reverse the present policy.

There are some points to which I wish to draw attention, and I desire the Parliamentary Under-Secretary to note them. On page 25 of the Report I notice that there is an increase in salaries of £8,554 for this year, compared with 1925. I should have thought this a very bad time for making increases of that kind. At a time like this many people are unable to keep going, and I should have thought that this was not the time for Scottish authorities to come along and make this increase. Then I want to refer to page 26 of the Report. I want the hon. Member for Dundee (Mr. Scrymgeour) to note this point, because he was very anxious, and rightly anxious, that something should be done to deal with this great disease of tuberculosis. The Government this year are reducing the amount for the treatment of tuberculosis by £5,000, despite the fact that they know—what we have always been advised—that it takes years of work to effect an improvement in dealing with this disease. They are beginning to turn back the hands of the clock, and so putting our poor people in a much worse position than they have been for years past. There was another matter which appeared to be of interest to the Hon. Member for Dundee, and that was the treatment of venereal diseases. It was very necessary that something should be done to deal with that scourge. We have been very successful in dealing with it. Much has been done. If the good work is kept up we might be able to stamp out that sort of disease, but I see from the Report the amount has been reduced by £6,000. I cannot see why hon. Gentlemen on the opposite bench are entitled to the good things that the Parliamentary Under secretary has said if they are not keeping up with the work. There can be no reason given why these reductions should take place. Nothing has been said—

The hon. Member will perhaps note that this is only a nominal reduction of the money spent, and is due to more closely estimating the amount required. We are carrying out no actual reduction.

I have had too much experience of educational and other work of the kind to be put off with that sort of answer. I know exactly what estimating means, and how these figures are got. As we say in Scotland, you have to cut our cloth according to the amount of money you have to spend—that is what you have to do, whether you like it or not. The result of saving in 1926 will he that these diseases, tuberculosis and venereal, will accumulate and more will be required to be spent later. There is another item on page 26 of the Report, lower down, "Medical Benefit—Grant-in-aid," where the decrease is £44,000. It was £229,000 in 1925. The authorities must have done pretty well if they can spare that amount; hut I put it to the right hon. Gentleman opposite. In this thing they call economy they are interfering with the chance of life of the people that they represent. I have always believed that we have been better treated in this respect during the last few years; more of the milk of human kindness seems to have entered into affairs. Perhaps, however, the Chancellor of the Exchequer has frightened some of my right hon. Friends opposite, and they have begun to run away from what they have been doing. I appeal to them in the interests of the public health that we should keep up the work, because if we stop the work for any length of time, for one year, it will take years to cover the ground that we have lost in that period.

There is another point in connection with the coal trouble. I suggest that there is a certain amount of prejudice attaching to a question of this kind. It is quite true that we are having trouble in the coal fields to-day, that the position the men take up is that they are fighting to maintain the status quo. Wherever assistance is refused, I put it to the Committee that it means placing the women and children in the firing line. The miners are fighting a quarrel that I believe to be a just quarrel. They have never made any claim on the Government. They have taken their punishment like men. But we have to consider in this matter the welfare of the women and the children, and I am putting it to the Scottish Office that if we neglect our duty in this respect, in years to come it will tell against us. The point I am trying to make is that in some cases the authorities insist on a reduction of the amount of money paid to the normally unemployed on account, as they say, of the strike. The circumstances are getting worse. What is happening does not speak well for the officials of the Scottish Department, and in arranging the loans that are sought in connection with this matter I suggest that there should be help given, and not hindrance, in arranging for a longer period, as in that case you get better terms. But the Scottish Office are refusing assent to long period loans unless the reductions to which we object are made. They have not played the game to the people that they represent. I appeal to them to show some of that national feeling that we see prominently displayed at other times, for at the present time it is their duty more than ever to fight for the people of Scotland whom they represent. If they fail in this they are proving unworthy of the trust that has been put upon them—irrespective of party—for at a time like the present they ought to help in every possible way.

For only a few minutes I desire to turn the attention of the Committee to another subject, and to deal with the finance of the local authorities in Scotland. This is a matter which is of vital consequence to the whole of the Scottish local authorities. The difficulty of dealing with it at the present time is that at one point it appears to touch legislation which the Government contemplate; accordingly if I touch upon that subject at all I shall be outside the range of what is permitted in this Debate. It will be possible, however, to make it perfectly clear that everything that is proposed now is strictly in the realm of Scottish administration at the present time, and are matters which must be considered by the Scottish Board of Health and the Scottish local authorities in the light of the evidence which probably will be presented to the Government.

It was indicated by the Chancellor of the Exchequer in his Budget Speech that the Government had definitely decided to depart from the system of percentage grants in the different services and to introduce a system of block, or overhead, grants; but, apparently under pressure, legislation on this subject has been delayed. It was agreed to take evidence from the English local authorities, the English Minister of Health, the Scottish local authorities and the Scottish Board of Health as to the amount required for the various services in Scotland, and this year to try to work out a basis which might be applied for a period of three years ahead, and it was suggested that the Government probably would guarantee at least that amount to the Scottish local authorities, and would perhaps give encouragement to accept that form of overhead or block grant by giving a certain freedom from the central administrative control which is now in force.

7.0 P.M.

That is, in summary, the broad intention of the Government, as the Chancellor of the Exchequer has explained. We in Scotland require to watch a proposal of this kind with very great care, and for the time being, within the limits of the Estimate before us, we have to watch it from the point of view of the evidence which presumably will be put up by the Scottish Board of Health and will be accumulated from the Scottish local authorities. We are raising from local rates in the country as a whole approximately £160,000,000 every year, and I think the last return shows that of that amount about £17,000,000 annually was raised in Scotland. That is a very large sum for a country with a population of between four and five millions.

But there is another consideration of vital importance in Scottish administration, namely, that although the Rating and Valuation Act came into force in England last year, our system of valuation in Scotland has tended to rather heavier payments by Scotland towards certain departments of public finance, due to the fact that our valuation is more up to date, is stricter and truer than that which you have over a large part of England at the present time. So that on this ground I think, as regards the aggregate amount of money we have to raise, and from the standpoint of our undeniably better system of valuation, this particular problem is of great importance.

The Scottish Board of Health will be asked, or is now being asked, by the Government for its views on this subject and part of our great difficulty in discussing this problem even in the realm of administration, is that the Meston Committee, before which the leading Scottish local authorities and Scottish Departments gave evidence, has never reported, and we can only indicate to the House the information which has now become common property of what evidence was tendered to that body. Only one large Scottish Department tendered evidence to the Meston Committee in favour of what appeared to be the block or overhead grant, and that was the Scottish Education Department, which many of us regard as being in a rather peculiar position. To the best of my recollection no other leading Scottish Department tendered that evidence, and it is common knowledge that the overwhelming mass of evidence was in favour of the retention of the percentage system, subject, of course, to certain steps which might be taken for its improvement.

The question which I want to address to the Secretary of Scotland is this. On what basis is the Scottish Office or the Scottish Board of Health taking this evidence at the present time? I think it is perfectly relevant to suggest that, unless Scotland is to be seriously prejudiced financially, it is of importance to keep certain things in view. I trust that in any Circular that they issue to the Scottish local authorities they and the authorities themselves will make it perfectly plain that these services in Scotland—services of public health and venereal disease and certain other services—are comparatively new for the purposes of this grant, and beyond all doubt in Scotland they have a vast field still to overtake; that the tendency of recent legislation has been to throw extra burdens on the local authorities, and that so far the principle of ability to pay is not so strict in local rating. All these things should be pressed in any representations which are made from Scotland on this very important subject. Is that being done at the present time? I am very much afraid, from the administrative point of view, the pass may be sold. I do not say that in any offensive sense to the Secretary for Scotland, but we recognise that the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who is a desperate man under all conditions and is a very desperate man on this subject, will bring strong pressure to bear, and we in Scotland must see that the whole case is put before any final decision is reached by the Government in the matter.

There is another and only one consideration which I advance for the consideration of the Committee. Suppose for a moment that the Government decide upon some form of block or overhead grants, it is perfectly plain that in, Scotland that must mean, unless these services are to be curtailed, extra burdens for many local authorities. It is also perfectly clear that these burdens will fall with cruel weight on the poorer and more crowded and densely populated areas of local authorities who are already carrying the tragedy of more than four years of industrial distress unless, of course, the Scottish Office also obtains some wider area for the distribution of these burdens which will bring into play the more favoured districts within Scotland which undeniably are not carrying anything like a fair proportion of this burden in local rates at the present time.

That will be one tendency but I would also express the hope that if this is to be imposed, the Scottish Board of Health and the Scottish Office will take into consideration in their evidence the importance of trying to work out something on the basis of a unit of cost. Within our Scottish administration that, to a certain extent, has already been attempted and it can be quite simply described. There are certain services like lunacy and others where a very definite effort has been made over a term of years to work out a unit of cost, whether it is per bed in the hospitals or per head in other services or whatever it may be. The value of working out a unit of cost on these lines lies in this, that it gives you a comparison of the cost of maintaining these services in the different districts of the country and accordingly you are able to find out whether there is overlapping or it may be some form of waste in some districts and to get rid of that and to get a better return for the money which you are expending, which is being raised to the extent of 50 per cent, from national taxation and 50 per cent, from your local rates.

We are only at the beginning of that kind of enterprise in Scottish local administration. I am driven to this conclusion that while there are very definite limits to what you can do on the basis of a unit of cost, we may, if the proposals of the Government are carried into effect, have to recommend this very strongly indeed as one of the safeguards of the Scottish local authorities in order to secure the best use of the more limited resources which may be placed at their disposal if unhappily and unfortunately, as we on this side regard it, the Government take that step. Does the Scottish Office propose, or is the Scottish Board of Health intending to try to see that evidence is submitted on these lines? I am very much afraid if the evidence thus accumulating is general in character and offers no constructive alternatives the Government may simply say that they propose to apply this block grant and give a guarantee of it over three years and relieve the locality from some of the centralised control now in force, and advise Scotland, as England has been advised, to make the best of the bargain. That would be particularly unfortunate for our country, and I accordingly press very strongly, while it is not too late, that in this current financial year we should take all possible steps to protect ourselves in the sphere of administration and I trust the Secretary for Scotland will be able to give us some satisfaction on that very vital point.

I did not intend to intervene on this head of the Estimates, and I only want even now to make some little reference to what the right hon. Gentleman who has just spoken has said with regard to the block grants proposed to be brought into operation as far as Scotland is concerned. He and I were both members of the Meston Committee, and I do not want to anticipate the Report of that body, but I think it is only fair to say that the right hon. Gentleman has hardly given the right impression of the bulk of the evidence given before the Committee and which is now available to the general public. As he says, there was only one great Department of Scot- land which came out as the whole hogger in favour of block grants, namely, the Education Department. Once you come to analyse the rest of the evidence you discover this, that the objection is not so much to the block grants per se, but is incited by fears that burdens already undertaken on the strength of the percentage grant might not be covered now if the block grant were introduced; and if at the same time you safeguard the local authorities from the commitments they have undertaken—encouraged, as they were, to do so by the percentage grant—you get rid of any possible objection to the block grants.

On a point of Order. I do not want to interrupt the hon. Gentleman, but is it in order to discuss the projected Report of the Meston Committee and an alteration of law in regard to the block grant system, because many Members wish to speak on this matter?

I may be wrong, but I understand that the suggestion made by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Central Edinburgh (Mr. W. Graham) and by the present speaker, was that an inquiry was being held by the Scottish Board of Health and that it was important that such evidence should be prepared and sifted by the Committee. Therefore I did not see my way to interrupt the first speaker, and I do not think the present speaker has trespassed beyond those limits.

I have not the slightest desire to trespass, but I want to meet the argument of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Central Edinburgh (Mr. W. Graham). I entirely agree with him that the Scottish Office, in taking evidence on the establishment of the block grant, should be thoroughly exhaustive in that evidence and should see to it that the commitments of the local authorities are properly covered by the block grant basis. But he went on to suggest, and he almost stated as likely to be an established fact in the future, that the result of the introduction of block grants would be to increase local rates. I know it is the view of the right hon. Gentleman. I have always taken an opposite view, because we must remember this: The hostility to block grants, rightly or wrongly, has been engendered by the fact that the percentage grant has encouraged expenditure, and efficiency was never really tested by what was efficiency, but was simply presumed from the amount spent. If there was large expenditure, efficiency was presumed. If the expenditure was small, inefficiency was presumed. Those who hold the view that the percentage grant encourages extravagance on the principle of "Well, if I spend a shilling it does not matter very much, because I am getting 6d from the Imperial Exchequer," ought to welcome the introduction of the block grant in Scotland.

We all realise the burdens there are upon local authorities and their effect upon housing and, consequently, upon health. We are at one in seeking to diminish the rates, and some of us at least, rightly or wrongly, take the view that the introduction of block grants will be a very excellent way of inspiring a sense of economy, and evidences of extravagance on the part of local bodies will in no sense indicate efficiency. If, apart from that, the block grant system gives a larger measure of freedom and responsibility to local authorities I can hardly imagine hon. Members opposite objecting to such an encouragement of the development of self-government. The old ideal of self-government has been largely sacrificed by the control exercised by the centre. We could not escape that control so long as we were under the percentage grant system, but immediately we establish block grants we are entitled to demand a relaxation of the power of the central authority. On grounds of economy, and on the ground of cultivating a finer sense of self-government, many of us welcome the block grant system; but I am entirely at one with the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Central Edinburgh (Mr. W. Graham) in impressing upon the Scottish Office—it is needless to do so with the present occupants of that office—that they ought to get from the Imperial Exchequer every copper to which Scotland is entitled in view of past expenditure.

I do not wish to detain the Committee for more than a few minutes, or I would have dealt with the remarks made by the hon. Member for Linlithgow (Mr. Kidd). I would merely say that undoubtedly it is the desire of the Chancellor of the Exchequer that Scotland should get less, and the effect of the change will be to make Scot- land subordinate to England. I do not want to see progress in a country like Scotland dictated by what takes place south of the Boarder. I join with those of my colleagues who have protested against the treatment meted out to the dependants of those who are engaged in the present industrial struggle in Scotland. I do so1 under a very deep sense of obligation and responsibility. As the Secretary for Scotland and the Parliamentary Secretary are doubtless aware, I represent in Parliament that part of the City of Glasgow which is most affected by the present trouble. During my frequent visits to the North lately the complaints of these people have been put before me in, very often, a most heartrending manner, and I am quite sure that if I could have taken those people direct to the gentlemen who are responsible for the administration of parish council affairs in Scotland it would have been unnecessary for me or any other Member to make appeals here this afternoon. In circumstances such as those now prevailing I think people in Scotland get less sympathetic treatment than they do in England. I think that is largely due to the fact that while in England the authorities have been granting relief from the rates to the dependants of able-bodied people for a long, long time, in Scotland the system is entirely new, and officials in Scotland are still inclined to treat all people alike.

There is more involved in administration than the actual amounts given as assistance. There is a great deal in the spirit in which the assistance is given. There is a great deal in appreciating the differences between various sections of the population such as undoubtedly exist in a great industrial community like Glasgow. While I do not want to say anything uncomplimentary about any section of the community, I do want to impress upon the Scottish Board of Health that the people dealt with here are a very fine section of the population. In the present circumstances, people have been compelled to seek parochial assistance who would have shuddered at the idea of it in normal times, and that ought to be taken into account in dealing with them; it ought to be remembered that their finer instincts are offended, very seriously and properly offended, by treatment that would not offend a rougher section of the population. I do not want to enter into the merits of the dispute in the mining industry, but I want to join with those who say we have long passed the age when women and children should be physically and mercilessly punished in order to achieve a victory over their husbands or breadwinners. To attack women in that way would be a resort to methods of barbarism.

I suppose there was a period in the history of the race when our forefathers would have thought nothing of shooting down women and children as a means of attaining victory in the military field. All civilised people have left those methods of warfare far behind, and I submit that methods of warfare which have been scrapped in the military field ought not to be introduced into social and industrial struggles amongst the members of the civil community. If they are introduced, even in spirit, if the administration be niggardly, if it be carried out in an unfriendly manner, if, in a word, the members of the parish council, instead of being the guardians and the friends of the poor, are used as a means of bringing the poor into subjection, there is bound to be left behind not only what the hon. Member for Gorbals (Mr. Buchanan) described so well as physical results and physical disabilities, but an amount of bitterness which will make life in Scotland in the immediate future a much less agreeable thing than it has been in the past.

I want to draw special attention to a case which has been brought to my notice and into which I would like some investigation to be made. If the circumstances described to me be correct, and if they be typical of what is taking place, I think they reveal to us the spirit in which the administration of the Poor Law is being conducted. I am told that on Sunday, 30th May, a large body of women from the Toll Croft district of Glasgow had to go to Barron Hill Poor House for their rations. Toll Cross is at the extreme east end of the city, and Barron Hill is in the northern or northwestern part of the city, and it is a long and laborious journey from one place to another. In all probability a great many of those women may have been in a state of pregnancy, or have had other physical difficulties in the way of travelling, and they would not be able to afford much for car fares. If the administra- tion is being conducted in that way, it is anything but friendly towards the people applying for assistance. I hope that my information is not correct. If it be correct, it certainly does not reflect credit on the officials in Glasgow.

I know that the power of the Scottish Office over these officials is to a certain extent limited, but I know also that a word from the Scottish Office to the responsible officials would make a repetition of what I have described improbable in the future. A word from the Secretary for Scotland or the Parliamentary Secretary to the officials in Glasgow would very soon produce the desired result. I understand that quite recently an improvement has taken place in the quality of the food rationed out to these people. I am not surprised, because in the early days it was disgracefully bad. The description of it given here by my Friend the hon. Member for Camlachie (Mr. Stephen) was not in the slightest degree exaggerated. I appeal to the gentlemen who represent the Government in the administration of affairs in Scotland to see that during the present crisis our people are protected, and that the assistance given to them is given in a friendly manner.

Perhaps I may be permitted now to reply to some of the speeches which have been made. The discussion on the Board of Health Vote has in the main divided itself into two sections, one dealing principally with health matters, including hospitals and the treatment of disease, and the other dealing more specifically with the circulars the Board have issued respecting parish council procedure and the system of feeding and allowances which parish councils have adopted. The hon. Member for St. Rollox (Mr. Stewart), who, as the Committee know, has had experience of dealing with these matters at the Scottish Office, has drawn attention to some of the problems particularly connected with Hospital accommodation, which are of great importance, and the hon. Gentleman the Member for Dundee (Mr. Scrymgeour), in an interesting speech, raised various points with regard to sanatorium treatment. With regard to hospital accommodation, one, is aware that the Committee presided over by Lord Mackenzie which reported on this problem has presented a Report which is deserving of our very closest consideration. All I can say at the moment on the general problem is that the Board of Health are taking this matter into their closest scrutiny, and I hope that we may be able, in the course of time, to make considerable developments in the direction of providing an increased number of beds. A point was raised with regard to this question in the Highland areas, and I should like to say that this year we are making a grant to institutions in the Stornoway area in order to meet part of this problem. It is true that these grants only affect places where we hope to do more, but we are alive to the necessities of doing all we can in that direction.

With regard to sanatorium treatment of tuberculosis and diseases connected with it, what we have done has not quite realised all the hopes we expected, but I think I can say that we are making progress with that problem, and we are alive to all the interests concerned. Venereal disease is also a problem in regard to which some progress is being made. Of course, one of the most practical parts of the success of that treatment is that the individuals concerned must submit themselves to treatment if the fullest advantage is to be obtained. Something has also been said about certain aspects of mental cases. It is perhaps not in order on this Vote to deal with this question except as it affects health, and comes under the Board of Health. That is one of the problems upon which the remarks made will be carefully considered. The hon. and gallant Member for Leith (Captain Benn) raised the problem of housing. I am aware of the anxious considerations which are pressing upon local authorities in Scotland for a revision of the housing subsidy. All I can say is that we are arranging for consultation with the local authorities on the subject, and I can assure the Committee and the hon. and gallant Member that I am not losing sight of the peculiar circumstances of Scotland, and the more special claims she has upon the resources of the country in connection with the problem of housing.

I would like now to say a word or two about the very interesting speech made by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Central Edinburgh (Mr. W. Graham). I am satisfied that the right hon. Gentleman will not expect me to make any declaration upon a subject which is sub judice at the moment. I shall peruse with interest when I see them in print the remarks of the right hon. Gentleman upon a problem which is one of first-class importance. In the meantime, as he must realise, that is not a question upon which any decision has been arrived at, and, indeed, the decision may be only in its early stages.

Let me now turn to the questions connected with Poor Law relief. Perhaps I might say a word with regard to what fell from the hon. Member for Inverness (Sir M. Macdonald). I am fully aware of the difficulties which have to be encountered in districts in which there is a great influx of labour at some particular time, and one fully appreciates the difficulties in which such districts are placed. There is, however, a compensating advantage in such cases, because that influx of people must cause a larger circulation of money. With regard to other problems some hard things have been said. I am not going to emphasise that particular side of some of these speeches, though they may perhaps be good propaganda The duty of the Government was undoubtedly to give the parish councils guidance at a time like the present, and in fulfilment of that duty and in consultation with the Minister of Health those instructions were issued. I do not think they can be shown to be in any sense instructions which are harsh or unfair, nor indeed, when one comes to consider how the parish councils throughout Scotland as a whole have faced the difficulties and responsibilities which have been thrown upon their shoulders, could one honestly say that they have been administered in a harsh or cruel or vindictive spirit. I am satisfied that any suggestion of that kind is not justified.

With regard to Glasgow, these complaints have been brought to the notice of the Board of Health, and a special report was called for. It was found that the arrangements, with one exception, where the food got heated owing to the system of packing, were excellent, and that the food was of first class quality; and while the complaint was justified with regard to the week-end packages, the cause of these complaints was subsequently removed. On the 3rd June, 960 wives and 2,102 children were given meals on five days a week and two meals on Saturday in 20 centres extending from Maryhill in the North West to Tollcross in the East. I am not aware of the particular case mentioned by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Shettleston (Mr. Wheatley), but I am prepared to have an inquiry into it. I would like, however, to point out to the Committee that, not only were there all these centres established in Glasgow, but where the applicant lived too far away from the centre, special arrangements were made by which the local grocers could provide the food.

A great deal has been said about the hardship caused by the physical condition of women being unable to go long distances to attend the centres, but I wish to point out that in these cases arrangements have been made for the food to be sent to their own homes. If there are any other persons who, from physical reasons, or who can obtain a doctor's certificate, choose to take advantage of this arrangement, they will not be required to proceed to those particular centres. Again I wish to emphasise that we have taken every care, not only to see that the food is properly distributed, but also that its quality is good, and if any hon. Member can bring to my notice cases where our instructions are not being properly carried out, I am prepared to have them investigated.

The Secretary for Scotland has told us that the food on the particular occasions of which complaint has been made was in a bad condition owing to its becoming heated. That does not apply to the sample of cheese which I showed to the right hon. Gentleman the other day, which was obviously bad cheese, and he has not told us the name of the contractor.

Has the right hon. Gentleman consulted the Inspector of Poor in the Glasgow district?

There may have been some failure to meet proper requirements, but similar complaints will not be possible in future as far as we can possibly prevent them. I am satisfied that the parish councils concerned and the central authority are most anxious to co-operate. It has been said that in some cases the parish councils were not being allowed the fullest freedom to do what they thought best. After all, the parish council has certain statutory duties to perform, and therefore it is not a question whether the parish council thinks this or that course is right, but the point is, whether what they propose to do is in conformity with their statutory duties. It is the duty of the central Board of Health so to control the administration of these bodies that they do conform to those statutory orders. I do not think the parish councils are failing to perform their proper duty. I think they are having the very greatest consideration for the circumstances of the people concerned, and are trying to do, to the best of their ability, a very difficult service, and it would be the greatest mistake on the part of those of us in this House to give an impression that they were not so doing. I hope it will be realised that, as far as the Board of Health is concerned, we are anxious to see these things properly done, and if there are any of these points which can be placed before me, I am perfectly willing to consider them.

Will the right hon. Gentleman say a word with regard to the need for a little more money in Glasgow in the home in order that the payment shall not all be in kind?

When an order for food is given to an applicant, is the name of the firm supplying the goods written on that order, or is the person allowed to get the food at any particular shop the applicant may choose?

The right hon. Gentleman has referred to the statutory powers of parish councils. Councils have power, within limits, to fix the scale of relief. Is the Secretary for Scotland prepared to justify the Board of Health in holding a pistol at the head of the councils by stopping bank overdrafts when the reduced scale of relief allowed by the Board of Health is exceeded?

No, Sir; it is the duty of the Board of Health to see that proper relief is given, but not an extravagant amount. The Board have laid down the scale of relief which they think is just and fair in the circumstances. If anyone concerned disapproves of the relief granted to them, it is open to them to make a complaint. With regard to the question of the hon. Member for Tradeston (Mr. T. Henderson), about the order, as far as I understand, when an order for food has been signed, it can be got at any shop. It is, of course, a matter of detail with which I myself am not entirely acquainted, but, as far as I understand it, when an order is signed the individual concerned can go to whichever shop he chooses.

I was the first to ask the right hon. Gentleman a question, and he does not give me any answer. Will he not see that the Glasgow Parish Council are asked to make some payment, so that it shall not all be in kind? There are so many things in connection with the house that a woman needs. If they are going to cook the ham that they get in their week-end ration, they may need a penny for the gas meter.

Of course, I am always ready to ask for a report on these subjects, but, as I understand it, as long as they get the adequate relief that is their due, I do not think it is my province to dictate to a parish council as to how it shall be given.

Would the right hon. Gentleman say definitely, with regard to the institution for the treatment of mentally defective children, what is to be done to help the institution as regards increased accommodation?

I am afraid I cannot at the moment, but I will communicate with the hon. Member.

Would the Secretary for Scotland tell us what he means by adequate relief, and whether it is the Inspector of the Poor or the Scottish Board of Health that has to interpret that term? We know that the Circular lays down that adequate relief should be given, but we have laid before the right hon. Gentleman cases where in our opinion adequate relief is not given, and he has not given any indication as to whether he believes adequate relief is given. In any case I should like to know whether it is the Board of Health that has to determine the question of adequacy, or whether it is determined according to the vagaries of an Inspector of the Poor.

May I put this point. In the case of Fife, certain parishes have been prevented from getting money from the banks because they were paying more than the scale laid down in the Circular. Seeing that that has been done, and that the Board have power to reduce the amount, have they not power, say in the case of Eastwood, where the amount given is not according to the Circular, to raise the amount? Surely, if the Board have power to reduce it, they have power also to raise it up to the amount laid down in the Circular?

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that, in the Fife cases, not only the emergency relief, but the ordinary relief, which the parish council has been paying for a considerable time, is being reduced, or it is asked that it shall be reduced? We are asked to make some sacrifice in connection with the present emergency, but that is on the ordinary scale, and not the amended scale.

Of course it is, and we must have a certain perspective in these matters, unless you are going to pile up a burden which ultimately the district will not be able to sustain. In these circumstances, it is essential that there should be economy of administration, and that the statutory enactment in regard to making suitable and sufficient provision should be observed. With regard to the question as to whether I have power to deal with the case of Eastwood, as far as I understand it I have not. Eastwood Las not applied to me for a loan, and in the circumstances I cannot intervene. With regard to the question as to who decides what is adequate relief, we have intimated, through our Circular, the kind of relief which in our judgment is fair and reasonable. Any individual who is dissatisfied is entitled to make a complaint under Section 74 of the Poor Law (Scotland) Act, 1845. They are entitled to complain in that case to the central Department, which is the Board of Health, and undoubtedly the matter would then fall to be considered and decided by that authority.

Are we to understand that, a scale having been established for emergency relief, the ordinary scale of relief to the ordinary poor is to be reduced to that scale?

It is quite clear that the relief must be adequate, but that it need not be in excess of the amount which we have laid down.

The Circular states that the amount of relief is not to be less than 12s. for a wife and 4s. for a child. That is the maximum, and we are entitled to assume that it is also the minimum. Is that amount being given at the food centres, and, if it can be shown that it is not, is it the Parish Council, or the Inspector of the Poor, or the Board of Health, that is to determine whether sufficient is being given? We should like to know that, as it would enable us to deal with the matter in a different way from that in which we are dealing with it at present.

As I understand it, the parish council is the body which determines it, and, if anyone thinks that it has been wrongly determined, there is an appeal to the central Board of Health. Of course, I am perfectly willing to consider and go into any questions of detail which hon. Members may raise, but perhaps it would be better done on another occasion than the preseent.

As it is the general desire that this Vote should be kept open, I beg to ask leave to withdraw the Amendment.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

Original Question again proposed.

Motion, by leave, withdrawn.

Board of Agriculture, Scotland

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a sum, not exceeding £433,111, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1927, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Board of Agriculture for Scotland, including Grants for Agricultural Education and Training, Loans to Co-operative Societies, and certain Grants-in-Aid."—[ Note : £150,000 has been voter on Account. ]

I apologise for again rising to address the Committee, but perhaps I may be allowed to say a very few words in introducing this Vote. The position of agriculture and the activities of the Board of Agriculture for Scotland will be realised when hon. Members peruse the Report of the Board, but I should like to draw attention to certain aspects of agricultural education and research, and the progress which we have made since we last considered these problems. I would refer at the outset to the question of the agricultural colleges, and to the unfortunate position in which the staffs of those colleges find themselves. I have had to investigate this problem, and it is clear that it is impossible for the Central Government to continue to contribute so large a proportion of the moneys required for the carrying on of these institutions unless the colleges themselves are willing and take steps to augment local contributions. I must again emphasise that the Constable Committee, who reported on the position of these colleges, have made their opinion clear. They say:

8.0 P.M.

Then I have to say that there have been two recent important offers of donations to education and research from private sources, namely, £20,000 to the West of Scotland College and £30,000 to the Animal Diseases Research Department of the International Education Board The fact that, these offers are being made shows, I think, a quickening interest in the importance of these problems of research as they affect agriculture, and, in so far as that is the case, one welcomes it. There are other proposals dealing with important questions in regard to the marketing of Empire produce, and I hope the agricultural interest in Scotland will realise that the Government have ensured that agricultural interests will be conserved in the deliberations on and in the working of that system. I should like to say a few Words about the activities of the Board in connection with potato inspection throughout the country. That is an important part of the Board's work, and they have covered within the last year something like 50,000 acres of potato land. The cost of that inspection is borne by the farmers themselves. Then there is the question of drainage, and on that all I should like to say is that the Government policy is now one which gives greater freedom of management. Drainage is not in future to be confined solely to unemployment schemes, but will be put on a basis of using the most economical methods. Then I should like to say a word on a subject which is, of course, a little outside my province, namely, the steps which the Government have taken recently in regard to the protection of stock by prohibiting the entry of foreign fresh meat from the Continent. I would only like to say that there is a great opportunity, which I hope the agricultural community in Scotland will realise and take advantage of, to produce in our own country the bacon which is required. It is inconceivable that a country like Denmark should have achieved so much in the standardisation and the proper production of bacon suitable for bacon-curing and that we should fail in doing so.

We are doing what we can to assist in co-operation. The development of co-operative methods in agriculture is, I am certain, a thing which commends itself to all parts of the House. I would only like to say one word about the problem of land settlement. This question is one of great interest and no little complexity. Every time one surveys the problem, one sees the enormous advan- tages of having what I would call a stepping-stone from the small holding to the medium holding and from the medium to the larger holding. On the other hand, there are certain districts of Scotland where, as in the Outer Islands, we appear to be reaching, unfortunately, if we have not already arrived at, a system by which there is a dead level, and that from the fact that the country is being cut up so systematically into small holdings, there is no opportunity or incentive to the individual to go from a small holding to one a little larger. I think that is a great misfortune.

I would only like to say on that subject that, since the failure of the schemes of development which Lord Leverhulme instituted in Harris and Lewis, there has been a renewed demand for the breaking up of some even of the small remaining farms. We have taken steps to endeavour, as far as we can, to meet some of the more pressing, and what I would call legitimate demands But there has been, I regret to say, a recrudescence of what is commonly called raiding. I want to make it perfectly clear to the House and to the country that that system of dealing with this problem is neither of advantage to the country nor to the individuals concerned. In the particular case of which I am thinking, that of Scarristaveg I want to make it absolutely clear that, as long as I have anything to do with the administration of this fund, I will not entertain the claims of any men who raid. I will not give way to unfair or unreasonable action on the part of a small section to the detriment of the-others who are in equally difficult circumstances.

Having said that, I say that my policy in regard to smallholding settlements is to endeavour to see that these settlements are put in places where the individuals concerned will have the greatest hope of real advantage. I am against breaking up all the small farms for the reasons I have stated. I think we can make progress. I am one of those who realise that, in the main, the greater number of those who have been settled on small holdings have made good; but it must not be forgotten that they have made good at the instance of the general taxpayer and in a very large measure their success has been achieved—and I am afraid it is bound to be so—at the expense of some of those who are in perhaps even less fortunate circumstances. It is clear that the State must realise that, however successful this small holdings policy is, it is not really altogether an economic policy except from the point of view that we may achieve the settlement of groups of men in certain districts who may raise a considerable amount of food, and that you have the very great advantage of keeping men and their families upon the land—a problem that no one in Scotland, and certainly no one who for the time being holds my office, can neglect. I am doing what I can not only to continue to make these settlements, but, what is essential, I am trying to bring to the notice of these smallholders the enormous advantages of co-operation. We know that in other countries where co-operation has been much more largely used than in this country, it has brought enormous advantages; but if it is to be of advantage, there must be real loyalty on the part of the individuals who join these societies, and there must not be a "breaking away for the apparent temporary advantage of gaining a higher price for a member's own commodities. I think I am right in saying that the real success of this venture in Denmark has been due to the fact that at least 75 per cent, of the individuals concerned who have gone into it have remained in it. I trust that is a policy we will all support, and it is by these means we will achieve success in small holdings.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say when he is going to publish the Report of the investigation into the agricultural co-operation which has been proceeding in the Orkney Islands?

Unfortunately, that Report has never been completed, and I am afraid it is now completely out of date. I am going myself to the Orkneys this autumn. We may be able to produce a more modern Report upon the subject. I am well aware of the enormous advantages which have accrued to Orkney and Shetland through the support they have given to this method.

I will see what can be done in that respect. I am not at all sure that, in the main, hon. Members will not find a good deal of the information they require in the Report of the Scottish Agricultural Organisation Society, but I am open to consider doing all I can in this matter. There are numerous questions of interest in regard to agriculture. In answer to a question by the hon. and gallant Member for Caithness (Sir A. Sinclair), put to me the other day, I have endeavoured to put in tabular form the various steps which we have been able to take in complying with the recommendations made to the Government by the Agricultural Commission which sat last year. That is available to Members, and if they have any question to ask upon it I shall be very glad to answer.

I have tens of thousands of acres to cover, and I have only four minutes in which to do it, and I hope the Committee will bear with all the fortitude they can the omissions I must make. I wish to ask a question or two regarding agricultural policy. The right hon. Gentleman the Secretary for Scotland referred to one paragraph of the Report, but he did not refer to the other paragraph which says:

"In these circumstances, we think that the salaries of the college staffs should be revised and, if possible, standardised."

Instead of doing that, the Secretary for Scotland wants the agricultural colleges to go cap in hand and beg the amount which it would take to keep these colleges going. Regarding the Auchincruive scheme, in which I am specially interested, the Secretary for Scotland knows that that has been turned down by the Western Agricultural College. All I ask him to do is to use his good offices to get something done in view of the splendid offer made by Mr. Hanna to the agriculturists of Scotland. In regard to the small holdings, so far as I am able to discover, we can only get the report from 1912 up to the present year. We discover that in these thirteen years just a little under 5,000 holdings and extensions have been granted. Does the Secretary for Scotland suggest that that is anything like keeping the pledges with the men to whom holdings were promised? I do not go back to the years before the War, because I have not the figures, but at least from the period from the cessation of hostilities we expected that large numbers of holdings would be given to our people. Instead of that, there have been only about 384 per annum, and a big number of these were mere extensions. We find we have got only 261 small holdings, and that is taking in the years prior to the War as well as the subsequent years. I think the Secretary for Scotland should keep these things in mind and we may have a chance of discussing them later in the Session, as the Vote remains open.

We have had a very interesting statement from the Secretary for Scotland dealing with a number of things of vital importance to agriculture, such as education and research, and I am sure every Member of the Committee was delighted to hear that he was paying particular attention to these aspects of the industry. He also mentioned that he was1 taking particular steps to prevent stock being infected from abroad.

It being a quarter past Eight of the Clock, and there being Private Business set down by direction of the Chairman of Ways and Means, under Standing Order No.8, further Proceeding was postponed without Question put.

Southern Railway Bill (By Order)

Order for Third Reading read. (King's Consent, signified.)

Motion made, and Question proposed," That the Bill be now read the Third time."

I wish to lodge my objection against the Bill because there are several Clauses in it which I think should come before the House. I refer particularly to Clause 41, which reads:

Then I should like to draw special attention to the toll bridges. The railway companies exact rather a heavy toll from people using those bridges, mostly for motor traffic. The one I have in mind is the Shoreham Bridge, for which a charge of 6d. is made.

It is the toll road to which I am referring. They have power to alter the roads.

They have power in this Bill to alter the roads, to make them wider, to take them over, and they have practically any powers they like with these roads, and this bridge at Shoreham is the railway company's bridge. The Southern Railway control it, and they have the power to make it wider.

On the Third Reading of a Bill we can deal only with powers granted in the Bill. I do not see anything in the Bill dealing with Shoreham Bridge.

On a point of Order. The Bill itself is described as

"a Bill, as amended in Committee, to empower the Southern Railway Company to construct works and acquire lands, to confirm the construction of certain works."

The first sentence is sufficiently wide, I should think, to cover the point my hon. and gallant Friend raises.

I take it, although I cannot discuss the toll bridge at Shoreham, I can discuss anything that is in the Bill where the Clauses particularly affect the public or particularly refer to any specific alteration which may be made for the convenience of the public. That being so, may I refer to the railway service which the company is giving?

I think the hon. and gallant Gentleman cannot seize the occasion on the Third Reading. It is only on the Second Reading that the House is entitled to discuss the way in which general powers are used. That does not apply to the later stages of the Bill, after the Second Reading has been passed.

On a point of Order. Is it not the case that when the Caledonian Railway Company, now incorporated in the London, Midland and Scottish Railway, sought power to take over and control" the hotel and golf course at Gleneagles, we were allowed on the Third Reading to discuss, not only the taking over of the Gleneagles Hotel and golf course, but the condition of Cannon Street Station, the condition of the Underground Railway which runs through the whole length of Glasgow from East to West, and various other matters affecting the general condition and the control of the general line which at that time belonged to the Caledonian Railway Company? If it was in order at that time to go into the whole matter of the control of that company over its respective lines, and to press for better conditions and better services, it is equally in order to discuss on this Bill similar matters which affect the Southern Railway.

I am quite sure that was not the case if I was in the Chair. I have two of my own rulings on the subject here, if the hon. Member cares to look them up, one on 21st June, 1910, and another on 25th July, 1910.

I am not disputing the rulings you have read out, but I am pointing out that at that time I led the opposition against the Caledonian Company's Bill, and I can remember very vividly your ruling out of order the question of the charges for sleepers. You ruled that we could not discuss that, as it also affected other railway companies, and as they had not a Bill before Parliament and were not included in the Bill that was before the House, it was out of order for us to discuss that. You pulled up the then Member for Motherwell on a certain point which he was raising connected with a railway service between Glasgow and Motherwell, but on its being pointed out to you that the part of the service with which he was finding fault was part of this particular railway, you waived your objection, and allowed him to proceed. I submit that, as this ruling can be found in the OFFICIAL REPORT, I cannot, with all respect, understand the ruling that you have now given—that we can only discuss the ambit of the Bill as it stands now.

I think that the hon. Member must be mistaken. What he has recited would be a quite proper ruling on the Second Reading of the Bill. I do not doubt that I gave that ruling on the Second Reading of the Bill, and not on the Third Reading.

I will refer to Clause 68, which deals particularly with railway constables. I have a very important point to bring forward in this connection. The Clause reads:

"Subject to the conditions in this Section set forth, any two justices having jurisdiction in any one of the counties, cities or boroughs in which the constables hereinafter mentioned are to act, may, on the application of the company, appoint all or so many as they think fit of the persons recommended to them for that purpose by the company to act as constables in, on and in the vicinity of the whole of the railways, stations, works and undertakings now or hereafter belonging or leased to or worked by the company either solely or jointly with any other company or companies, or to or by any joint committee now or hereafter incorporated or constituted by Act of Parliament on which the company may be represented, and (with the consent of the railway company owning the same) in, on and in the vicinity of any station premises adjoining any station premises of the com- pany, and the following provisions shall apply to every appointment PO made:

I have the Bill before me. It is not necessary to read the whole of the Clause. If the hon. and gallant Member has an argument, let the House hear it.

There are many hon. Members who have not a copy of the Bill and, for the purpose of my argument, I am reading the Clause.

I will make my point. This Bill gives power to a police constable not only to protect the railway company's property, but to arrest anybody near a station. Even under the existing Acts they have not power to prosecute or take out summonses on behalf of the railway, even where the acts are alleged to be committed a considerable distance away from the railway. During the last few weeks police constables employed by the railway have begun to vest themselves with duties which refer to the life of the ordinary constabulary. According to this Bill, they are given wider powers than they have at the present time, and I contend that they are too wide.

There is a further Clause, which gives power to alter and build bridges. Under that Clause, in connection with the bridge in Bexhill Road, Lewisham, they are limiting themselves to a height of 10 feet. That is an impossible height when one takes into consideration the omnibuses using this road, and especially when some of the new omnibuses that are to be seen in South London are higher than that. I suggest for the protection of the public that the railway company should be compelled to make the bridge higher. There is a further Clause, a penalty Clause, which provides that the penalty imposed upon the railway company for not completing work set out in Clause 8 is £50 per day for each day. This penalty is totally inadequate for a company such as the Southern Railway Company to pay for the non-completion of work which may be directly for the convenience of the public.

Clause 30 refers to the powers of the railway company with respect to the underpinning of houses within 100 feet of works. Many of the houses within the radius of 100 feet of the railway works are workmen's houses, very badly built, and I suggest that the radius ought to be 150 feet, for the protection of these poorly-constructed houses, which, no doubt, in a great many cases were purchased by workmen out of their hard-earned savings. The time during which any claim for compensation in respect of underpinning can be made is 12 months. I submit that is far too short, and that the period should be at least two years in order to give people who may take possession of any of these houses or purchase them an opportunity of appealing on this point, If this Bill is to be fair to the public it is necessary that there should be some alteration to some of these Clauses.

I want to take objection to this Bill on the ground that certain powers are too sweeping in their character, and that certain other powers are wholly inadequate to give the protection required, not merely to the travelling public, but to other people who will be affected if this Bill be carried into effect. In one of the first Clauses of this Measure is a statement affecting the Newhaven Harbour Improvement Act, which brought into being the Newhaven Harbour Company. That company is to be dissolved under this Bill. I have looked up the Newhaven Harbour Act, and I find that the company was given very sweeping powers over the particular interests it was supposed to take over. The Southern Railway, I understand, is going to take over these powers under Part V of the Railway Clauses Act, 1865. They will dissolve the Newhaven Harbour Company, and take over all the buildings, piers, wharves and tramways, belonging to that company. I do not know what objections have been lodged by those who are affected in this matter. I do not know exactly how the Newhaven Harbour Company is going to allow itself to be dissolved and taken over by the Southern Railway Company.

The Newhaven Harbour Company's Act of 1878 was an Act for the enlargement and improvement of the harbour of Newhaven, in Sussex, and for the construction of a dock and other works there. Under the Act powers are given to carry out quite an extensive scheme of draining the lowlands between Lewes and the lower levels of the Ouse, and also to improve the navigation of the River Ouse between Newhaven Harbour Bridge and Lewes Bridge. Trustees under this Act were nominated under the name of the Trustees of the Newhaven Harbour and Ouse Lower Navigation, and they are incorporated for the purpose of carrying the Act into effect. It would be interesting to know exactly how far the interests affected under the Trustees of the Newhaven Harbour and Ouse Lower Navigation are inclined to accept the proposals of the Southern Railway in this Bill. To grant such wide and all embracing powers to a company of the mature of the Southern Railway, or any other company—I am not directing this against the Southern Railway in particular, although it is an argument which I can direct against this Bill—under which they can conduct quite a lot of contracts and maintain quite a number of services in any particular district; to hand all these over to the control of what one might call a group of private individuals is, in my opinion, handing over the transport and travelling facilities of the people who reside in these areas to the caprice of a few individuals who can so arrange their services as to make it very inconvenient for many of the people who reside there.

That is one of the objections to this particular Bill. Any powers that this particular company desires to obtain have to be obtained by the consent of the Members of this House, and this House should require to look very carefully into any Bill that is promoted nowadays by any of the four groups of railways in this country. We have seen in other parts of the world the risks that have to be run by trustification, wherever trustification is left in private hands, and in the Bill now before us we are giving to the directors of the Southern Railway Company powers of trustification in the area over which they operate. I consider this ought to be very carefully considered by this House and the interests of the public within the area affected very jealously guarded by the representatives of the people who sit on these benches. So much for the Newhaven Harbour Company which had special powers given to it by Act of Parliament to carry out specific kinds of work. I have yet to learn that the Southern Railway Company has put forward a sufficiently sound case to show that it can operate the powers given to the Newhaven Harbour Company better than the Newhaven Harbour Company has operated them. I could go right through the Bill and pick out many of the things which the company is supposed to do, but I feel that the House does not want to be wearied by a recital of the various powers given. I want to be assured that the Southern Railway Company can operate the powers given to the Newhaven Harbour Company and that they are willing and intend to operate those powers. There are two or three other Acts of Parliament mentioned on page 5 of this Bill.

In regard to two1 of these Acts I shall have something to say later. While certain protection has been given against the operations of the Southern Railway Company, I believe that something more adequate than the Bill under discussion is required before I give my consent to its passage. I see on page 6 something with regard to Peckham Rye. I see also a paragraph as to something that is to be done in the Metropolitan Borough of Camberwell. Powers are being given here so that the company can make an alteration to Copeland Road and Albert Road, extending between the premises known as 100, Copeland Road and 114, Albert Road. I would like to know just what is meant by the words" may make an alteration." What kind of alteration is it that can be made? Unless it is definitely stated in the Bill what the alteration is, it will be found that any kind of alteration can be made. Some specific declaration ought to be made so that the people who reside in Copeland Road and Albert Road may know exactly what is the fate which the promoters of this Bill intend them to have when the railway company get the powers which this Bill confers.

In the next Section there is the same vague statement as to what is to be done; and so it is right through the Bill. All of these things are put down in vague terms. I know that certain plans have been submitted to the Committee and have been exhibited in the Committee room of this House. I know that there have been lodged certain books and suggestions and statements that are to be made, but why are not the terms of these proposed alterations definitely set out in the Bill? It is one thing to produce plans before a Committee, but once the Bill has been passed the Company may do just what it chooses, and point out later that it was found that the plans presented to the Committee could not be operated.

I would point out to the hon. Member that the plans in these cases are signed by the Chairman of the Committee.

The plans may be lodged in public offices here, but the Act of Parliament is to be seen in every library in the Kingdom. Any individual who desires it should be able to look up an Act, and ascertain what can be done by a railway company and not have to pay lawyers or examiners to make inquiries and searches in the Public Records Office. To the widening of roads no one takes exception. I submit, however, that some of the heights of bridges mentioned in the Bill are rather low for the conditions of present-day motor traffic.

The Committee which examined this Bill ought to have been struck by the fact that bridges over certain streets were to be lower than the bridges over other streets. When I observed the fact that certain bridges were not to have as much clearance over the street level as others, I wondered whether upon those

streets smaller people were to be conveyed on the omnibuses and only the taller people carried under the other bridges. In these days omnibuses are built on a standard plan, and, at present, people travelling on the tops of omnibuses often have to dodge as they approach a bridge. On many bridges there are notices warning passengers not to stand on an omnibus while it is passing underneath. It is incumbent upon any committee examining a Bill of this sort, to see that provision is made to ensure that the bridges built by railway companies or other corporate bodies are of a standard height, so that people may stand upon omnibuses passing underneath these bridges without fear of serious injury. The very fact that the company are permitted to erect bridges of different heights is a very grave defect in a Bill which confers such wide and sweeping powers as this.

There are several other matters with which I should like to deal, if I am in order, such as, for example, that part of the Bill referring to railway alterations at what is described as the City of Rochester in the county of Kent. Matters affecting the railway at Rochester have some concern for the people living there. Anyone who has travelled to Rochester and has been upon its station platform, knows the condition of that station, and if there is to be any lengthening or widening for the purpose of accommodating larger traffic in the City of Rochester, it will seriously affect the facilities at present provided.

The PARLIAMENTARY SECRETARY to the MINISTRY of TRANSPORT
(Lieut.-Colonel Moore-Brabazon)

rose in his place, and claimed to move," That the Question be now put."

Question put, "That the Question be now put."

The House divided: Ayes, 124; Noes, 41.

Division No. 292.]

AYES.

[9.0 p.m.

Agg-Gardner, Rt. Hon. Sir James T.

Bourne, Captain Robert Croft

Clayton, G. C.

Albery, Irving James

Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W.

Cobb, Sir Cyril

Alexander, E. E. (Leyton)

Braithwaite, A. N.

Cochrane, Commander Hon. A. D.

Applin, Colonel R. V. K.

Broun- Lindsay, Major H.

Cope, Major William

Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

Buckingham, Sir H.

Courtauld, Major J. S.

Barclay- Harvey, C. M.

Burman, J. B.

Courthope, Lieut. -Col. Sir George L.

Barnett, Major Sir Richard

Campbell, E. T.

Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities)

Barnston, Major Sir Harry

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Sir Evelyn (Aston)

Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry

Birchall, Major J. Dearman

Charteris, Brigadier-General J.

Crooke, J. Smedley (Deritend)

Boothby, R. J. G.

Clarry, Reginald George

Crookshank, Col. C. de W. (Berwick)

Dalkeith, Earl of

Hopkins, J. W. W.

Rhys, Hon. C. A. U.

Davies, Dr. Vernon

Huntingfield, Lord

Roberts, E. H. G. (Flint)

Davies, Maj. Geo. F. (Somerset, Yeovll)

Jacob, A. E.

Rye, F. G.

Davies, Ellis (Denbigh, Denbigh)

Jephcott, A. R.

Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney)

Dean, Arthur Wellesley

Kidd, J. (Linlithgow)

Smith, R.W. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine.C.)

Edmondson, Major A. J.

Kindersley, Major Guy M.

Smithers, Waldron

Edwards, J. Hugh (Accrington)

King, Captain Henry Douglas

Somerville, A. A. (Windsor)

Elliot, Major Walter E.

Loder, J. de V.

Sprot, Sir Alexander

Everard, W. Lindsay

Looker, Herbert William

Stanley, Lord (Fylde)

Fairfax, Captain J. G.

Lord, Walter Greaves-

Stanley, Hon. O. F. G. (Westm'eland)

Fanshawe, Commander G. D.

Luce, Maj.-Gen. Sir Richard Harman

Stott, Lieut.-Colonel W. H.

Fermoy, Lord

Lumley, L. R.

Streatfeild, Captain S. R.

Fielden, E. B.

MacAndrew, Major Charles Glen

Strickland, Sir Gerald

Ford, Sir P. J.

MacIntyre, Ian

Sugden, Sir Wilfrid

Forrest, W.

Manningham-Buller, Sir Mervyn

Templeton, W. P.

Fremantle, Lt.-Col. Francis E.

Margesson, Captain D.

Thom, Lt.-Col. J. G. (Dumbarton)

Gadle, Lieut. -Col. Anthony

Milne, J. S. Wardlaw-

Thompson, Luke (Sunderland)

Galbraith, J. F. W.

Mitchell, S. (Lanark, Lanark)

Ward, Lt.-Col. A. L.(Kingston-on- Hull)

Gates, Percy

Mitchell, W. Foot (Saffron Walden)

Watson. Rt. Hon. W. (Carlisle)

Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John

Monsell, Eyres, Com. Rt. Hon. B. M.

Watts, Dr. T.

Greene, W. P. Crawford

Moore, Lieut.-Colonel T. C. R. (Ayr)

Wells, S. R.

Gunston, Captain D. W.

Moore-Brabazon, Lieut. -Col. J. T. C.

Williams, A. M. (Cornwall, Northern)

Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

Neville, R. J.

Williams, C. P. (Denbigh, Wrexham)

Hall, Capt. W. D'A. (Brecon & Rad.)

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

Williams, Herbert G. (Reading)

Harland, A.

Oman, Sir Charles William C.

Wilson, R. R. (Stafford, Lichfield)

Harrison, G. J. C.

Penny, Frederick George

Wise, Sir Fredric

Harvey, Major S. E. (Devon, Totnes)

Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings)

Withers, John James

Henderson, Lieut. -Col. V. L. (Bootle)

Perkins, Colonel E. K.

Womersley, W. J.

Henn, Sir Sydney H.

Peto, G. (Somerset, Frome)

Hilton, Cecil

Raine, W.

TELLERS FOR THE AYES. ——

Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard

Rees, Sir Beddoe

Mr. F. C. Thomson and Captain Viscount Curzon.

Hope, Capt. A. O. J. (Warw'k, Nun.)

Reid, D. D. (County Down)

Hope, Sir Harry (Forfar)

Remer, J. R.

NOES.

Adamson, Rt. Hon W. (Fife, West)

Johnston, Thomas (Dundee)

Short, Alfred (Wednesbury)

Barnes, A.

Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown)

Sitch, Charles H.

Barr, J.

Jones, T. 1. Mardy (Pontypridd)

Smillie, Robert

Batey, Joseph

Kelly, W. T.

Smith, Ben (Bermondsey, Rotherhithe)

Buchanan, G.

Kennedy, T.

Stephen, Campbell

Compton, Joseph

Lawrence, Susan

Sullivan, J.

Dunnico, H.

Lowth, T.

Sutton, J. E.

Gosling, Harry

Lunn, William

Tinker, John Joseph

Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton)

Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan)

Viant, S. P.

Hardie, George D.

Naylor, T. E.

Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline)

Hartshorn, Rt. Hon. Vernon

Palin, John Henry

Westwood, J.

Hayday, Arthur

Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

Hayes, John Henry

Scrymgeour, E.

TELLERS FOR THE NOES. ——

Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (Burnley)

Scurr, John

Mr. Kirkwood and Colonel Day.

Hudson, J. H. (Huddersfield)

Shiels, Dr. Drummond

Question," That the Bill be now read the Third time," put accordingly, and agreed to.

Bill accordingly read the Third time, and passed.

Supply

Considered in Committee.

[Captain FITZROY in the Chair.]

Civil Services and Revenue Departments Estimates, 1926–27

Class II

Board of Agriculture (Scotland)

Postponed Proceeding resumed on Question,

"That a sum, not exceeding £433,111, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1927, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Board of Agriculture for Scotland, including Grants for Agricultural Education and Training, Loans to Co-operative Societies, and certain Grants-in-Aid."

Question again proposed.

The Secretary for Scotland, in introducing this Estimate, delivered a very interesting speech, in the course of which he touched on a number of the things that were being done by the Department with a view to helping agriculture. He mentioned that they had in view education and research, that they had also in view the further equipment of the agricultural colleges, and also the questions of the protection of stock and land settlement, but if agriculture is to placed on the footing on which I am certain every Member desires it to be placed in Scotland, we will require to go very much further than has been indicated by the Secretary for Scotland in his speech to-day. There is no subject that I know of more important, nor one that requires more careful consideration, than the question of agriculture. The question of the production of the greatest amount of food from the land available is of vital importance to the people of our country. For many years we in Scotland, as well as in other parts of Great Britain, have been developing industrially rather than agriculturally. I am of the opinion that we have reached the time when we will require to reverse that process. I fear that we have reached the time when we will require to be content with a smaller part of the world's trade; at least, that is the indication that our experience of the last few years would lead one to imagine. For the past four or five years in Great Britain we have had, roughly, 1,000,000 people idle, and at the same time a considerable number of our people on part-time employment.

Therefore, if I am right in assuming that we are not to be able to take the same share of the world's trade in future as we have done in the past, and if we are to maintain anything like our present population, we will require to find work for them in other directions. Well, I think we can find work for a bigger proportion of our people on the land than we have been doing for a considerable time past. We have a large number of people in Scotland who are anxious to get on to the land. If you take the question of small holdings, which was one that was briefly referred to by the Secretary for Scotland himself, there is a waiting list of fully 10,000 people who are anxious to secure these holdings. The number of smallholders that we have been enabled to place on the land, as it is, is little more than 300 a year. Not only have we a large section of our people who are anxious to get small holdings but there are also a considerable number of people in Scotland who are anxious to have larger holdings. One only requires to watch the competition that takes place when a farm is to let or a farm is to be sold to see how keen it is; certainly of recent years. The result has been that rents have gone up, and the price of agricultural land for sale has also gone up.

In these circumstances, I suggest it is the duty of the Government and the House to remove the difficulties which stand in the way of a much larger number of our people being established on the land. One might see some reason for the present situation if there was no land to spare, but when we begin to examine the point with which I am dealing, and consider the amount of land available in Scotland, we find there is no lack of land that can be used for these various purposes. For example, in the Highlands of Scotland there are millions of acres of land under deer forest—a large tract of country which formerly, was put to a more economic use than is the case to-day. Crofting families who throve on the land were driven off ft; driven into the Lowlands into the industrial centres and to various parts of Great Britain, so competing with the people there for the employment; at the present time this competition for employment is intensified. In addition to the deer forests there are large quantities of land in the Lowlands as well as in the Highlands that could be put to a more economic use. For example, we have some of the very finest land in the country surrounding the mansions of a large number of landowners which is not being put to an economic use. There are also parks and farms in the possession of men who are holding them rather from the point of view of a hobby than to make economic use of them.

It is not, I think, outside the power or the wisdom of the Government to see that a considerable amount of that land is released. It ought not to be outside their power to take the necessary steps to have a considerable portion of that land, which is practically lying idle, brought into use, and so find employment for a large section of our people that are clamouring for small holdings or for larger farms. All the land that can be made available ought to be brought into use in order to employ on the land all that section of our people who are anxious to be there. If agriculture is to flourish, as I am certain every one of us desires that it should do, there requires to be more done than has been mentioned by the Secretary for Scotland. If agriculture is to flourish we require to place at the disposal of those engaged in it far more facilities than exist at present. There are parts of Scotland where agriculture is face to face with difficulties far greater than will be found in other parts. In parts of the Highlands you find, owing to the lack of road transport facilities, agriculture is being carried on under extreme difficulties compared with the Lowlands of Scotland. Road transport requires to be attended to on a far more expensive scale than has hitherto been the case. In addition to road transport, agriculture should have railway transport also attended to. There are parts of both the Highlands and the Lowlands where railway facilities would be of the utmost value to the agricultural population, and not only to them, but to those who came along, for it would enable a very much larger proportion of our people to be placed upon the land.

There is the question of co-operation. I was glad to hear the Secretary for Scotland say that he was doing all he could to encourage co-operation in agriculture. When, however, I look at the Estimates I do not see that borne out. I find that for 1925 there was £3,000 lent to the Agricultural Co-operative Societies, while this year that sum has been reduced to £1,500—exactly one-half! On the other hand, the Agricultural Organisation Society, which I do not think is of as much value as a good scheme of co-operation would be, has had its grant increased from £4,000 to £5,000. These points which I have named require the serious attention of the Secretary for Scotland and his Department. The future prosperity of agriculture is vital to the people of this country. The Government and the Department of the Secretary for Scotland are required to find a considerable amount more money than heretofore in order to stimulate and help the industry.

I would urge upon him as strongly as I possibly can the importance of that being done and that the points I have brought to his notice should receive his immediate and earnest attention. I am well aware that he is interested in agriculture. Possibly he has as much interest in it as I have myself, but I think the methods he is adopting in order to stimulate and develop agriculture are along the wrong lines, and the ones I am suggesting for his attention, if given effect to, would have far better results than those he has been discussing with us this afternoon. Therefore I hope that they will be given earnest attention by the Secretary for Scotland in the immediate future.

I only venture to intervene in the Debate in order to make a few remarks in connection with the very alarming outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease which is very prevalent in Lanarkshire, and especially in the district of Carluke. This outbreak is a serious financial loss to the owners of stock and a serious blow to the consumer of the meat. There are people who hold that it is a serious menace to public health, as in some cases human beings have contracted foot-and-mouth disease on the Continent. For these reasons this epidemic deserves the most careful, energetic, and thorough treatment on the part of the authorities, whose duty it is to try to eradicate it. This outbreak at Carluke, unfortunately, is not an isolated case. There are several cases, but, fortunately, we know the source from which the disease spread and the manner in which it entered the country. These cases of foot-and-mouth disease were brought to Carluke by a consignment of pigs shipped from Holland and landed at Leith. This shipment was distributed throughout many parts of Scotland by motor car, and even went as far south as Carlisle. This was not an isolated shipment of pigs from the Continent. It has been going on for a great number of years. I understand that in the House a few days ago the Minister of Agriculture stated that the Minister of Health provided inspectors to examine all carcases when landed, but the Minister of Agriculture stated that unless these inspectors had a slight knowledge of veterinary matters it was perfectly impossible for them to detect foot-and-mouth disease. Therefore, I respectfully submit to the Secretary of Scotland for his consideration the question of insisting that all cargoes of carcases landed in this country should be inspected by men of veterinary knowledge. This outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease is a very serious and expensive matter for my county, but it has had this result, that it has impressed on the mind of most people very vividly how very infectious this disease is.

There is one other point I would like to mention in connection with fruit-growing in Lanarkshire. For some years past the fruit-growers have suffered consider- ably from disease among their strawberries known as strawberry blight. They have lost hundreds of acres of plants and it has cost them thousands of pounds. I understand that the West of Scotland Agricultural College has been carrying out research work on this question owing to a grant which has been given them by the Board of Agriculture. I do not want to weary the Committee by going into the details of this disease, but it is thought by some people to be caused by a reptile known as the eel-worm. While I am certain the Committee will agree with me that the eel-worm is a very elusive and difficult reptile to master or conquer, I am perfectly certain that the Scottish Board of Agriculture, along with the great support of the Scottish Office, will eventually vanquish and overcome this monster.

No one can complain as a rule of the great variety of subjects which we debate when the Scottish Estimates are before the Committee, but I am afraid on this occasion that our efforts to consider the whole subject have been somewhat circumscribed owing to the absence of the necessary reports. I would like to ask the Secretary for Scotland whether it would not be possible to have the reports of the Fisheries Board, the Board of Health and the Land Court produced at an earlier date than June, which is six months after the close of the year with which they deal. It has not only been June, but in some years they have run well into the autumn; and I would urge on the Department the desirability of producing these reports at a somewhat earlier date than is now the case.

I regret very much I was not in the House when the Secretary for Scotland was introducing the Vote, but I understand that his remarks were based, naturally, very largely on the lines of the answer which he gave in the House the other day to my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Caithness (Sir A. Sinclair) as to what was being done with reference to the recommendations that were made by the Scottish Agricultural Conference. That Conference put up some exceedingly important points, for the consideration of the Secretary for Scotland, but I regret to notice that a good many of them, in so far as they were covered by the answer given in the House the other day, were not really dealt with, but that the Secretary for Scotland stated that they were under consideration.

If I may call the attention of the Committee to the answer which was given only two days ago on the question of the Land Drainage Acts the answer was that this matter was under consideration. The very important question of the survey of Scotland for supplies of lime was a matter which would be further considered. The advance of money on loan by the State at a low rate of interest for the maintenance of buildings and equipiment was a matter which was receiving special consideration. Then houses for agricultural workers and the reconditioning of houses, in the country—a matter of vital importance to agriculture in Scotland—were also receiving consideration. So we go on from point to point. All these very important matters are receiving consideration. I know that is a very blessed word to Departments. It may mean a great deal or it may mean nothing at all, but I would earnestly press on the Secretary for Scotland the very great need of dealing promptly with all these very important matters which were brought forward by the Scottish Agricultural Conference.

Land drainage, I am afraid, is no longer "under consideration," for a decision has been taken, and I very much regret that the money being spent on it is very much less than in the previous year. The drainage work that was done was of very great value indeed, and it is very regrettable that the amount of money available for it is less than last year.

To come to another point which is referred to in that answer, I would like to ask the Secretary for Scotland whether we can have the Report of the Committee with regard to farming accounts. It is stated that they have recently reported on the best methods of keeping agricultural costings accounts. This is a matter to which far too little attention is paid by our agriculturists, though the greatest attention is paid to the subject in that fine agricultural country of Denmark. There, every association of farmers has an officer who corresponds to our county organiser, and one of his special duties is to go round teaching the farmers how to keep accounts and helping them in keeping their accounts. All the accounts are kept on one basis, with the result that farm accounts can be understood from one end of the country to the other. It is most important that we should do everything we can to encourage the keeping of farming accounts on one basis throughout the country.

Having very little time, at my disposal, I have to cut out many other things to which I desire to refer, and I will come to the more important ones of co-operation and land settlement. I understand the Secretary for Scotland has said he is doing all he can for co-operation. I am glad to hear it, but all that he can do will not be enough. We have to realise that to make our farmers co-operate will be a big task. One country where co-operation is an enormous success, setting an example to the rest of the world, is Denmark, and those results were not achieved in a day in Denmark. The Government of Denmark deliberately set out on a campaign to teach Danish farmers that it was worth their while to co-operate, and it took them 10 years to do it. We have to do a great deal more than give small grants to bodies like the Scottish Agricultural Organisation Society, to help propaganda. The Government will have to throw the whole weight of their authority behind the movement if we are to make anything at all of it. It is all very well for individuals to start isolated efforts in their own constituencies or in the counties in which they live, but it needs a good deal more than that. We have to make an advance all along the line, and the Government must definitely lend the weight of their authority to the movement in favour of co-operation.

The more I study the difficulties of agriculture in this country, and the more I compare what is done in this country with what is done in other countries, the more convinced I am that it is not our methods of agriculture that are wrong, but that what is wrong are our methods of marketing. That is where we lose. The poor efforts made at co-operation nowadays are pitiful. We see an inefficient man paid a ridiculous wage to mismanage the business. That is not co-operation. We must get co-operation on a large scale, so that the members of the co-operative society can command the best brains to do their business for them. Farmers are never very good hands at business, however good they may think themselves to be, and it would be very much better for them to combine to get the best brains to do business for them. If they did that, the smallest man could, equally with the biggest, buy the very best things in the cheapest market, and get the best price for his own goods even when selling small quantities.

In connection with co-operation, I would like to introduce a famous bird which is always brought into these Debates, and that is the Orkney hen. I have here, extracted from the agricultural returns, figures showing what was done in the Orkney Islands last year. I think it will astonish hon. Members to hear that last year more than 31,500,000 eggs were produced there, their value being £197,000. You may take it that 40 per cent. is the profit people dealing in eggs ought to make, if they run their business well, which means to say that the egg profits in Orkney last year were about £78,000, or very nearly the rental of the islands. That was very largely done by co-operation, and is a good instance of what can be accomplished. I do not say that the people do not manage their businesses very well, because they do—they understand very well the art of managing fowls—but they do not run co-operation to half the extent they might, and I am always telling them that if they ran it better they would get another 25 per cent. on to the profits they make now; they could easily do it. Anyone who likes to take the trouble to grade eggs for size, for weight, and for colour, to pack them properly and market them properly, will get as good a price as, indeed a better price than, do the Danes. The eggs that come from Orkney are better eggs, and why should they not get the same price? The reason they do not is because they do not co-operate to the extent they might and market their eggs in the way they should.

We have the best markets in the world at our own doors, and we can produce the goods, but we do not get the money for them we ought to because we do not know how to sell them. Co-operation in a small way has shown us what can be done, and therefore I urge the Secretary for Scotland to throw all the weight he can into the co-operative movement, and start a large campaign to persuade the Scottish farmer of what can be done if he wall co-operate on proper lines.

The question of co-operation is intimately connected with that of land settlement. The Danes themselves admit that their success with land settlement could not have been achieved without co-operation. They say the two things are essential, the one to the other. A man with only a small acreage and a small turnover has no chance of competing in the large markets unless he has the benefits of co-operation, so as to be able to buy the necessities of his industry in the cheapest market and to sell the products of his industry at the best price that can be obtained. Land settlement in our own country has been done in rather a sporadic way, not on an organised system, and I am afraid a great deal of the money spent has not been spent to the best advantage. The question of the economics of land settlement is another one which, according to the answer given the other day, is under the "constant consideration" of the Board of Agriculture. Need it be so carefully under the "constant consideration" of the Board of Agriculture, when they know how the thing ought to be done, and when their own Report shows what results have been achieved? I would call the attention of the Committee to the Report of the Board on land settlement, remarkable figures being shown on page 18. There it is stated that the holders under the schemes in question were settled at various dates in 1925 and could not be regarded as having established success, for in many cases the holdings had not yet reached the fullest stage of development: up. On one of them there were 150 dairy cattle, and this total reached 441 after the farm had been broken up. That is an instance of what can be done in this respect. The poultry on that holding was increased from 1,200 to 13,000.

Why are the Board considering this problem any longer when they have figures like those before them? If land settlement is carried out on the right lines with co-operation behind it there is no reason why we should not settle thousands of people who are wanting land and cannot get it in Scotland. I regret that there has been a slowing down in land settlement. Some time ago I calculated that it would take 30 years to settle the people on the land whose names appeared on the books, but my calculation to-day is that it would take 40 years. This means that a young man of about 30 years of age will be 70 years of age before he gets a chance of being settled on the land. For these reasons I press upon the. Secretary for Scotland to do all he can not only for co-operation but for land settlement backed by co-operation.

I wish to reinforce the observations made by the two previous speakers. I wish to refer to the outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease, which has extended into my own constituency, where there has appeared a complaint of a very remarkable nature which I hope the Secretary for Scotland will take into consideration. The inspectors who have been dealing with the carcases in the infected area have subsequently gone into the farms, and the farmers complain that while they are helping to stamp out the disease there is a great danger of them carrying infection on to the farms. I think the Board of Agriculture ought to see that the inspectors take every possible precaution to ensure that there is no risk of them carrying infection into the farms they visit.

I quite sympathise with what has been said as to the way the Board of Agriculture deal with some of these questions. We all feel that the consideration which the Board gives to some of these problems is somewhat belated, and we should be glad if they could arrive at the result of their deliberations with a little more celerity. As regards land settlement, I wonder whether the Secretary for Scotland could make a more complete use of the Land Court. It seems to me that the arrangements for the taking up of land and the subsequent operations of the Land Court are not properly synchronised. It might be necessary to strengthen the present constitution of the Land Court by an additional member. If the Land Court was increased by an additional member they could undertake the work more quickly and get through the preliminary stages of land settlement with advantage to the whole scheme.

I would like to call attention to the question of the salaries paid to the teachers of the agricultural colleges in Scotland. We are constantly reminded by those responsible for agriculture that a most important part of the work is education and research, but it is impossible to get education satisfactorily carried out in any branch of it so long as the teachers are grossly underpaid, and that is the state of affairs in the agricultural colleges of Scotland at the present moment. I do not think it is going too far to say that alone among the whole of the educational establishments of Great Britain it will be found that the salaries paid in the agricultural colleges of Scotland have not progressed as rapidly as is demanded by the condition of the times.

It is a constant complaint from the agricultural colleges that when they appoint a good man, and he has been there living on the salary allowed for a certain number of years, he is taken away sometimes to distant lands, and Scotland loses the advantage of his brains and the experience he has gained in the agricultural colleges. I hope even in these hard times the Secretary for Scotland may see his way to do something to improve the salaries paid in our agricultural colleges. I cannot help thinking that some of the money devoted to agricultural organisation might find better use if it were devoted to increasing the salaries of the teachers in our agricultural colleges.

I should like to associate myself with the last speaker in what he said regarding agricultural colleges. It was with considerable regret that I heard the Secretary for Scotland state that the position of the Lecturers was to depend on reorganisation or the raising of local resources on the part of the governors. I think the position of those teachers is worse than it is in our secondary schools, and it is certainly inferior to the position of those employed in the Board of Agriculture itself.

I wish to address myself to the subject of small holdings in Scotland. I notice that some time ago a Report was given dealing with small holdings in England and Wales, which showed a very great slump in the number for the last 14 years. The total went down in 1911 from 292,488 to 264,787, or a decrease of no less than 27,701. In Scotland the slump is not nearly so large, but the absence of progress is very serious. In 1913 the number of small holdings in Scotland was 51,614, and in 1925 the total was 50,536. That is to say, it was almost 500 more than six years before but it is 1,078 less than when the 1911 Act began to come into operation.

I think that that is a melancholy fact, when we consider the efforts of the various Secretaries for Scotland, the Board of Agriculture and the Land Court, and the high expectations we had of the Small Landholders Act of 1911. It is not that there are not plenty of applications. In the period since that Act came into operation, there have only been settled on new settlements and enlargements of holdings 4,498, and at this moment there are 10,055 applications awaiting consideration. In the Report of last year the statement was made that it would take years, as has been shown by the hon. Member for Orkney and Shetland (Sir R. Hamilton), before these applications could be dealt with, and a still more serious feature is the statement in this year's Report that the number of new holdings and enlargements constituted by the Board during 1925 is less than in any year since the Armistice. If one looks at the numbers of ex-service men who have applied, one finds that there have been 5,704, and that of these only 1,976 have been settled on new holdings; that is to say, little more than one-third of the applicants who are ex-service men have been provided with new holdings.

One might enquire as to the reasons for the lack of greater progress with small holdings and land settlement in Scotland. These have been pointed out in the Reports of the Board of Agriculture from time to time. First of all, they point out the great cost of acquiring land. Of course, that was very greatly accentuated by the Lindean judgment which, however, was reversed by the legislation of 1919. That was a kind of psychological compensation. It was given on the ground that probable purchasers of land had an aversion to small holdings, and therefore would pay less if they saw small holdings on the land. It was a kind of eyesore, and they must have eye salve to cure the eyesore. The next difficulty that is pointed out is the high cost of building. In England in many cases a small holding can be established at the smallholder's home in a village or the like, but in almost every case in Scotland a new building has to be provided, often at great expense. A third obstacle is the relation of this question of land settlement to the present position of the Game Laws in Scotland, and that affects the case in two regards. In the first place, there is the damage and depredation that is done to small holdings and farms generally by deer, game, and vermin of various kinds. I should like to read from one of the Reports of the Land Court in regard to this question. They said in 1917:

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As has been pointed out by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Fife (Mr. W. Adamson), while there are vast tracts that are not suitable at all for small holdings in the deer forests, there are also tracts that are well suited for that purpose, and Commission after Commission has so declared. The Commission that reported in 1895 declared that there were 1,782,785 acres presently devoted to sport and deer forests that were suitable for the enlargement of holdings or the founding of new holdings. Another feature is that there is some diminution of confidence in the policy of small holdings which is to some extent defeating the ends of the Small Holdings Acts, arising from what is known as resumption. In Section 2 of the Act of 1886, the Crofters Act, there was provision on general grounds for resumption if it reasonably tended to the good of the holding and of the estate, and in Section 19 of the Act of 1911 that was made more definite, and two grounds of resumption were given. The first was that the owner desired to reside on the holding himself, and in the Report of the Land Court for 1923, the various expedients were stated to which owners resort in order to secure resumption, such as the passing of one holding to one member of the family and another to another, in order that they might seize still more of these holdings.

The other ground on which resumption can take place is that of necessity for feuing, and in some cases in that way a ploughshare has been driven through the security of the smallholder. I have one case particularly in mind, and there are others also, where for two generations a smallholder has been in possession, having only 2½ acres of arable land, and more than one-third has been taken for feuing. I quite understand and recognise that under Section 19 of the Act of 1911 power is given for this, but there is power also—

I am afraid the hon. Gentleman is now arguing for a change in the law, which is not in order on a Vote in Committee of Supply.

I was about to say that there was power under Section II of the 1886 Act to select the site and limit the area, and I appeal to the Secretary for Scotland, not for a change in the law, but that he will use his influence in order that, if possible, these provisions that are the law at present may be put into operation, as might be done in the hinterland where the land is not needed for arable cultivation. In the particular case I have in mind that would have been possible. I desire that action should be taken to make the Land Acts what they were intended to be, namely, a real security for the tenant. I do not wish to seem to be introducing any cant into this matter, but I would like the Secretary for Scotland in this regard to fulfil the magnificent prophesy of Isaiah:

"And they shall build houses, and inhabit them; and they shall plant vineyards, and eat the fruit of them; they shall not build, and another inhabit; they shall not plant and another eat: for as the days of a tree are the days of my people, and mine elect shall long enjoy the work of their hands."

There is only one other subject to which I desire to refer, and that is housing, both on the small holdings and in regard to farm servants. The farmer is responsible for the small repairs and for the maintenance of buildings—I am speaking of the Lowlands—and the landlord is responsible for permanent improvements. The Report of the Royal Commission pointed out that the farmer does not like to ask too much, and when the farmer has secured that his steading is all right, he does not like to risk asking anything for the ploughman's cottage. Lord Lovat who was a member of the Royal Commission said:

"At the beginning of every new lease there is the usual bargaining as to land, improvements, etc., and it may be easily imagined that in the majority of cases, provided the farmer finds his own house in order, the cattle folds, barns, byres, etc., in good condition, the question of the housing of his farm servants is a matter he looks at from the point of view of sufficiency rather than in the light of modern standards of housing."

I am not reflecting on the farmer; I am referring to this strange anomalous position in which he and the farm servant are put. The farm servant does not know where to turn. He cannot approach the landlord. If he approaches the farmer, he does so at the risk of having to leave next term, and if he approaches the sanitary inspector there is not much likelihood of anything being done. Often the farm servant does not see the house before- hand. There was a case a few years ago of a farm servant who was feed in Aberdeen market. He said he had a very large family and the farmer told him that would be all right. When he got to the cottage, he found it was only a butt and ben. He was not able to take possession. He was taken to the Sheriff Court in Aberdeen and fined 50s. for breach of contract and if any other farmer had taken him he could have been fined for harbouring a deserter. Many of the houses are old and decrepit without any sanitary convenience. Dr. Huskie, of Moffat, who gave evidence before the Commission said, it was a scandalous condition of affairs. A new psychology is needed. Two factors gave evidence before the Royal Commission on Housing. Mr. Middleton, the factor of Kilmarnock estate, said that ploughmen nowadays shifted every six months and in many cases they could not furnish three rooms. He used that as an argument for them having only two rooms, but it did not occur to him that they might be paid higher wages so that they could buy more furniture. Mr. Christie, a land factor and valuer in Aberdeen, used words to the same effect. The Report of the Royal Commission said that the sense of dissatisfaction with the conditions of life were such as to increase rural depopulation and cause constant changes of situation among farm servants. They find it easier to leave the country or escape to another occupation. I therefore suggest that in regard to good housing and the planting of smallholders, the Secretary of State for Scotland should go forward in the interest of food supply, in the interest of employment, and in the interest of planting a happy peasantry on the land. It is not entirely out of place on the day of the Scottish Estimates that I should conclude with a verse of poetry from the "Cottar's Saturday Night," as follows:

"Oh, Scotia! my dear, my native soil!

From whom my warmest wish to Heaven is sent!

Long may thy hardy sons of rustic toil Be bless'd with health and peace and sweet content!

And, oh! May Heaven their simple lives prevent

From Luxury's contagion, weak and vile!

Then, howe'er crowns and coronets be rent, A virtuous populace may rise the while, And stand, a wall of fire, around our much loved isle."

There are two points which I would like to bring before the Secretary for Scotland. The first, which has been mentioned several times, is in regard to the salaries of the staffs of the various agricultural colleges. I take a special interest in the West of Scotland College because the farm and dairy school is not only in my constituency but is situated near where I live myself. I heard with some dismay what the Secretary said in his opening remarks about salaries. There is no question that the salaries are inadequate. Both Lord Constable's Committee, which reported in 1924, and also the Report of the Board of Agriculture said so, and, judging from the reply which the Secretary for Scotland gave to my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for North Lanark (Sir A. Sprot) in March the Treasury realise in principle that they are too small. Last July a joint staff deputation came here and interviewed, I understand, the various parties, and I am sure anyone who listened to them must have been convinced that their position is extremely unfortunate. Something should be done to try to put their salaries on a higher basis. Their claims have been, supported by the Governors of the College since 1918. The whole sum required to bring these people up to the same basis as the corresponding people in England, is £5,000 a year. Although I know, as the Secretary for Scotland said, that the system of organisation and finance of agricultural education in Scotland differs from that of England so that a satisfactory comparison cannot be made between the two countries, still that is no satisfaction to these people who are working at a scale very much less than is always paid in England and in various branches in Scotland. The difficulty seems to me to be found if one looks at the Report of the Board of Agriculture for Scotland of last year. It says: year, it is pointed out that the improvement of salaries is very important, and the Governors think that this must take precedence of everything else involving additional expenditure. It seems to me the trouble dates back to the Small Landholders Act, 1911. By that Act the conduct of agricultural education was taken from the Scottish Education Department and handed over to the Scottish Board of Agriculture. At that time there was plenty of money for the Scottish Board of Agriculture to carry on. Since then things have become very much more stringent and in addition these agricultural colleges have been developed, with the result that there is now a shortage of money for the purpose of paying these salaries.

Looking through that Memorandum which was sent by the Presidents, it refers to that and points out that this policy of passing the Colleges over to the Board of Agriculture has had an unfortunate further result in that it has led the Education Authorities of Scotland to assume that agricultural education has been undertaken by the Board of Agriculture. That seems to me the great trouble, that the Education Authorities have more or less washed their hands of the matter and the difficulty is to get them to give money, because it is a voluntary charge on them. It goes on to explain that in one county in Scotland—it does not say which—£33,000 per annum is spent on technical education beyond school age. That, of course, does not include agricultural education, but it goes on to say that the agriculturists are rated for it and that out of the £33,000 the only grant given is the £200 they are offering to the Agricultural College in their district. It seems to me rather unfortunate for these people and I would ask the Secretary to use his authority with the education authorities to consider this matter and try to get them to give a little more, which is the only way since we cannot get any more from the Chancellor. I hope the Secretary of State will use his influence with the education authorities with a view to having put right what is really a just grievance. I think there is no doubt about that.

I should also like to say a few words on the question of lime, from the agricultural point of view. Just over a year ago I took a petition to the Scottish Office, signed by 150 farmers around me in Ayrshire, with a view to asking the Secretary to devise ways and means of reopening derelict lime kilns, whereby lime could be produced cheaply, and, in addition, helping to give some work to the unemployed. This is one of the findings of the Report of the Scottish Conference on Agriculture, which the right hon. Gentleman so successfully formed and which reported this time last year. They say:

I can imagine a Secretary of State for Scotland on his appointment, like Harun-al-Rashid in the"Arabian Nights," calling his myrmidons round about him, and asking them the vitally important questions: What does this nation of ours rear? Does it progress? Does it increase in population? Does it increase in health, wealth and prosperity? If the present Secretary for Scotland had put that question to his officials what would have been the answer? He would have been told that comparing the year 1908 with the year 1925 there had been a decrease in the number of regular male workers engaged in agriculture in Scotland of 36,350, or one-third of the total. That between 1908 and 1925 one-third of the adult male workers engaged in agriculture in Scotland had disappeared from the land. He would have been told that in the same period 2,550 casual agricultural workers had disappeared. He would have been told that the acreage under crop had fallen from 3,389,000 to 3,229,000. In other words, for every three workers on the land in Scotland 17 years ago we have only two to-day. Since 1914, the area under crop and grass has decreased by 70,000 acres.

With these facts in front of us, and they are the most vital facts that our nation has to face, what is the right hon. Gentleman doing, and what has his predecessor done—I have said this to his predecessor—to meet the situation? We have heard from the Secretary for Scotland to-night that he is in favour of small holdings, but not too many of them. He wants to have a ladder—a few smallholders, more big farmers, and further big farmers still. That is his policy. He is fixing about 300 smallholders on the land per annum and getting 700 further applications every year. He is going back. There are fewer smallholders on the land to-day than there were 10 years ago. The rural population is being wiped out. The race is being strangled. We are being huddled in the cities, where we compete and scramble with one another for a few odd jobs at miserable wages, in unhealthy occupations, or we are driven beyond the seas to seek the livelihood in Canada and Australia that is denied to us in the land of our birth.

I have turned up the evidence given last year before the Committee on Public Accounts by Sir Robert Greig, the Secretary of the Board of Agriculture in Scotland, and I find him saying that in Canada, where we are exporting our population, the failures of these smallholders amount to 16 per cent., while in Scotland under the small, few, timorous schemes that we have adopted, the failures are only from 3 per cent. to 5 per cent. Why then should we ship our population beyond the seas to Canada, where the failures are 16 per cent., instead of giving them a chance in the land of their birth? There may be an answer to that, but I do not know what it is. The Secretary for Scotland cannot deny that small holdings are a success. He qualifies it by saying that they are a success at a financial cost to the nation. That is his position. He does not deny that he can put 100,000 more farmers on the soil, that we can grow more food, that we can increase the purchasing power of our people—and that increased purchasing power will give employment to people in other industries—he does not deny that it will add to the health of the people; but he says it will cost something, some unspecified sum, to the British taxpayer.

What is this unspecified sum? I take his own figures. In four years the loss has been £440,000, that is, £110,000 per annum. But against that loss there is to be set the whole administrative expenses of his Department, and you ought to deduct from it the cost of housing. In that figure is lumped the cost of houses as a capital charge against land settlement. We do not do that as against coal areas, or shipbuilding areas, or any industrial area at all, and say that it is losing so much money in consequence. We only do that as against agricultural areas. When you plant a man on the soil and build a house for him you say, there is the capital cost, and it is included in this enormous figure of £440,000. Then, roads are included, and also the water supply. But what is not included is the extraordinary increase—no satisfactory estimate has ever been shown on this point—in productivity, the increase in foodstuffs; and why should not that be included? Any hon. Member who draws up a balance sheet would take into account the fact that on the arable farms the head of poultry had increased from 12,000 to 13,700—and those are the figures of the Department. Your population grows from 97 to 545 on 14 farms, and on seven farms from 294 to 682.

I have seen the co-operative system in Denmark and also in the Orkney Islands, and I have also seen the miserable attempts of the Board of Agriculture in Scotland to evade doing anything in co-operation. What about the West Milliken Smallholdings Settlement? There you ran a road up to the middle of a park and stopped there. The smallholders have to go miles around to get to the main road so that they can get their produce to the market. A few hundred yards more would have carried them on to the main road. There is no attempt at co-operation. One man told me that they would have been glad to have worked on the co-operative system in order to get their produce to Glasgow, but no attempt was made.

There was no attempt at organising them. For the life of me I do not see what the right hon. Gentleman has to boast about, so far as his Department is concerned with co-operation. But I plead with him even now. Will he go down to his own smallholding colony outside Kilmarnock and see men making £4 to £8 a week out of smallholdings—men who were carters and coal-heavers, men who had not been trained to the business?

One case I remember where, during the War, the holding was started by a soldier's wife while he was in the Army. He came back, and to-day they have a property valued at £700. The one farmer who held that farm before it was divided into holdings, in his best year could get only £800 of a crop off it, whereas these small holdings, as valued by the Board of Agriculture, got £8,000 out of it. If these figures are approximately correct, why does not the right hon. Gentleman see to it that in our time we make a big effort to get 10,000, 20,000, 30,000 and even 40,000 more of our people on the soil? Let us raise the foodstuffs, the eggs and so on, on this land, instead of importing them from abroad. We could keep more of our population at home, we could increase the general wealth and prosperity of the country, and we would not have this miserable plaintive whine every year about decreased population, more sporting areas, and no one with any specific remedy, but simply drifting further and further into disaster. The hon. Member for Motherwell (Mr. Barr) quoted a few lines from the "Cottar's Saturday Night." Let me quote a few lines from a great Irish poet whose words are as true to-day as when he wrote them: Secretary for Scotland after Secretary for Scotland stands supinely at that Box and watches the disappearance of a race.

The hon. Member who has just spoken has made a great plea for small holdings, but the time has perhaps come, although it might be considered heresy to say so, when a warning ought to be uttered with regard to this question. It is a wonderful ideal, but you can overdo it. To begin with, small holdings are very expensive. There is no doubt about that. You have only to look at the accounts to see how expensive they are. If you start cutting up the best and richest agricultural land in Scotland and turning it into small holdings, you are bound to make farming less efficient. The cry of modern days is for mass production, and you must get that in your rich agricultural districts. I do not think there is any doubt about that. I for one would deplore the cutting up of the rich agricultural districts of Scotland. You would gain nothing.

Has the hon. Gentleman read the Report of the Board of Agriculture, on page 18, where it says, under the heading of "Small-holdings' that the land is being more intensively worked, and that there is a larger head of stock carried than was the case formerly?

In certain districts that may be the case. I represent one of the richest agricultural districts, and I should be sorry to see any alteration made in the size of farms in Aberdeenshire. I do not think they would be more efficient. Then there was the speech of the hon. Member for Motherwell (Mr. Barr). I hope I may be allowed to congratulate him and to endorse the sentiments of Mr. Robert Burns, so eloquently expressed by him, but there were certain other points in his speech with which I cannot agree. He suggested—realising no doubt that the richest part of agricultural Scotland could not be cut up for small holdings—that the smallholders should be settled in the deer forests of Scotland.

The hon. Member will pardon me. I referred to the difficulty of settling them in the deer forest areas. I never suggested that they should be confined to the deer forest areas, or that we should primarily seek the deer forests for this purpose.

But I think the hon. Member did suggest the deer forests as a possibility in this respect, and I will only say that if he intends to lure the ex-service men to the deer forests, and settle them there, it will be very bad luck on the ex-service men. If the hon. Member will further take the trouble to consult the inhabitants of the deer forest areas, and ask them whether they would prefer to have a number of penurious smallholders or the present shooting tenants during the summer, he will get an absolutely straight answer. The hon. Member referred with scorn to the people who rent shootings in Scotland. At the same time, it cannot be denied that a large number of foreigners, Americans and others, bring immense wealth into Scotland every year. We should not be true to ourselves as Scotsmen if we failed to take advantage of that revenue year by year.

I hope, Mr. Chairman, you will give me the opportunity to follow this hon. Gentleman.

I do not think it is possible to criticise the Secretary for Scotland upon the results of his achievement with regard to the Scottish agricultural conference. Not for the first time, we have shown English people how to do it. The conference made a number of extraordinarily interesting and suggestive recommendations and every single one of them has been accepted by the Government that could have been accepted by the Government. I am certain they will redound to the advantage of Scottish agriculture, and the Secretary for Scotland is to be warmly congratulated on his achievement, which was largely a personal one, first in setting up the conference and secondly in taking, advantage of its recommendations.

I desire to press on the Secretary for Scotland two points. The first is with regard to rural housing. We have been told for some months past that the Minister of Health has a scheme up his sleeve for rural housing. I hope that scheme will be forthcoming in the near future, but I would emphasise the desir- ability, not merely of building new cottages, but of repairing old cottages which is even more important, and of making substantial allowances to Scottish farmers for the repair of cottages which, during the last nine or 10 years, have to some extent fallen into decay. The second point I wish to bring specially to the notice of the right hon. Gentleman is the question of long-term loans. As far as my constituency is concerned, we have practically not a landlord left. Almost every farmer has been practically compelled to buy his own farm, and the same remark applies to a number of the more prosperous agricultural districts in Scotland. I earnestly hope the Government will see their way to afford these men some assistance in respect of the capital outlay which they have been compelled to make. There is no doubt whatever that, at the present time, they are gravely handicapped in regard to new developments by lack of capital, having been compelled to expend their capital in the purchase of the land. I hope that if any legislation is introduced upon this subject, it will be retrospective.

I should like to thank the Secretary for Scotland and the Government for the drastic action they have taken concerning imported carcases from Europe. I know a large number of farmers in Scotland are profoundly grateful, because they were beginning to be gravely alarmed by the spread of infection. There are certain other matters upon which in the future we are bound to continue to press the Government, matters, for instance, not wholly unconnected with the import of barley for distilling purposes, and so forth, but we should be churlish not to extend to the Government our thanks for their efforts with regard to Scottish agriculture. The hon. Member for Orkney and Shetlands (Sir R. Hamilton) referred to the subject of cooperation, and he is well qualified to do so. If there is one district in Great Britain that has shown the farmers of Great Britain how to co-operate, that district is the Island of Orkney, and the hon. Member ought to congratulate himself and his farmers upon the efforts they have made, and the results they have achieved, where co-operation is concerned.

I must draw the attention of the Secretary for Scotland to a special matter which caused me a certain amount of anxiety the other day. A number of my farmers told me they had adopted a scheme of co-operation. A dozen of them had co-operated, and they found that the wholesale dealers in Aberdeen, as soon as they realised what was in the wind, flatly declined to buy any of their produce until such co-operation had been broken down. If any further episodes of that particular kind occur, the Government, I think, might well be pressed to take legislative action to see—

I mean that the Secretary of Scotland might take administrative action to prevent that kind of thing. If the farmers of Scotland had known how to co-operate before this, what they might have achieved, so far as potatoes are concerned, no tongue can tell, and I hope that the day will yet come when they will realise the real value of co-operation. I should have liked very much to draw the attention of the Committee to the state of the herring industry, but I understand that that would not be in order on this Vote.

During the past two or three years every Scottish Member has followed with the keenest interest the efforts which have been made to settle ex-service men upon the soil, and I dare say that all Scottish Members agree that the record of their settlement which we have read in the latest Report of the Scottish Board of Agriculture is very remarkable in the light of industrial conditions in recent times. The number of failures has been comparatively small, but I think it is plain to every Scottish Member that these men have fought a battle with heroism, which has involved enormous hardship for a very large percentage of them, and the hardship has been due to economic circumstances which the men themselves, perhaps, hardly understood, and which have been characteristic of the times through which we have been passing. Those holdings were established at a time very largely of peak prices following the War. A great deal was paid for the land and a very great deal for the buildings, and accordingly, from the first, they have carried a capital expenditure which has led to uneconomic working, and it became necessary some time later, as the investigation of Committees of this House told us, to revalue those holdings and to endeavour to put this proposition in Scotland, as it has been put to some extent in England, as nearly as may be on an economic basis.

Most people will be driven to agree, without any desire to misrepresent the situation, that there has been an element of sentiment and philanthropy in this enterprise, but the question that I desire to ask the Secretary for Scotland to-night is this: Is his Department now satisfied that on the basis of the re-valuation which has taken place and of the rates which are now being charged to these men, we have gone as near as we can to what is approximately an economic basis? If we have not arrived at that state of affairs, in so far as we can achieve it, there are further hardships and further very great sufferings, it may be, in store for these men. I, personally, as an outsider, and one who has only seen agriculture from the windows of express trains, would like to be satisfied on a problem of that kind. Our investigations in the Public Accounts Committee of late have shown that the economic side of this is a very real consideration. Have we got rid of the non-economic element, and are these men at length upon a comparatively stable basis?

If there is any doubt at all about that problem, it seems to me there are two considerations we must bear in mind. First of all, I agree with everything that has been said by some of my hon. Friends on the question of co-operation. As far as an outsider can understand it, what is quite plain is that it is only with the very greatest difficulty that certain kinds of co-operation can be cultivated effectively. Co-operation may be a slow process, but by all means let us recommend it for all it is worth in the case of ex-servicemen. Is there any immediate contribution we can make that will help to establish these ex-servicemen in those districts where they are having a hard battle on these restricted holdings at the present time? For my own part, I should like to see them get the immediate benefit of the results of research in agriculture where definite results have already been achieved. I speak with great hesitation on this point, but I daresay the Parlia- mentary Secretary agrees that it is not much use being spectacular in the matter of research.

There are, however, certain departments of research in which definite results have been achieved mainly from the point of view of the productivity of the soil. I should very much like to see these small men, who have not been able to achieve large-scale organisation, get the immediate benefit of research of the kind which the Scottish Board of Agriculture can now place at their disposal. I would ask that this should be done. It can be apart the application of the principle of cooperation which we all desire, and which probably is of slow growth. The application of the results of research might be immediate and beneficial, and you might in this way meet the difficulty of the non-economic development of the holdings, especially if there is no further slump in agricultural prices in Scotland.

Perhaps I might venture to reply to a few of the questions that have been put. Let me at the outset say that the point of view, that my right hon. Friend who has just sat down has raised, is one which requires, and is being given, the closest attention. We have recently finished the survey and the re-classification of a great part of the land. He would be, I think, a very rash person who would prophesy at the present time as to any certainty in these matters. But we are trying to investigate, and I agree that we ought to pursue and follow up what we have done. I agree with what the right hon. Gentleman has said as to the advantages of which the smallholders might get, but the co-operative movement, in which many of us have been engaged for a number of years, is a slow growth. We can, however, claim that we are doing the best we can to place at the disposal of the smallholders the knowledge we have got. Those who have been trained in the agricultural colleges are endeavouring to show to the smallholders in practice how it is possible best to develop. I am satisfied that a great deal of agriculture and research is lost unless it is brought to the notice and attention of the smallholder by having visits from qualified people, by the co-operation of farmers in the vicinity, and by the men of the more progressive kind actually going in amongst these men and discussing the practical working of their holdings.

With regard to the great number of the questions raised I should like to say I agree entirely with regard to such problems as that of lime, but we are making scientific practical research over land in testing the qualities of the land m order to establish which particular district really is suitable for lime and which is not. In the course of this work we have found that there are some places where the farmers have been putting lime on which is not required. That is one of the sides of the problem which can be investigated. In regard to opening up these surveys, that is a problem of great difficulty. If any group of farmers in any particular area would push forward a cooperative scheme in order to open up surveys, that, if it is to be worth doing, will be the way which will pay, but whatever the probability of assistance being, given to a step of that kind, a direct grant of money from the Government will not be necessary.

I should like to say a word on the question of the agricultural colleges, which has been raised more than once. I would again repeat that I am in agreement that the salaries paid to the teachers are insufficient, but I must remind the Committee that the Government have been repeatedly increasing the amount of the grant of the State to these colleges, rising from something like £28,000 in 1913–14 to £64,000 in 1926–27 and that the percentage of local contributions to these colleges has altered from a considerable amount in the earlier period to. a decreasing amount at the present time. It is quite impossible for the State to continue in that way. The remedy in my judgment lies with the colleges themselves. I have so informed them, but they have refused to recognise the hard facts of the situation. I propose to call them together again shortly and again to place before them the position, and I trust that their common sense will make them see that there is a way out in which they can solve it and give an adequate salary to these people.

I was asked a question about the publication of the Economic Report. I will only say on that that a full digest of the Report, which was largely of a domestic character, will appear in the Board of Agriculture Journal.

The right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Fife (Mr. W. Adamson) raised some questions about co-operative societies. I would like to say that the reason for the fall in the amount provided in the Estimates for this purpose is a simple one. In 1924–25 the right hon. Gentleman provided £15,000 in connection with co-operative societies, but there were very few schemes submitted, and in 1925–26 £3,000 was provided and there was the same absence of projects, so it is really because there has been no response to the provision of this money on the part of the co-operative societies that the money has been reduced.

I would like to refer in a word to another matter, and that is the handsome offer which Mr. Hannah made in proposing to hand over Girvan Mains, Auchincruive, to the agricultural college in the western part of Scotland. I will do everything I can through the Board of Agriculture, and in consultation with the college, to see that that site is utilised to the best advantage. It may well be that it would be possible to develop the Kilmarnock Dairy School, which is confined in its present quarters, by transferring it to such a site. Anything I can do to assist in the utilisation of that gift I shall gladly do.

In conclusion I would like to say one word on the question of the full use of agricultural land in Scotland. Certain statements have been made to-night which no doubt the hon. Members who made them feel are quite justified. One statement was that there is a vast amount of land round large houses in Scotland which is not used to the fullest advantage. That kind of thing may be said and may be believed. I think my own particular case was referred to. I utilise the park round my house to the fullest extent for the raising of stock for agricultural purposes and for no other purpose.

Well, the hon. Member has only got to come to see for himself; he is welcome to come, and so is every other hon. Member, to see exactly how the land is used. Agriculture is not wholly of one type, and unless we keep a certain amount of old pasture for the rearing of young stock, we are not performing a useful agricultural function. I am very anxious to see more people on the land, and am very anxious to see a fuller development of co-operation, but do not let us be so foolish, as to think that we are going to be able to increase to an enormous extent the number of those holdings. There is ample room for expansion in the number of small holdings, but unless that settlement work goes hand-in-hand with other forms of agriculture it is not going to be a real success. We are taking steps to bring more people on to the land by fostering such things as beet cultivation and beet factories. If that is done, in my judgment we shall be doing far more to assist agriculture than we can by making extravagant speeches. I beg to ask leave to withdraw the Motion.

Motion, by leave, withdrawn.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Chairman do report Progress. and ask leave to sit again."—[ Sir J. Gilmour. ]

Is it not a fact, Mr. Chairman, that if Progress be reported before Eleven o'clock, this will not be a Supply day?

Question, "That the Chairman do report Progress and ask leave to sit again," put, and agreed to.

Committee report Progress; to sit again To-morrow.

Criminal Appeal (Scotland) [Money]

Resolution reported,

"That it is expedient to authorise the payment, out of moneys provided by Parliament, of the cost of taking shorthand notes and of making transcripts, in pursuance of any Act of the present Session to amend the Law of Scotland relating to appeal in criminal cases tried on indictment."

Resolution agreed to.

Hairdressers' and Barbers' Shops (Sunday Closing) Bill

Read a Second time, and committed to a Standing Committee.

The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.

Adjournment

Resolved, "That this House do now adjourn."—[ Commander Eyres Monsell. ]

Adjourned accordingly at Five Minutes after Eleven o'Clock.