Skip to main content

Commons Chamber

Volume 213: debated on Wednesday 15 February 1928

House of Commons

Wednesday, February 15, 1928

The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.

Private Business

Accrington Corporation Bill,

Read a Second time, and committed.

Barnet District Gas and Water Bills,

Read a Second time, and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills.

Bognor Urban District Council Bill,

To be read a Second time upon Friday.

Bury and District Joint Water Board Bill,

Caerphilly Urban District Council Bill,

Read a Second time, and committed.

Colne Valley Water Bill,

Read a Second time, and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills.

Coventry Corporation Bill,

Dartmouth Corporation Bill,

Dudley Corporation Bill,

Read a Second time, and committed.

Edinburgh Corporation Bill,

To be read a Second time upon Friday.

Exeter Corporation Bill,

Read a Second time and committed.

Falmouth Water Bill,

To be read a Second time upon Friday.

Great Western Railway (Road Transport) Bill,

To be read a Second time upon Tuesday, 28th February, at half-past Seven of the Clock.

Great Western Railway (Swansea North Dock Abandonment) Bill,

Read a Second time, and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills.

Hastings Corporation Bill,

Read a Second time, and committed.

Leeds and Liverpool Canal Bill,

Read a Second time, and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills.

Llandudno Urban District Council Bill,

To be read a Second time upon Friday.

London and North Eastern Railway (Road Transport) Bill,

To be read a Second time upon Tuesday, 28th February, at half-past Seven of the Clock.

London County Council (General Powers) Bill,

London County Council (Tramway Subway and Improvements) Bill,

Read a Second time, and committed.

London, Midland, and Scottish Railway Bill,

To be read a Second time upon Friday.

London, Midland, and Scottish Railway (Road Transport) Bill,

To be read a Second time upon Tuesday, 28th February, at half-past Seven of the clock.

Mersey Docks and Harbour Board Bill,

To be read a Second time upon Friday.

Metropolitan Railway (Road Transport) Bill,

To be read a Second time upon Tuesday, 28th February, at half-past Seven of the clock.

Middlesex and Surrey (Thames Bridges, etc.) Bill,

Read a Second time, and committed.

Newquay Water Bill,

Read a Second time, and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills.

Oxford Corporation (Water, etc.) Bill,

Read a Second time, and committed.

Regent's Canal and Dock Company (Grand Junction Canal Purchase) Bill,

Regent's Canal and Dock Company (Warwick Canals Purchase) Bill,

Rickmansworth and Uxbridge Valley Water Bill,

Read a Second time, and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills.

Rotherham Corporation Bill,

Scottish Insurance Companies (Superannuation Fund) Bill,

Read a Second time, and committed.

Shropshire, Worcestershire, and Staffordshire Electric Power Bill,

To be read a Second time upon Friday.

South Metropolitan Gas Bill,

South Suburban Gas (Consolidation) Bill,

South West Suburban Water Bill,

Read a Second time, and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills.

Southern Railway (Road Transport) Bill,

To be read a Second time upon Tuesday, 28th February, at half-past Seven of the clock.

Stoke-on-Trent Corporation Bill,

Sunderland Corporation Bill,

Weaver Navigation Bill,

Read a Second time, and committed.

Windermere Gas and Water Bill,

Read a Second time, and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills.

Wolverhampton Corporation Bill, Ystradfellte Water Bill,

Read a Second time, and committed.

Zoological Society of London Bill,

Read a Second time, and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills.

Local Legislation Committee

Ordered, That the Committee of Selection do nominate a Committee, not exceeding Fifteen Members, to be called the Local Legislation Committee, to whom shall be committed all Private Bills promoted by municipal and other local authorities by which it is proposed to create powers relating to Police, Sanitary, or other Local Government regulations in conflict with, deviation from, or excess of the provisions of the general Law:

Ordered, That Standing Orders 124, 150, and 173a apply to all such Bills:

Ordered, That the Committee have power to send for persons, papers, and records:

Ordered, That Four be the quorum:

Ordered, That if the Committee shall report to the Committee of Selection that any Clauses of any Bill referred to them (other than Clauses containing Police, Sanitary, or other Local Government regulations) are such as, having regard to the terms of reference, it is not in their opinion necessary or advisable for them to deal with, the Committee of Selection shall thereupon refer the Bill to a Select Committee, who shall consider those Clauses and so much of the Preamble of the Bill as relates thereto, and shall determine the expenditure (if any) to be authorised in respect of the parts of the Bill referred to them. That the Committee shall deal with the remaining Clauses of such Bill, and so much of the Preamble as relates thereto, and shall determine the period and mode of repayment of any money authorised by the Select Committee to be borrowed and shall report the whole Bill to the House, stating in their Report what parts of the Bill have been considered by each Committee:

Ordered, That the Committee have power, if they so determine, to sit as two Committees, and in that event to apportion the Bills referred to the Committee between the two Committees, each of which shall have the full powers of and be subject to the instructions which apply to the undivided Committee, and that Four be the quorum of each of the two Committees.—[ Lieut.-Colonel Sir Vivian Henderson. ]

Oral Answers to Questions

Egypt

Discussions

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he has anything to report to this House with regard to the negotiations between His Majesty's Government and the Government of Egypt?

Discussions are still in progress in Cairo. I hope, however, that they will be concluded in the near future, and that I shall then be in a position to lay papers or make a statement.

Telegraph and Telephone Services (British Officials)

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether the British officials connected with the telephone service in Egypt have been dismissed; if so, by whom these posts have been filled?

No reports have reached me of any recent dismissals of British officials from the Telegraphs and Telephones Administration in Egypt. I understand, however, that the Deputy-Inspector-General of the Administration has recently resigned his post to take up work elsewhere.

Not that I know of, but I should have to have notice of that question.

Is this a case in which contracts for upwards of £1,000,000 for telephone apparatus have been placed recently by the Egyptian Government with Sweden?

That question is entirely outside the scope of the hon. Member's first question.

Great Britain and United States (War Renunciation)

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether, in addition to the draft of a new treaty of arbitration between His Majesty's Government and the United States of America, the Government of the United States of America has also made to His Majesty's Government any proposals for a declaration dealing with the renunciation of war as an instrument of national policy, on the lines of the proposals made to the Government of France?

The preamble of the draft Treaty of Arbitration communicated to His Majesty's Government contains a clause condemning war as an instrument of policy in the mutual relations of the two countries. The United States Government have also communicated to His Majesty's Government for consideration only their draft for a Pact of Perpetual Friendship with France.

I cannot say what action will be taken, but the whole subject is under very careful consideration.

May we take it that this submission to us of the proposed treaty between France and America will be taken into consideration during the negotiations connected with our treaty with America, so that it may at any rate be embodied in our new treaty?

Would a treaty signed with America be deposited with the League of Nations as a treaty with any other country?

International Opium Convention

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether the International Opium Convention, signed at Geneva in February, 1925, has yet come into force; and, if not, how many ratifications are still required before the Convention becomes operative?

The Convention is not yet in force, as three out of the necessary seven ratifications by members of the Council of the League are still lacking.

Have the Government any idea when they will come up to sign—the three members that are lacking? Have the Government any knowledge whether or not they mean to ratify?

It is no particular three countries; three more signatories, three more ratifications, are necessary, and we are doing our best to encourage other countries to follow our example.

United States (British Immigrants)

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he has any information as to an increase in the quota of British immigrants into the United States of America; and, if so, when he anticipates that the increase will become operative?

I have seen some paragraphs in the Press on this subject, but at present I have no further information.

Is it possible to find out whether this is the proposal of the Government and whether it is likely to be accepted?

I think probably a despatch from Sir Esmé Howard, our Ambassador at Washington, is already on its way.

Would not the Government encourage an arrangement with Canada rather than with the United States?

May I have an answer to my question? I suppose there is no doubt we would welcome any change in this direction?

I must wait until we see exactly what the Bill is. We have no official information as to what the proposals are.

Persia (Islands of Bahrein)

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he can give any information as to certain demands by the Persian Government and, in particular, as to their claims on Bahrein?

The Persian Government protested some weeks ago against the terms of the Treaty of Jeddah between Great Britain and the Hejaz, on the ground that the reference in that treaty to the Islands of Bahrein is contrary to the territorial integrity of Persia. His Majesty's Government are unaware of any valid ground on which the Persian Government could base a claim to sovereignty over these islands and have explained this to the Persian Government.

Is that the only matter at present outstanding with the Persian Government, or are they piling up claims?

No, there are various important questions the subject of negotiation at the present moment.

Is there also any outstanding dispute in regard to the British demand for liberating Sheik Hazaal and installing him in supreme power in a province where the Persian Government find his activities most obnoxious?

Greece (Sir Frederick Halliday)

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether Sir Frederick Halliday is remaining in Greece in charge of the town police; and whether the powers of which he was deprived by the Pangalos Government have yet been restored?

Sir Frederick Halliday's contract was renewed last July for a further period of two years. The extent of the powers of the British Police Mission is, I believe, receiving friendly consideration from the Greek Government.

Disarmament (Soviet Proposal)

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he is aware that the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics have decided to send a delegate to attend meetings of the Security Committee of the League of Nations; and, in view of this, will he state his attitude to the Soviet proposal for a complete disarmament for all nations, in order to enable the committee to achieve useful results?

I understand that the Soviet Government have declined representation on the Security Committee, although they have an- nounced their intention to send an observer. The proposal to which the hon. Member refers was made at the Preparatory Committee on Disarmament, and must be discussed there if that committee desires to discuss it further. On the merits of the proposal I have nothing to add to what was said by the Prime Minister on the 5th of December.

Royal Navy

Construction Programme

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty, with reference to the five years' building programme, what changes are to be made; what vessels of all kinds have been built up to date; what vessels it is still proposed to build; and where?

I would refer the hon. Member to the official statement published in the Press on the 21st of January, as to the changes to be made in the five years' building programme, of which the terms were as follow:—

"The Cabinet have now completed their review of the New Construction Programme for the years 1927–29, and have decided that in addition to the deletion, already announced, of two of the three cruisers belonging to the present financial year, the programme as set forth in the White Paper of 27th July, 1925, shall be further modified by omitting one of the three cruisers intended to be begun in the financial year 1928. Three cruisers in all have therefore been reduced from the full programme. The type of the two cruisers to be begun at the end of the financial year 1928 is not yet finally settled."

Besides the three cruisers thus omitted, four motor launches were omitted from the 1926 programme and two minesweepers were added to the 1927 programme. I am not yet in a position to say what will be the allocation of the vessels to be laid down in 1928 and 1929.

Will the right hon. Gentleman bear in mind the necessity for building some of these vessels in His Majesty's dockyards, and is he aware of the disappointment that is felt because the destroyers and submarines recently ordered have been placed with private firms, with the exception of one submarine?

The hon. Member knows perfectly well what my views are; I have expressed them over and over again, and I will do what I can.

Is it not more customary to make a statement of this kind in the form of a White Paper instead of through the newspapers?

Ships (Breaking Up)

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he is now in a position to find space in His Majesty's dockyards for the breaking up of obsolete ships; and whether any estimate is being made of the number of dockyard men this work would employ and of the amount of money that would thereby be saved?

I have nothing to add to the reply given to the hon. Member's question on the 17th November last (OFFICIAL REPORT, cols. 1127–28).

In view of the unemployment in the dockyards, has the right hon. Gentleman made any further inquiries into the possibility of employing the men in the dockyards for this work?

I do not know what other new facts can be brought to my notice, but if there are any, I shall be glad to inquire into them, but I know no new circumstances that have arisen.

Cannot the right hon. Gentleman look into this question, for soon after the War it came before the Admiralty and the work was given to private firms, some of whom failed and some of whom made a good deal of money in snip-breaking?

My hon. friend has not realised that the date when I gave my last answer was 17th November last, so that it has been considered very recently.

Steamship "Laurentic" (Gold Salvage)

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty the amount of the special grant paid for salvage work in connection with the salving of gold from the wreck of the "Laurentic," sunk on 25th January, 1917, off Lough Swilly?

The sums paid as bonus to the officers and crew of the Salvage Vessel "Racer" during the seven years of work amounted in all to £6,739 3s. 4d., as my hon. Friend the Member for Abingdon (Major Glyn) was informed on 10th February, 1926 (OFFICIAL REPORT, col. 1027.)

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty if he will reconsider the claim of Commander Unsworth, D.S.O., D.S.C., R.N.R., for an award for special services rendered in locating the wreck of the "Laurentic," sunk on 25th January, 1917, off Lough Swilly?

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he will reconsider the decision conveyed to the Imperial Merchant Service Guild in their letter of the 21st January, 1925, and grant to Commander G. Unsworth, Royal Naval Reserve, some recognition of his services in locating the wreck of His Majesty's Ship "Laurentic," in view of the fact that the exposure and hardship undergone in that service involved serious consequences to his health and was essential to the salvage operations which were subsequently successfully carried out?

This claim was fully considered by the Board of Admiralty over seven years ago, and I can find no warrant for the present Board to modify the decision then made.

Would the First Lord of the Admiralty receive a deputation of Members of this House who are interested in this question, and who do think that it has not had proper consideration?

I cannot accept the proposal of my hon. Friend unless he is prepared to produce new facts which were not present to the Board of Admiralty when they reached their decision.

Welfare Conferences

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty when it is proposed to hold the 1928 Naval Welfare Conference, and at which port?

Orders were issued on the 10th instant for the 1928 Welfare Conferences to be held at an early date. The dates for the first meetings will be fixed by the Commanders-in-Chief. The Central Port meetings will be held at Chatham.

Will the right hon. Gentleman see that at this conference the Fleet is more widely represented than it was at the last, and that representation is not confined to those who happen to be in home ports?

I have not had any complaints about the representation, and I should like to know what the complaints are.

Greenwich Hospital School

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty what rent it is intended to pay to the Greenwich Hospital Fund for the occupation of the Royal Hospital School buildings at Greenwich when the school is transferred to the new site?

General Mess System

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he is aware that, on page 22a of the Navy Estimates for the year 1927, it is stated that men of the Royal Navy in receipt of ordinary pay are entitled as part of their emoluments to a free supply of necessary food or to allowances in lieu; and will he state whether the victualling allowance of 1s. 4½d. per head paid to the paymaster-commander in charge of a general mess for ratings compulsorily messed under that scheme is an emolument or not, seeing that all surplus cash from a general mess is regarded as the property of the Government although the emoluments from which it arises are the property of the men?

The answer to the first part of my hon. Friend's question is in the affirmative. With reference to the second part of his question, the general mess system provides a free supply of necessary food, the complete messing being undertaken by the Admiralty, as stated on page 22a of the Navy Estimates quoted by my hon. Friend. No allowance is paid to the accountant officer in charge of general messing, and the question of any allowance forming an emolument under this system does not, therefore, arise.

Hospital Accommodation, Portsmouth

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty what number of patients can be accommodated in the naval hospitals in the Portsmouth district; what is the average number of patients in residence; up this accommodation?

As the reply is rather a long one containing a number of figures, I will, with my hon. and gallant Friend's permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

May I draw the right hon. Gentleman's attention to the fact that I have asked for only three figures?

There are three figures for each of the three years, but I will read the answer it hon. Members wish.

No!

Following is the reply:

The only naval hospital in the Portsmouth district is the Royal Naval Hospital, Haslar, Gosport.

The total peace accommodation of Royal Naval Hospital, Haslar, is:

Officers

88

Men

1,059

The average number of cases daily under treatment during the last three years was:

1927

386

1926

381

1925

338

The annual cost of the hospital during the last three years (ending 30th September in each case) was as follows:

£

1926–1927

105,419

1925–1926

106,406

1924–1925

104,377

Personnel and Admiralty Staff

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty what was the number of the staff employed at the Admiralty in 1914 prior to the War; what is the num- ber now; and what is the sea-going strength as regards personnel of the Navy now compared with 1914?

The numbers are as follow:

I should like to add that the reasons for the increase of Admiralty staff have been fully explained in my answer to the hon. Member for Central Nottingham (Mr. Bennett) on the 18th November, 1925 (OFFICIAL REPORT, Columns 358–364), and that the Select Committee on Estimates, of which my hon. and gallant Friend is himself a member, has declared that comparisons between the numbers of staff at the Admiralty and the numbers of Naval personnel, in 1914 and at the present time, are misleading.

Can my right hon. Friend say whether those figures include both naval and civilian staff at the Admiralty?

Floods, Deptford (Compensation)

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty if he has received representations from the Deptford Borough Council regarding the collapse of the wall of the Royal Victoria Victualling Yard during the night of the 7th of January, which resulted in the flooding of 150 houses and the ruination of the homes of 200 families; whether the council's representations as to the granting of some compensation to the sufferers have been considered; and, if so, the result?

Representations have been received from the Deptford Borough Council regarding the collapse of the boundary wall of the Royal Victoria Victualling Yard on 7th January as a result of the Thames floods, and the council are being informed that the Admiralty are unable to accept any liability in the matter.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the London County Council have made allowances to their tenants, and ought not the Government at least to act up to the standard of a local government authority?

I am not aware that the people referred to in the question are our tenants. Perhaps somebody will compensate the Admiralty for what they have lost.

Films (Production and Assistance)

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty what, if any, films are now being made with the assistance of the Admiralty whereby the use of ships and materials are being granted to the film-producing companies by the Government; and what percentage of the profits derived from the exhibition of these films will be received by the Admiralty for their assistance?

As regards the first part of the question, facilities have not been given for any further films beyond those detailed in my reply of 14th December (OFFICIAL REPORT, Column 2324.) I would again state that the actual percentage of the profits agreed in each case cannot be divulged.

On what grounds of public policy cannot the House of Commons know what profits are made out of these contracts?

I should have thought that the hon. Member, as a business man, realised that it is not a business custom to divulge such matters.

Is it not a fact that only one company has the right to make these films and other films, and that other companies have not the same facilities?

Will the hon. and gallant Gentleman say whether the Admiralty make these contracts directly with the film companies or whether some central body is charged with making the contracts for all Government Depart- ments, and whether the conditions are the same for each Department?

I should prefer notice of that question, but, so far as I know, the Admiralty makes its own contracts.

Will the hon. and gallant Gentleman represent to his Department that it is very undesirable that in these naval films there should be any representation of ships which sail under false colours?

asked the Secretary of State for Air if the provisions laid down by the Air Council have been carried out which stipulate that the personnel taking part in any film production shall, in addition, be paid by the film-producing companies at current civilian rates; if so, what amounts have accordingly been paid; and how much each man has received?

The Air Council have laid down no stipulation of the kind suggested in the first part of the question, and the remaining parts do not, therefore, arise.

Unemployment

Courts of Referees

asked the Minister of Labour if he intends making any new members of the courts of referees in the city of Glasgow; if so, how many; and the number of workmen's representatives he intends appointing and by what method he intends selecting them?

It is intended to increase the panels of the courts of referees in Glasgow, but it is not yet possible to say definitely how many additional members will be required. The Act requires that the number of workpeople's representatives shall be equal to that of employers'. In accordance with the usual practice, the appropriate Local Employment Committee will be asked to make recommendations.

Does the right hon. Gentleman intend to consult any of the trade unions, as representatives of the workmen, in order that he may select names to be submitted?

I have no doubt that there will be consultation with the local employment committee, which includes workmen's representatives.

asked the Minister of Labour if he intends increasing the number of chairmen of the courts of referees throughout the country; if so, by how many; if he intends to advertise, publicly, the vacancies; and, if not, what method of selection he intends adopting?

It is proposed to increase the number of chairmen of courts of referees, but it is not possible yet to say how many additional chairmen will be required. It has been the practice in the past to make these appointments in England and Wales after consulting the County Court Judges or, in certain cases, the Attorney-General, and, in Scotland, the Secretary of State; in view of the character of the posts and qualifications desired it is proposed to continue this practice.

Does that mean that these posts will be filled exclusively by men with legal competence.

I do not know that that is a sine qua non, but the possession of some legal experience is very often a great help in a post which is quasi judicial.

Will the right hon. Gentleman take into consideration that there are people who have been taking an active part in this work for many years and understand it thoroughly, even though they have not legal qualifications, and that they would be suitable?

Will the right hon. Gentleman say by what method anyone who wishes to be appointed can make approaches so that his name may be considered?

I do not know that there is any special avenue of approach. If anyone likes to write to me, I will see that his letter is not neglected.

Would it not be better, instead of applying to the county court Judges for nominations, to apply to some of the local bodies?

Seeing that the appointment is vested in the right hon. Gentleman, why does he not take the responsibility for the appointment, and not throw it on to somebody else?

Training Centres

asked the Minister of Labour if he intends to set up in the City of Glasgow a training centre similar to the one now operating in the northeast district of England; and, if so, when it is proposed to start operations?

I regret that I do not see my way at present to provide more training centres similar to that at Wallsend beyond those already in existence or in contemplation. Opportunities for training at the Wallsend Centre are, however, given to men from Glasgow and elsewhere in Scotland, of whom there are a number already at the centre; and in order to help them to pay for lodgings an allowance of 5s. a week is granted in addition to unemployment benefit.

In view of the large number of men in the City of Glasgow who for a number of years have been unable to find work and are now existing practically on Poor Law relief, will the right hon. Gentleman not take this suggestion into consideration, seeing that premises were inspected in the Govan and Springburn districts some time ago?

No, Sir. When the question of Scotland came up, I had the claims of Scotland very thoroughly considered by my advisers, and on the whole we came to the conclusion that the existing distribution was fairest, so far as we could see, under all the circumstances, and I cannot press the matter further.

Do I understand from that that Scotland is to get no training centre, and that the City of Glasgow is to be left untouched?

I cannot help what inference the hon. Member draws, but what is important is whether the people who are suitable for that training get it, and I have already indicated that provision is made for that.

Are we to understand that this training centre at Wallsend is sufficient to accommodate all those whom the Minister says are suitable?

asked the Minister of Labour the reasons for the placing of the training centre for young men from depressed industrial areas at Dudley and Birmingham rather than in places in closer proximity to those areas?

Suitable Government buildings were available at Dudley and Birmingham, and both time and money were saved by using them in preference to acquiring new buildings elsewhere. Moreover, practical experience has shown that men for whom work is not available near their homes find employment after training more readily, if the training centre is in an area where employment is reasonably good.

Are we to understand that these training centres will be increased in number in order to deal with the present problem?

There have been two extensions, as the hon. Member will know, one at Dudley, and the other at Bristol.

Central Committee of Women's Employment (Grant)

asked the Minister of Labour whether he is making a grant this next financial year to the Central Committee of Womens' Employment; and, if so, the amount of the grant?

I am glad to say arrangements have been made to give the Central Committee next year a grant of £60,000.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say how that compares with the grant to the same Committee in 1924?

No, I cannot say as to 1924. As regards last year, it is an increase of £10,000, this increase being made specially for the purpose of giving additional help in mining areas.

As £10,000 more has been given on account of the distress in the South Wales area, I would like to ask the Minister whether he is aware of the distress in the North of England and whether he is proposing to give anything to that area?

Considering what great good this committee has done and seeing that it is the only committee dealing with unemployed women, does not the Minister think that the Government might give even a larger sum, and will he in pressing for the grant remind the Chancellor of the Exchequer that there are going to be a good many women voters in the next election?

I will make an inquiry with reference to the statement of the hon. Member for Spennymoor (Mr. Batey) and as to whether it is confined to any particular areas, and, if the hon. Member will put down a question, I will let him know. As regards what has been said by the Noble Lady, in the first place this is a most excellent institution, but it is a question of how far money can be spared for many excellent objects which exist. In this case women, in proportion to the amount of unemployment and as compared with training institutions, do not get an unfair share, and I am sure the Noble Lady would be the last to suggest unworthy motives for increasing the grant.

Is it not true that since women have had the vote we have had many more—

Benefit Disallowed

asked the Minister of Labour the number of girls who were refused unemployment benefit at the Cradley Heath Employment Exchange during December, 1927, and January, 1928, on the ground that suitable employment was available; and the names of the firms at which such employment was available and the number of cases refused in connection with each firm?

Statistics giving the information asked for are not available. During the period referred to there was one case only in which a girl was refused extended benefit at this Exchange on the ground that she was not making reasonable efforts to obtain employment.

asked the Minister of Labour whether his attention has been called to the refusal, on 1st February, 1928, of both unemployment benefit and old age pension, although over 65 years of age, to John Harbron, 44, Montrose Street, Darlington, although he was an insured person under the National Health and Unemployment Insurance Acts from their inception until 1917, when he became exempt owing to promotion in his employment, but was again insured from November, 1923, until March, 1926, owing to his being reduced in status, and casually employed since the latter date until 31st January, 1928; and whether he will consider amendments to the Unemployment Insurance Acts so that a man with such a record, and of such an age, would be able to draw unemployment benefits if debarred from receiving an old age pension?

As Mr. Harbron is stated to be over 65 years of age, he is ineligible for unemployment benefit and any question as to his right to draw an old age pension should be addressed to my right hon. Friend the Minister of Health.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say how many cases there are throughout the country similar to this one?

Can the right hon. Gentleman give any advice as to what a man in those circumstances should do when he is denied both unemployment benefit and the old age pension?

Juvenile Employment Centres (Scotland)

asked the Minister of Labour how many juvenile training centres have been, or are being, established in Scotland, and at what places?

Thirty-one juvenile unemployment centres (20 for boys and 11 for girls) are open in the following places in Scotland; Aberdeen, Edinburgh, Glasgow, Greenock and Motherwell. The centre for boys at Motherwell covers a wide area, including Hamilton, Wishaw and other mining districts. I understand that the establishment of additional centres at Hamilton (for girls), Coatbridge and Airdrie is under consideration by the education authority.

Statistics

asked the Minister of Labour how many boys and girls, respectively, have taken out unemployment insurance cards for the first time in the last six months; and how they compare with the number who attained the age of 16 during that period?

During the six months August, 1927, to January, 1928, new applications for unemployment books were made by 162,786 boys and 128,519 girls aged 16 and 17 in Great Britain. Separate figures are not available in respect of boys and girls aged 16 but it may be estimated that the numbers who took out books at this age were approximately 140,000 boys and 112,500 girls or 70 per cent. and 56 per cent. respectively of the total numbers of those reaching the age of 16.

Aged Workers

asked the Minister of Labour to what extent the unemployed live register is affected by the operation of the Widows', Orphans' and Old Age Contributory Pensions Act, 1925, under which persons aged 65 and over are no longer entitled to unemployment benefit?

It is estimated that, owing to the operation of this Act, about 25,000 persons aged 65 and over have ceased to register on the registers of the Employment Exchanges. Of this total it may, I think, be assumed that a certain number have retired from work, but I have no statistics showing how many have retired and how many are seeking work and still unemployed.

May I ask if the figures can be given weekly in the Ministry of Labour Gazette, of those people of the age of 65 who are working and those who are not working?

I am afraid that is not possible. If it were, I should be glad to do it.

Is there any advantage in these people continuing to register when they get no benefit?

I always encourage everybody to register if possible. What I am anxious to do is to develop the side of the Exchanges in which positions are got for people in order that they may act as a real Exchange.

Is it a fact that persons over 65 are now permitted to register and are given facilities to be engaged?

London Dock Workers

asked the Minister of Labour if he will give the statistics of unemployment among London dock workers at the end of 1926 and the corresponding figures for the end of 1927?

The number of persons classified as belonging to the canal, river, dock and harbour service who were recorded as unemployed in Greater London at 20th December, 1926, was 7,080, or 15.4 per cent. of the estimated number of insured workpeople. The corresponding figures for 19th December, 1927, were 7,148, or 16.1 per cent.

I do not think so, but I should require notice of the question in order to be quite certain.

Farm Employment, Dominions (Training)

asked the Minister of Labour what is the number of men and boys who are at present undergoing training in agriculture in this country with a view to becoming farmers in the Dominions?

At the two centres administered by my Department 380 men are now undergoing training with a view to farm employment in the Dominions. I have no information as to the number of men and boys in training for farm work overseas at other institutions or centres.

I am not sure that I can do that comprehensively, but if there is any item which I can obtain I shall gladly send it on to the hon. Member.

Judging from the experiments which have been made, can the right hon. Gentleman say how long the training takes?

Inquiries are being made, but, as regards the latest figures, I will let the hon. Gentleman know.

Has the Minister of Labour seen a statement made by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Hillhead (Sir R. Horne) who, after having seen some of the conditions obtaining where some of these emigrants have gone, stated that the greatest care should be taken before any more are sent out?

Displaced Dockyard EmployéS

asked the Prime Minister whether the Industrial Transfer Board can be charged with the finding of alternative work for employés displaced in His Majesty's dockyards; and, if not, whether he can see that this or some similar committee is appointed to find employment for these men?

I have been asked to reply. The usual sources of assistance are available in this class of case, and I do not think it would be possible to single it out for special assistance.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that nothing whatever is done to find work for displaced dockyard employés, who live in towns where there is no alternative work? If something of this kind is being done for the miners, ought it not to be done for servants of the State, in the case of whom it would be perfectly easy to do it?

The hon. Member is mistaken. Efforts have been and are continually being made by the Employment Exchanges to see where work is available, not necessarily in the same town, but in others. It would be impossible to single out one class like this in order to put it under the Industrial Transference Board without creating difficulties and anomalies.

Trade Boards Act

asked the Minister of Labour what standard he adopts for determining the extent and degree of underpayment necessary in any trade to justify the establishment of a trade board?

I do not think it is possible to specify a standard for this purpose. Each case in which evidence of underpayment is advanced is examined upon its merits, and before a decision is reached regard is had to the degree of organisation in the trade, the extent to which the low wages prevail, and the relative level of such wages in respect of those paid in comparable trades, if any.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that certain large scale employers are in favour of setting up trade boards in the catering industry, and does he not know that some of the wages paid are absolutely shocking?

I can only say, speaking from memory, that when I looked into the case in question I did so in very great detail, and I examined a great number of individual cases in order to try and reach a conclusion. In view of the points I have mentioned, I think that, on the whole, the conclusion I have drawn is one which was justified.

Does the right hon. Gentleman agree that the policy of the Government is not to set up any more trade boards, no matter what evidence is brought before him?

Washington Hours Convention

asked the Minister of Labour whether the Government is prepared at an early date to ratify the Washington Eight Hours Convention?

I would refer the hon. Member to the statement made by my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister on Monday last.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the Prime Minister seemed to imply that there was no possibility of the Convention being ratified?

If the hon. Member will read the Prime Minister's statement, he will see what his reply was.

Is the Minister of Labour not aware that the Prime Minister held out no hope, and can he state when we shall know definitely?

Empire Airships (Mooring Masts)

asked the Secretary of State for Air what progress has been made by the Dominion Governments for the erection of standard mooring masts for the use of Empire airships?

His Majesty's Government in Canada have selected a site for a mooring mast base at St. Hubert, Montreal, and work is now in progress there. The head of the tower is being ordered by the Air Ministry on behalf of the Canadian Government, but the rest of the structure and the equipment are being ordered in Canada. His Majesty's Government in the Union of South Africa have not yet decided which of four possible sites should be selected. They have asked the Air Ministry to order the whole of the equipment necessary, and the masthead has already been ordered. A contract for the tower structure and machinery will be placed when the site has been selected.

Can my hon. Friend say if there are any other Dominions which have promised to erect these mooring masts, and what steps have been taken in that direction? Can he say how far the Union of South Africa has gone?

As I have said in my answer, in the case of the Union of South Africa the masthead has been already ordered.

Royal Air Force

Motor Cars

asked the Secretary of State for Air whether any motor cars and chassis of foreign design have recently been ordered for the use of his Department; and, if so, whether he will explain why it was found impossible to use British motor cars and chassis for the purpose?

asked the Secretary of State for Air whether a number of Ford vehicles have recently been purchased by the Royal Air Force, whether he will state the last date of purchase of vehicles from the Ford company; and whether in future purchases for the Air Force British vehicles will be given preference?

There have been no purchases of cars and chassis of foreign design since last June, when a number of Ford vehicles were ordered, but I should like to make it quite clear that this was not a case of the purchase of a foreign product, since practically the whole of the manufacture and assembly was, in fact, British. Improved types of vehicles have been under trial, and have proved satisfactory for the purposes for which Ford vehicles have hitherto been required, and it is anticipated that future orders will be for these improved types, which are of British design as well as manufacture.

Do I understand that the situation is not expected to arise again when it will be necessary to import cars rather than use cars of completely British design and manufacture?

Is it not the case that these cars were only ordered for experimental purposes?

Cadets, Cranwell (Cost)

asked the Secretary of State for Air the net cost per annum of a cadet at Cranwell for the last two years?

I would refer my hon. and gallant Friend to the detailed statement given at pages 59a and 59b of the Air Estimates, 1927, where information regarding the cost of a cadet at Cranwell will be found. The figure there given, £585, which was a reduction of £30 on the previous figure, viz., £615, will, it is expected, again be slightly reduced during the financial year 1928. Particulars will be given in the forthcoming Air Estimates.

Is my hon. Friend aware that these figures compare very unfavourably with those of Sandhurst and Woolwich, and that it costs about twice as much to train a boy at Cranwell as it does to train a university student on the commercial side?

Can the hon. Gentleman tell us how many miners' boys are at Cranwell?

Will the hon. Gentleman draw the attention of the President of the Board of Education to the standard demanded in the Army, with a view to the same standard being demanded for those who are being trained for civilian life?

Rubber Export Restriction Scheme

asked the Prime Minister whether either the Colonial Office or the advisory committee or representatives of the rubber-producing industry were consulted before the issue of the recent announcement about the rubber restriction scheme?

asked the Prime Minister whether the advisory committee on the Stevenson restriction scheme was consulted before the announcement was issued that the scheme was to be referred to the Committee of Civil Research; and, if so, can he give the names of the members of the Committee and the procedure as regards evidence which will be followed?

Before any announcement was made the Colonial Office informed the advisory committee confidentially that the Government had decided to examine the rubber restriction scheme. Neither the Committee nor the industry could properly have been consulted at that stage, but full opportunities will be given to representatives of all branches of the industry to place their views before the Committee. It is not the practice to give particulars of the composition and procedure of Cabinet Committees.

asked the Prime Minister whether, with regard to the reference to the Civil Research Committee of the question of rubber restriction, he is prepared to make a more detailed statement on the whole position than has hitherto been given, in order to prevent violent fluctuations in the price of the commodity and harmful uncertainty in the great British rubber plantation industry?

I regret that I am unable to add anything to the reply which I gave on Monday last to a question on this subject by my hon. Friend the Member for Streatham (Sir W. Lane Mitchell).

Is not the right hon. Gentleman aware that the statements which have been given on this matter create an impression—possibly quite an erroneous one—that in some way by Government action this great industry is going to be prejudiced, and can we be assured that the Government will not, by any act of their own, do anything which is likely to cause distress to what is a very great, British industry?

That is the last thing that the Government wish to do, and, when they have to form their opinion en the Report of the Committee, they will give every consideration to the industry.

Is it not a fact that the possibility of a sudden change in the present arrangement may cost the Treasury a great deal of money during this year?

Yes, I am familiar with that point, and that, of course, will be watched.

Divorce Decrees (Poor Persons)

asked the Attorney-General whether he will consider introducing amending legislation to enable poor persons to be supplied with a certified copy of the decree absolute free of all cost under the regulations and rules governing the Poor Persons' Divorce Act?

No, Sir. A certified copy of a decree absolute is not required for any step in the proceeding. Under the Rules with respect to litigation by and against poor persons, any person admitted as a poor person is relieved from the payment of any Court fee, but this exemption does not extend to relieve him from the payment of fees in respect of matters which are not relevant or necessary for the purposes of the action or other proceeding.

Can the Attorney-General say whether it is necessary for poor persons to get a certified copy before they can enter into marriage again?

I think that if a poor person wanted to re-marry he would have to get a certificate, but, no doubt, if he wanted to re-marry, he would not grudge the necessary fee.

Contributory Pensions Act

asked the Minister of Health how many persons have been refused widows' pensions in England and Wales up to and including 31st January, 1928, and the principal reasons for the disallowances?

It is desirable to distinguish between rejections of claims made by the widows of men who died before the commencement of the Act and those made by the widows of men who died thereafter. Up to 2nd February, 1928, there were 40,127 rejections in the former category, and 12,366 in the latter. The principal reasons for rejection were, in the case of the former (1) that there was no child under 14 years of age, and (2) that the husband did not belong to the insurable class; and, in the case of the latter (1) that the husband was not an insured person at the date of his death, and (2) that the required number of contributions had not been paid by or in respect of him.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that there is a great feeling in the country that some of these difficulties ought to be overcome, and are any steps being taken to find a practical means of doing so?

I would refer the hon. Member to the replies which have been given both by the Prime Minister and by the Minister of Health. I am afraid that some cases of this kind are bound to arise in the first stages of a contributory scheme.

Are any steps being taken by the Ministry to put before the Government the hardships of these border-line cases, and will any action be taken, in view of the great feeling that there is in the country in regard to them?

I would ask the hon. Member to consult the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George), who, I think, will tell him that in any great insurance scheme of a contributory nature there are bound at first to be a number of border-line cases.

Is not the right hon. Gentleman aware that the action taken on these benches with regard to the present Act has been totally different from that taken by Members on the benches opposite in regard to the previous Act?

asked the Minister of Health what were the amounts contributed towards the Widows', Orphans' and Old Age Pensions Fund by the State, the employers, and the workpeople, respectively, for the years 1926 and 1927?

The respective amounts contributed under the Widows, Orphans' and Old Age Contributory Pensions Act from 4th January, 1926, to 31st March, 1927, were approximately, as follow:

Has it not been the policy of the Government to relieve industry of these burdens, and do they propose to bring in legislation to transfer the burden of the Widows' and Orphans' Pension Fund to national taxation?

Are the employers' contribution debited to costs of production or not? The employers actually pay nothing out of their own pockets.

asked the Secretary of State for Scotland how many applications for widows' pensions have been refused in Scotland up to and including 31st January, 1928, and the principal reasons for the disallowances?

As the answer is long and contains a number of figures, I propose, with the hon. Member's permission to circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Are the "principal reasons" in the second part of the question included in the answer?

I think the hon. Member will see that I have answered his question.

Following is the answer:

Up to the 2nd February, 1928, the number of applications for widows' pensions under the Contributory Pensions Act that had been refused in Scotland was 7,073. Of these, 5,597 were in respect of claims received from the widows of men who died before the commencement of the Act and 1,476 from the widows of men who died thereafter. The principal reasons for disallowance of the 5,597 applications in the former category were that the statutory conditions were not satisfied as regards 63.5 per cent. of the total owing to the absence of dependent children; as regards a further 26.5 per cent. owing to the normal occupation of the deceased husband at the time of death not having been of an insurable kind; while, as regards the bulk of the remaining 10 per cent., pension was refused because the applicant had remarried or was already in receipt of a service dependant's pension. The grounds for the disallowance of pension in the 1,476 cases in the latter category were, as regards 49 per cent., that the deceased husband had not been insured; as regards 41 per cent., that the husband was over 70 at the commencement of the Act and there were no children under 14; while the remaining 10 per cent. were refused on miscellaneous grounds, including the failure of the husband to satisfy the residential test imposed by the Act.

Labour Colony, Hollesley Bay

asked the Minister of Health whether he has come to any decision as to the future use of the Hollesley Bay Labour Colony, at present under the control of the Central Unemployed Body; whether he is aware that at present the colony is used as an able-bodied workhouse to which all sorts and conditions of men suffering from mental and physical infirmities are sent; and whether, in view of the waste involved in such proceedings, he will expedite arrangements for transferring this establishment to the control of the Minister of Labour?

The Hollesley Bay Colony is the property of the Central (Unemployed) Body for London. I am aware that it is at present occupied by able-bodied recipients of relief sent to the colony by metropolitan boards of guardians. The physical and mental standard of these men may not always be of the first class, but I should hesitate to accept the hon. Member's general description of them. As regards the last part of the question, I understand that, in view of the enlargements of the training centres controlled by his Department, my right hon. Friend the Minister of Labour does not at present contemplate the opening of any new centre.

Has the right hon. Gentleman studied the Report of two of the Ministry's inspectors who visited this colony, and is he not aware that the statements contained in my question are contained in the Report of the Ministry's own inspectors; and does he not consider the condition of affairs disgraceful?

No, Sir; I do not think the hon. Gentleman appreciates the steps that are being taken by the Government, as indicated in the last part of my reply.

Is not the right hon. Gentleman aware that his own inspectors have condemned the arrangements at this colony, and is it not time that his own Department put its house in order, and saw that these places were managed in a decent manner?

Will the right hon. Gentleman lay on the Table of the House the Report of his own two inspectors on the conditions of this colony?

That is another question altogether, and one of which I should require notice.

Land Drainage (Grants)

asked the Minister of Agriculture if he will give the amount of the grants to drainage authorities made to the present date from the sum of £1,000,000 allocated for the five years beginning April, 1926?

The total amount of the grants payable in respect of schemes so far approved is estimated at £341,000.

Does the Minister expect an increase in the grants in the coming year owing to applications due to the recent flooding?

Does the right hon. Gentleman think all the necessary drainage has been done that is required out of the small sum that has been spent?

No. We should like to be able to spend more, but we have to have regard to the need for public economy.

Elementary Schools (Manufacturers' Advertisements)

asked the President of the Board of Education whether his attention has been drawn to the practice of certain manufacturers advertising nationally through the schools by means of competitions and the issue of literature; and whether such advertising is carried out with the approval of the Board of Education?

My attention has been drawn to attempts of this kind. I strongly deprecate any attempt to use the schools as a medium for the advertisement of any particular firm or its products. The matter is primarily one for the local authorities, and, judging by the cases which have come to my notice, I have every reason to think that they entirely share the view which I have expressed.

Trade and Commerce

Imports and Exports

asked the President of the Board of Trade the increase or decrease in exports of the various articles safeguarded under the Safeguarding of Industries Act or under the so-called McKenna duties, or of silk goods from November, 1924, or from the imposition of a duty to the present date, as also the increase or decrease of imports of such articles during the same period?

My right hon. Friend is having a statement prepared, and he will circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT as soon as it is ready.

Export Credits (Russia)

asked the Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department whether he is aware that orders placed in Great Britain by the trading organisations of the Soviet Government for the period October to December, 1927, amounted to only £1,135,948 and that the orders placed by these institutions for the corresponding period in 1926 amounted to £5,109,523; and whether, with a view to fostering British exports to Russia, the Government will now extend the provisions of the export guarantee scheme to British-Russian trade?

I have no information regarding the value of the orders placed in this country during the periods named by the trading organisations of the Soviet Union. The answer to the second part of the question is in the negative.

If I supply the hon. and gallant Gentleman with information, will he give the matter consideration?

Broadcasting (Topical Subjects)

asked the Postmaster-General whether, in view of the desirability of including in broadcast programmes authoritative expressions of opinion upon topical matters of public interest and of the known desire of the British Broadcasting Corporation for greater discretion in this direction, he can make any statement as to the Government's intentions?

This question is under consideration, but I am not yet in a position to state the Government's intentions.

Apart from the general question of this kind of broadcasting from places outside the House, is the question of broadcasting the Budget speech under consideration?

Electricity Generating Station, Battersea

asked the Minister of Transport the date or dates on which notice was given to the Royal Borough of Kensington and the Borough of Chelsea, respectively, as to the holding of a public inquiry by the Electricity Commissioners in connection with the proposed super-power station at Battersea, where it is estimated some 800,000 tons of coal will be burnt per annum; whether he is aware that a similar proposal for the erection of a large power station at Battersea was rejected by a Committee of the House of Commons some 20 years ago both on the ground of the high cost of erecting a station of the kind in Central London and also of the undesirability of further polluting the London area in connection with the consumption of large quantities of coal; and why these considerations have not had weight in connection with the present proposals?

I understand that the company's application for the consent of the Electricity Commissioners to the establishment of the generating station to which my hon. Friend refers was advertised in March last, and a notice of the public inquiry held by the Commissioners in June last was given to all bodies and persons who had at that time lodged representations in respect of the company's application, but that no such representations had been received from the two councils mentioned by my hon. Friend. As regards the last part of his question, if he is referring to proceedings on the Bill which became the London (Westminster and Kensington) Electric Supply Companies Act, 1908, I would point out that the provisions of that Act expressly contemplate that generating stations may be erected on sites not specified in an Act of Parliament, provided that the approval of the Commissioner of Works has been obtained. I have already pointed out to my hon. Friend that before arriving at their decision the Electricity Commissioners gave full consideration to the question of smoke consumption.

Were this Council informed that they had no locus standi as they were more than 300 yards from the new generating station? Is it not an absurd regulation for a place like London to say that a public body responsible for the health and purity of the atmosphere are not to make representations where they are more than 300 yards away from the generating station?

If, as the hon. Member says, they had no legal locus standi in this matter, then the giving of public notice by the Commission was an act of courtesy, and was intended to be so.

Children Act

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department if it is proposed to introduce during the present Session a new Children Bill to amend the Children Act of 1908?

The UNDER-SECRETARY of STATE for the HOME DEPARTMENT
(Lieut.-Colonel Sir Vivian Henderson)

My right hon. Friend much regrets that, owing to the pressure of Parliamentary business, it will not be possible for him to introduce a Children Bill this Session.

Death of Earl of Oxford and Asquith

I am sure that the House will have heard with the most profound regret of the death of the Earl of Oxford. I rise, with your permission, Sir, for the purpose of giving notice that I shall to-morrow move an appropriate Resolution.

Ballot for Notices of Motion

Empire Trade

I beg to give notice that, on this day four weeks, I shall call attention to Empire trade, and move a Resolution.

Liberal Land Policy

I beg to give notice that, on this day four weeks, I shall call attention to the Liberal Land policy, and move a Resolution.

Socialist Surtax Proposals

I beg to give notice that, on this day four weeks, I shall call attention to the Socialist Surtax proposals, and move a Resolution.

Fishing Industry

I beg to give notice that, on going into Committee of Supply on the Civil Service Estimates, I shall call attention to the Fishing Industry, and move a Resolution.

Territorial Army

I beg to give notice that, on going into Committee of Supply on the Army Estimates, I shall call attention to the present position of the Territorial Army, and move a Resolution.

Naval Armaments

I beg to give notice that, on going into Committee of Supply on the Navy Estimates, I shall call attention to the need for a reduction in Naval Armaments.

Air Force (International Agreement)

I beg to give notice that, on going into Committee of Supply on the Air Estimates, I shall call attention to the need for an International Agreement, and move a Resolution.

Royal Navy (Replacement Programme)

I beg to give notice that, on going into Committee of Supply on the Navy Estimates, I shall call attention to the necessity for a steady and continual replacement programme, and move a Resolution.

Agriculture

I beg to give notice that, on going into Committee of Supply on the Civil Service Estimates, I shall call attention to the question of agriculture, and move a Resolution.

New Government

I beg to give notice that, on this day four weeks, I shall call attention to the urgent necessity for a new Government, and move a Resolution.

Light Aeroplane Clubs

I beg to give notice that, on going into Committee of Supply on the Air Force Estimates, I shall call attention to the need for the encouragement of light aeroplane clubs, and move a Resolution.

Ministry of Defence

I beg to give notice that, on going into Committee of Supply on the Army Estimates, I shall call attention to the need for a Ministry of Defence, and move a Resolution.

Blasphemy Laws (Amendment) Bill,

"to amend the Blasphemy Laws," presented by Mr. Lansbury; supported by Mr. Snell, Mr. Thurtle, Dr. Salter, Mr. Dunnico, Mr. Scurr and Mr. Wallhead; to be read a Second time upon Wednesday next, and to be printed. [Bill 35.]

Railway Passengers (Third Class Sleeping)

I beg to move,

I do not think that this is in any way a controversial Bill. I do not think that anyone in this House opposes it. I will just read through the five short Clauses of the Bill and then point out why I think the railway companies, as well as the House of Commons, should be very glad to see this Bill become law. There has been an objection in the past, and there probably is an objection now, to anything in the form of a third-class sleeper. That is not proposed. The ordinary third-class passenger does not want to go to bed in the train, but he does want to lie down in comfort with a pillow and a rug. We have never wanted to go to bed in the train in this country. We are not like other people who are accustomed to third-class sleepers, and I do not think that a third-class sleeper would meet the general requirements of the public. In fact, I have been told by a very large number of people that they would infinitely prefer to travel lying down in a carriage than have a sleeper.

The Bill is as follows:

Question put, and agreed to.

Bill ordered to be brought in by Colonel Applin, Mr. Groves, Mrs. Philipson, Mr. Harmsworth, Mr. Barr, Mr. Crawfurd, Mr. Morris, and Mr. Buchan.

Railway Passengers (Third-Class Sleeping) Bill,

"to provide lying-down accommodation on night journeys in third-class railway carriages," presented accordingly, and read the First time; to be read a Second time upon Wednesday next, and to be printed. [Bill 36.]

Marriages Provisional Orders Bill,

"to confirm certain Provisional Orders made by one of His Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State under the Marriages Validity (Provisional Orders) Acts, 1905 and 1924, presented by Sir Vivian Henderson; read the First time; and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, and to be printed. [Bill 34.]

Orders of the Day

Road Traffic

I beg to move,

I am very fortunate in not having to raise a Motion which is so revolutionary as that moved by the previous speaker. The need of my Motion has arisen because of the tremendous change in road transport in this country in the last 25 or 30 years. At the beginning of this century the first motor cars took their place timidly on our roads. Very few realised what we were witnessing in these awkward, uncertain contraptions the beginning of a transport system in which we have developed a variety of types in very large numbers, which to-day manifest the wonderful position that transport has reached. Those early motor cars did not give us warning of the tremendous possibilities of the growth of motor transport. Those isolated machines were the cause of much merriment to all those except the optimists who owned them and sometimes had the pleasure of riding in them. But by this time we have on our roads machines of great power, conveyances of great comfort and capacity, and a public service has been built up which is, perhaps, the most significant evidence of the national growth. When one sees our modern roads with two strings of traffic travelling incessantly in opposite directions, one wonders what would have been the effect on the mind of the Roman engineer who laid down the main roads of this country with such thoroughness and skill, if he could see the modern transport road on all the sites of his early engineering efforts. To what kind of miracle would he have attributed this very great change?

The change has been significant for our people to a degree that, I believe, we have not yet appreciated. We have now got our roads flooded with vehicles of all types—nearly 2,000,000 motor cycles, motor cars, lorries and omnibuses of all kinds. We see the number of vehicles growing very rapidly. In the last 18 years the number of motor vehicles has gone up from 114,000 to just over 1,750,000 at the present time. The Motion realises that this growth, taking place in such a short time, is only the presage of growth which will go on at a much more accelerated pace, and the special problem which this subject presents to us, this romance of science which we have seen developing in the last 20 years, is that of road space and the use of roads, with which this Motion is concerned. I have been looking at some figures in the course of preparing this speech, and I find that the new traffic which made its appearance upon our roads in June, July and August of last year numbered, for England, 73,775, for Wales, 3,977, and for Scotland, 6,271, that is, 84,023 new vehicles in three months coming on the roads. That is at the rate of over 300,000 per annum, or one for every 1,250 people in the country. What is going to be the effect of all this on our rural and urban roads? Are we to witness this constant growth of 300,000 new vehicles a year?

Does that allow for the numbers of cars which go off the road—old cars?

Those are new licences. Are we to see coming on the roads even a figure less than 300,000 new vehicles a year, say a quarter of a million, without any preparation for the regulation of traffic? This problem has been due to the wonderful ingenuity of those who have fashioned our cars—cars that are built at home and cars built abroad. The internal combustion engine has given us the possibilities of a revolution such as that which the steam engine presented to us 100 years ago, and the motor car is bringing within the reach of people facilities which the steam engine failed to accomplish, and we are going to witness in this next decade or two such a development of road transport as will bring, if properly organised, untold blessings to the people of this country. I have given the figures of new vehicles, but there is something else. The number of vehicles upon the roads does not convey the full sense of the problem we have to face. It is the road space upon which these vehicles have to move. We are a rapidly growing community, confined to a small territory, with special problems because of the con- gestion in this tight little island which we love so much. There is a special problem of space which does not touch the United States of America, Germany and other countries, where the traffic density is nothing compared with our own.

We have to remember that there is a limit to the density of our roads, and I want to call attention to the fact that our road mileage is very limited, indeed. In 1909, we had a total road mileage of 175,463, and in 1926 the road mileage had increased to 178,361—an increase of less than 3,000 miles in a matter of 17 years, or less than 1 in 60 proportionate to the total mileage. That is not the whole story of the roads. There has been an improvement not measured in actual mileage. There has been a great deal of road widening and improvement during this period, and the Minister of Transport is to be congratulated upon some of the work done by his Department. There has been an addition to the amount of money spent on roads in the same period. While the mileage only increased by 3,000 miles, or one in 60, the expenditure on roads went up from £26,000,000 in 1909, to £56,000,000 in 1926. Our roads are better maintained, better constructed and, in proportion to the mileage, much more fitted to bear traffic than they were 18 or 20 years ago. That is the other side of the story of road-making and road maintenance, but, even so, with an additional road space of anything from 5 to 10 per cent, at the utmost, we have a traffic that has increased in much greater ratio. We find from the Returns of the Ministry of Transport that the mileage of Class I roads is only 13.7 per cent, of the total mileage given, and that of Class 11 roads 8.7—a total length of classified roads of only 22.4 of the 178,000 miles of roads in this country, that is, about 40,000 classified roads. The Minister of Transport, in reply to a question last week, said there were 41,177 scheduled unclassified roads, which he was anxious to increase, and he made a declaration that it was his intention to include in the scheduled roads all roads that have traffic value. That is all to the good, because when we consider the limits which the congestion has already reached, and the indication of ever-increasing congestion which we have upon us, the question of the improvement of the roads is of no less importance than the construction of new arterial roads which will help to relieve the traffic.

I come to the number of vehicles. In 1909, there were only 114,000 licensed vehicles in the country. In 1927, there were 1,750,000. The number of vehicles has been multiplied 16 times. A much more important matter, having regard to the effect on the roads and in relation to the rate of movement of traffic, is the fact that the weight of traffic has been multiplied by a considerably higher figure. Our motor cars have not only increased in number, but they have increased in weight at a much more rapid pace. Traffic census returns are taken at certain stations—39 I believe—and published year by year for the benefit of those interested in traffic, and from them we find that light motor vehicles counted in the census of 1912 reached a figure of 241,339, and in 1926, 501,589—an increase of 107.84, or more than double the number of light motor cars. When we come to heavy motor cars we find in the census taken at the same points that the number in 1912 was 11,359, and that figure had grown in 1926 to 85,586—an increase in heavy motor cars at the rate of 653.46 per cent. Six-and-a-half times as many heavy cars!

That is not the whole story. Not only were there six-and-a-half times as many heavy cars but each motor was heavier than its predecessor, and the relative weights go on increasing at an enormously rapid rate. These census figures are related, in the same report, to the number of street accidents due to motor traffic. I hope the Minister will correct me if I am wrong in this. The street accidents and street fatalities increase not only as the number of cars increase but the ratio has increased due to increased congestion and to the heavier weights of the motor vehicles. The rates of accidents are going up more than in direct ratio to the increased number of vehicles on the roads. I have given the mileage on the roads and the number of vehicles on the roads and I have given particulars as to the tendency to use heavier and heavier vehicles.

I come now to the classification of road services. In the running of these services I find that there are 3,000 separate undertakings engaged in transport work, and they are divided as to 1,558 joint stock Parliamentary companies, 1,304 private firms, and 117 municipalities. Here we find a difficulty due to the conflict of interests, to overlapping, and to lack of co-ordination, and here we find the introduction of the very problem with which this Motion deals. We find waste of capital, over-capitalisation. overlapping, excess of licences in one area and excess of traffic in one area. While recognising the traffic limits in this country, we maintain that traffic is not spread wide enough, and that while there are areas where the traffic is much too heavy and there is considerable difficulty in regulating and maintaining the roads, there are other areas where the traffic is lacking. Local authorities are much concerned in many cases as to the multiplication of services and the multiplication of licences. I know that my own county council, the Glamorgan County Council, is very much concerned because of the very large number of licences that are given and the very large number of services which are run, unnecessarily overlapping and wasteful services.

One of the proposals in the Traffic Bill is to give county councils powers to control those services.

Are we to gather from that statement that the Minister supposes that the Traffic Bill is coming on this Session?

No one can give the figures of cars and road mileage for a, period five or ten years hence. One gets a ready response from the other side of the House when one says that it is our duty to look ahead. The motto or slogan of the Tory party is, I gather, that of looking ahead. We have to look ahead, and I believe that we have seen some distance ahead, and I would warn the House that there are nearly 2,000,000 motor vehicles on the road to-day, that there is an addition of a quarter of a million each year. We are entitled to assume that five years hence there will be, at least, another 1,000,000 cars on the roads, and in ten years' time there will be another 2,000,000 cars on the road. The number of motor vehicles will have gone up from 2,000,000 to 4,000,000 in the next 10 years, and we may look forward to a very alarming state of affairs in the absence of better Regulations and control. The matter is very serious.

Counting the number of cars in relation to population, I find that at the present time we have one car for every 25 inhabitants in this country. That is a figure which is much less than the figure in the United States of America, where they have one car for every six people. But in 10 years time we shall be approaching a position when the number of cars on our roads will be one for every 10 of the population, unless a check is introduced in some way. I would ask the Minister of Transport to give special attention to this matter. It is not the number of cars in proportion to population that concerns us so much, because we would like to see every family with a car. Motoring is an ideal way of getting about, but our roads have a limited carrying capacity, and unless road construction, road maintenance and regulation of traffic is very much improved we shall long before the 10 years have elapsed have reached an impossible position in regard to our motor traffic. I believe that the numbers of cars per mile of road are much higher here than in any country in the world, and in another 10 years the position will have become a serious menace to the comfort and well-being of those on the road, as well as those who do not require the road for motor vehicle transport.

There is another point which I hope the Minister of Transport will bear in mind. We are much concerned with agriculture. All parties in politics and all serious-minded people are concerned with the future of agriculture. There is nothing that I know of more likely to help agriculture and rural life than the development of a really efficient and convenient road transport system. There is a world of difference between the traffic conditions in our towns and in our country districts, and while we believe that the congestion of traffic in our towns has reached the limit, traffic in the country side is not nearly dense enough. There are not nearly enough motor vehicles in the countryside. What a great convenience it is to an agricultural worker or his wife to come out of their cottage with confidence to hail an omnibus, knowing well that he or she can travel 12 miles to and from the town and be back again after an absence of not more than an hour, and arrive home perhaps before the children are back from school, having done their shopping under conditions very much different from those which existed in former days, when they trudged hour after hour to and from the town.

Not nearly enough has been done in the development of countryside transport. I believe that a coordinated system of working, all working together, would revolutionise transport in the countryside, with possible benefits to our agricultural industry also. In regard to co-ordination, I should like to bring one or two points in my own experience to the notice of the Minister. The Minister of Transport, in one of his reports on the development of the Road Fund calls attention to a main road between Cardiff and Swansea. I know that road very well, and I know the dangerous congestion of traffic; I know how destructive the traffic is to the road, and I know that a great deal of expenditure of unnecessary money is involved in maintaining the road. As a contrast to that congestion, in the Gower Peninsula there is a large tract of agricultural country, 15 miles long by five miles wide, which is served neither by rail nor road service. On the other hand, there is a railway running across a piece of the peninsula which would serve as the base for traffic operations, and it would be most useful for the conveyance of all kinds of goods from that agricultural area, if there were a properly coordinated service between the railway and the road services.

Co-ordination requires control. That is why, viewing the prospect of the development of transport in this country, it is inevitable and indispensable that a system of control should be set up in order that the utmost advantage may be taken of all forms of transport service. As to the kind of control, I am not prepared to argue. I am not an expert on transport. I suppose the Minister has already gleaned that, but I know that control is necessary because conditions demand it. We are approaching a state in many towns similar to that which compelled the Minister of Transport to bring in the London Traffic Act in 1924. I well remember a dis- cussion in this House when that Bill was passed. I remember the then Minister of Transport, who is now on this side of the House, making a significant statement. He quoted a paragraph from the Royal Commission on London Traffic, which was held in 1905:

But the London Traffic Act is not sufficient. We want something more, and we want something more than the draft Traffic Bill which the Minister of Transport mentioned a few minutes ago. Clauses 53 and 55 of the draft Traffic Bill do not go far enough. They may be good enough as far as they go, but they do not come to grips with the problem. I want to recapitulate one or two arguments to show that the powers we are asking for in respect of the roads are seriously required in many parts of the country. I refer specially to the tendency to overcrowding, which is spreading wider and wider. There is enormous damage upon the roads. Enormous and additional expense is caused on account of the congestion and the bad use of the road. The lives of men, women and children are being risked unnecessarily because there is no proper control of road traffic.

There is the question of over-capitalisation. Immense sums are being invested in the industry, but much of the capital has not been wisely expended. There is a waste of money and of labour owing to lack of organisation. The failure to coordinate rail and road services is, perhaps, the strongest reason for the Motion which I have moved. In this country we have a national transport system operating upon territory that is lese than one State in America. Our progress and welfare depend upon the quickening and intensifying of our national life. If we cannot do that, we cannot eat bread. We have to make the most of roads, railways, land and people, and most important of all is the improvement of transport facilities by means of which we can exchange services and goods at a more rapid speed than is possible at the present time. Let me quote from a number of speeches on this subject. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in addressing the House last night, said:

I beg to second the Motion.

I feel that I can say, with the full assent of the House, that the figures and the information that my hon. Friend has advanced have proved already the importance of this subject. We do not desire to under-estimate the complexity and the difficulty of the problem, but the decision which we are asking the House to make this evening is a fairly simple one. All that we are asking the House to declare is whether it favours an orderly or a disorderly development of our transport system. What has been said by my hon. Friend shows that the problem grows graver and more difficult to grapple with as each year passes. The transport industry is one of a group of new industries with which we are familiar. Every period apparently produces a new crop of industries in this and other countries—industries that are concerned with mechanical development. I wish to approach the subject from an angle different from that of the Mover of the Motion, and to ask the House to consider for a few moments the broad economic problem raised by some of these industries in our day and generation. In our method of dealing with these new industries, are we going to profit in any way by the experience of the nineteenth century? During the last century a number of important industries came into existence. Our attitude towards industrial development in that century was to allow the industries to expand indiscriminately. What is the result to-day?

As a result of neglecting to realise that our industrial system should have an ordered development, like that of any other part of communal life, this House is always considering a crop of social and political problems of a very grave character. That is because Parliament neglected to co-ordinate services and industries in the nineteenth century. The Motion asks the Government to deal by legislative enactment with this important industry, a key industry. No-one who is engaged in business to-day can fail to realise that the transport charge is one of the most grievous charges of industry. Before the War, we were hardly conversant with that type of business charge, but immediately after the War the movement of goods was turned over more or less to motor transport. The result was a very rapid increase in business charges for that service. The matter has a direct bearing on the cost of production of all classes of goods. There is another fact. When we were engaging in new industries in the nineteenth century we were the first in the field; we had the world more or less as a virgin market. But that advantage to British industry has already passed or is rapidly passing, and we cannot afford, in our attitude towards new industries that are developing, to ignore the waste of wealth and energy that went on in many of our industries in the nineteenth century.

Another thing that appears to me to be a very important point of policy in regard to some of these new industries in which transport is of the utmost importance, is that in the same way as the nineteenth century was a time of indiscriminate development, so it is apparent to everyone to-day that the twentieth century is going to be an age of organisation of industry and busines. As the twentieth century is to be an age of scientific organisation of industry, I ask the Government whether they are going to lead, to initiate policy, so that we shall be first in the field in this application of organisation to industry, as we were first in the field in the nineteenth century in actual mechanical development. My own view is that upon that decision much depends. It is the duty of Parliament to direct national energy and to see that we are first in the field We should grapple with this problem of transport in no half-hearted way, but should recognise its vital importance not only to the social life of the community but to business as a whole.

The Mover of the Motion referred to the rapid growth of transport, and it is as well to emphasise again the fact that this growth is primarily a post-War development. There was comparatively little road motor traffic in this country before the War. What there was, was of negligible proportions. The figures to-day are so important that they will bear repetition. In 1919 the number of motor vehicles licensed was roughly 270,000, and by 1927 the number had jumped to 1,694,000. We know that the rate of increase is not likely to diminish-in the coming years but is likely rather-to be accelerated. In regard to commercial vehicles, it is apparent that there is going to be a large turnover of the carriage of goods from railways to roads in the future. [HON. MEMBERS: "NO, no!"] That may be a matter of opinion, but at least one can reasonably advance that view because of the tendencies that one finds in individual businesses. Let me quote one particular instance—the carriage of milk. It is not a matter for argument, and it is not a question of antagonism between railway companies and motor traction.

There are certain classes of commodities, especially food and dry goods and things of that description, in regard to which the increased mobility of road transport, the opportunity of taking goods from door to door, the lessening of breakages and the control by individual businesses of their own commodities from the time of loading up to the time of delivery, are a marked advantage, and it can reasonably be argued that traffic in future will be turned more and more on to the roads. I do not wish in any way to suggest that the railways will not have a place in our transport system in future. We all know that the problem of road transport is not confined to the mere moving of goods. We know that there has been a steady stream of investment in road transport in which not only private individuals but municipal authorities are concerned. Passenger traffic and the transport of commodities are naturally increasing and the municipal capital involved is great. I have already referred to the motor vehicles. I find that there is over £100,000,000 invested also in municipal tramways and trolley omnibuses. We ought to approach this question, first, from the standpoint of considering the services in relation to the public. I believe that all services should exist to serve the community, and that organisation should be directed to seeing; that that is done. If incidentally that confers benefits and rights and privileges on other sections of the community, well and good

I ask the Minister of Transport, when he replies, to state specifically whether he considers the Government policy of allowing the transport problem to drift is serving the public interest to the best advantage. I claim that it is not. We are all interested in transport. The public have a triple interest in the subject. There is, first of all, their interest from the point of view of those who use transport facilities as passengers. That however does not end the interest of the public at large in the problem. Manufacturers and distributors as users of vehicles, are also interested in having as efficient and economical transport system, because transport costs represent a material factor in business expenses. Furthermore, every additional expenditure in cartage costs has to be paid eventually by the consumer. There is no way of avoiding that problem. The public ultimately must pay for all forms of waste in transport in the increased price of goods—which justifies the statement that the public generally have a direct and three-fold interest in the problem. Again there is the interest of those persons whose livelihood is gained in this industry and it is no exaggeration to state that there are approximately 1,000,000 persons to-day whose livelihood depends on the transport industry and on the proper management of that industry by this House through legislation.

Transport is essentially an industry which does not benefit by a multiplicity of facilities. That seems an anomaly, but it is a fact that the -unrestricted provision of transport facilities eventually destroys the purpose of those facilities. We had an example in London of the result of giving liberty to all kinds of persons to place passenger vehicles on the streets. It had an injurious effect on the whole life of London. It added to the cost of transport, it led to the annoyance and Irritation of the travelling public and the amount of waste involved threatened both the wages of those employed and the legitimate reward of those who invested in these services. Therefore, I feel that there is a community of interest in regard to transport and we ought to recognise that an undue provision of facilities is harmful to the industry and leads to a "waterlogging" of the services. It is because the transport industry is one which responds to organisation that I feel the House would be wise in conveying to the Government, the view that the problem ought to be met. Whether the policy of wage reduction is or is not likely to succeed for a year or two, owing to certain special economic conditions, we must recognise that the present generation of our people will not stand, indefinitely, the reduction of their wage rates by unnecessary factors which can be controlled or eliminated. If the present chaotic system continues, it will only lead to sporadic industrial conflict.

Then we come to the investing public. Not only are private individuals concerned in this problem but groups in the community like municipal authorities have also a large stake in the matter. Again I quote the experience of London. In so far as the London Traffic Act has led to co-ordination and control and reasonable administration in London it has produced beneficial results. Personally I disagree with the public policy which lies behind the Act and I opposed it in this House. I shall oppose similar proposals later on, but in doing so I do not oppose co-ordination, and, as far as the process of coordination and efficient control is part of its purpose, I want to show the House the advantages which the Act has produced. The Borough of East Ham has one of the smaller tramway services in London and I take the returns of the tramways there for the last three accounting periods. In the first of those periods the tramway system lost £40,000, which became a charge on the rates. That was before the Act became operative. In the next accounting period, the charge was reduced to £30,000, a result which was primarily though not entirely due to the operation of the Act. In the last accounting period the burden has been further reduced to £20,000 largely due to coordination under the Act. Thus, in those three periods, the loss to one comparatively small part of the London system has been reduced from £40,000 to £20,000. That is an immense saving and just as East Ham has benefited, so, I suppose, the West Ham authority, the London County Council, the London General Omnibus Company, the railway companies and every other traffic body in London have benefited equally.

With these facts before us—and they are beyond dispute—I ask what is to prevent this House from declaring that the lesson of London should be recognised before the whole nation gets into the position which London was in two or three years ago. Let us benefit by the experience of London's problem and seek to apply some system of national control. The country could be divided into areas of appropriate size, but, at least, let us try to get some authority at work which will develop transport along orderly lines. I conclude by asking the House to give this problem its serious attention. In regard to co-ordination I feel there is agreement, but when we come to the question of public policy I would only say that if transport, as an industry, requires social direction and control in order to yield its fullest benefits to the community, then I claim as a Member of the Labour party, that those benefits ought to be enjoyed by the community and not by private individuals operating the various services. Probably on that point we shall differ from hon. Members opposite, but in moving this Motion and appealing for immediate legislation, we must lay down the broad principle that if an industry requires social control, it should at the same time become a public service and I hope the Government will introduce such legislation as will enable transport to pass into the same category as municipal services like health and education or like the Post Office and similar services, so that the benefits of a national organisation may be enjoyed by the whole community.

I congratulate the hon. Member for Gower (Mr. D. Grenfell) on his Motion and on the way in which he moved it. It is most opportune. It gives hon. Members an opportunity of urging the Government to expedite the Road Traffic Bill, and, at the same time, it gives the Minister an opportunity of explaining his views on a situation which, I confess, to me has become a little obscure. Anybody who knows anything about roads, knows that it is no use tar-spraying a little country lane and calling it a road. You have to look to the foundations first, and, so, in this question, it is no use examining the float- ing matter on the surface with the eyes of a parochial body or small traffic company. You have to get right down to the root of the matter. The Mover of the Motion went back as far as the introduction of the motor-car, but I submit that is not going back far enough to get at the truth. I do not like going into history, lest I should weary hon. Members, but I must ask permission to do so on this occasion. Without doing so, one cannot get at the cardinal points which rule the whole matter, especially, since the accounts given by historians on this question are somewhat inaccurate.

To start with we cannot accept—in view of modern research—the statement that the Romans taught us how to make roads, that the people of the Middle Ages, through neglect and carelessness left the roads there, and that for some unearthly reason road making was not continued by them. It has been shown that the Roman roads were merely strategic roads for military purposes, not dissimilar to the roads built by the Italians in Southern Albania or by General Wade in Scotland, going from one strategic point to another and having nothing to do with the commercial situation. Commercial roads had existed in this country long before the Romans. In fact, the Celts used them more than the Romans. Whereas the Romans, for commercial purposes, used track transport almost entirely, the Celts did use waggons to a certain extent. The country then consisted of swamp or bush or open downs rather like parts of South America to-day, and the roads were either bush roads over the swamps or tracks over the downs. From an observation of these pre-Roman roads which I made some little time ago it occurred to me that even at those early days there was a system of double way traffic, possibly because the roads were used chiefly for driving pack horses or stock. Therefore they had a banking to separate the traffic moving in one direction from the traffic moving in the other direction. But those were the only commercial roads. In the case of one Roman villa in Gloucestershire there was a road running right up to the villa, but that was exceptional and the owner of that villa was probably looked upon as a freak millionaire—much like a rancher in Arizona to-day who had made a private road.

As a rule in those days, once you got off the road you had to use the track, and it is not surprising that after the decline of the Roman Empire and when the Saxons came in, the Roman roads were no longer used. The material in them was employed largely to build houses and for other purposes, but the commercial roads remained the same.

5.0 p.m.

The old-fashioned idea of the King's highway was simply a means of getting from one place to another. It was the duty of the King's officer—the sheriff for the county or the Reeve working under him in each Hundred—to keep these roads clear of obstruction, and he had power to use the labour from each Hundred in order to do so. With the feudal system interesting developments took place. Feudal government has never been very popular in this country, and with the feudal system we get the roads put under the Manor, but the Reeve and the organisation of the Hundreds were still kept going. There you get the first instance of duplication which is still found in the road organisation at present. The roads were allowed to get into very bad order owing to duplication, but that did not matter as long as the transport passing over them was only horse transport or pack transport, but later came the introduction of the wheeled vehicle which was very heavy to begin with, and horses used as draught horses. They did not come into general use until practically the time of Charles I. Everybody rode, and even ladies rode astride. I think Queen Anne of Bohemia was the first lady who rode side-saddle. With the coming of wheeled traffic and draught horses the problem became acute. The county authorities began complaining very violently that no longer could they keep the road free from obstruction, because great pockets and pits and holes were being made in them. Parliament then took the matter up, and there were recriminations. It was said that the introduction of horse wagons would reduce the number of horses ridden, but I should imagine that if such a wagon had no springs, to travel in it would be a greater hardship than to ride. But Parliament had to take up and settle the problem. Already the county authorities had gone one step forward. Instead of forced labour, they commuted labour for payment. There you get the beginning of the rates being used for the upkeep of the roads.

Parliament now comes into the question. Parliament, in order to deal with this serious situation, voted a tax on wagons, and the tax was levied in proportion to the number of horses used in the wagon. There you get the origin of the present horse power tax, which dates right back from those early days. At one moment even Parliament found it necessary, such was the state of the streets of London, to prohibit hackney carriages from plying in London for hire, but, as always is the case when dealing with people's liberty, hackney carriages reappeared and people were carried about in litters in order to avoid paying the horse tax. But even with the horse tax, which was very difficult to levy, the Government found that they could not cope with the situation, and they therefore sold the roads to the turnpike companies. It is a habit sometimes to deprecate the turnpike companies, and to say that they put money into their own pockets out of the rates, but that is not the case. When the turnpike companies took over the main roads, those roads began to be improved. It was a turnpike company, through those eminent engineers, Telford & Macadam, who discovered and used the macadam surface, and it was those prominent engineers who made the roads possible for four-wheeled traffic. The death of the turnpike companies is well known to every Member of this House. It was caused by the railways and canals, and the nuisance that people felt in having to go through the turnpike. That encouraged them to use the railways and the canals. Had it not been for the fact that the turnpikes only affected wheeled traffic, that it was only wheeled traffic that had to pay, they would all have been turned down long before, but pedestrians went through free and only wheeled traffic had to pay.

With the death of the turnpike companies, the roads still had to be carried on, and there the Government stepped forward and took them over from the turnpike companies. That is, in fact, one of the earliest examples of nationalisation. With the taking over of the roads the cost of their upkeep came on the rates, and the rates supported them just as they had supported them in the earlier days of history. That again worked all right. The roads, being macadamised, were well able to bear the traffic which they had to carry, but a mistake was made when Parliament tried—I am not quite certain that the Ministry of Transport is not trying to do so again now—to adapt the traffic to the roads instead of the roads to the traffic. The roads were well up to the traffic that went over them, but with the introduction of the motor, as the hon. Member who opened the Debate said, there arose the same problem that had arisen earlier in the history of the roads, and the local authorities began to apply for relief from the Government. That relief came in the form of taxation. First of all, there was the Petrol Tax, and then, curiously enough, we had the reversion to the horse power tax, and the roads were thus supported by the same means that they had been supported before.

I come now to my argument, and I hope the House will forgive me for having taken up so much time. There is no doubt whatever that there is a certain amount of division of opinion both in this House and outside. I am afraid that it is reflected to a certain extent in the varied opinions held by the Minister of Transport himself and the Chancellor of the Exchequer over the question of the Road Fund. The views of the Chancellor of the Exchequer are, roughly, that roads of all classes should be kept up by the rates primarily, but aided and assisted from taxation by the Treasury as the Treasury thinks fit according to what the Treasury deems are the requirements of the roads, and the motor tax has got nothing to do with the roads. It is a luxury tax. It is a relic of the right hon. Gentlemen's Liberal days when he says that the Motor Duty is a luxury tax which should go straight to the Treasury, and that to urge that such a tax should be used for the roads would be absurd, and that you might just as well urge that the money coming from dog licences should be used only for dogs, and that a Ministry of Dogs should be set up to administer the expenditure. The Minister of Transport, on the other hand—I am afraid he is not in his place, but perhaps he will let me know if I am misrepresenting him—holds the view, I believe, rather that the Road Fund money was, at the time of its introduction, pledged for the roads, to be used on the roads only, a somewhat dangerous doctrine, because, if extended, we might get the Jockey Club coming up and saying that the money that the Chancellor of the Exchequer derives from the Betting Duty should be used only on racing.

But what is the real truth of the matter? As I make it out, the truth of the matter is this, that the secondary roads should; be administered by the county councils and district councils, and should be supported out of the rates, that is any roads except arterial roads. The arterial roads, the big main roads, which are to my mind the direct descendants of the turnpike roads which were nationalised by the Government, should be administered entirely by the Ministry of Transport and they should be supported by the Motor Duty. That is to my mind the whole truth of the situation. If that be the case, the Chancellor of the Exchequer would have no more right to take any money from the Road Fund than he would have to take the profits coming in from the telegraphs and telephones, which have been nationalised by the Government, unless it should be that the Department came to him and said: "We have got so much money that we do not know what to do with it; we will give it in to the Exchequer." The national needs are so much—

That should be the real line of defence upon which the Minister of Transport should rely if he wants to keep the Road Fund to himself. If that be not the case, you might just as well do away with the Ministry of Transport altogether; it would have no power whatever, nor would it have any money. If you can not make it a real executive force, I can see no reason for having a Ministry of Transport at all. I would urge that the arterial roads should be taken over entirely by the Ministry of Transport and that they should no longer be under the county council. The secondary roads should be reclassified and taken over by the county authorities and ad- ministered entirely from the rates without any contribution from the Ministry of Transport. Some members of the Agricultural Committee went to the right hon. Gentleman some little time ago and obtained a grant for the secondary roads, and no doubt they were very pleased with it. I have no doubt that the Chancellor of the Exchequer himself was also very pleased with it, because the whole situation had been given away. Now the Chancellor of the Exchequer is in a position to say: "The roads depend entirely on my will; the horse power tax is a luxury tax; I can distribute it as I think fit and use it for the secondary roads," and the arterial roads are taken out of the question altogether. There are other arguments for this division and for the centralisation of the arterial roads under the Minister of Transport and of the secondary roads under the county councils.

When the noble Lord speaks of secondary roads, would he explain, exactly what he means? By his description he appears to be speaking of the unclassified roads.

No, Sir, that is not the case, but it would take too long to go into the whole question. The arterial roads are the big main roads. They are called county roads. They could be gradually taken over and administered, repaired, and new arterial roads made by the Ministry of Transport, by the staff of that Ministry, and it would be easier then for the Ministry to make experiments in regard to the possibilities of the surface of these roads. Such experiments could be done much more effectively than if those roads were to be laid down by the county authorities themselves. All roads other than arterial roads I would put under the county councils, to be reclassified by the county councils themselves and distributed to the district councils under the common county surveyor. By adopting such a suggestion you would give the Ministry of Transport a national executive job, in which it would have complete control, and under which there would be no duplication and the county councils, in the same way, would have complete control of their own roads, and they would not be interfered with by anybody else. That would do away also with the iniquitous and extravagant system of percentage grants, which only make the rates go up in proportion to the money obtained from the Government.

It is obviously unfair that a small county like Rutland, which has a very great number of arterial roads running through it, and which has only a small rateable area, should be expected to shoulder the whole of the burden of its arterial roads, but it can quite well look after its own secondary roads. Further, I think it is obviously unfair under the present system that the railways, which are the biggest ratepaying authorities in each county, should be called upon to pay high contributions for the main arterial roads which are their own greatest competitors. It is my opinion that the local authorities should be held to be entirely responsible for these secondary roads and that they should be administered by the county and district surveyors, and that the county councils should be empowered to levy special rates, if necessary, to help them in the upkeep of these roads. Those rates should be on the basis of weight per axle, because thus, if you had a local brewery or timber-cutting industry which was constantly using a particular road, it would be paying its fair share towards it. What is occurring now is that local traffic, which formerly used the first-class roads, say, travelling from Bristol to Chippenham, now that the county councils have got this grant from the Government for their smaller roads, and to a great extent tarmac them, is now beginning to cut corners and use small roads which have not hitherto been carrying such heavy traffic. These would be protected if the local authorities had power to levy a rate on all local traffic which used the same roads regularly.

There are many other traffic questions which might be raised in this Debate, but I will leave them to Members with greater experience than myself, and I will not touch either on the great question of railway competition with the roads, except to say that, in my humble opinion, the argument that the railways, if allowed to use motor transport on the roads, would create a monopoly is one which I cannot understand. It would simply be putting more people in competition. However, I have no doubt that question will be dealt with later on. The Mover of the Resolution paid us a great compliment when he said that this party was one which looked ahead. It is quite true that red lights are as a rule only put astern, but let us not think this is an insuperable problem. I am afraid he was trying to scare us with the number of extra cars coming on the road every year, but it will certainly reach a peak, with which we must be prepared to deal. We must, however, look ahead still further, and not so many years ahead the number of people flying in this country will very greatly increase, and they will help the roads very considerably. In fact, people will be compelled to take to the air if they are crowded off the roads, and that will finally relieve the roads.

I think the House would generally agree with me that we ought to congratulate ourselves on the three speeches which we have just heard. The Mover of the Resolution must have taken considerable pains and trouble to ascertain and work up his facts, and the magnificent way in which he presented his case won the admiration of everyone; the Seconder, who is somewhat of an authority on this matter, especially so far as London traffic is concerned, did equal justice to the case; and he was followed by the Noble Lord, with a historical survey which gave Henry VIII a new term I have never previously associated with him. At any rate, while thanking the Noble Lord the Member for Southampton (Lord Apsley) for that historical survey, the only complaint I would make is that the fact of the Chan cellor of the Exchequer being a comparatively new Member, in the sense of office, in the party opposite may explain the innocence of the Noble Lord in his summary of the Chancellor's intentions. I would urge the Noble Lord not to think for one moment that the Chancellor of the Exchequer takes any such abstract views of roads or anything else. He misunderstands his Chancellor. All that influenced the Chancellor was that he saw some brass, and he took it; and all these abstractions as to whether it was roads or taxes never entered into his calculation. In fact, what he really felt was that he was doing his colleague the Minister of Transport a good turn—I am sure he persuaded the Minister of that— by pinching his money. I do not think for one moment we need enter into the mathematical propositions that would have influenced him in arriving at his decision.

I hope this Debate will not turn for one moment on the question of rails versus roads, which has nothing whatever to do with the Motion, and I think it would be a profound mistake, in the interests of the House generally and of all concerned, to anticipate a subject that will be debated in the course of a, few days time. Incidentally, I would say that it has no reference whatever to this Motion, which is one that ought to be considered on its own merits. I do not know what the Government's views are, but trying to put oneself in the position of a Minister advised by experts, with a full knowledge of the facts, a Minister advised by disinterested as distinct from interested people, I can only conceive that the Minister will get up and say, "I want to thank the Opposition for giving me the earliest opportunity of accepting what we have long known was desirable." It may well be that the Minister will not accept the words of the Motion; in fact, I am quite prepared for him to propose other words and to say that the terms of reference must be a matter of careful consideration, with all of which I agree, but the real point is the principle that there should be set up a commission or a committee of some kind or other, immediately, to tackle the whole problem of transport as distinct from any question of road or rail.

In my judgment, there is no answer to that demand. For instance, there is a number of people under an entire misapprehension with regard to the canals of this country. I have heard it stated that the canals of this country are simply derelict to-day because of the action of the railway companies, who exercise a monopoly, and that their interests deliberately require that the canals should be kept derelict. People say: "If we could only develop the canals, look at the traffic that might be carried." But, curiously enough, I want that question investigated, because the first fact that will emerge is, not that the railways sought the canals, but that, by an Act of Parliament, the canals were forced on them. The development of motor transport to-day on the roads, and of steam and electricity in your barges, is such that I want to see an investigation that will show what would be the cost of developing the canal system, because there is not alone the mere problem of the barges going through in the old days; there is the whole question as to whether the canal banks could actually stand the pressure that exists to-day. That is a question for the experts and one that cannot be dealt with in a mere phrase by one party or another.

The Noble Lord pointed out that one of the greatest anomalies is the existing rating system—I mean the whole basis of those who contribute to the maintenance of the roads. I put it that from the standpoint of the Government and of dealing equitably with all interests and all authorities, an examination of that side of the question is not only essential but is long overdue. Take one other aspect of it, namely, the question of the licensing authorities. Was there ever such chaos as exists to-day t The general manager of a very important tramway system told me a few weeks ago that he had to compete with some road transport, and although they themselves were the local authority and were running municipal trams to Manchester, there were scores of people competing with them without any licence whatsoever. What was anybody's business was nobody's business. We believe that it should be possible, even with the appointment of a Royal Commission or some committee, to investigate that straight away, that, so far as the question of the licensing authorities is concerned, it need not wait even for a Royal Commission. We believe there ought to be some central, coordinating authority that would be alone responsible for the licensing of vehicles on the roads.

I do not want to develop the question as between roads and rails, but there cannot be a Member on any side of the House going into the City to-day who does not ask himself, "What is going to be the position in 10 years' time, unless something is done?" There is not a Member of this House going into the heart of London and seeing the transport system as it exists to-day but who will be compelled to say to himself, "If this is the chaos that exists to-day, what is going to happen in 10 years' time unless something is done?" We are brought face to face with the London situation, but what is true with regard to London is true with regard to every large industrial centre in the country. Therefore, we, in submitting this Motion, do so because we assume that this question has already received the attention of the Government. My right hon. Friend the Leader of the Opposition, in his general speech on the Address, indicated that he believed—and he was entitled to believe—that this great problem was occupying the minds of the Government. He complained because there was no reference to it in the King's Speech. My hon. Friend who succeeded in the Ballot has given us the opportunity to draw attention to that fact. Therefore, I hope that the Minister will accept the principle of this Motion.

There may be criticism about detail and about the words, but we are not bothering about the words; we are concerned with the principle, and we believe that the whole problem of transport—road, rail, canals, and, indeed, as the Noble Lord the Member for Southampton said, you can almost throw in the Air Service as well—needs, careful examination. But what they need above everything else is some coordinating policy that will direct them all. You cannot separate the question of transport from the housing problem. There are millions of people compelled to live at a distance from their work, and no one is going to pretend that the carrying of these people to and from their place of employment is not a national question. We say that all these problems are involved in this question, and I would ask the Minister of Transport to say—and I feel sure that he will say on behalf of the Government— that they are alive to the problem, that they realise the urgency of it, and realise also that the existing chaotic condition cannot remain as it is, and that they are prepared to appoint some Committee which will give an opportunity for more mature consideration to a problem in which everybody ought to be interested.

I listened with great pleasure to the Mover of this Motion, but he did not appear to adhere strictly to its terms, because, looking at it, I find the words "control and regulation." Control and regulation is one thing, but he introduced a new word that I often hear, and which I regard with the deepest suspicion. He used the word "co-ordination," and, whenever I hear that word, I know that the public is going to suffer, that there is going to be set up an unholy alliance between capital and labour at the expense of the customer. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Derby (Mr. Thomas) said that he did not want to deal with the question of competition between road and rail, but he deftly introduced some nice little points in favour of the railways getting the new powers which they now seek. One could only expect that from so astute a dialectician, and the Mover of the Motion made what I think I can call an advance speech to the Bill which the railway companies are promoting to get upon the road. The Seconder of the Motion spoke about the growth of the industrial system and said that it had not been regulated. It was regulated indirectly by Parliament. Why is it that on the Continent you see in every village a factory of some kind? Why is it that the industrial workers—instead of being concentrated in the towns, where no man has a garden, where the children's only playground is the streets, and where it is impossible to have a comfortable life, are not spread about the country? They were much later in industrial development on the Continent, and they always had fine roads.

Why was it that our population got so congested? It was because of the railways. They were first looked upon as something from the nether regions, and everybody objected to them very strongly, and nobody wanted a railway to come near them. In many places you will find trains passing at quite a distance from a town, because of petitions that this abomination should not come near. Supposing railways had not taken up a monopolistic position, which they did with the full consent of Parliament and the agricultural interests, you would have had transport on the roads 90 years ago; you would have splendid roads now, and you would never have had your population congested in the great towns. It was not due to the landlords and wicked devices of that kind, but to the stupidity of the British House of Commons and the monopolistic railway companies. If you had had steam transport upon the roads then, you would have had industries in the country districts and men working in their factories and working their bit of land, as we find all over the Continent.

That is the state of affairs I want to see ultimately brought back into this country. I want to see the population dissipated throughout the country so that people may live in semi-urban and semi-rural conditions, and so that it will be possible for every working man to grow his own vegetables. The railway companies insisted upon monopoly and then concentrated the people round the railheads in large, unhealthy aggregations of population. They got Parliament to ordain the man with the red flag in front of all steam transport by road and so strangled such transport. Co-ordination is a new name for the man with the red flag, and I regard it, as I have said, with the greatest possible suspicion. The House of Commons was so afraid of monopolies that the original railways were only permitted to be toll roads whereon anyone was at liberty to transport his own goods. The idea was not to prevent the railways having monopoly, but the mechanical nature of the railways made it a monopoly. In the beginning, and up till comparatively recently, railway charges were composed of three elements, use of toll road, haulage and terminal charges, and the users were entitled to a statement of each separately.

I agree with the mover of this Motion that there has been a terrific increase in motors, and it is growing more and more. I think that to some extent it is an unnatural growth. The situation of road transport and those who run it strike me very much like some of the farmers in the southern cotton growing States of America. Their industry was destroyed by the boll weevil, and they took to mixed farming and prospered more than by growing cotton, whereupon they erected an enormous monument to the boll weevil and the good that it had done them. Similarly, I think the users of road transport, which have increased so enormously since the War, will have to erect an enormous monument to the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Derby, because he secured in Coalition times such good terms and conditions for his men that the cost of transport went up to such an extent that road transport got a start they otherwise would not have got. He is entitled to a monument from the owners of road transport, and also from the members of his own union. The coal miners and others who suffered so much by the huge increase of railway rates should at least be entitled periodically to pay a visit to the monuments and to burn his effigy at the foot of them.

I dread very much anything approaching what is called co-ordination. I do not mind the Minister of Transport having power with regard to regulation and traffic control; that might be quite useful, but keep us from anything in the nature of co-ordination. Look at the position of transport in municipalities. Municipalities have invested the taxpayers' money in trams. Everybody knows that trams are obsolete, but they will not admit it. Private enterprise sets out to make profit, but it also makes losses, and when it does, it does not squeal. It either starts a new private enterprise or folds its tents and steals away bankrupt. If the municipalities had started running stage coaches, they would still insist upon having stage coaches rather than scrap them. I admit that immediately you have a tramway, which is a monopolistic system under private enterprise, unless you have it carefully regulated by a limitation of possible profits like the gas and electric light companies are limited, you might have something more disadvantageous than municipal enterprise. The worse feature of all is a combination of State and private enterprise, as we have in the Highlands in steamer transport, where the State gives a subsidy and leaves it unrestricted without any regulations, so that the Highlands are rapidly being liquidated. That is the difficulty with regard to municipalities.

The London County Council have not the courage to say they will write off capital. Why should not they write off capital? Why should not public enterprise, as well as private enterprise, admit when they are out of date? Private enterprises have to do it, because they have their own banking accounts; public enterprises do not because they have to consider only the banking accounts of the ratepayers. Public enterprise is a grave menace and a great danger, and I hope it will never be allowed to engage in this transport industry again. I hope the public money will never be allowed to be invested in it, because if it is, it will mean we shall always have to put up with the more out-of-date forms of transport. I was interested to hear what the right hon. Member for Derby said about canals. I know that the railway companies acquired practically all canals and that they never, worked them. People engaged in transport will tell you, however, that for big loads—say loads of 2,000 tons—canal transport is not only the cheapest but the most expeditious— it is more expeditious than railway transport in the case of a very large load. I think his suggestion that some investigation ought to be made into this question is a very sound one, because of all forms of transport canal transport is the cheapest and best in the case of very large loads.

Both the Mover of the Resolution and the Seconder spoke in terms about the London Traffic Act, and said that as we had such legislation for London, we ought to have it for the rest of the country. I would like to give the House what I believe to be the history of that Act. It is a very extraordinary history. If what occurred then had happened in some second-grade South American Republic I should not have been surprised, but that it should happen in Great Britain, and in this Imperial Parliament, that two Governments totally different in complexion should have engaged in passing this legislation, is beyond my comprehension. Does anybody tell me that since it has been introduced there has been any improvement in transport in London? Has not the circular or round-about system of traffic led to just as many accidents? It is a fearful nuisance, and it often just means that you have to give your taximan 6d. more. [HON. MEMBERS: "That's the complaint!"] That is all it means. It has led to no solution of the traffic problem.

I will tell you what that Act has led to and how to some extent it has helped to solve the problem; it has granted a huge monopoly to one particular concern. Shortly after the War the right Hon. Member for Derby brought in a Bill to enable the London traffic people to raise all their fares 75 per cent. I and a few friends who thought it was unfair that every girl and every workman should Have to pay 2s. 6d. a week more in fares started a system of independent buses. The combine could not beat us, because with men owning their own buses those buses could be run for £2 a day less than the combine. How did the combine get buses to begin with? The tubes and the railways went to the London General Omnibus Company and said, "Unless you give us control we will run rivals to you," and the company had to sell out. That is exactly what will happen in the country if the railways are permitted to run road transport services. [ Interruption. ] An hon. Member does not seem to understand that, but he has never been a business man. I have been a business man all my life. The railway companies will go to any thriving road transport company and say, "We must have control of you, or we will run you off the roads." That is certain. The railway companies are business people, they are not in business for their health. They regard the public, as the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Derby regards them, as there to minister to their success and prosperity, from the directors down to the humblest porters. That is where we get unity between capital and labour.

The tubes and railways got control of the London General Omnibus Company, and then they proceded to make things suit themselves. With the increased fares the buses became very profitable. Nobody wants to go down tubes, we are not rabbits, everybody prefers to move above ground. These increased fares had been kindly presented to the buses by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Derby—he was in charge of the Bill—again in the interests of his men, the men on the tubes and the railways—because they got a share of the plunder. The profits of the buses became exceedingly large, and no doubt would have been larger but for the huge army of satellites which a large company must keep in addition to drivers and conductors. You have the road watchers, the ticket checkers, all the staff of clerks and all the rest of it. The wages of the driver and conductor are only part of the cost, and a man who owns his own bus, like a man who owns his own taxi cab, could do extraordinarily well. But, of course, this state of affairs did not suit the railway companies, and it did not suit the transport union, because when the union officials went to the independent men and said "Join our union," the in- dependent men asked "What for? "Then the combine started shadowing the independent buses, though in the end the number of independent buses grew so large, numbering about 500 or 600, that they could not all be shadowed.

I will tell you what they did with a bus with which I and some of my friends put some ex-service men into business. The combine used to run two buses behind it, two in front, and one alongside. [An HON. MEMBER: "Co-ordination."] Yes, absolutely, co-ordination; and according to what the man said, they killed one bus driver and one old woman and crashed three of their buses while they were chasing his bus. However, when the numbers increased they could not shadow them all; they could not put on five buses to every independent bus then, because they had not the number. So what they did then was to haul out all the obsolete buses they had, and to jam the streets of London with them. After that the chairman of the combine proceeded to make speeches, and had them carefully reported in the Press. The Press always reports the combine in the fullest fashion, the reason being that we see in the Press great advertisements from the combine calling on Londoners to "Travel by the tube." No London newspaper will publish any criticism of the combine. There will be nothing of this speech of mine in the papers to-morrow. Then when the buses had jammed the streets the Press began to talk about it—all according to plan, and, as I say, the chairman of the combine made speeches about the deplorable jamming of the streets, speeches which have never been equalled, perhaps, for sheer—what shall I call it?—I do not wish to use an offensive term, and I will call it "nerve." Those speeches have never been equalled for nerve since we had the case of the cannibal who sat on the shore of a South Sea island asking for charity on the ground that he was a poor orphan just after he had eaten his parents.

But even then they could not beat the independent busmen, so these had to be co-ordinated. A traffic inquiry was started. Some of us were interested to see how it was done. Capital and labour were at one in this. The monopoly and the transport union were working together. Those horrid fellows who were running their own buses could not be tolerated. I remember one of them had the audacity to call his bus "Liberty Bus." What an intolerable thing in these days of the domination of trade unions and great combinations? Capital and labour combined to say, "We must knock these fellows out." and a bus strike was accordingly started. The busmen came out.

6.0 p.m.

We used to see the chairman of the combine and the chairman of the union coming out of the inquiry smiling as they saw the independent busmen being divided up between them—with the same sort of smile on their faces as you can imagine on the face of a tiger who has just eaten a child. They were perfectly delighted. The chairman of the Transport Union said that each independent bus must live and die on one route—so that his friend the monopoly could hunt it down. Then there appeared this marvellous Traffic Act. My man kept his bus running for six months, and found it impracticable to go on and then I had to advise him that he ought to sell his bus and get the best terms he could. Unfortunately, I could not superintend the selling as I was in Africa. He should have gone to the combine, and got a big price from them. They were paying huge prices. I said to a member of the combine, "You have won, and you had better go ahead and get the whole monopoly," and they did, because the Traffic Act was so designed that no independent man could run. Buses were not allowed to stop, they had to run a regular service and keep going all the time; the men could not go round to the back streets in order to have a meal; they must run all the time, and according to order. The whole thing was framed to aid the monopolist system and nothing else, and I shall always be inclined to think that the Act was drafted in the offices of the combine, at St. James Park Station, or, at least, that the inspiration came from there, because the Act was suited to their purposes and nobody else's. A huge monopoly was handed over to them without a penny contribution being exacted from them, through the joint efforts of labour and capital. That is what happened. I say that once the private Bill was through there was nothing else to do but to go ahead. That gave me a wholesome dread of co-ordination. The Labour party was in it up to the neck, and the Conservative party was well over the top of the head. The late Mr. Kennedy Jones said that he would never agree to give the combine a monopoly of the London traffic. I revised his Report when he was Chairman of the Traffic Inquiry and it will always stand in my mind to the credit of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon (Mr. Lloyd George) that he always refused the monopoly afterwards given by the other two parties. Supposing they had left the combine to continue to flood the streets with buses. In a few weeks or a few months time they would have taken half of them off because they would have been losing money hand over fist. The same argument is being used for the combination of the coal trade where the competition is very severe and it is equally fallacious. Let your transport system have such regulations as are necessary in the public safety, but no more. Do not interfere in the name of co-ordination with natural competition. I think the roads should be maintained by national expenditure. Give a man a good road to his house and home and you are strengthening his opportunities. Good roads are a tremendous help to agriculture, but there is no need for speedways.

But do not go too fast. How do hon. Members know that we are not rapidly approaching the time when we shall work motor transport without these costly roads? I travelled recently with a leading man in the tyre industry, who told me that he had a tyre suitable for any kind of transport that does not need any roads at all, and he declares that he will be able to go across the country. With regard to taxation, I think the motor lorry with solid tyres should pay double the tax of the cars with pneumatic tyres. In these matters we do not want to proceed in the form of more officialdom when dealing with a rapidly growing trade which changes from week to week and from hour to hour. We have no time for that. Let the Ministry of Transport take care of the roads, blind corners and the like; never mind the speed limit which is of no use to anyone. Let the Minister of Transport provide that everybody who owns a car should be insured even to the very smallest car. I know that a lot of things of that kind are matters to be dealt with by regulations, but for goodness sake do not try to regulate the industry. Do not hand over the control to those who are in possession of a legal monopoly, who will make it their business to drive competition away in order to increase their monopoly, which is sure to lead to a bad service for the public, and do an enormous amount of harm in this particular industry. I believe that by the policy I have put forward, in a few years' time you will be able to solve a great many of your industrial problems. In conclusion, I ask that the clumsy hand of the Government should be put as little as possible into the machinery of this new and rapidly developing industry.

I think the greater part of the speech of the hon. and learned Member for Argyllshire (Mr. Macquisten) has been an argument, not only in favour of this Resolution, but in favour of its proposals being acted upon immediately. I cannot quite agree with the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Derby (Mr. Thomas) when he says that we should divest our minds of what is coming along in the Railway Bill, but I say that whether the railways are to be given further powers or not, something will have to be done. With regard to coordination of the road transport, I do not know whether the hon. and learned Member for Argyllshire sees red or green. We have been impressing upon the Minister of Transport during the whole of the time that I have had the honour of sitting on these benches that something should be done in this direction. It is because the railway companies by their slavish adherence to the controlled system have so withdrawn privileges and services from the trading public that transport on the roads has got such a hold. It is a well-known fact that much of the traffic which is now being carried on the roads could be more conveniently carried on the railways. I do not think we ought to add to the congestion of the roads and pile up the casualties which we read of every morning by permitting a non-restricted use of the roads, which in many cases are totally unfitted to carry either passengers or goods.

It has been laid down by the Railways Regulation Act that those who have the lives and valuable property of the people of this country entrusted to them should have reasonable hours of duty and rest, and that they should be reasonably physically fit to carry out their duties with regard to the railways. It seems to me that road transport is seeking some terrible calamity which will eventually rouse the public conscience, and cause something to be done. Apparently, the hon. and learned Member for Argyllshire would allow this scramble which very closely resembles a herd of swine trying to get their noses into the swill tub, and the hon. Member would prevent the Minister of Transport going in with a stick to restore order. But he Has to do it. The Minister of Transport has to be assured that the vehicle which takes the road either to carry goods or passengers is driven by a competent person. The right hon. Gentleman has also to see that the vehicle used is constructed with proper brakes which will efficiently protect life. He has also to see that not only are these things done in the interest of the safety of life and limb, but he has to make it imperative that certain roads, which it would not pay either the county council or the Ministry of Transport to make into suitable roads, should not be used by this class of traffic. Not only should this be done in the interests of public safety, but it should be done in order to preserve some of those sylvan beauty spots which are now rapidly being destroyed.

The economic problem in regard to this question is going to be a very big one. I am quite satisfied in my own mind that the question of road maintenance will have to receive very serious consideration. The present system is not fair either to railway companies or municipalities, who have to construct the roads and keep them in repair for the benefit of their competitors. The municipal tramway system, which has been so much discussed by the hon. and learned Member for Argyllshire, is not only compelled to keep its own rails in order, but it has to maintain the paving of the road for its competitors to run over. One of the things which will have to receive consideration when we get down to this question will be the repeal of that portion of the Tramways Act of 1870 which lays that duty upon the municipality. The Noble Lord the Member for Southampton (Lord Apsley) seemed to have got mixed up with regard to the roads. This is not so much a question of the arterial roads. As a matter of fact, some of the second-class roads are carrying more traffic than the arterial roads. The very simple solution which the Noble Lord the Member for Southampton has put forward will not do because you cannot divide your roads in that way. If you could, the problem would not require as much consideration as it seems to require.

At any rate, here are the municipalities, the private tramway companies, and the private omnibus companies, in which some millions of capital are invested, and the railway companies, also, in which some millions of capital are invested, and we are going to take traffic from the railways and put it on to the roads, which are not capable of carrying the traffic that they already have to bear. That is the problem that we have to face. It is no use anyone saying that this is a question of rail versus road transport, because it is not. The problem was here before the railway companies woke up, and, had the railway companies awakened 10 years ago, possibly we should not be considering the Railway Bills now. Of course, if the House likes to allow this chaotic system to go on for another 10 years, it will probably have to decide who is to carry both passengers and goods. This many-sided problem will have to be dealt with by sheer pressure of public opinion, not only in the municipalities but from all sides. We cannot escape it, and it will be no use the Minister getting up to-night and promising, as he has done on dozens of previous occasions, that he is going to bring in, at some time in the sweet by-and-by, a Bill to deal with these problems; it has got to be done now.

The statistics with regard to accidents on our railways were not nearly so serious as the statistics of the accidents occurring on our roads to-day, and yet we passed a Railways Regulation Act. We must have a Roads Regulation Act. We must see to it, at any rate, that, first of all, the burden of maintaining the roads is distributed equitably; we must see to it that the roads are made reasonably safe, and then we can leave the various interests to fight out the rest. But we cannot leave them to carry on the battle unrestricted; someone must be there to keep the ring, and see that the general public, the customer, the man whom the hon. and learned Member for Argyllshire so eloquently champions, does not suffer in the process. Otherwise, this quarrel as to who shall carry the traffic will be carried on until the traffic is entirely destroyed. It is because we do not want to see that happen that this Resolution is moved, and I trust that it will not only be carried, but that the Government will be impressed by the magnitude of the question and the need for immediate action, and will appoint a Select Committee to draw up Regulations at the earliest possible moment.

I shall endeavour to keep somewhat closer to the terms of the Resolution than some of the speakers have. The hon. Member for Gower (Mr. D. Grenfell) whom I should like sincerely to congratulate on his speech, because it was not only well thought out but full of facts, dealt with two matters which do really come under the terms of control and regulation, namely, the necessity for looking after those roads which are of less traffic value—or were of less traffic value in the past—in this country, and also the necessity, owing to the rapid increase of traffic, for looking to the future in providing reconstructed roads and new roads. As far as regards the roads of less traffic value, which are, for the sake of convenience, in the rural districts, called scheduled roads, the House is aware that I have during the last two years paid special attention to that problem. Five years ago, if a grant was given from the Road Fund for what are called first and second-class roads—that is to say, roads which are supposed to carry the bulk of the traffic, because they are in the direct line between great centres of population—that was sufficient because the other roads were entirely used by local traffic, and, therefore, it was quite right, under our present system of local government, that the rates should find the money. But, as the hon. Member for Gower has pointed out, year by year, even month by month, more traffic has to go on to these secondary or side roads, and the consequence is that in the rural areas the burden has become insupportable.

So much has that been the case that I was afraid, two years ago, before I took special action, that these roads might actually become derelict in some instances. As the House is aware, I instituted, two years ago, the system of a grant-in-aid of maintenance—not reconstruction, that being done separately— of scheduled roads in rural areas, which worked out at roughly 25 per cent. of the cost, and amounted to what was a very considerable sum even for the Road Fund to find, namely £1,400,000 and £1,500,000 in the last two years. I would point out that, so far as the regulation of the money to be found from the Road Fund is concerned, I am doing what I can to meet the views put forward by the hon. Member for Gower, I am sure with, the assent and consent of his colleagues, and to think, not only of the main traffic areas, but also of the subsidiary roads which are now so much used by traffic which does not belong to the district in which they are.

The hon. Member dealt with a problem of far greater importance than that when he pointed out, with undeniable force, that the volume of new traffic coming on to the roads, and especially of new heavy traffic, is one that no Government can ignore. Unemployment in this country consequent upon the War has had one good effect. There is a silver lining to almost every cloud, and, from the traffic point of view, the unemployment after the War was a godsend for road transportation. The Government of the day was rightly compelled to take special measures to give work to the unemployed, and it was found that in practice seven-tenths of the work that could be given to local unemployed people was work on the roads. Therefore, all Governments, Coalition, Labour and Conservative, have initiated and carried out that vast programme of road construction and reconstruction which was started almost immediately after the War, when the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) was Prime Minister, and that programme is still being undertaken.

I would point out to the House, further, that, in my opinion, in consequence of that, we are further advanced in the construction of new roads and in the reconstruction of old roads than we should have been if this unemployment had not come upon us, and we had gone on at the normal rate of expansion in making new roads and reconstructing old ones. We are, therefore, to the good to a certain extent in making provision for the new traffic which is coming on the roads. I would remind the House that that programme was very large. It amounted, if I recollect rightly—I have not looked up the figures—to between £52,000,000 and £53,000,000, and of that sum no less than £14,000,000 is still to be expended, divided between the Road Fund and the rates provided by the local authorities.

New construction and reconstruction, which is, in fact, almost as important.

No. We have a considerable amount of new work to be undertaken, but now all parties are pressing me to devote more money from the Road Fund to maintenance in relief of rates, and not so much to new construction. We cannot have it both ways. You cannot vote the increasing product of the Road Fund to grants-in-aid of maintenance, and also go in for new construction on a large scale, and, as the sense of the House has been that we should favour maintenance rather than new construction, the views of the House are taken into consideration and carried out by myself. I am quite sure, however, that the increase of vehicles on the roads will be so great in a few years' time, and the congestion will be so marked, that the tide will turn in the other direction, and the Minister of Transport of those days will be asked to undertake large works of new construction and reconstruction, and not to devote so much of the growing revenue of the Road Fund to maintenance as is the case at the present moment.

Before I come to the main purpose of this Motion, may I say one word with regard to London traffic; and I should like to take the opportunity of congratulating the hon. Member for White-chapel (Mr. Gosling) on the success of the Bill which he carried through in 1924. He did that under very considerable difficulties. His Government was not in an overwhelming majority in the House of Commons, and, although we gave him discriminating support, he had a very difficult task; and he must be very pleased to see that his child is so thriving and flourishing, and is, as I think, turning out to be a very great success. It is quite true that the success is largely due to the Traffic Advisory Committee, of which my hon. Friend the Member for Central Wandsworth (Sir H. Jackson) and the hon. Member for Rotherhithe (Mr. B. Smith) are distinguished members. Nevertheless, good Traffic Advisory Committee or bad Traffic Advisory Committee, if the Bill had not been framed on sound lines it would not have had the success that I claim for it. Although some hon. Members may criticise some of the things done under it, I do claim that on the whole there has been a very sensible improvement in the direction and manipulation of London traffic since that Act has come into force. It is, of course, only beginning to show the effects of the policy, and if the House, when that Act expires, as it will at the end of this year, can see its way to renew it, possibly with some Amendments, I think it will be found that a really successful contribution will have been made to the social life of this great Metropolis.

Personally, I welcome this Motion, in the first place, from the point of view of the Road Traffic Bill. It is very easy, at Question Time, for hon. Members opposite and hon. Members on this side to twit the Government and myself with having promised to bring in that Bill and not performing that promise. Every hon. Member who has been more than a few months in the House, knows that it is quite impossible for any Government of any political complexion to do more than pass a certain amount of legislation in the four years which comprise the life of any normal Parliament. One or two first-class Measures in a Session are all that any Government can hope to pass, and the questions which can be taken up must be divided fairly evenly between the different interests concerned. The Minister of Transport has the great honour of passing the Electricity Act, and it is obvious that other questions just as important have to be considered. When I say I hope the Road Transport Bill will pass into law without delay, I mean what I say. If a general election takes plane and another Government, or the same Government, is returned, I am sure urgency will force this Bill forward and this Motion, which will be recorded in the Journals of the House, will be a standing evidence of the desire of the House that some Measure should be passed to co-ordinate transport.

This Road Traffic Bill does a good many, though not all, of the things hon. Members desire. It has been sent to 60 or 70 representative bodies for criticism—trading bodies, motoring organisations and local government bodies. Minor criticisms have been levelled against it, yet, on the whole, it has been remarkably well received, and its general principles have received assent. The only part of it which really is appropriate to to-day's discussion is Part 3. There we seek to take power to inspect public service vehicles, omnibuses and chars-a-bancs, and not only to inspect them but to pass them before they are allowed to go on the road. There are many cases where deplorable accidents take place because no authority has any sort of power to inspect vehicles and see that those who take fares from the unfortunate people who go into them take precautions to see that they are not killed.

Accidents also take place as the result of no inspection or control over commercial vehicles.

There is this difference, that when you ply for hire you assume a bigger liability than when you are simply driving a car with, your own goods on it. Anyhow, a system of licensing by the local authorities would go a long way to meet some of the fears and criticisms of hon. Members opposite. It has not been very clearly stated what hon. Members want. I always find that everyone is in favour of economy in general, but they are not quite sure what particular economy they desire, though they are quite sure they do not want to economise in their own case first. Here hon. Members opposite ask for some measure of control and co-ordination, but—with the exception of one hon. Member, who, I think, desired the extension to districts up and down the country of that which an endeavour is being made to accomplish in London now—they have not a very clear idea what exactly is desired. In London, active negotiations are going on between the various transport interests concerned and the railway companies to see whether some co-ordination of services cannot be worked out.

Whether anything will come of that I cannot say. I have always had in my mind that it would be difficult for me to approach the greater question of coordination in the country as a whole till some agreement had been arrived at as regards the London traffic area, 25 miles from Charing Cross, and it is seen whether it will be profitable in a smaller area. It seemed rather absurd to tackle the greater question till you had, from the example, learned that it should be done in a smaller area, though a very important one. That is why I have not directed my attention so acutely and closely to the greater question in the past. The Government, however, are perfectly willing to accept this Motion and are, in principle, not averse from an inquiry into the question of using all the various means of transport in such a way as would be to the greatest public advantage, and they would be prepared to consider the desirability of instituting such an inquiry at some later stage if there was general agreement as to its utility and scope.

It is, really, a very important thing to be clear what you are going to inquire into. I have not received very much help from hon. Members opposite as to what they think should be inquired into. I have jotted down various subjects which it might be suggested could come within the scope of an inquiry. I do not say the Government would inquire into them, but they might be suggested. It might be said, while the draft Road Traffic Bill deals adequately with the inspection of vehicles engaged in public services, should the licensing authorities be directed to have regard to the need of instituting services and, if so, should they have regard to the existing means of transport, including railways? If additional services are required, should existing road transport services have a preference, and should there be an appeal to the Minister from the licensing authority? This is a very distinct question which it might be suggested a Committee or Commission of inquiry might take into consideration.

The next point is, should the number of licensing authorities be reduced? Should steps be taken to bring about regional working agreements between road transport undertakings, trams, and the suburban services of railway companies? Is it desirable to confine your inquiry to passenger services, or are you to go further and look into freight services? Is the existing law adequate to ensure that traffic shall not be permitted on roads that are not suitable for it and, if not, how should it be amended? Should local authorities which are empowered to run tramway and omnibus services be given a general power to extend them in continuation of the authorised routes without reference to Parliament? I put these various points to show, that it is not the sort of inquiry that could be set up to-morrow morning. You have to consider very carefully the terms of reference for any inquiry the Government might think it wise to set on foot after they had gone into it. We do not close our mind to it. I accept the Motion, but I want to press with all my strength that hon. Members should realise the complexities of the question, and I should be only too willing to receive representations from them as to what they think should be included in the inquiry. It is a very difficult question, which requires serious and very careful consideration.

Would the right hon. Gentleman be prepared to include an inquiry into the effect of the present regulations on the comfort and convenience of the travelling public, who never seem to come into these things at all?

The list I have given is not meant to be exhaustive. It is meant to show that it is not an easy thing to decide off-hand and, this having been brought into practical politics at rather short notice from my point of view, we could not be expected to make a more definite declaration than I have done. I want it to be quite clear that the possibility of investigation which I have indicated must not be taken, when we come to consideration of the Railway Bill for power to run road services, as an excuse to put off the consideration of that Bill. These are two quite different things, and each must stand on its own merits. The Bill to enable railways to run road transport services will be discussed at length the week after next. I want to make it clear that, because I have indicated that I may be considering the possibility of a wide inquiry, it must not, therefore, be taken that the Government will give any support to the suggestion that consideration of that Bill can be postponed till we have had this inquiry, nor can it be taken that the Government will agree to any postponement of the Road Traffic Bill because this inquiry may take place. An inquiry of this sort, if it took the form of a Royal Commission, might occupy two years, and it might be another two years before the Government were able to carry its recommendations into law. Subject to what I have said, I am very pleased on behalf of the Government to accept the Motion which has been so ably proposed and seconded.

We are very anxious to know in what manner the Government propose to accede to our request, and whether we really understand each other as to what the Motion means, because most of the discussion has been merely upon road traffic and very little has been said about the need for inquiry in the sense that we mean it. What we want is inquiry into transport as a whole, because it is moving along in all kinds of directions by leaps and bounds. The House hardly noticed it, but two very important Canal Bills obtained a Second Reading to-day, and in a few days more there are going to be a number of very important railway Bills. Other enterprises are making themselves busy in the direction of transport. Those who are travelling on the canals are improving their craft. The motor is now coming into use on the canals at a rate that is almost astonishing when you remember how lax they have been in the direction of making improvements. Coastwise shipping is gradually changing. Owners are beginning to look for a better type of craft for coastwise work, and, unless we are very careful, we are going to have all these contending forces at each other's throats, and those whom we mainly represent will suffer in consequence. This Motion asks the Minister what he is going to do about transport. [An HON. MEMBER: "Road transport."] It asks him what he is going to do about road transport, but my point is that you cannot decide what you are going to do about road transport unless you take into account all the other forms of transport.

There was a little play on the other side of the House about co-ordination. I have had some experience of the want of co-ordination and of the application of it. I suppose there could not be a better instance of co-ordination than that of the London Docks. We have got rid altogether of those men who used to climb over each other's backs to try to get a job. We have got rid of all that silly competition between people who ought to have known better, and who tried to get trade whether it was the right trade or not. The docks are co-ordinated, and you are able by that co-ordination to give your workpeople a far better chance of getting something like a decent living. I do not want anybody in this House to think that that is not what is at the back of our heads. If we did not think of our bread and butter, there would be nothing else to think about. When we talk about this matter and ask questions, and want to know what the Ministry of Transport is doing, it is because we want to be sure that the conditions of our work people are going to be maintained, and, if possible, improved, though in the present chaotic condition of traffic generally it is almost impossible.

The Minister was good enough to pay a compliment to me that I hardly deserve, because it belongs to others, too, about introducing a Measure of which I have felt rather proud since, although it was far short of what I would have liked it to have been or what my friends wanted. But the London Traffic Act has done a very good work. I will tell you what it has done. It has helped us more than anything else to maintain the standard of living of the workmen engaged. It was brought in for the purpose of helping us to adjust the position. The position was adjusted because we were able to straighten out the chaotic condition that traffic was in, and give everybody an opportunity of getting a reasonable profit and of paying proper wages. That is what should be done. What we were hoping, and what I was hoping, was that the Minister was going to tell us what the policy of his Ministry was with regard to transport generally. What is the good of ships going half filled from London to Hull because they cannot get a full freight owing to the railway rates being cut down? I want to get all these things straightened out, and the Minister is the man to do it. It is his job. That is what his Ministry is for. He talks about an inquiry, gives us half a dozen headlines, and asks, "Is that what you want?" He must not ask us. He must ask himself. It is his job. Will they suit him? If the right hon. Gentleman thought of them from the point of view of their being the right things to do, he should put them in hand at once. We will criticise them if we do not like them, but he must not hide behind them. He must get on with the job. That is what I am trying to urge him to do. The Ministry's pigeonholes in Whitehall are full of information. We have been inquiring for years and years. That is the sort of thing Departments have done in various directions. Inquire; stuff it in the pigeonhole! Now we say, "Get some of it out." If the right hon. Gentleman will only do that, he will find accumulated there all the information that he wants for the first thing we are asking him to do.

This Motion of ours may be regarded, if you like, and if you want to get the thing narrowed down, as a first instalment. The reason, perhaps, that the Motion is put down in the form in which it is, is because we know that we need not wait for an inquiry. What is more, the thing will not brook inquiry. You cannot afford to wait. Something must be done, and it must be done at once. The Minister should put regulation and licensing into operation at once. But what you really do want, and for what, I expect, you will be having calls upon you very soon, is a Traffic Act for all the other centres in the country where conditions are exactly similar to those that obtained in London before the Traffic Act was introduced. And so I say to the Minister, do not wait until the row comes on the Railway Bill, because there must be a row on then if we are simply going to add to the powers given to railway companies the power of pushing more traffic where there is no room for it to go in this country without at the same time accompanying it with regulation and control. If you are to cover transport with regulation and control, you ought to make a programme and tell us how it is going to be done, so that we may know how we may act in regard to any legislation that is asked for.

This Motion was put down to some extent to smooth the way towards legislation that might take place in the remainder of the Session. It was put down so that there might not be any doubt in our minds as to what the policy of the Government was going to be upon which we were going to be asked to act. Therefore, if you realise how difficult the whole problem is, you must tell us sooner or later. If you do not tell us, you will have to tell somebody else. The country will want to know what policy you really have for transport generally and what you are going to do in particular on these matters of road transport. If you take the Motion in its narrow form, that it is only asking the Ministry to give us an answer in regard to road transport, then we ask, seeing the Ministry has divided the country into separate regions, will it apply the Regulations that are applied in London? Will it set them in motion in the different regions of the country and give control over the traffic both in regard to licensing and regulations generally?

Yes, all traffic. When we talk in this House about traffic and about the roads, we talk very largely about passenger traffic, but it is the other traffic, the uncontrolled traffic in London and the uncontrolled traffic, both passenger and goods, in the country. I want the Minister to get it into his mind that our view of transport means transport as a whole—transport by water, transport by river, transport by canal, transport by sea, transport by railway and transport by road. Unless you have a definite policy taking into account all those different contributions to transport as a whole, then you cannot get us out of our present chaotic condition. While the Minister has promised to accept our Motion, I want him to conceive what, in our opinion, accepting our Motion means, and put into operation some machinery that will relieve us from this chaotic condition.

I should like, first of all, to add my humble tribute to the Mover of this Resolution for bringing it forward, because this subject of transport is one which is by no means a party subject and one in which many of us in all quarters of the House are immensely interested. Whatever the hon. and learned Member for Argyllshire (Mr. Macquisten) says about co-ordination, I, for one and many like me, feel profoundly disturbed at the state into which road transport has got at the present time. We cannot, as the hon. Member for Whitechapel (Mr. Gosling) mentioned, discuss the subject of road transport without bringing in also the subject of the railways, the canals and sea transport as well. Anybody who goes outside any of our big industrial centres, on the main roads there, must realise that if the normal increase of road transport goes on as it has in the years past that, in future years the situation, which is bad now, will become absolutely chaotic. It is, in many cases, practically intolerable now. You have roads which are constructed to hold comparatively light transport, and on those roads are hundreds and thousands of enormous vehicles for which they were never constructed, and however much you may go on improving those roads, cutting corners and building new roads, you will never be able to catch up with that increase unless something extremely drastic is done.

7.0 p.m.

I believe the solution to be one which has not been mentioned this afternoon at all, that is, the introduction of some very drastic Regulations as regards the size and weight of vehicles. Some of the vehicles one meets on the roads at the present moment are enormous. There is an enormous vehicle, or series of vehicles, coming from the West Country to London every day with milk supply. It is a tremendous machine. One of the drivers said to a friend of mine one day, when apologising for sticking rather to the middle of the road, "It is not my fault. I cannot afford to get too much to the side, or I should not get her out again." That is what is happening at the present moment. Then you have the condition of some of these vehicles. Old lorries are run at night inadequately lighted and in a thoroughly bad condition. Nothing is done to remedy them. A still worse thing which is happening consists of a number of steam trains which are run on the roads. It is impossible for things to get past. They are extremely slow and extremely inefficient. We have this problem in this country. I think it is one which is particular to Great Britain, and not to the Continent, because of the distances. You do not get grave problems of lorry transport on the Continent to such an extent, simply because distances are so great that it really does not pay them to put on lorries, and, again, our roads are so good. In my opinion, these vehicles are not sufficiently taxed for the damage they do to the roads. There is another advantage in the fact of using lorry transport as against road transport. You only have loading and unloading once instead of twice. Lastly, you have the question of the very heavy overhead cost which railways have to bear which is not borne by the roads.

This subject is one which will have to be dealt with, because it is perfectly obvious that, as things are, with an inadequate amount paid by the heavy vehicles, we are subsidising these lorries to the detriment of the country, the detriment of the people who use the roads, and to those people who live on the roads where these enormous things have to go. I believe the whole key is in the word "size." For maximum efficiency of transport, I think we shall, sooner or later, have to see that heavy stuff is carried in some other way than by road, and light stuff—I do not mean private cars, but light lorries with pneumatic tyres—goes on the road, and the heavy is prevented from doing so. You can do that by charging an enormous tax on the enormous vehicles which would make it not worth while to run them, or by a limitation of size by an Order of the Ministry of Transport. It will have the good effect that light stuff will be able to go quickly, and the heavy stuff going on the railway will enable the railway to reduce rates. That will be more adequately dealt with in the Railway Bill. If this were done, it would not have an adverse effect on the people who travel for enjoyment in chars-a-bancs. For a long time people who used chars-a-bancs have shown a preference for the smaller type of vehicle. If you had more of the smaller vehicles they would be more comfortable on the road. That is the contribution I wanted to make as regards the suggestion for helping in the chaotic condition of transport.

As regards the Regulations made by the Minister under the London Traffic Act, I believe that it has been a very good thing. I took a particular interest in it, because in 1923 I happened to go to America—at that time I was Parliamentary Private Secretary to the hon. Gentleman who is now Minister of Transport. I had an opportunity in America of studying traffic in New York and going round with American traffic authorities and writing a report on it. I saw the first working of the roundabout traffic and the first working of the one-way street traffic, so that it has been interesting to see how the schemes which I saw working in New York have worked here. It undoubtedly does work here extremely well as it did there. We have not tried the light signal system to the same extent, and it has not been the same success here. I think that is because London is not adapted like New York to the working of traffic by light signal owing to the irregularity of its streets. There are two things which might still be done to aid London traffic. London traffic will become so great, indeed one must consider it as a continual stream, and the whole object is to keep this moving, otherwise it will become banked-up and clog the whole machine.

There are two things which we can do to make traffic run more smoothly. The first is as regards private cars. A thing called a "bumper" should be made to be fitted compulsorily, as in New York. The advantage to traffic is that when it stops, it moves up closely. In New York every motor car touches the one in front. We could then get more vehicles in a smaller space, as the bumpers have to be the same distance from the ground. Here they are all of different sizes. The other suggestion I make as regards London traffic is that much more drastic regulations should be made as to keeping to the left. Anybody who drives a car must have noticed on the Great West Road that if there is only one little car it is right in the middle of the road. If you try to cross it on the right, you run into something coming the other way, and if you try to pass it on the left the car may turn, and thereby cause an accident. I feel that ought to be studied much more closely by the authorities concerned, and if everybody were compelled to keep to the left-hand side, I am sure you would get a stream of traffic more compact, and greater efficiency would result.

I am certain that the co-ordination of London traffic, which we hope is coming into being very soon, will be a great advantage. Transport facilities in the part of London which I represent— Hackney—are deplorable. We have a certain amount of traffic, including buses, and a service of trams. The trams and the buses block the way for each other and the trams are thoroughly out-of-date and antiquated, and we hope the London co-ordination scheme will do a great deal of good there. Traffic is becoming so bad that it is absolutely essential that some authority should take power to deal with it, to regulate and co-ordinate it. I believe that the Government are aware of it, and I expect from the interest they are taking in this London traffic co-ordination scheme that the Bill will not be delayed too long, and that they will not be afraid to deal drastically with what is a very big and difficult problem.

It is very gratifying to learn from the Minister of Transport that he accepts this Motion in principle, and that a move will be made sooner or later to put it into effect. I want to say a word or two mainly upon the question of the whole traffic problem. The Minister has spoken about arterial roads. I do not think anyone has very much about which to complain in the arterial roads that have been made, but we have a good deal about which to complain in the slow reconstruction of some of the old roads. If we travel in the rural districts we find there has been very little done. A lot might have been done had the Government idea of looking forward—we have heard the Minister to-night state that it is a Government of looking forward—been acted upon, and they might have done a great deal more to facilitate traffic getting through some of the old country roads. It seems to me that the Government are waiting for other people to make improvements, so that they have to pay a much larger sum for the piece of land that they want to take off these old roads. In some of the villages I am certain there are many roads which could have been widened with very little inconvenience to the property and to them.

I could mention several roads not very far out of London. Take the old road from Rainham into Romford and across into Upminster. What have you done? Nothing. There are some very bad roads there, and yet you have allowed buses to run across these roads irrespective of the increased amount of traffic on those roads. You have not brought these roads up to date. A great deal of the Road Fund money could have been spent to advantage in improving those roads and widening them in many places. I do not wonder at the agricultural farmers complaining about the roads, and the difficulty they have in getting their produce to market. They cannot get to market in anything near the time they ought to be able to get there, and I think the Minister might set his Committee to work to view those places. I admit that the Advisory Committee in London have done a great deal of good work. They have made some very good regulations, but there, again, when regulations are1 made, it does not seem to be anybody's duty to see that they are properly carried out.

An hon. Member on the other side mentioned the question of traffic keeping to the left. I do not think many like to keep to the left; they like the middle of the road, because it is best, and you will find that even with horses to-day. When they are coming into London, horses migrate to the centre of the road, because it is easier for them, and the same thing applies to motorists, and to the big steam wagons and big motor wagons on many of the roads. The reason of it is that many of the roads are not properly made up, and are not sufficiently strong and good enough to carry those heavy loads. There is too much camber on them, they are liable to slip and the driver knows what is going to happen if he gets a skid on the side of these country roads where there is nothing else but ditches, and no pathway at all. I think the Minister and his Department could have done a good deal with many of the local authorities and had made up paths alongside the roads as a convenience to the foot passengers and also to the benefit of the mechanically-propelled vehicles. It would have prevented many of them getting too close to the side and skidding the way they have done.

Something ought to be done with regard to the enormous weight which these vehicles are allowed to take. We are getting very heavy six-wheelers on the road now which require a tremendous amount of efficient manipulation and it is clear that even the roads that have been made up, the arterial roads, will not bear the heavy traffic long, before they give way. You can go along some of the arterial roads and find many potholes, as the motorists describe them. All these things ought to be looked into by a central authority, with power of control over the county councils and the county borough councils. Where the Minister is assisting authorities with regard to their No. 1 classified roads and their No. 2 classified roads, the Department have some control in regard to the material and the efficiency of the work which is put into the roads, but at the moment they have none with regard to the unclassified roads.

We have just as much control and no more control over the unclassified roads as we have over the first and second-class roads. I do not give a grant unless a proper form of maintenance is carried out by the local authorities.

As I go about, it appears to me that the third-class roads are not nearly as well kept up as the second-class roads.

Obviously not. They would not be scheduled as third-class roads if they were kept up as well as first and second-class roads.

The idea of the Minister has been to calculate the quantity of traffic on the roads and not the weight of traffic that goes over the roads. I would classify them as first, second and unclassified roads. The principle of the Department has been to get off by paying as little as possible to the local authorities to do the work, instead of getting good quality roads. The 25 per cent. is not enough for the local authority to make these roads as well as they could do and would do had they a bigger grant. It is time that the Minister and his Department awoke to the fact of the seriousness of this traffic problem in the rural and urban areas and in London. I am sure that if we had good roads on the side roads we should get more traffic going through those roads and that would relieve the traffic on the heavier roads. I hope the Minister will take these matters into consideration.

The hon. Member for Whitechapel (Mr. Gosling), in his interesting speech, referred to the capacious pigeon-holes in the Department of the Ministry and the number of documents therein residing. There is one particular document which I know does reside in one of those pigeon-holes, and I would like to draw the attention of the Minister to it and to ask him to consider it. The Minister has rather suggested that many of the speakers have been going outside the strict limits of the Motion. This is a Debate on the control and regulation of motor traffic. I suggest that unless there are motor cars you can- not control them, and unless there are roads and adequate roads for them to run upon, you cannot regulate the speed at which they shall run. The particular part of the problem with which I wish to deal relates to the county of Cornwall, one of the Divisions of which I represent. The subject which I wish the Minister to take out of the pigeon-hole and to consider is the fact that the yield from licences in that county last year amounted to £165,000, and the grant which that county received for the maintenance of its roads amounted to £124,000, so that the county contributed £40,000 from the yield of its motor duties to the maintenance of roads elsewhere.

The hon. Member must not forget that they get a good deal for reconstruction and improvement of roads, besides maintenance.

I thank the Minister for that correction, but upon general and broad lines the figures which I have quoted have been put forward by the Road Committee of the County Council of Cornwall, and if the Minister will search one of those pigeon-holes he will find a document which will bear out what I have said. I would like to draw attention to the very unusual condition of things in Cornwall. A great deal of the motor traffic there is of a seasonal character. It is essentially national traffic. It pours down those three or four great trunk roads which run horizontally through the county, for three or four months. It is very voluminous in July, August and September, and then it dies away and we have a more or less ordinary amount of purely local traffic. It is quite certain that the purely local traffic would not necessitate the very large and evergrowing expenditure on the Cornish roads which is necessitated by this national traffic.

May I remind the Minister that the expenditure on the roads has grown from £180,000 in 1924–25 to £320,000 in the year which we have just begun. I would like to put in a very earnest plea for more consideration for the essentially national character of the bulk of the traffic in that county. It has been summarised by a speaker in that county in this way:

I had not in tended to intervene, but it seems to me that it will be disastrous, in the interests of the people who use the roads for vehicular traffic and the people who have to walk on the roads, that this question should be indefinitely shelved. When the hon. Member for Whitechapel (Mr. Gosling) asks for a roving inquiry over every form of transport, he is doing his best, unconsciously, to postpone one of the most urgent problems which ought to be tackled in the public interests. I think my right hon. Friend the Minister does himself and his Department rather an injustice when he suggests, as his speech rather indicated, that this problem is too vast for them to deal with. It is true that there is a vast volume of information on this question of road regulation and road traffic in general. Inquiry after inquiry has been held, committee after committee has sat, and representations from various bodies have been sent to the Ministry time after time. These reports and representations are available. One may agree or disagree with parts of them, but they ought to be sorted out in an efficient way and brought forward. The Minister had circulated the draft of a Bill relating to road traffic, and I am surprised that in this Session that Bill has not been brought in. It is ready; it could be printed in a night. It could be passed through this House in one day's sitting and sent upstairs. My right hon. Friend was able to get through a much more difficult Measure, and he would meet with a much greater volume of support for this traffic Bill than he did for the other Bill.

If there is one pressing problem which affects ordinary people dealt with by the Ministry of Transport, it is this question of traffic and regulations. It is a very serious thing indefinitely to allow the present chaos to continue and become worse. The toll of casualties on the roads, bad as it was last year, will be infinitely worse this summer. Time after time in this House we hear about the growing number of level crossing accidents and casualties, but they are as nothing compared with the volume of level cross-road casualties. The question of level cross-road and other street accidents can only be dealt with by legislation. I urge my right hon. Friend, seeing that the Session has only just started, to take action in this matter. There is time to get through a traffic Bill dealing with licences, regulations and the use of streets. The question of unsuitable traffic in particular streets is to some extent dealt with in the existing Roads Act, but the existing authority is not sufficient. Houses are shaken to pieces in residential quarters, and I am told that the existing Statute is not equal to dealing with some of these cases. But it only needs a few words to amend it and make it suitable.

I hope the Ministry in making grants for reconstruction schemes will have regard to whether the type of construction is likely to protect the adjoining property and whether safeguards are being taken by the use of proper material and by leaving cavity spaces. One knows from experience that you cannot leave all these things to the local authorities. I do urge my right hon. Friend to get on with this job, and I would urge the hon. Member for Whitechapel not to ask for too wide a field of inquiry in its early stages. Road traffic and road legislation is a thing in itself and has nothing to do with coastwise steamers and canals. To ask for that to be included in the same inquiry is to ask for something far too wide. I hope that the Motion will be passed and that my right hon. Friend will take action on it.

Question put, and agreed to.

Resolved,

"That the increasing number and volume of road transport services render legislation for control and regulation urgently necessary."

Socialism in Local Government

I beg to move,

"That this House observes with regret recent notorious instances of extravagant maladministration arising from the professed application of Socialist theories to local government by certain local authorities, particularly in regard to the funds provided for Poor Law relief, and is of opinion that while the matter is primarily one for the local government electors themselves the protection of the citizens from exploitation is a matter requiring the constant watchful attention of the Government.'

The question which I have the honour to bring before the House is one which does not call for ribald cheers on the part of hon. Members opposite, but is one which should have their very earnest consideration, because it involves the rating of this country which is very seriously impeding the return to prosperity of the great industries of the country. The gravity of the burden of rating has been acknowledged and has been considered fey the Government, and, indeed, no line in the Gracious Speech from the Throne has attracted so much attention as that referring to the question of rating, which is to be considered sooner or later by this House. I ask the House to note what has been the increase in the cost of rating since pre-War days. In England and Wales rating has increased by more than twice the amount which was raised in pre-War times. At the present time we have examples such as Sheffield—examples which show that, whereas in pre-War days the cost of rates for the production of a ton of steel was 8d., to-day it is 13s. 3d. It does not require very much intelligence to realise that a difference of 12s. 7d. in the cost of a ton of steel is going to react very badly on the wages of the workers in the industry and will bear very hardly on the manufacturers who have to run their businesses in good times and in bad. I ask the House to remember also the great increase which has taken place in the cost of Poor Law relief.

Notice taken that 40 Members were not present; House counted, and 40 Members being present—

I do not complain that attention has been called to the fewness of the Members present, but I do regret the fact that the interruption has not brought an accession of Members to the Labour benches. Of couse, it is to those benches that I am hoping to bring home some of the truths which are certainly realised by the country generally. I was about to point out the great increase in Poor Law relief since pre-War days. Before the War the amount expended on Poor Law relief was in the neighbourhood of £3,000,000. The average figure since the War has been £15,000,000, and in 1926–27 no less than £49,000,000 was expended upon Poor Law relief—a tremendous sum, which should cause this House to think, and to ask whether the great increase has been justified and whether the expenditure has been carried out in a proper way. I would ask the House to remember that Poor Law relief is not the only money which is being paid out in cases of emergency. One realises, of course, that bad times must come in the household, that there must be sickness and other unfortunate experiences.

On Monday last the hon. Member for Gower (Mr. D. Grenfell) asked a question, and the reply of the Minister gave a great amount of information. The question was, what was the amount per annum paid in respect of Health Insurance, Unemployment Insurance, Workmen's Compensation and Widows' and Old Age Pensions. In pre-War days Health Insurance had only just commenced, Unemployment Insurance and Widows' and Old Age Pensions were nonexistent. We have to add to the £49,000,000 which was expended on Poor Law relief in 1926–27, a sum of £100,000,000. There is to-day, therefore, a sum of roughly £150,000,000 going into the homes of the people to meet the great cases of emergency. That sum of £150,000,000 represents about £10 per head of the insured population. The emergency which this vast sum was paid to meet was either the misfortune that the breadwinner was unable to carry on his work, or an accident to the breadwinner and the payment under the Workmen's Compensation Acts, and in the case of widows' and orphans' pensions it meant that the home was deprived of the breadwinner. One realises, of course, that there must be households where some assistance is required, and it gave me satisfaction to know that there was this vast sum of money going into the homes.

When the House is considering the amount spent on Poor Law relief, it should remember that even the vast sum of £49,000,000 spent in 1926–27 is not the only amount. It is money placed at the disposal of the people whom one would expect to come within the purview of Poor Law relief, namely, the insured population of 15,000,000, and it is a. sum of money which cannot be ignored. The question I ask is whether the administration of Poor Law relief has been on the whole not properly carried out. I do not want to put my proposition as high as that. I believe that in many unions throughout the country Poor Law relief is being administered as was intended by the Act of Parliament, but there have been some unfortunate cases, not limited to the cases of West Ham or Chester-le-Street or Bedwellty. There are other unions which have not yet been brought under close examination and have not had their guardians superseded by guardians appointed by the Minister of Health. The first example in this reckless and indiscriminate expenditure of money upon Poor Law relief came from a district which, if it has given us nothing else, has given us a new word, which for many years will be known as Poplarism. I see the hon. Member for 'Bow and Bromley (Mr. Lansbury) smiling and cheering as though he had achieved something of which to be proud. Indeed, it is part of the policy of the Socialist party to expend extravagantly.

I culled a letter from the "Times" of 26th January, in which the hon. Member for Bow and Bromley said this:

"As to the right to elect, surely everyone engaged in politics knows that all elections are fought out on questions of personal interest. Protectionists offer work for all at high wages. The Socialists follow suit and with unblushing impudence offer leisure, pleasure and plenty for all, and schemes of national and international cooperation."

I am afraid that hon. Members who cheer have not followed the words. If I have understood aright that portion of the letter which applies to the Socialist proposals, it is that it offers leisure, pleasure and plenty, but there is not one word about work.

Possibly I am not well versed in the deeper meaning of the hon. Member's language. I repeat that I find in the letter no word about work. In the three unions to which I have referred the Minister of Health has been compelled to supersede the elected board of guardians for reasons which the House knows full well. I have taken the notorious case of Chester-le-Street. There, there had been control by the Socialist party, and the guardians, to suit their own purpose and particular propaganda, had formed a committee, supported by people who were of their own way of thinking, and had in fact turned themselves into a Finance Committee of the Miners' Association. They did not dispense Poor Law relief with justice and equity, but selected their own friends and gave them special consideration, while imposing conditions upon others who were less fortunate, so that they might feel the fact that they were not members, or at least full financial members, of the trade union. What happened? Those members of the trade union who were in benefit were allowed to receive the full allowances, but those who were not in benefit did not have the allowances made up to the amount which the other men were receiving.

You had the disgraceful example in Poor Law administration of men who were allowed to receive relief regardless of the fact that they had other means coming into their homes, and sometimes in fairly large sums. You had the example of families consisting of six members, where £8 a week was paid. That insidious propaganda, that unfair method of administration which had been started in Poplar and continued in West Ham, was followed up in the North and then down in Wales. In Bedwellty there have been examples which must make members of the Socialist party, if their colour is not already red in the reflection of their flag—must make them blush. These are cases that I find in Bedwellty. I am quoting, not from a newspaper, but from the report of the guardians appointed by the Minister of Health. The facts, which have been before the House and before the Socialist party, are facts which up to now I have not heard fully refuted even by the Socialist party. Let me give some of these examples, [ Interruption. ] At all events, if this is an ex parte statement, it is capable of being examined. It is a statement made by civil servants, on whom, in other circumstances, the Socialist party are ready to rely. It is a statement which has been put upon the Table of this House and has been open to close investigation and inspection, and, I say again, that up to this moment nothing in any of the three reports has been refuted by any Member of the Socialist party. Here is one case: Interruption. ] I am sorry that this excites hon. Members opposite but, presently, they will have their opportunity of speaking upon the matter. I am endeavouring to place before the House the facts as I have ascertained them, and I shall be willing, as I always am, to listen to any statement from the other side. What I would point out about Poor Law relief in the unions concerned is that the authorities there have usurped functions not bestowed upon them by the Legislature. I regard the Poor Law guardian as being a trustee and his duty is to act as trustee for the ratepayer. Unfortunately, guardians in these cases seem to have misconceived their duty. They have regarded themselves as trustees for the pauper person who is in search of Poor Law relief and the ratepayer has been thrown to one side. [HON. MEMBERS: "Shame!"] Yes, it is a shame that men cannot conceive of anything higher in ther responsibility with regard to local government than to favour their friends at the expense of the ratepayers generally.

The charge which I bring against the Socialist boards of guardians, and particularly the three to which I have referred, are that they have administered recklessly and extravagantly; that they have distributed relief without reference to the principles laid down by law; that they have abused their powers for personal and political ends, and, that in this way, they have crippled trade in their areas and have degraded and corrupted the people. Although I regard seriously the way in which they have used their powers purely for personal ends, and although it is a grave matter that the industry of this country should be suffering as it is under the rates which are imposed to-day, yet I say that the most serious count in the indictment which I have laid is the way in which these guardians have dragged the people from an honest and upstanding position in life, down to a position in which their morale is gone, they are dependent upon the Poor Law and eventually they find their way into the ranks of Socialism. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh!"] Of course, their power to withstand is gone and their honour has been sapped away by these continuous, doles. The administration of Poor Law relief in these unions, as we have seen, has been taken over by guardians appointed by the Ministry, and I think we have an example of proper administration in the results which have been achieved by those appointed guardians. In West Ham they have been able to save no less than £600,000 a year, and they have reduced very considerably the cost of the upkeep of establishments. In Chester-le-Street the same tale is told, and again in Bedwellty. The number of officials there has been reduced very considerably, and the cost of Poor Law relief has been reduced. At the same time, it is important to note that cases of real necessity have been met and men and women have been encouraged; to seek work, instead of, as formerly, being encouraged to give up the idea of work, and to look only for Poor Law relief.

The observations which are being made by the hon. Member opposite are such as I have heard time and again at street corners, and the fact is, apparently, that I have one idea of the duty of a public representative and the hon. Member has another. Already, I think I have given sufficient information to bring this matter to the serious consideration not only of hon. Members here, but of people outside this House. I think I have succeeded in stirring up some interest in this question of local government, and I want the people generally to realise that the responsibility in this matter lies upon them as well as upon this House. Every citizen has the right to demand that those who claim to represent him and who claim his support shall be, men who are going to carry out their work in a proper and honest way. Until the people of this country realise that this responsibility is upon them, and that they cannot shift it on to Parliament, we shall never arrive at a proper condition of affairs in local government in this country. If I have done nothing else in introducing this Motion I hope I have made hon. Members realise that the existing rates are an exceeedingly great burden on industry and that the rating system, as one of the chief means of raising revenue in this country, ought to be improved. Further, I hope that the people of this country will be brought back to a realisation of the fact that it is very much better to work than it is constantly to accept relief under such conditions and in such a manner as I have indicated until it comes to be regarded as better, as easier, as more comfortable, and more pleasant to depend on Poor Relief rather than on the results of one's labour.

I leave the matter there. I know I have stirred up sufficient interest in the subject among hon. Members on the other side, and I am sure the House will hear from them again many of the excuses which were put forward when we considered the cases of Chester-le-Street and West Ham. But the excuses which were given on those occasions will not suffice. The people of this country are determined that in the future they shall have on local bodies men who are going to administer the law as it is laid down, and that no party, neither the Socialist party nor Any other, shall set up for itself a law applicable to its own political needs, and use local administration as a means of pressing forward its own political views. I have pleasure in moving the Motion, and I hope that when a Division is taken this evening an overwhelming majority will be found in its support.

I beg to second the Motion.

I promise hon. Members opposite that I shall not afflict them for a long time. I desire to approach this question from another angle. Many honoured colleagues with whom I have co-operated for years in local government work are on the benches opposite, and I want them to consider in what direction we are drifting from the point of view of local interests. I am not going into the details of local administration here or there. That is a matter which causes intense feeling, and as a result of that feeling the real danger and the real difficulty may be overlooked. Let us take the case of the London County Council, on which many of us have spent a great deal of time. Years ago, the political atmosphere in the London County Council was intense, and we used to give up more time to politics than we could afford. We often sat through the night dealing with such matters, but as years have gone by things have greatly improved in that respect, and now, whatever may take place at election times, we have very little politics within that body. The London County Council tries to deal with questions on their merits, leaving all sorts of political amusements, if I may so put it, on one side.

Is not the danger to-day that many of us are carrying our politics into our work on the local bodies and in doing so are spoiling the work of those bodies? Is it not the danger that men who are devotedly giving their time to the work with the best of intentions are yet failing us as a result of trying to run political theories threadbare in administrative practice. I suggest that we may all have more or less the same sentiments in regard to poverty and the same desire to relieve poverty. Yet we ought to restrain ourselves from trying to use our position on local authorities in order to work out some pet theory of our own. When we deal with national matters, pet theories in administrative practice are very much put to one side, but in a small local area logically-minded persons will try to drive their theories to a logical end, and the result is that all over the country, here and there, you have these black spots—the necessitous areas. If we look carefully into the matter we find that they are necessitous because political theory has been allowed too much play.

8.0 p.m.

It may be said that this is a matter for the electors in the area and so it is. The Motion refers to the point, but when a local body gets into trouble it does not content itself with struggling by itself. It immediately proceeds to ask for assistance from outside. In London if one area is in difficulties, it calls for help from the ratepayers in other areas who have no control whatever over its expenditure, and bodies outside London ask for assistance in the same way from the State. The rock which I see ahead, and it is a matter which concerns all who take any interest in local government, is that if local bodies continue to ask for State assistance the result may be that the State will say "We cannot give you assistance without having further control." We ought to consider if the time is not coming when, as the State is being called upon more and more to assist local authorities, we are not running the risk of losing those powers and that independence and freedom from bureaucratic central control upon which local bodies have prided themselves in the years gone by. It is a danger which we must all face. It is astonishing how, in the last few months, people are beginning to realise, or are talking more about the crushing weight of the rates. I took it very seriously, and I was very anxious when I heard the Chancellor of the Exchequer, talking about projects which he is working out to see how the burden shall be taken off the rates, use these words: are overloading administrative work with political theory, proposals will be brought forward of such a character as will strike at the very roots of public administration. Local public authorities will be placed more closely under bureaucratic control, and when that happens it will be a very bad day for the country. I appeal to hon. Members opposite to ask themselves whether we are not drifting in a dangerous direction. My only comfort is that the present Minister of Health has had experience of local administrative work himself, and he recognises the danger and has given public expression to it; but he would not encourage bureaucratic control of local authorities. But the drift may be too strong, and it is in order to draw attention to that danger which I see coming nearer and nearer that I second this Motion.

I beg to move, in line 1, to leave out from the word "observes" to the end of the Question, and to add instead thereof the words associated with what is called Poplarism. I am not afraid of being associated with Poplarism. I am very pleased that we have added that name to the vocabulary of this country, and I feel quite certain that, when the hon. Member for Mitcham and myself are in that place from which no man returns, the people of that time, when they look back on the history of the present period, will be able to say that we who stood for Poplarism were? wiser in our generation than the hon. Member and those who agree with him.

In the Amendment which I have put on the Paper, I have accepted the challenge of the Resolution. I ask the House to observe the successful and economic administration of local government authorities which applied Socialist theories to local government, and that is the point with which we ought to deal this evening. It is not the principle of the Socialist party to concern itself merely with the problem of Poor Law relief. We have been forced, by reason of the reactions of the system of society under which we live to deal with this problem. If the hon. Member for Mitcham will do us the honour to read the Minority Report of the Royal Commission on the Poor Law of 20 years ago, of which the hon. Member for Bow and Bromley was one of the signatories, he will see that there is propounded there a scheme which would get us right away from this question of merely giving assistance to persons who are destitute. It is a sound principle of Socialist policy that opportunities for work should be provided. When we say that we mean it to apply to every person in the community. While we are willing that you should apply it to those persons who stand at street corners holding up a public house, it should be applied also to the young men of another class who lounge at the bars of the Trocadero and similar places. I would like to make a correction of a remark which I think was inadvertent on the part of the hon. Member for Mitcham. The appointed guardians for Bedwellty, Chester-le-Street and West Ham are not civil servants, although they may have been civil servants in the past. The right hon. Gentleman the Minister of Health, when he introduced his Bill, assured us that the persons appointed would be the same as the elected guardians, subject to the same law and, therefore, in. criticising them we are not criticising civil servants.

I said they were civil servants, but I did not say that they were civil servants in. the position which they held as appointed guardians.

Once a civil servant always a civil servant does not apply. Once a civil servant has left the Civil Service, as in the case of gentlemen who have been in the Civil Service and have become Members of this House they belong no longer to the Civil Service.

I said I hoped that, though they have changed their occupation, the same honourable conduct which still attaches to the Civil Service would continue to attach to them as civil servants.

The position is totally different. The position of a civil servant is that of an adviser to members of the Government of the day. However much he may personally disagree with the policy of the Government of the day, he carries it out loyally; but that is not the duty of an appointed guardian who may administer the law in accordance with certain principles—and some of those principles which have been put in force, particularly by Sir Alfred Wood-gate in West Ham, we challenge. We hear a good deal about family incomes; but I was not alarmed by the figures which the hon. Member quoted. He spoke about £270 being paid to a man over a period of six years. Naturally, a very considerable amount could be given to a man in a period of six years. If that is all that can be selected as a case of maladministration, I only hope the hon. Member for Mitcham will never have to live on that sum for six years.

The hon. Member for Greenwich (Sir G. Hume) put the position in a totally different way. He has come forward in regard to the question of political theory in local government. I can only say that the hon. Member's party who are concerned with the administration of local government in the London County Council knows something about introducing politics into local government. I have a very strong memory of a delightful artistic poster produced by the London municipal society having some reference to "It is your money we want." I have some recollection, also, of the fact that the same authority had a fine of £10,000 imposed upon them by the Board of Education for not carrying out its duties because, from the political point of view, certain members thought at that time that education was not good for the members of the community generally. The hon. Member for Greenwich says that he is very much afraid with regard to the growth of Government control in local government, but the hon. Member for Mitcham, at the end of his Resolution, declares that this is a matter requiring the constant watchful attention of the Government. I leave the two hon. Members to settle that question of Government interference between themselves, and I pass on to argue the case for my Amendment.

I want to put forward the fact that municipal trading is one of the most successful enterprises which is carried on in this country at the present time. It is the application of Socialist theories in regard to local government. It has often been put forward by members of the party opposite that all municipal enterprises are failures, that their finance is wrong, and so on. In political speeches you denounce your opponent and say that everything he is doing is wrong, and it is not always necessary to prove it, but when it is a matter of business, it is a different question. When it comes down to a question of asking the investor for his money, you cannot merely make a political speech, but you have to show him, as far as you can, that the enterprise for which you are asking some of his capital is one which is safe and from which he may be able to gain interest in return for his capital. Therefore, a prospectus which is issued by a local authority asking for money should be, in every sense of the word, a document which could be quoted. On 26th October, 1926, there was a prospectus issued in London asking for money for the Rotherham Corporation, and stating: That is the capital, and they go on to say:

I come now to one of the most interesting experiments of all. It has been said by hon. Members who hold the political views of the party opposite that even if, on an occasion, there might be some success in municipal trading, the one thing which municipalities should not touch was the question of finance. We have a historic case. The right hon. Gentleman the Minister of Health, having considerable influence with the party opposite, a few years ago induced them to consent to the passing of a General Powers Act for Birmingham, which contained, among other Sections, one which conferred upon Birmingham the power to establish the Birmingham Municipal Bank. What do we find? We find that the number of depositors in this bank advanced from 40,130 in 1920 to 225,760 in 1927 and that the accumulated deposits advanced from £746,984 in 1920 to £7,800,221 in the same period. In regard to the success of this undertaking, it would be impertinent for a humble Member like myself to quote my own favourable opinion when I can produce that of the Minister of Health himself, and I find that he has stated this:

We have had one more instance this week which has been rather interesting, and it particularly concerns the Hon. Member for Greenwich. I refer, of course, to the London electricity supply. The hon. Member for Greenwich was distinguished on the London County Council for being largely responsible for carrying through the present agreement which exists in regard to the electricity companies, and during this week there has been held a town's meeting in the Borough of Wandsworth. It is no question there of Socialism, for the representation of Wandsworth might be termed as eminently respectable. I find that it has five Members, all of the Conservative party, and that at this town's meeting, which was to deal with the cost of electricity, the hon. Members for Balham and Tooting (Sir A. Butt), Central Wandsworth (Sir H. Jackson), Clapham (Sir J. Leigh), and. Putney (Mr. S. Samuel), probably deeming discretion the better part of valour, did not attend. The hon. Member for Streatham (Sir W. Lane-Mitchell) did have the courage to be present, and he asked, in the most appealing tones: "Why should we, in Wandsworth, have to pay this price for electricity when Batter sea can supply it so much more cheaply?" The answer is very simple. In Battersea there is a municipal supply; Wandsworth is under private enterprise.

The difference is this. The gentlemen who constitute the committee which supplies the Wandsworth section with electric light are, in the words of the present Chairman of the London County Council, adventurers who are simply concerned with getting and procuring for themselves the greatest return on the capital which they have invested. On the other hand, a person who is returned to a municipal authority, and the officials who act under such an authority, are animated all the time by the idea of public service and of supplying the community with what it most needs. I could give many more instances showing success after success of municipal enterprise. It is a sound, practical, common sense proposition. Socialism is all the way simply an application of common sense to our problems. If you want a short definition of Socialism it is that, and it is because we believe that an extension of municipal enterprise would add to the chance of happiness, prosperity, and contentment in this country that I move this Amendment.

I beg to second the Amendment.

One had hoped that the mover and seconder of the Motion would have dealt with all that seemed to be implied in their Motion. They spoke of the professed application of Socialist theories to local government, but the mover did not touch the inside of local government except by making a reference to the amount spent in Poor Law administration, and to certain investigations which had taken place with respect to three Poor Law authorities. I rather concluded, while he was speaking that he realised that he had such a poor case that he dared not make an attack on local government. We might have heard from him a little about municipal administration, and whether he was prepared to attack some of those bodies in the north country where they have not a Socialist majority, but where they have realised that the best way of attacking their difficulties is by the application of the Socialist theories of which he seemed so much afraid. I wonder if he means that we are extravagant in our expenditure on education, or in what we spend on housing, or transport, or electricity. I can quite understand why the mover kept away from these particular points and did not mention that the Government have in all their efforts endeavoured to crib, confine, and stultify the efforts of municipalities with regard to electricity supply. That is shown in the Bill that was passed through this House recently, under which the people of the country were made to believe that they were going to own and control their own electricity supply.

A great deal of play was made by the Mover on the question of rating. It is wonderful how this question has suddenly awakened the other side of the House. We heard nothing of it in the last few years when the burden was so heavy upon industry, and even now, although they profess to be borne down by heavy rating, the ether side do not seem to know how they are going to apply any remedy. One would have hoped that the Mover would have told us how he would ease this burden. I wonder if he dare suggest the application of the Socialist theory with regard to land—the land that the Government is quite prepared to spend money upon to improve and to allow individuals to pocket all the advantages of the improvement. Is the hon. Member prepared to tackle that important problem in the municipalities, as they have done in other countries so that the burdens upon industry might be eased by the imposition of local rating upon those who have drawn so heavily from us by the holding and owning of the land of the country? I do not think that he would be prepared to do that, and I do not think that even the light hon. Gentleman the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Health would be prepared to ease the burdens on industry by a greater control by the people of the land in that particular area that he knows a little about. He might be prepared to impose greater hardships on co-operative societies, as owning and holding land, though he would not be prepared to impose that burden throughout the country on those who hold the land and have made so much good out of it for themselves.

I cannot see how the hon. Gentleman connects his remarks with the subject of municipal service.

I wish to connect it in this way, that if the Government are not prepared to tackle this problem of rating, the municipalities should have control, as they have in other countries, so that they might impose the burden on those who draw £600,000,000 in rent from the land of the people. In this attack upon local government, why is it that the Mover makes so much reference to the unemployed? I wonder how many Members on that side of the House have had experience of a period of unemployment.

I mean how many of them have been unemployed without income. I think those who have had real experience would have no complaint against the man who had been unemployed for six years and who had received no more than £45 a year as relief. The hon. Member who told us of this case gave us no idea of the man's circumstances. Was there a family, or was he referring to a single man? To suggest that there is extravagance in Poor Law administration by the giving of relief to the extent of £45 a year shows a want of understanding of the position of our people.

We are told that the reckless granting of relief is crippling trade. I would ask the right hon. Gentleman who will be taking part later in the discussion, and other hon. Members opposite—[HON. MEMBERS: "Where are they?"] It is the usual thing. I have been here more than three years, and the appearance of these benches to-night, with the absence of over 400 Members, is very similar to what I have seen many, many times during that period. Which trades are crippled? Those who raise this talk of the crippling of trade by reason of the granting of poor relief have not an understanding of what is happening in the various trades. Then we were told that in giving Poor Law relief to the extent of £45 a year we were acting for our personal ends. I believe that was the inference from the speech, that those who were serving on boards of guardians were serving their personal ends rather than endeavouring to relieve the distress which has come upon people without their being responsible for it. We were told, also, that the moral of these people had gone, and that their honour had been sapped away. I fling back that suggestion. The hon. Member for Grimsby (Mr. Womersley) may smile.

I have not been a member of a board of guardians, but I have taken part in the work in connection with our schools and care committees, and to suggest that the assistance we give is sapping the honour of our people is to say something that is not to the credit of this country, because under our horrible system we are responsible for the condition in which those people find themselves. We were asked if we did not blush because the hon. Member for Bow and Bromley (Mr. Lansbury) had written a letter in which he spoke of "leisure, pleasure and plenty." I want to assure the hon. Member that there is no need for us to blush for him. Though the word "work" may not have been used, surely it is known how hon. Members on this side have been asking time and time again for the right to work, asking that people shall be given the opportunity of working. Does the hon. Member agree that those who are unemployed and are not able to find food for their families shall be allowed to starve?

The hon. Member shakes his head. If he agrees that they cannot be allowed to starve, surely he agrees that they must have the opportunity of feeding themselves and their families, and if he accepts that I would ask him, What is the standard to be? Does he suggest, with the prices we have known in the last six years, that the standard ought to be £45 a year for a family, or even for one man? Is it possible to have anything approaching a reasonable standard of life on £45 a year? If he agrees with me that these people must be maintained, then his Motion must fail. There has been no extravagance. By Motions such as this, and by language such as was used in moving it, an endeavour is being made to rouse up prejudice against these people. It is time this House voted down these Motions which suggest that there are notorious instances of extravagance, and agreed that in this country everybody ought to have a chance of reasonable work. If we cannot arrange our system of working to provide for that, then we have no right to allow people to starve, and they ought to be properly maintained, and our municipal services, instead of being handed over to people whose only concern is to make a profit out of them ought to be maintained by the community, so that the whole of the people can get what advantage is possible out of those services.

Notwithstanding the small attendance to-night, which, as many hon. Members know, is due to a variety of reasons, those who are present will, I think, welcome the fact that this very important question of local government has been brought to the attention of the House. I think I can say, with the acceptance of Members in every quarter of the House, that the four speeches we have heard from Members who have served a considerable apprenticeship in local government, are well worth the consideration of those who are here. I want to say at once that from the point of view of the Government we welcome the consideration of this subject, because it is impossible at the present time to exaggerate the importance of local administration, and the necessity for great caution in that administration. To-night hon. Members have rather decried the necessity for reducing expenditure, but I would remind them that it is only a few months ago that in the report of the General Federation of Trades Unions a sentence appeared with which I think many hon. Members will agree. It says: If one examines our local taxation account, one finds that there has been a very considerable rise in rates from £71,000,000 in 1914 to £159,000,000 in the last financial year. Hon. Members who desire to go into this matter should look at the White Paper issued by my Department last year, which gives some very significant figures so far as the burden of the rates in this country is concerned. In 1914, I see that the average amount of rates collected per head of the estimated population was £l 18s. 11d., while the amount collected in the year 1927 was £4 2s. 0d. Though allowance must of course be made for changes in money values, I ask hon. Members to examine what has brought this about. Apart from the matters mentioned by the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Prime Minister in regard to the injustice of the present system, I suggest that one of the prime needs is to stop wasteful and extravagant local expenditure. Undoubtedly, the great rise in municipal expenditure is a grave menace to trade and industry. I think everyone will agree with me when I say that one of the factors in this respect is the burden of the rates which makes it more and more difficult for us to compete in the markets of the world.

I would like for a moment to draw the attention of the House to the terms of the Motion and the terms of the Amendment which have been moved in very successful speeches. The Motion calls attention to the notorious instances of extravagant maladministration arising from the application of Socialist theories, and particularly draws attention to the position brought about by the administration of Poor Law relief generally. I say without hesitation that the full extent of the menace of pauperism is not properly appreciated by the people of this country. If hon. Members refer to the annual Report of my Department, they will find that in the financial year 1926–27 no less than £49,500,000 was spent in the relief of destitution. That is the highest figure reached in the whole history of Poor Law administration. I think it was the "Times" that pointed out that the pauper army costs more to maintain to-day than the British Army. [An HON. MEMBER: "It is a bigger army!"]

One has also to remember in connection with these figures that the general strike and the coal strike added 1,500,000 people to the number of those who received Poor Law relief. If you add to that very great expenditure the extra money which has been spent on social services, the provision of old age pensions, unemployment, housing, education, and medical services for children, you will find that the total reaches a terrific figure. I would remind hon. Members that the view which I am taking is not one which is peculiar to myself or to the Members of my party, because it was only the other day that the statement was made by one of the most notable figures upon the Front Bench opposite, who said:

I do not know whether there are many hon. Gentlemen opposite who would really dispute the fact, which I should have thought was apparent to almost everybody, that there are a number of bodies, whose proceedings have been constantly discussed in this House, who have openly defied the principles hitherto adopted; and that deliberate attempts have been made, as many hon. Members know full well, to wreck the financial stability of local government, and to destroy the spirit of independence and the incentive to work. The Poplar tradition has1 been carried on at Chester-le-Street, West Ham and Bedwellty, and I do not think there are very many hon. Members opposite who would be prepared to say that they desire to defend all that has taken place—

In those places, particularly, Socialism in practice has meant the distribution of public money with little or no regard to the ratepayer. According to the terms of the Amendment of the hon. Member for Mile End (Mr. Scurr), we should now have a complete national organisation of the Poor Law. I do not think the hon. Member has fully considered what would be the consequences of setting up an organisation of that kind. I should have thought that even he would have agreed that, in connection with the administration of the Poor Law, there is a great deal to be gained by local administration and inquiry into particular cases. I do not propose to-night to defend the action of the Government, because it has been discussed again and again, in regard to those three particular places, but I think that at any rate we can say that, as regards the great mass of the country, the action which my right hon. Friend the Minister of Health took, in substituting the nominated board for the elected local guardians, has been fully justified. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"]

9.0 p.m.

One of the real reasons why local government has broken down in those areas was pointed out in another article by the late Chancellor of the Exchequer, and I can speak from personal experience in support of what he says. There is no doubt that a very large number of Socialist members of local bodies have to obey instructions from Labour and unemployed associations completely outside. [ Interruption. ] I will refer in a moment to a quotation which I think will explain itself, in order to satisfy hon. Gentlemen opposite. I remember very well that, when the Minister of Health was receiving a deputation from the West Ham Board of Guardians, he made a proposal to them which I think will be recollected by several hon. Members who were particularly concerned, and who advised them to accept it. What was the answer? They said, "Oh, we cannot come to a decision; we must consult our people." When we inquired what they meant, and how long it would take, it was thought, naturally, that they were going to consult, perhaps, the other members of their board; but they said, "Oh, we have to consult the unemployed"; and those members of the West Ham Board of Guardians actually held various meetings of the unemployed in their district, to decide whether they should accept a particular proposal which was made in an endeavour to settle the difficulties in that neighbourhood. I am not alone in making that statement, because the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Colne Valley, only at the beginning of this year, said this, and I commend it to hon. Gentlemen opposite, because I believe that this is one of the reasons why local government has broken down in those areas. He said:

I venture to suggest that the terms of this Motion are fully justified for another reason. I have read, I hope with some diligence, a good many speeches of hon. Gentlemen opposite, as it has been my duty to do, on local government and their particular policy, and I have no doubt, myself, that the Socialist party have come to the conclusion that the easiest and quickest way to achieve "Socialism in Our Time" is through municipal government. I think, judging from what they say, that they have abandoned that idea so far as national government is concerned. Apparently we have to go by very slow steps in regard to national government, but certainly, as regards local government, there is a good deal of evidence, which I shall be prepared to put before the House, that it is in this particular direction that Socialists hope to gain their great advance. I was very interested to read that part of the Amendment which says that there must be an extension of further powers to the municipalities of this country, and I heard with particular interest the hon. Member's strong advocacy, following out, as I expected would be the case, the policy of his party, that the municipalities of this country should have further and greater powers, particularly in connection with trading. I understand that they wish to substitute municipal trading for private enterprise, and in that connection again they are supported by a speech of the late Chancellor of the Exchequer, who certainly went as far as any hon. Members opposite would desire anyone to go in this matter. He said—I hope I am quoting his speech correctly—that when the Labour party command the Treasury Bench they will invest the municipalities with new powers, and allow them to do anything a private individual can do. I hope hon. Members assent to that. He went on to say that he did not see why there should be such checks on the financial powers of local authorities, who have now to come to the Ministry of Health for sanction when they require to borrow money for certain municipal purposes. Finally he said—and again I believe every Member opposite will agree with it—that if the Labour party could only capture the local authorities, Socialism would command the greatest machinery in the world for the practical application of Socialism. I want to know where the co-operative societies will come in under this new dispensation of Socialism. I observe that the other day the hon. Member for South-East Ham (Mr. Barnes) put forward a different policy altogether, and I hope to-night to hear how these two policies are going to be reconciled, because it is rather an important matter, especially in view of the imminent appearance of a Labour Government in the opinion of hon. Members opposite. This is what the hon. Member for South-East Ham said. It is in the "Times" of 30th January:

I am sorry that is not possible, because of the arrangements for other speakers to take part in the Debate, but through no lack of desire on my part. As the hon. Gentleman says he congratulates me upon my victory, it is only fair to me and my friends in Sheffield to say that it was no victory on my part. The Labour council in Sheffield, already harried enough by Government opposition and obstruction and having to come to a Conservative Parliament with a General Powers Bill, cannot possibly hope to get the essential Clauses of the Bill required for this year through this House with the other Clauses in. That is the main reason for leaving them out. There is no question of victory at all. There are one or two questions about which all of us in our party have different views and which are matters for discussion.

Perhaps the hon. Gentleman will say whether co-operative societies made any communication to the Socialist Government?

If the Parliamentary Secretary complains on the one hand about the unholy alliance between local co-operators and Socialists, why should he complain of conferences?

I do not complain of their conferences at all, and I think the "Times" report is rather fully confirmed. Why this council, if they were in such fear of a Conservative Administration, brought forward their proposals in a Bill and then suddenly dropped them is rather difficult to understand, and I rather suspect that these conferences to which the hon. Gentleman has alluded were a more important matter than any fear of a Conservative majority. However, there it is, and I hope on some occasion if it is not convenient to him to-night, owing to the reasons he has given, that we may have fully explained to us how these differing policies are to be reconciled.

There is one portion of this Motion upon which most Members of this House will agree, and it is that part of it which says that, after all, the ultimate tribunal to which we must look for a remedy in connection with any maladministration or extravagance which may exist is the local government electors themselves. It is a matter that may very well receive the consideration of the country, especially in London, during the next few months when so many municipal elections have to be fought. I deplore the apathy which has existed in so many parts of the country. I have had obtained for me a few particulars which I think show a very deplorable state of things from the point of view of good citizenship and civic duty in this country. When I come to examine the voting at some of the elections in London I find that in Poplar in the Metropolitan Borough Council election on the last occasion the percentage of electors who voted was only 47.8. At Shoreditch the figure had gone down to 32.5 per cent. As far as the guardians elections are concerned—I will give the returns of some of the other boroughs later—the percentage in Stepney was only 27.9 and in Shoreditch only 12.6.

In regard to Woolwich, we have to take the whole district, and I am glad to say that Woolwich headed the list for interest in local elections with a percentage of 58.2.

Is it not a fact that in the boroughs in London where Labour majorities are in power, with the one exception of the guardians election in Shoreditch, the percentage of Labour electors is greater than that of the Tories?

If the hon. Gentleman will allow me, I will give the first half-dozen or so on the list. Poplar 35.5, Bermondsey 29.7, Woolwich 28.4, Stepney 27.9, Bethnal Green 23.8, Camberwell 23.3, Greenwich 21.8, Holborn 21.7, St. Pancras 20.9. [An HON. MEMBER: "Give us the West End."] I do not think hon. Members are appreciating my observations. What I want to point out is, that without regard to any political complexion, the percentage of electors voting is low. I think that an awakening of interest in local elections would prove to be the real and most effectual remedy so far as most of the matters to which reference has been made by hon. Members tonight are concerned. I have figures from other parts of the country. Take, for instance, Chester-le-Street, which is known throughout the country to-day. In 1926, when the last election took place, only 34 per cent. of the voters took the trouble to go to the poll. That is a very serious reflection upon municipal life in this country. I hope, apart altogether from the attendance in this House, that reports of this Debate in the Press will do something to awaken a greater amount of civic patriotism.

Are the figures quoted those of the urban district of Chester-le-Street or of the rural area?

I will try and find out for the hon. Gentleman. My final observation is that so far as this side of the matter is concerned, it is necessary that the people of this country should take a much greater interest in local elections than they have done hitherto. In conclusion, I want to assure the House that in advising it to accept the Motion on the Paper in the name of my hon. Friend this matter of local government will receive the constant and watchful attention of the Government. I do not think my right hon. Friend, the Minister of Health, can be accused of not being watchful so far as the interests of local administration are concerned. We have endeavoured to do our best to preserve local government in this country. It has been threatened in many quarters. While it is true that we have had to intervene in a few notorious cases, it has been with great regret that we have done so. As far as my right hon. Friend and I are concerned, it is our endeavour to preserve local administration and to avoid the necessity of interfering with locally-elected members of authorities. After all, it is the people themselves who must really stand responsible for the members whom they return. I hope that this discussion may do something to promote that interest, and as far as this particular Motion is concerned, I advise the House to accept it, and I also ask hon. Members to reject the very unsatisfactory, vague and contradictory Amendment standing in the name of the hon. Member for Mile End (Mr. Scurr).

I am sure the House is indebted to the hon. Gentleman who chose this subject for discussion to-night. At any rate, it will give us an opportunity of reading in the OFFICIAL REPORT tomorrow the observations made by the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Health showing his answer to the case put forward by my hon. Friend and his conception of what a Government's answer ought to be to the biggest issue that is before the British public at the present time. He had nothing whatever to say—and I am within the recollection of the House—in commendation of the labours, the free services given, and the time spent by thousands upon thousands of men and women on public boards from one end of the country to the other. Not a word of commendation of these services, nothing but sneers for what he calls the army of paupers and "won't works." There was never a suggestion as to how these local authorities, an overwhelming proportion of which are controlled by Members of his own party, could escape from the economic difficulties of our time.

Let me give one illustration. I will take any shipbuilding area in the country. As the result of Government policy flooding the ship market with German boats taken by way of reparation at the end of the War, there has been for many years no work in those areas. It is not due to their own fault or to the parish councils or boards of guardians. Rates have risen, poverty has been intensified, and all right hon. Gentlemen can do here to-night and all the hon. Gentleman who moved the Resolution can do in cases like this is to sneer at poverty and at misery. The hon. Member shakes his head. What else can he do? Can he offer a constructive suggestion? He brought forward some selected cases about someone who had got £45 as if it were £1,000,000. All we have had from the other side of the House to-night have been sneers at poverty. They can offer no suggestion whatever for its removal. The hon. Gentleman referred to the amount of money spent in England and Wales on what I call public assistance but which he chooses to call relief of pauperism. He did not say a word, when he talked about £45,500,000 spent in England and Wales last year, of the fact that, in the first Budget of his Government, they handed over £45,000,000 by way of relief to the classes which he represents, the Income Tax payers and Super-tax payers. The hon. Member who moved this Motion is, I believe, a man with a very considerable business experience and with a very honourable connection with the business of industrial insurance. He is a director of the biggest institution in this country to-day, the Prudential Assurance Company.

Well, he had a very honourable connection with that insurance company. He chooses to talk, in the Motion which he brings before us tonight for consideration, referring to the facts of what he calls Socialism in local government, of

"extravagant maladministration arising from the professed application of Socialist theories to local government by certain local authorities, particularly in regard to the funds provided for Poor Law relief, and is of opinion that while the matter is primarily one for the local government electors themselves the protection of the citizens from exploitation is a matter requiring the constant watchful attention of the Government."

Let us take the business which he knows best, and he will be able to correct me if my figures are wrong. The Ministry of Health declares that it can run the business of insurance, namely, widows' and old age pensions, on a 3 per cent. basis. Private capitalism takes 26 per cent. to run it, and there are other competing interests taking as much as 46 per cent. Half the premium taken from poor people is spent in administering it, whereas a Government Department declares it can run it—

I do not see what this argument has to do with Socialism in local government.

With very great respect, I would draw your attention to the last sentence in this Motion, which talks about the protection of citizens from exploitation as a matter requiring the constant watchful attention of the Government, and I respectfully submit that the observations I was making had a very direct bearing on the matter. I merely want to point out that, in the business which the hon. Member knows best, we know that private capitalism is wasteful, extravagant, stupid, indefensible, and that there are profits of as high as 8,000 per cent, on the original capital wrung out of the pockets of the poorest of the poor and handed over to a small group of shareholders, many of whom no doubt will have the hardihood to appear in the Lobby in support of this Motion. There have been Committees appointed by this House, by Conservative Administrations, to inquire into some of these businesses, Committees which have reported that there was—

I do not see what this has to do with the Motion. It deals with municipal enterprise, and I do not see what that has to do with either Government or private insurance.

The right hon. Gentleman who has just resumed his seat roamed at large over the co-operative societies.

If he had begun to talk about the Insurance Acts passed in recent years, I should have stopped him instantly. It is not local government.

Surely, when the House has been asked to condemn municipal enterprise, it is entitled to discuss the organisations into whose hands the business would be placed if this Motion were given practical and legislative effect.

Yes, but the hon. Member was making criticisms upon industrial assurance companies. That is not in order under the terms of the Motion, just as it would not be in order to suggest amendments to the Workmen's Compensation Act or other schemes.

If business is not to be carried on by the municipalities, it must be carried on by some other organisation, and these are the only alternative. Is not the hon. Member entitled to point out how wrong and how dangerous it would be to hand over business now cheaply conducted to people who carry on their business in the way described?

If the hon. Member wishes to argue that insurance can be carried on by a municipality I will hear him, but it is not in order on this Motion to talk about insurance companies.

May I point out that the Glasgow Corporation carries on a good deal of its own insurance, and many other corporations do likewise? If we are asked to scrap that form of enterprise, surely we are entitled to discuss similar business carried on by private enterprise.

If the hon. Member wishes to argue in favour of municipal insurance apart from that of their own employés, I will hear him.

In a sentence I will say that we shall at any time be glad to take any specific department of the capitalist system and compare it with the prevailing practice in some part of the world where some municipality is running a municipal business of the same kind.

I should have thought that, if there were one industry where the follies of the capitalist method of distribution and of competition were more obvious than any other, it is in the fishing industry.

The only experiment in the nationalisation of this industry, which was tried in New South Wales, was an absolute and utter failure.

Any industry which is so conducted that it deliberately destroys food—the President of the Board of Trade can give us the official figures—

—showing that thousands of hundredweights per annum of good fish have to be sent to the bone meal factories and manure factories, stands condemned.

If the hon. Member argues that the Dundee Corporation should start a fishing fleet, he would be in order. We must keep within the Motion.

I do not desire to spend my time in a wrangle with hon. Members on these subjects. I will deal with one point put by the mover of the Motion. In his Motion he talks about the necessity of "the protection of the citizens from exploitation." He says that that is a matter "requiring the constant watchful attention of the Government." I fully agree, and I propose to give him one or two illustrations to show him how fully I agree with him, and I trust that after further consideration he will either withdraw his Motion or vote with us in the Lobby. I take one illustration, in regard to which the facts are indisputable. The hon. and learned Member for Argyllshire (Mr. Macquisten) is well aware of the facts. I will take the question of the Glasgow tramways. In my time, the men there employed were working 16 hours a day. When a child fell off a car and the parents sued the tramway company for damages and the Court dismissed the case, the company surcharged the poor conductor for the lawyer's expenses. The hon. and learned Member for Argyllshire actually defended this man in the Law Courts, if I remember rightly. I will give the case of a driver. He was overcome with painful trouble in the early morning, due to diarrhœa. He appealed to get off for the day but failed. At seven o'clock at night he went off, nearly dead. He was fined by the company £l 16s. 8d. for going off, and the hon. and learned Member for Argyll- shire defended him. Under private capitalism no time was allowed to the employés for feeding; not a minute. They had to eat their food in the car, driving with one hand and eating with the other. No overtime was allowed for Sunday. No time was allowed in which to get a hair cut. No holidays, no uniform; the men in rags. Yet one of the tramway company chiefs got £60,000 cash down for his trouble in promoting it.

Then the municipality came along and municipalised the tramway undertaking. The next week wages were raised by 33½ per cent. Hours were reduced 50 per cent. and the fares to the citizens were halved. The profits, hundreds of thousands of pounds per annum, went to the community, in an ascending scale, until at the outbreak of war the citizens of Glasgow had a great free asset, miles upon miles of tramway lines, many cars, the people getting cheap transport, and the workers getting decent wages and decent conditions, while the undertaking represented a capital value of £10,000,000. Whatever department you choose the same thing applies. The Deputy Speaker asked me whether I could relate my arguments to insurance. I certainly can. In regard to municipal fire insurance, the premiums are reduced by half. The present Minister of Health, in his capacity of Lord Mayor of Birmingham, introduced a municipal bank, and £8,000,000 is now in the coffers of that bank. Thousands upon thousands of pounds are saved to the citizens of Birmingham. Sir Percival Bower and others are writing articles in praise of it, and we have the Minister of Health saying: "I do not care whether it is Socialism or not; it is good common sense, and I am prepared to defend it."

What is our defence for the municipalisation of any industry? Take housing. Do hon. Members opposite defend private capitalism in housing? Why is it that every municipality from one end of the land to the other has had to surrender its theories of private ownership of housing and go in for municipal ownership of housing? Why is it that municipality after municipality is being compelled to go in for municipal banks? Why is it that between 1871 and 1911, as the hon. Member knows perfectly well, we have doubled the chance of life for the citizens of our time, not by allowing private capitalism to continue but by throttling it. The right hon. Gentleman the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Health says something. Does he deny the figures which I have given? They are his.

I referred to the statement that capitalism has been throttled. I believe the late Chancellor of the Exchequer said that capitalism had made considerable advance in the last few years.

What a poor debating point! During the period 1871–1911 the citizens of a thousand municipalities took the water supplies out of private profiteering hands, because private profiteers were selling frogs in the water and selling mud. Public enterprise took over the cleansing of the streets from the hands of the private profiteers, because they were leaving the streets in a filthy condition and creating epidemics and other diseases. We have cleaned the streets. We are building decent houses; we are giving our citizens a chance of life that they never had under uncontrolled private capitalism, and never can have under capitalism. Every Member on these benches, Co-operative Members, Labour Members, Socialists or whatever we may be, are united about this, that only in so far as we can abolish capitalism, the running of our essential industries for profit, and substitute for that system a system of public ownership for use, can we give the people of this country a decent chance of a healthy, happy life.

After having read the Motion before the House I confess that I fail to understand the indignation of the hon. Member for Dundee (Mr. Johnston), because I think he ought to be able to subscribe to every word of it. I should be surprised, knowing him as a thrifty Scotsman, if he does not "observe with regret any notorious instances of extravagant maladministration." I am sure he is not in favour of extravagant maladministration; he is the last man here who would be. Of course he may not admit it when it arises from Socialist theories of local government; he might feel that that would be a reflection upon the principles which he professes to hold but which I very much doubt if he really holds in their full application. The Motion refers to "the funds provided for Poor Law relief." I do not think he could possibly be said to be a man who would be in favour of extravagant Poor Law relief, and I will explain why. If you give one member of the community extravagant Poor Law relief, that means that probably there is less relief available for some other member of the same community who is more in need of it. There is only a certain amount of money available from rates and taxes, and if you give anyone more than he is entitled to someone else is bound to be getting less than he is entitled to. Therefore I think the hon. Member for Dundee ought cordially to concur in the Motion.

If there is extravagant Poor Law relief being carried out, no doubt the matter is primarily one for the local government electors, but there is no reason why the Government should not supervise it. The Chester-le-Street case was a bad case. It was a bad case because there seemed to be some very undesirable element accompanying it. It was recorded that there were certain men who stood out with boxes bearing the notice "Remember the Guardians." That was a very deplorable state of affairs, because the men who were granting money ostensibly to the poor were actually getting back some of it in their own boxes. No one would repudiate that sort of thing more strongly than the hon. Member for Dundee. I am not sure that the proposal to assist necessitous areas, which has been outlined in the King's Speech and in the reply of the Chancellor of the Exchequer last night, is not going to lead to some supervision of local areas. That would be entirely desirable. Money should be carefully expended. We should see that we get value for the money expended, and it is to that end that the Motion is directed. The terms of the Motion are such as might be agreed to by all parties in the House, and I warn hon. Members opposite that if they vote against the Motion they are really voting for extravagant maladministration.

The Amendment is meant to negative the statements in the Motion. The Amendment would have been far wiser if hon. Members had stated in it that they cordially concurred in the opinions expressed in the Motion. So far as I can see, the Motion is not one with which any honest citizen could find fault. The Amendment is a totally different substantive proposal. The Motion deals with the administration of the Poor Law.

It is not so much local government. It is Socialism in local government. That is exegetical to the preamble. There are the scandals that have occurred. There may exist scandals in connection with some municipal enterprises. That is perfectly possible.

I quite believe that private enterprise is full of corruption. The fundamental difference is that when private enterprise is inefficiently and corruptly conducted it very rapidly falls into decay and bankruptcy and ceases to be, but municipal enterprise goes cheerfully on until it has ruined a whole district. We have heard of rates that have arisen to over £l. That is possibly due to maladministration, though we do not know the particulars. There is no reason why it should not be investigated. Go to other countries. Take the case of Germany, which is very centralised and yet has a very democratic government in its municipal administration. Every town has its Burgomaster, who is a kind of accountant or auditor, and checks the work of the local municipalities. It is extraordinary how municipalities vary. For some years you may have a municipality where everything is conducted in the best possible way and with the utmost care of the ratepayers' money, and at the same time with generosity and humanity. Everything goes so well that suddenly the people get slack and dry rot sets in. Then there is a revulsion of feeling. If you have in control something of the nature of the German Burgomaster or watchful attention on the part of the Government, you will prevent that kind of dry rot setting in.

Will the hon. and learned Gentleman give us definite instances, not of Poor Law administration, but where municipal Socialism has been the cause of putting rates up to 25s. in the £? Can he give a single instance? Poor Law relief is not Socialism.

I think there must be a number of instances, though I have not charged my memory. It is very easy to ask questions. It was one stated that a child, or rather more bluntly, that one fool could ask more questions in an hour than a hundred philosophers could answer in a hundred years. The hon. Member for Dundee quoted the case of the Glasgow Corporation trams, and he compared the present conditions with those existing when they were owned by a private company. I am a man of considerable antiquity, but I am not quite as old as he states, because at the time when the tram service was taken over by the Glasgow municipality I had just started my law apprenticeship and I was not practising. If that statement of the hon. Member is evidence of the accuracy of his recollection, he may not be accurate on other points. The moment you get anything in the nature of a monopoly in anything like tramways on the streets, then I fear it is humanly impossible to hand it over to private enterprise unrestricted. [HON. MEMBERS: "Why not?"] Mark you in the case of Glasgow the company paid a very large rent to the municipality. If you have not something like constant and watchful attention, then, naturally, as they have to pay a large rent, as they have a monopoly which is coming to an end—because the Corporation have the power to take them over—you will in evitably get the fruits of monopoly, namely, exaction and poor service. [HON. MEMBERS: "Where?"] You had that in Glasgow. Prior to the Corporation taking over the tramways the tramways were under private enterprise and the private enterprise rented them under a lease which was terminable. [HON MEMBERS: "No!"] They did for many years.

On a point of Order—or a point of correction. Our tramway company never paid any rent.

I am afraid I am a little older than the hon. Member for Dumbarton Burghs (Mr. Kirkwood), and I think that at that time he was probably just beginning at his elementary school.

I am an older man than the hon. and learned Member for Argyllshire (Mr. Macquisten).

If the hon. Member chooses to suggest that a body of such businesslike capacity as the Glasgow Corporation of those days—I am not speaking of the days when he and I were members of it—made a present of their streets to any company, then I say that is a condemnation of municipal enterprise. If they did not charge a handsome rent they ought to have done so.

There was a distinct understanding that the rails and everything became the property of the Corporation after 21 years.

It is as broad as it is long. It does not matter whether it was in cash or in kind. They took the enterprise over at the end of the time, and the result was that the transaction was described as the biggest piece of horse jobbing that was ever known.

I hope hon. Members will allow the hon. and learned Gentleman to develop his argument without interruption.

What has been the result? There is no doubt that the Glasgow Corporation tram service is the best run tram service in the world, and I believe that, because I think Glasgow people are probably the cleverest business people in the world. Glasgow men, and especially the Clyde engineers and those who build ships about Clydebank are such good mechanics and good business men that they have no time to attend to politics and allow themselves to be represented by almost anybody. [An HON. MEMBER: "They found you out!"] I was too good for them.

I went there because I liked Argyllshire better. I, for my part, believe that once you get away from matters that are more or less communal, like trams and health and water—which is another monopoly and a very uninteresting monopoly—and when you come to things which are made by the actual producer you are far better to have the stimulus of private enterprise and private competition. What has led to the increase in the cost of living is that so many restrictions and regulations have been introduced that they have prevented private competition having its full force and effect. These restrictions really tend to monopoly. All these Shop Acts have led to monopoly. The hon. Member for Dundee raised the question of houses. Everybody knows that prior to 1910 there were innumerable houses to let in Glasgow. I do not say they were of the best and most up-to-date type, but when I was a member of the Glasgow Corporation in 1906 there were 20,000 unlet houses in Glasgow. All that was done by private enterprise. It furnished the people with unlimited houses, but when the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) and Mr. Alexander Ure, as he then was, developed their celebrated Budget, people hesitated to put their money into stone and lime when it might be seized by the predatory hand of the Government, and so building stopped.

Again, when the Rent Restrictions Act came in people got houses at the old rents and sub-let them and did very well out of them, and really got possession of other people's property. Of course that interfered with private enterprise, just as private enterprise in cattle breeding was interfered with in the vicinity of Rob Roy, because people were liable to have their property seized. In the same way where there is predatory legislation, of course, private enterprise fails and naturally the municipalities come in. I should like, however, to wait until the Glasgow weather has beaten down on the Corporation houses for 15 or 16 years. When they are lying more or less in wrecks—as they will be, because only those which have at least two sets of paper on the walls will be able to stand up—I should like to hear what the people who are living in them will have to say about private enterprise. Go all over England and you will see hundreds of thousands of houses built by private enterprise. There is only one good thing which this class of legislation has done, and that is it has compelled infinitely more people to buy houses instead of renting them. It is an incentive to good citizenship that every man should own his own house, and I think if we could get some system of town tenants legislation, like that which they have in Ireland, whereby, using the credit of the State, every man who rents a house, by paying his present rent, and giving a hand in the repairs, would be enabled in the course of his own lifetime to acquire his house, it would be one of the best things that could happen both for the citizens and the State.

But I would bemoan the idea that municipalities should engage largely in trading or commercialism. I do not know what is meant by "essential services." It alt depends upon what you call essential services. Water is essential both for washing and for refreshment; so is electricity, and possibly gas, and a number of other things. But trade is not essential in this respect. The co-operative societies, some of which are the largest capitalist institutions in the country although those who manage them profess to be Socialists, would provide better goods than any municipality could do. I remember when a public authority sold food during the War nobody could eat the bacon that they provided. I agree that a number of essential services can be carried on by municipalities; but they must be the primary services.

What kind of man do you generally find upon the municipalities? You generally get the man who is very ready at making speeches, but you do not get the man who is skilled in any particular enterprise, and the municipalities have to employ some so-called expert at a salary. If a man is good at any particular job, he will not be employed at all, but will work for himself, and municipalities, as a rule, get inferior talent. Because the man of real capacity insists on standing on his own feet; he is not going to have any boss. In the Army and Navy, which are not judged by the ordinary commercial standards, you may get the highest standard of talent, but in the ordinary services the skilled and capable man will not take his orders from anybody, least of all from men whose only qualifications are that they have been elected by other people. Therefore, I object to any monopolistic service being set up, and I do so to prevent that exploitation of the people towards which monopolies always tend.

The hon. Member for Mitcham (Mr. Meller) in his speech in making the Motion, was not so logical as one might have expected, and he gave us rather a re-hash of much of the indictment which was passed in this House against certain Socialist local authorities. The major premiss of the Resolution, if one may call it so, is that the maladministration which has taken place in local government is due to the fact that there has been an application to local government of Socialist theories.

Well of professed Socialist theories. I think I know as much about Socialist literature as any hon. Member of this House, and I think the hon. Member for Mitcham might have done us the honour of following his argument to its logical conclusion. I would ask him if he can point to any single classic on Socialism, in regard either to international affairs or local administration, the principles of which, if brought into practice, would lead to any of the disruption which he allges has taken place? I am as much a critic of a great deal that is written under the name of Socialist economics as anyone could be, but I challenge the right hon. Gentleman on the Front Bench (Sir K. Wood), who spoke very much round the Motion, to point to any principles which are stated in any classic work on Socialism and to show that these, if put into practice, would lead to maladministration. I thought our voluble, didactic and witty Friend the hon. Member for Argyllshire (Mr. Macquisten) would have done justice to Scottish mentality, that he would have been logical and erudite enough to advance reasons for his belief in the Motion; but nothing was forthcoming from him.

The hon. Member for Mitcham told us of the increase which had taken place, to the extent of £150,000,000, for the Poor Law and for services involved by distress; but I notice he was careful not to say that this great increase in the case of social services and out-door relief and Widows' Pensions, and so on, was due to maladministration because of Socialist theory. Surely the hon. Member might have tried to connect the one thing with the other, and, if there is no connection between them, why did he bring in that point? I think I know. There is a London County Council election, and this Debate will be read to-morrow, and £150,000,000 will be associated in the minds of the people who read the Debate in the Press with the maladministration and the astonishing prodigality of the Socialist party. Then the hon. Member went on to say that much was advocated in the programmes of the local representatives on these bodies as to enjoyment, pleasure and leisure; but, he added, nothing was said about work. If there is anything that is canting hypocrisy it is this talk about work. Would any Member of the Conservative party in this House, with a sense of humour, go down Park Lane and ask the Gentlemen who are walking there with monocles to vote for him and he would get them work. He would not get one vote, but he would get two black eyes. It is the common practice of Conservative Members to treat the working classes on the assumption that they have a slave mentality and to assume that if you tell the workers that you are to get them work they will vote for you.

The Conservative party always cut their patterns to suit the particular district in which they are trying to curry favour. It is not our place to tell any man to go to work. All this Debate to-night has been divorced from that historical back- ground that must be clear in the mind of any person who is to be a logical analyst of the case; but, as is customary, this question, like all other questions which come before this House, is placed in a watertight compartment without any review of its historical genesis. The hon. Member for Mitcham said that the whole tendency of Socialist administration of local authorities is to give it a distinct bias in favour of their friends. I emphasise these words in case the hon. Member thinks I am misquoting. He stated that the tendency of the administration of the local authorities was to administer local funds practically on behalf of their friends, and this was reinforced by the hon. Gentleman opposite speaking for the Ministry of Health. I wonder if the hon. Member or those representing the Ministry of Health have ever read the history of the Enclosure Acts in England. If there is any chapter in the history of England that is more damnable than another—I am using words not even commensurate to the circumstances—it is that chapter, when even the vicars of parishes and others used this House in a most diabolical and corrupt manner to rob the land from the common people for their immediate friends; and we have to listen to the lineal descendants of that galaxy of honest men of the 18th century telling us to-night that the whole tendency is for Socialists to get something out of the rich for the poor. I am not, in using that contrast, saying that because there was black in the 17th and 18th centuries, there should be black in the 20th century.

My meaning is that the whole tendency of the argument used by the Minister of Health at that Box within my hearing, when I never had the opportunity of saying a word, was to blacken every man and woman in the Labour party who had anything to do with local administration because at bottom they were corrupt in favour of their friends; and it is necessary to bring up the past to remind hon. Members opposite, who boast of their Conservative heritage, that they were the people who started that kind of thing in the history of England. Let us come down to more modern times. Before the last Rating and Valuation Act was brought into this House, I had case after case, in examining the technique of valuation for rating purposes—and I challenge the representative of the Ministry of Health to deny this—under my review where the local landlord and his friends in the Tory party had certain valuations for their own rates as against the poorer people of the parish, who had to bear the burden. We need not talk about being partial to our friends. That does not mean to say, however, that because the Tories have done it in the past, the Labour people should now follow their example.

The hon. Member for Greenwich (Sir G. Hume) lifted up a volume of the OFFICIAL REPORT and read a series of questions invented by this marvellous and didactic gentleman called the Chancellor of the Exchequer, as questions which must be reviewed and weighed in the mind be fore there can be any examination into the whole question of the depressing in fluence of local taxation on local industry. I want to say—and I wish he was at that Box to-night—that the Chancellor of the Exchequer devised those questions as being, every one of them, more futile than the other, and none of them necessary—a sheer sham and farago of nonsense. Does he, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who can shed his opinions as easily as he shed his single tax on one occasion, who can shed a principle as quickly as he sheds anything when there is an advantageous job in some new Government waiting for him—

I merely said something that was in my mind. The right hon. Gentleman was dealing here the other night with rating, and he put up this series of questions for nothing more nor less than sheer camouflage. It is true that this question of rating has to be faced, and must be faced, and that this Government used the King's Speech to raise false hopes in the minds of the industrialists of this country that they were going to do something about rating; and the other night we were told that nothing would be done.

The point of the Motion is the responsibility of administrators of local government under the present law.

It may seem from what I am saying that I am getting out of order, but I am endeavouring to keep within the Rules, and I will connect it up with, the subject under debate. This question of rating must be dealt with. A promise that it will be dealt with has been made in the King's Speech, which has been sent broadcast throughout the country, arousing optimism on the part of the supporters of the Government; but now we are told that not even the faintest, vaguest hope can be entertained this year. It is part and parcel of the sheer, downright hypocrisy of those who stand at that Box to say now that there is going to be nothing done in regard to the local rating problem. I want to come to grips with this whole matter. It is true that local rates are rising, and that depression has caused an enormous expenditure of local moneys year after year. It is true that, as a reaction against the menace of this increase in the cost of local administration, the apprehensive Conservatives are asking to be put on local authorities in order to keep down the rates; and I am glad to hear the representative of the Ministry of Health to-night say that even with their apprehension they cannot arouse, even among their own supporters, sufficient enthusiasm to return them to local authorities with a commendable majority. But if the people in the country are not fully apprised of the menace of the rates, at least the vested interests within the Conservative ranks are. They know that this top-heavy condition of rates is going to spell ruin to them, and what are the devices they resort to? Such niggling contemptible processes as finding out Tom, Dick and Harry from the streets and imposing on them some permanent officials as if that were going to affect the national question of rates. It does not amount to a flash of lightning to the whole question.

This problem is really one of keeping poverty in check. If this poverty, plus the enlightenment which is running like wildfire through the working classes, were allowed to run riot in this country, there is not a Member on that side of the House who does not know that revolution would be imminent. But in order to cast off or to keep in check the revolutionary tendency in this country, you must, in spite of yourselves, allow this enormous expenditure to rise year after year—for what? For looking after the poor, for administering clinics for children, for looking after sanatoria. The whole tendency of modern Governments is not to cut off the causes which give rise to this enormous expenditure; they leave the causes constantly to generate the same diseases, while we spend enormous sums of public money merely to try and patch the diseases which are generated by causes. The whole Debate to-night is partly due to the feeling that if the Conservatives can only show the extravagance of these Socialists, it will be window dressing, and will show the old ladies, of Kensington that the Government are really interested in the question of the rates. The rates will go up, and you cannot stop them—neither the Parliamentary Secretary nor the Minister of Health can stop them, and they know it. I challenge any Member to show how the rates can be reduced with the administration that must be carried through by the local authorities by virtue of Acts of Parliament. I challenge any Member to show that the rates msut come down. They must go up, and with the growing intelligence of the administrators of local authorities taking full advantage of enactments passed in this House, the rates will go up, despite any attempt of inquisitorial examinations or imprisonments or exposures of other men who do not agree with the Conservative party.

The whole condition of poverty we have to-day, growing year by year like a cancer in the body politic, is the direct outcome of a past which you fellows opposite may laugh at but which is with you. Your robbery of the people's rights in the past created an unattached proletariat, if I may use the words of Karl Marx, who have nothing but their labour to sell. When they cannot sell their labour, either they have recourse to public funds or you fellows on the other side—[HON. MEMBERS: "Order!"]

I am very sorry if, in the heat of my utterance, I made a rather friendly reference, but hon. Members opposite know well that if this expenditure is not continued the imminence of revolution is there. Therefore, the Conservative mind is caught between two difficulties. It has either to stop this public expenditure on account of the menace of the rates on industry, with the result that revolution is bound to follow, or stem revolution by ever increasing this burden. The poverty and destitution and the disinherited masses floating about this country are not the creation of the Labour party or of Socialists or of local authorities. These things are the creation of rapacious and unjust measures on the part of Conservatives of, let us say, the reign of Henry VIII, if we go right back. [An HON. MEMBER: "Adam."] The old Adam is in most of us, but I believe if he were here to-night he would have the Union Jack and some Tory literature for the London County Council Election in his hands.

As serious men, Members of the British House of Parliament, do not let us think we shall effect something by passing a Resolution of this kind. It may be good window dressing for the London County Council election, but any student of the economic development of England listening to this Debate must feel that it is one that a fourth form boy would deride. I am glad that hon. Members cheer that sentiment, because it is their Resolution, and if they carry it they will effect nothing by it. Do not let us blame one party as against another regarding corruption, because for every instance hon. Members opposite can adduce one can be adduced from this side. The main fact facing us is that there are numbers of men even on the other side who are apprehensive of what may happen and are anxious that a change should take place. I have spoken with Conservative Members who would be only too anxious to lay their hands to some drastic reform that would remove the inequalities of the rates off the back of industry, relieve the weight of rates which is generating the very disease we are trying to cure, unemployment and destitution.

It is the old, old story. Those on the back benches may be enthusiastic about a principle, but those who sit on the Front Treasury Bench are never likely to give way even to the most sanguine hopes of back benchers as long as they can hold office sufficiently long to enjoy the fruits of office. Some time ago the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) had sitting around him on those benches hon. Members who would not allow him to move because of the cloven hoof of vested interests. If that was our experience of a Liberal Government, what can we expect from a Conservative Government? The vested interests will intimidate the Government and prevent any drastic reform in regard to the rates despite all the promises of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. We shall go on in our own steady way. The rates will go on rising and destitution will continue until a Labour Chancellor of the Exchequer has the courage to put into practice the promises contained in the present King's Speech. Not until that time arrives will the problems which we are now facing be solved.

For over 27 years I have been connected with the municipal life of the City of Bradford. The Motion we are now discussing says:

"Observes with regret recent notorious instances of extravagant maladministration."

By their speeches hon. Members opposite have acknowledged that these maladministrations have taken place. [An HON. MEMBER: "NO!"] At any rate this has not been denied by the last speaker or by the hon. Member for Dundee (Mr. Johnston), and therefore I take it that they are satisfied that such things have taken place. Some of us sitting on these benches honestly believe that maladministrations have taken place and we are perfectly ready to back this Motion. I ask hon. Members are they out to protect the man who gets as much out of the public service as he can, or the man who willingly pays his fair proportion of the expenses of the municipality from a sense of duty? The argument of hon. Members opposite up to the present has been in favour of protecting the man who is prepared to take out of the rates as much as he possibly can. I am here to protect the working man who has paid his rates on an £8 a year rateable value, and who has been paying those rates in order to keep a man who is out of work and who is getting more from the Poor Law relief than he is earning himself. In this connection I cannot do better than quote the words of a good Yorkshireman on the Bradford Council who said:

"I don't care how little I do in the morning so long as I've nowt to do in the afternoon."

Consequently, many of those who are receiving out-door relief are taking it from people who are poorer than them selves. I will give one or two cases. In the central area of the City of Bradford we have men—[ Interruption. ] I am prepared to assert that I know more about working-class conditions than anyone on the other side of the House.

I can give you better than that. I am prepared to give cases where men are paying heavy rates and taxes, working a week, missing a week, and working a week again. They continue to pay their rates on a house that is valued at about 4s. a week, and the rates are 2s. 4d. I say that there is something wrong with that particular kind of rating, and, if we are sincere in this House, all that we seek is a remedy. You cannot get a remedy by saying that Socialism will cure everything, because you know honestly that it will not, and I am going to prove it by the remarks of the hon. Member for Dundee. In his peroration he said that municipal banking, housing, waterworks, and so on, were better than private enterprise, and he cited the Municipal Bank of Birmingham. Have you ever studied the question of the Municipal Bank of Birmingham? [HON. MEMBERS: "Yes!"] If you have, your remarks convince me that you do not understand what you are talking about. [ Interruption. ]

I apologise sincerely, Mr. Speaker; it is my fault. May I just cite this Municipal Bank of Birmingham? It is a municipal enterprise, and this is the Report, which Members of the House can obtain if they wish, of the Committee on Municipal Savings Banks, which was appointed to consider whether it was desirable that there should be any extension of municipal savings banks. They report, with regard to the Birmingham Municipal Bank:

The hon. and gallant Member who has just sat down has challenged us to give him a case where, in competition with private enterprise, a municipality had done work cheaper. The report of the Borough Engineer of the Middlesbrough Corporation, dated 22nd June, 1926, shows that the total cost of building 30 houses was £11,119, or £371 per house, while the lowest contract tender was £11,749, or £392 per house. That is one case. The other is also in regard to housing, where of tenders received by contract by the Newmarket Urban District Council in March, 1920, the lowest is £1,172 per house, subsequently reduced to £l,040. These houses were built by direct labour at a cost of £761 in competition with private contract.

The direct labour saved £21 per house. If the hon. and gallant Gentleman does not believe it, I suggest that he writes to the Middles-brough town clerk to get particulars. The Debate to-night has been on two subjects. One has dealt with municipal trading and the other with the Poor Law. I do not propose to say more about municipal trading or municipal administration except that the House ought to know by now that during the last 150 years the country was obliged to bring in these social services under the name of municipal Socialism. Parliament was obliged to pass the necessary legislation, because if private enterprise had developed and capitalism had been allowed to have its way without any interference from the State, without any social services provided out of national and local funds, the population would have perished. About that there cannot be any two questions. Further, the Minister of Health boasted the other day that his illustrious father was the author of municipal Socialism and that he instituted in Birmingham all those services which many Members on the other side now wish to curtail. I suppose in his day he met with as much denunciation from the party opposite as any man sitting here receives at present.

The right hon. Gentleman, when he was connected with the municipality of Birmingham, had the foresight to see that to leave housing, the provision of water, the provision of education and the provision of lighting and the thousand and one services where they stood was to leave them absolutely undone or done in a manner which would be detrimental to the health and welfare of the people. And so he-became the leader in municipal Socialism.

To come lower down to our own time, it was also a very strong individualist who brought about the institution of the Ministry of Health—the late Lord Rhondda. This House forgets altogether the reason that led to the alteration of the title and some of the duties of the Local Government Board at the end of the War. The reason that Lord Rhondda took the line which he did was because he was shocked to find that in this country at least 200,000 babies perished from preventable causes each year and he instituted a tremendous campaign which set on foot this public expenditure on social services which man after man, and hon. Member after hon. Member who has spoken to-night, has more or less denounced. Lord Rhondda went through the country pointing out what was in effect the murder of babies by bad social conditions, and as a result there is held every year a Baby Week, clinics are established and there are a whole series of social public health services. Nobody, I think, thinks that that is a sort of condition of things that we ought to be very proud of except our unanimity in wanting to deal with the children and save their lives. It would be much better if this House would join with us as we asked them the other night in trying to find some remedy to remove the causes which make these social services necessary. I never like to think that it is right that a poor man's child must be taken to a clinic and weighed and attended to and looked after whilst the rich man's child can have decent conditions in its own home. But while the home conditions and the wages conditions are what they are there is no help for it but for the community to do what it is doing, and this House ought not to be so mean as to grudge the money that has been spent in this direction.

When you come to the Poor Law, the hon. Gentleman knows perfectly well— he was at the Ministry of Health, I believe, either with the late Lord Rhondda or immediately after—that from about 1921 down to the present time the Ministry has again and again assisted boards of guardians in this business of relief. He knows perfectly well too that when the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carmarthen (Sir A. Mond) was at the Ministry he instituted what is known as the Mond scale. The Mond scale is a scale which no board of guar- dians in the country is paying to-day, but I am quite certain, that had it been instituted by a board of guardians it would have been denounced as other scales are being denounced here to-day. Why did the right hon. Gentleman institute that scale? Because we in London were called upon to administer the common poor fund. He wanted to safeguard the expenditure under that fund.

The point that I want to make to the House is that the whole conception of relieving able-bodied men by out-door relief has received the approval and the sanction of successive Ministers of Health in this country. It is too late in the day to put the responsibility for the increase in the numbers of those receiving out-door relief on to the boards of guardians. Until now you never had the pluck to stand up and say that the relief should stop. The reason why you did not do it is because the right hon. Gentleman and his Department have all the time been afraid of the consequences of what is called public opinion. But now they have found that they have got to such a position that it will be quite easy. Having surrounded the word "Poplarism" with such a halo of unholiness, they imagine that if they shout it loudly enough they will be able to brand every board of guardians that attempts to give anything like adequate relief as wastrels.

The hon. Gentleman who spoke just now, and other Members, have challenged us about the people who have received relief when there has been a big family income. I, myself, have known cases similar to those quoted, but you have to take the whole of the circumstances of the family into account. I would point out that if the poor people have learned how to get something for nothing, or how to conceal their earnings or incomes, they have been taught by ex-Cabinet Ministers who have taken under false pretences pensions when they were themselves in receipt of very high incomes. I get rather sick of hearing this sort of unctuous rectitude which is poured out by hon. Gentlemen and right hon. Gentlemen about the poor doing the guardians. It is well known that an ex-Cabinet Minister is obliged to swear a declaration that his income is such that he is unable to maintain the position of an ex-Cabinet Minister. It is well known—and if I,am challenged I will give the name of three Noble Lords who have signed that declaration—that if they had been poor people getting a little relief when they had got an income coming in they would have been prosecuted and sent to prison. I think the less we hear in this House of a few isolated cases the better. We all agree this thing ought not to be. The Poplar Board has prosecuted dozens of people whom we discovered in this way, but the whole of the people who get outdoor relief ought not to be pilloried as they have been here this evening. The great mass of them are poor people, and, as I said the other night, a large proportion of them are ex-service men or the dependants of ex-service men.

I would like to remind the right hon. Gentleman that most of these he called paupers to-night are mothers, fathers, wives and dependants of ex-service men—some of those whose bones are lying in France and Flanders, while others are walking about maimed, bruised and battered. It is no sort of thing for either sneering or joking. Others are the ex-service men themselves. For any officer of any Department to talk of them as they were talked of to-night only shows how forgetful the nation can be, through its spokesmen, of those whom it acclaimed as heroes only a very short while ago. There is another thing to which I want to call attention. It has been already pointed out to-night that the death-rate among children has been very considerably lower, but this other thing is true, too, and the right hon. Gentleman cannot deny it—that the physique of very large masses of men, women and children has been preserved because of this public expenditure.

It is known from answers given to me yesterday that the policy of the right hon. Gentleman in cutting down relief, in refusing unemployment benefit, in causing these people to starve amongst their relatives, is having its effect upon the physique of the population. It was the C3 population and the murder of little children that brought about the establishment of the Ministry of Health. Now you are getting back again to a C3 nation. Here are the figures which I obtained yesterday, figures which any other House of Commons would imme- diately refer to a committee for inquiry, at any rate, any House of Commons which had the welfare of the manhood and womanhood of the country at heart. I asked how many men volunteered to serve in the Army? The answer was 83,814. Rejected by recruiters or recruiting officers for physical reasons—that is, the recruiting sergeants saw them and rejected them off-hand, so that their condition must have been very bad—33,484. I should not have thought that it was anything to laugh at that 33,484 men were rejected for physical reasons. Of the remainder who went before the medical officers, 16,198 were rejected. Failed to appear for attestation, 1,287; rejected by recruiters or recruiting officers for other than physical reasons and other casualties, 2,955; a total rejection of 53,924; leaving those who were accepted only 29,890. That means that 60 per cent. of the men who volunteered to serve in the Army were rejected by those whose business it was to see whether they were fit.

Thai is one result of your economic policy. That is one result of the

plunder by the Chancellor of the Exchequer of the National Health Fund and the National Employment Fund. In the Navy, 53,915 were accepted as volunteers and of this number only 5,655 were accepted and 47,866 were rejected. If you take the figures for the Air Force, they are more striking. The number who presented themselves for recruitment was 8,356, the number accepted was 2,453 and the number rejected 5,903, which shows again that the physical deterioration is very terrible. To show that the outdoor relief and the medical service in the schools are worth while, there were only 192 boys rejected. These figures justify all the money that was spent previous to the advent of the policy of the baby starvers. Under the present Government the Ministry of Health ought to be called the Ministry of Death.

Question put, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Question."

The House divided: Ayes, 182; Noes, 111.

Division No. 6. ]]

AYES.

[ 11.0 p.m.

Acland-Troyte, Lieut.-Colonel

Forrest, W.

Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth)

Agg-Gardner, Rt. Hon. Sir James T.

Fraser, Captain Ian

Kidd, J. (Linllthgow)

Applin, Colonel R. V. K.

Fremantle, Lieut.-Colone Francis E.

King, Commodore Henry Douglas

Astbury, Lieut.-Commander F. W.

Gadle, Lieut.-Col. Anthony

Lamb, J. Q.

Atkinson, C.

Galbralth, J. F. W.

Lloyd, Cyril E. (Dudley)

Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

Ganzonl, Sir John

Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (Handsw'th)

Beamish, Rear-Admiral T. P. H.

Gates, Percy

Long, Major Eric

Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W.

Gault, Lieut.-Col. Andrew Hamilton

Luce, Maj.-Gen. Sir Richard Harman

Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake)

Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John

Lumley, L. R.

Betterton, Henry B.

Goff, Sir Park

Lynn, Sir R. J.

Bowyer, Captain G. E. W.

Gower, Sir Robert

Macdonald, Capt. P. D. (I. of W.)

Brass, Captain W.

Grace, John

Macdonald, R. (Glasgow, Cathcart)

Briscoe, Richard George

Graham, Fergus (Cumberland, N.)

Macmillan, Captain H.

Brocklebank, C. E. R.

Grant, Sir J. A.

Macnaghten, Hon. Sir Malcolm

Brooke, Brigadier-General C. R. I.

Grattan-Doyle, Sir N.

Macqulsten, F. A.

Broun-Lindsay, Major H.

Greene, W. P. Crawford

Mac Robert, Alexander M.

Brown, Brig.-Gen. H. C. (Berks, Newb'y)

Grotrian, H. Brent

Maitland, A. (Kent, Faversham)

Burman, J. B.

Guinness, Rt. Hon. Walter E.

Makins, Brigadier-General E.

Cazalet, Captain Victor A

Gunston, Captain D. W.

Malone, Major P. B.

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Sir Evelyn (Aston)

Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich)

Margesson, Captain D.

Cobb, Sir Cyril

Hammersley, S. S.

Marrlott, Sir J. A. R.

Cockerill, Brig.-General Sir George

Harland, A.

Mason, Colonel Glyn K.

Conway, Sir W. Martin

Hartington, Marquess of

Merriman, F. B.

Cooper, A. Duff

Harvey, Major S. E. (Devon, Totnes)

Milne, J. S. Wardlaw

Cope, Major William

Haslam, Henry C.

Mitchell, S. (Lanark, Lanark)

Couper, J. B.

Henderson, Capt. R.R.(Oxf'd, Henley)

Mitchell, W. Foot (Saffron Walden)

Craig, Sir Ernest (Chester, Crewe)

Henderson, Lt.-Col. Sir V. L. (Bootle)

Moles, Rt. Hon. Thomas

Crawfurd, H. E.

Heneage, Lieut.-Colonel Arthur P.

Moore, Sir Newton J.

Crooke, J. Smedley (Deritend)

Hennessy, Major Sir G. R. J.

Moreing, Captain A. H.

Crookshank, Cpt. H. (Lindsey, Gainsbro)

Hills, Major John Waller

Morris, R. H.

Culverwell, C. T. (Bristol, West)

Hilton, Cecil

Murchison, Sir Kenneth

Curzon, Captain Viscount

Hope, Capt. A. O. J. (Warw'k. Nun.)

Nall, Colonel Sir Joseph

Davidson, Rt. Hon. J. (Hertford)

Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley)

Nicholson, O. (Westminster)

Davies, Maj. Geo. F. (Somerset, Yeovll)

Hudson, Capt. A. U. M. (Hackney, N.)

Nuttall, Ellis

Dixey, A. C.

Hudson, R. S. (Cumberl'nd, Whiteh'n)

Ormsby-Gore, Rt. Hon. William

Edmondson, Major A. J.

Huntingfield, Lord

Penny, Frederick George

England, Colonel A.

Hurd, Percy A.

Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings)

Fairfax, Captain J. G.

iliffe, Sir Edward M.

Peto, Sir Basil E. (Devon, Barnstaple)

Fanshawe, Captain G. D.

inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H.

Peto, G. (Somerset, Frome)

Fielden, E. B.

iveagh, Countess of

Philipson, Mabel

Pilcher, G.

Slaney, Major P. Kenyon

Ward, Lt.-Col. A. L. (Kingston-on-Hull)

Power, Sir John Cecil

Smith, R. W. (Aberd'n & Klac'dine, C.)

Warner, Brigadier-General W. W.

Pownall, Sir Assheton

Smith-Carington, Neville W.

Warrender, Sir Victor

Price, Major C. W. M.

Smithers, Waldron

Watson, Rt. Hon. W. (Carlisle)

Raine, Sir Walter

Spender-Clay, Colonel H.

Watts, Dr. T.

Ramsden, E.

Stanley, Lieut.-Colonel Rt. Hon. G. F.

Wells, S. R.

Rice, Sir Frederick

Stanley, Hon. O. F. G. (Westm' eland)

Wiggins, William Martin

Richardson Sir P. W. (Sur'y, Ch'ts'y)

Steel, Major Samuel Strang

Williams, A. M. (Cornwall, Northern)

Roberts, E. H. G. (Flint)

Streatfelid, Captain S. R.

Williams, Herbert G. (Reading)

Ropner, Major L.

Stuart, Crichton-, Lord C.

Wilson, R. R. (Stafford, Liehfield)

Ruggles-Brise, Lieut.-Colonel E. A.

Styles, Captain H. Walter

Winby, Colonel L. P.

Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth)

Sugden, Sir Wilfrid

Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George

Salmon, Major I.

Templeton, W. P.

Winterton, Rt. Hon. Earl

Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham)

Thomas, Sir Robert John (Anglesey)

Withers, John James

Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney)

Thompson, Luke (Sunderland)

Womersley, W. J.

Sandeman, N. Stewart

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Wood, E. (Chest'r, Stalyb'dge & Hyde)

Sanderson, Sir Frank

Thomson, Rt. Hon. Sir W. Mitchell-

Wood, Rt. Hon. Sir Kingsley

Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D

Titchfield, Major the Marquess of

Woodcock, Colonel H. C.

Savery, S. S.

Tomlinson, R. P.

Sheffield, Sir Berkeley

Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement

TELLERS FOR THE AYES .—Mr. Meller and Sir George Hume..—Mr. Meller and Sir George Hume.

Sinclair, Major Sir A. (Caithness)

Vaughan-Morgan, Col. K. P.

Skelton, A. N.

Wallace, Captain D. E.

NOES.

Adamson, Rt. Hon. W. (Fife, West)

Hirst, G. H.

Ritson, J.

Adamson, w. M. (Staff. Cannock)

Hudson, J. H. (Huddersfield)

Roberts, Rt. Hon. F. O. (W. Bromwich)

Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro')

Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath)

Rose, Frank H.

Ammon, Charles George

John, William (Rhondda, West)

Sakiatvala, Shapurll

Baker, J. (Wolverhampton, Bliston)

Johnston, Thomas (Dundee)

Salter, Dr. Alfred

Barnes, A.

Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown)

Scurr, John

Barr, J.

Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly)

Sexton, James

Batey, Joseph

Kelly, W. T.

Shepherd, Arthur Lewis

Bondfield, Margaret

Kennedy, T.

Short, Alfred (Wednesbury)

Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W.

Kenworthy, Lt.-Com. Hon. Joseph M.

Sitch, Charles H.

Broad, F. A.

Kirkwood, D

Smith, Ben (Bermondsey, Rotherhithe)

Bromfield, William

Lansbury, George

Snell, Harry

Bromley, J.

Lawrence, Susan

Stamford, T. W.

Brown, James (Ayr and Bute)

Lawson, John James

Stephen, Campbell

Buchanan, G.

Lee, F.

Stewart, J. (St. Rollox)

Cape, Thomas

Lindley, F. W.

Sutton, J. E.

Charieton, H. C.

Lowth, T.

Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow)

Cluse, W. S.

Lunn, William

Tinker, John Joseph

Compton, Joseph

MacDonald, Rt. Hon. J. R. (Aberavon)

Townend, A. E.

Connolly, M.

Mackinder, W.

Trevelyan, Rt. Hon. C. P.

Dalton, Hugh

MacLaren, Andrew

Varley, Frank B.

Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton)

Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan)

Vlant, S. P.

Day, Colonel Harry

MacNeill-Weir, L.

Wallhead, Richard C.

Dennison, R.

Malone, C. L'Estrange (N'thampton)

Walsh, Rt. Hon. Stephen

Duncan, C.

March, S.

Watson, W. M. (Dunfermilne)

Gillett, George M.

Maxton, James

Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda)

Gosling, Harry

Montague, Frederick

Wellock, Wilfred

Greenail, T.

Mosley, Oswald

Westwood, J.

Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne)

Murnin, H.

Wheatley, Rt. Hon. J.

Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan)

Naylor, T. E.

Whiteley, W.

Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool)

Oliver, George Harold

Williams, T. (York, Don Valley)

Groves, T.

Palin, John Henry

Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow)

Grundy, T. W.

Paling, W.

Windsor, Walter

Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvll)

Pethick-Lawrence, F. W.

Wright, W.

Hardie, George D.

Ponsonby, Arthur

Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

Hayday, Arthur

Potts, John S.

Hayes, John Henry

Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

TELLERS FOR THE NOES .—Mr. Allen Parkinson and Mr. Charles Edwards..—Mr. Allen Parkinson and Mr. Charles Edwards.

Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (Burnley)

Riley, Ben

Main Question again proposed.

rose

It being after Eleven of the Clock, the Debate stood adjourned.

The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.

Adjournment

Resolved, "That this House do now adjourn."—[ Sir G. Hennesy. ]

Adjourned accordingly at Ten Minutes after Eleven o'Clock.