Skip to main content

Commons Chamber

Volume 213: debated on Monday 20 February 1928

House of Commons

Monday, February 20, 1928

The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.

New Writ

For the Borough of Middlesbrough (West Division), in the room of Walter Trevelyan Thomson, esquire, deceased.—[ Major-General Sir Robert Hutchison. ]

Oral Answers to Questions

India

Riots, Calcutta

asked the Under-secretary of State for India the number of police that were injured in the rioting that took place at Calcutta on Friday, 3rd February, and the number of arrests that were made on this occasion?

I have nothing to add to the reply which I gave to the hon. Member on the 13th February.

Will the Noble Lord say when he expects to get the information on this very important point?

There is no further information to be given. Full information was given in the newspapers at the time. The telegram to which I have referred did not give any important information on the subject, because the newspaper report was very full.

Back Bay Reclamation Scheme

asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether the land prepared by the Bombay Government for the Military Department of the Government of India in the Back Bay Reclamation Scheme has yet been taken over and paid for by the military authorities?

An area of approximately 20 acres was levelled off by the middle of February, 1927, in readiness to hand over to the military authorities in advance of the rest. Some months ago the Government of Bombay anticipated that the remainder of Block 8 would be ready for transfer between March and May, 1928. My noble Friend has no later official information.

Kenya

Communal Representation

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether that section of the Feetham Report which recommends communal representation for municipal elections in Kenya will be legislated on prior to the reception of the Report of the Hilton Young Commission; and whether the general approval of the Report indicated by him includes this section dealing with the franchise?

I have no recent information from the Government of Kenya which would indicate when legislation is likely to be introduced or passed on this subject. The conditions on which general approval was given to the Feetham Commission's recommendations in their report relating to Nairobi did not further distinguish between sections of the Report.

May we have an assurance that the Report of the Hilton Young Commission will not prejudice this very serious point by any premature legislation on this question in Kenya or elsewhere?

Naturally that is a matter which will be taken into consideration by the Government.

Native Reserves

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether, seeing that it is now some years since it was proposed to vest the land in Kenya occupied by natives in some form of trust, he is yet in a position to lay before the House the proposed constitution of this trust?

No, Sir. I am still in communication with the Governor of Kenya on the subject.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that he gave me that answer two years ago? Would it not be possible now that he has come back from his tour to give a more satisfactory answer on this question, or at any rate inform the House that no more land will be taken from the natives until this Commission is definitely settled?

I know that the matter has taken rather long to consider, but we are anxious to get the most satisfactory form of trust. Negotiations have actually been proceeding all the time, and I am not aware that any land has been transferred pending the negotiations.

Is it not a fact that the natives are not making very much use of the land and that they prefer going, outside and working for the white men?

That may be the case, but I do not think it affects the desirability of having a satisfactory land trust to safeguard the interests of the natives.

Are we to understand that, pending the setting up of this trust, no more land will be alienated from the natives?

I cannot give a definite pledge on that point off-hand, but I do not think that any actual transference is taking place in native territory.

Cannot the right hon. Gentleman see that every month that this question is postponed means that more land will be alienated and that the whole position will be prejudiced?

Palestine

Financial and Trade Position

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he has any statement to make regarding the present financial position of Palestine; the condition of trade in that country; and the latest statistics of tin-employment amongst Jewish immigrants?

According to a revised estimate submitted in December the revenue of the Palestine Government during the financial period of nine months which ended on the 31st of December was expected to be slightly in excess of expenditure excluding sums transferred from loan account. The draft estimates for 1928 anticipate a deficit of £120,742 which is accounted for by interest on the recent loan amounting to £170,000. As regards the second part of the question, the value of imports is still very substantially in excess of the value of exports, but the margin was nearly £1,000,000 less in the first nine months of 1927 than in the corresponding period of 1926. At the end of December last there were about 6,500 unemployed Jews in Palestine including persons who had less than three days work a week; the non-Jewish unemployed numbered about 2,000.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that in one of the principal towns in Palestine a large proportion of the population who have been encouraged to go there are out of Work?

May I ask whether in the balancing of the Palestine Budget the amount that should be or might be contributed to the Ottoman Debt by Palestine is taken into account in the figures which he gave to the House?

Communist Propaganda

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he is aware that Communist propaganda schools have been established in Jaffa and Jerusalem by Soviet agents which have for their object the revolutionary overthrow of the British Empire; and whether, seeing that in the States bordering on Palestine the Turkish, French, and other authorities have expelled all known Soviet agents from their territories, and in view of the use which is being made of Palestine by Communist organisations as a centre for their activities in the Near East, the Government propose to take steps to exclude Bolshevist agitators from that country?

As I stated in reply to questions in this House on 13th February, I am aware that Communist propaganda is being carried on in Palestine, but I am satisfied that the Palestine Government are fully alive to the position and are taking all possible steps to exclude Bolshevist agitators.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the Turkish and the French authorities did take the necessary steps to turn these people out, and are the British Government going to allow them to remain there to the detriment of our people?

Will the right hon. Gentleman remember that in these matters in England we have rather better traditions than the Turkish Empire?

Rubber Export Restriction Scheme

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether, in view of the long time which must elapse before the Committee of Civil Research can report on the rubber restriction scheme, he will issue a considered statement on the whole situation, and, if possible, include in it a declaration that no change in the present scheme can take place before 1st November of this year?

As the Prime Minister is answering question No. 47 on the same subject, perhaps the hon. and gallant Member will be willing to await that reply.

Does the right hon. Gentleman not realise that a great deal of uncertainty has arisen on account of this unfortunate announcement from 10, Downing Street, and can he do anything to allay that uncertainty?

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether any communications have passed between His Majesty's Government and the Government of the United States of America within the past two months on the subject of the rubber restriction scheme?

The answer is in the negative.

asked the Prime Minister if he is has received any communication from the Rubber Trade Association with regard to allowing the present restriction scheme to remain in force until 31st October; and whether he is now able to give the assurance asked for?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. In regard to the second part, as my hon. Friend is aware, in accordance with the notice issued by the Colonial Office on 1st February, no change will be made in the scheme for three months from that date. When the Government takes its decision on the Committee's report, the House may rest assured that it will pay full regard, in the character and time of any public announcement, to all the British interests involved.

When does the right hon. Gentleman expect the Committee may be able to report?

It is because of that uncertainty that we are pressing for the date. Is the Committee likely to be able to report before 31st October?

I am not in a position to answer that question. In any matter of this kind unfortunately, there must be a certain amount of uncertainty, whatever date may be fixed.

Will the right hon. Gentleman endeavour to expedite the inquiry before the whole trade passes to foreign ownership as the result of restriction?

Would it not be advisable for the Government to refuse to interfere with the industry at all?

Trade and Commerce

Silk Exports (Canada)

asked the Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs whether he will approach the Canadian Government with a view to a more equitable arrangement being come to as to the operation of the dumping Clause with regard to the export of silk from Great Britain since the establishment of the silk duties?

The question whether it is desirable that, in valuing goods for Customs purposes, including special or dumping duty, any amount allowed as drawback by the authorities of the exporting country should be excluded, formed the subject of a Report by a Sub-Committee of the Imperial Conference, 1926 (page 399 of Cmd. 2769). His Majesty's Government in Great Britain have invited the attention of His Majesty's Government in Canada to this Report and have inquired whether they have been able to give further consideration to the matter; but no reply has yet been received.

Will the right hon. Gentleman pursue this matter with the Canadian Government in view of the fact that it is nearly two years since the question was raised?

It is just over a year since the council considered it, and it has certainly lost no time.

Empire Marketing Board (India)

asked the Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs the total amount contributed by India towards the expenses of the Empire Marketing Board since its inception; the number of applications for grants received by the board from Indian bodies and the amount of such applications sanctioned; and if he will give information as to the number of Indians employed in an advisory executive and minor capacity in connection with the board's educational work in this country and other parts of the Empire, and in connection with the other activities of the Empire Marketing Board?

The Empire Marketing Fund is provided wholly by His Majesty's Government in Great Britain, and no contribution to the board's expenses has been made by the Government of India or by the Governments of other parts of the Empire. Definite applications for grants for scientific research have not yet been formulated by the Government of India on behalf of Indian institutions, but I am informed by the representative of India on the board that plans for the development of research in India, to which the Empire Marketing Board will be asked to contribute are now under consideration. I am also informed that India is keenly interested in, and likely to benefit from, the results of researches in many different branches of agricultural science, which are being undertaken in other parts of the Empire with the aid of contributions out of the Empire Marketing Fund. As regards the staff employed, the services of Indians with special qualifications are utilised from time to time to undertake work of a temporary character in connection with the board's educational and publicity activities.

Iron and Steel Trades

asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware of the grave position of the iron-steel trade; and, if so, having regard to that fact, and that the Government last Session gave special time to discussion of both the coal trade and agriculture, will he consider giving a day for the discussion of this important industry?

asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware that the north-east coast of England produces 30 per cent. of the United Kingdom's pig iron and 25 per cent. of the United Kingdom's steel; and, as there has been a serious decrease, whether he will take steps to assist and maintain the industry, in view of the growing unemployment in this area?

As my hon. Friend the Member for Penrith and Cockermouth (Mr. Dixey) is aware, opportunity for the discussion of this subject was afforded on the Debate on the Address, and further opportunity remains by way of Private Members' Motion. In view of the state of Parliamentary business I cannot give a special day for discussion. I would also refer my hon. Friends to the answer which I gave on 10th November last in reply to a question by my hon. Friend the Member for Flint (Mr. Goodman Roberts).

Rail-Borne Coal Deliveries (Inquiry)

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is yet in a position to publish the result of the Board of Trade inquiry into short weight in rail-borne coal deliveries?

No formal Report is available on this matter, but the information obtained as the result of Departmental inquiries does not appear to disclose any widespread cause of complaint.

Year.

Crude Petroleum.

Refined Petroleum.

Total Imports.

Of which consigned from Russia.

Total Imports.

Of which consigned from Russia

Thousand Galls

Thousand Galls.

Thousand Galls.

Thousand Galls.

1913

1,109

486,998

38,291

1924

464,363

( a ))

1,106,548

36,115

1925

569,082

1,842

1,044,219

92,036

1926

537,444

1,375,658

105,181

1927

664,800

1,386,506

93,054

( a ) 200 Gallons.) 200 Gallons.

NOTE.—From and including the year 1924, the above figures exclude Imports into the Irish Free State, and from the same year the consignments from Russia represent those from the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics.

Safeguarding of Industries

asked the President of the Board of Trade if he is aware that the technicalities of the White Paper are preventing many applications under the Safeguarding of Industries Act reaching a successful issue; and will he consider amending the Act?

Are we to gather from that that we are to get no report? Is the hon. Gentleman aware that merchants' associations throughout the country are awaiting the information collected by the Committee?

For the present, no information has been gathered which will justify a report.

Oil Imports

asked the President of the Board of Trade what were the imports of oil into this country for the years 1913 to 1924 and each subsequent year, and the quantity imported from Russia during the same period?

The answer takes the form of a table of figures, and the hon. Member will perhaps allow me to circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Following is the Table:

The following table shows the total quantities of crude and refined petroleum, respectively, imported into the United Kingdom in each of the years 1913 and 1924 to 1927, distinguishing the quantities consigned from Russia.

House by the Chancellor of the Exchequer on 12th April last. I am sending him a copy of this statement, to which I have nothing to add.

Irish Free State

Irish Grants Committee

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he can make any statement as to the Government's decision on the recommendations of the Irish Grants Committee?

As the House is aware, the British Government of 1922 publicly stated that they could not divest themselves of a duty to see that claims to compensation in respect of injuries to person or property in the Irish Free State in the period immediately following the Treaty were equitably met. In 1926 a Committee was set up under the chairmanship of Lord Dunedin to report whether any action beyond that already taken should be taken by His Majesty's Government. This Committee found that the persons who were entitled to rely on the above promise were those persons only who had suffered injuries in respect of their allegiance to the Government of the United Kingdom and that that Government should take definite steps to alleviate to the best of their ability such injuries in cases where compensation had either not been given or had been less than equitable. The Dunedin Committee further stated that the decision as to what grants should be made must rest with His Majesty's Government who, however, should be assisted in the investigation of claims by an advisory body.

In consequence a Committee under Sir Alexander Wood Renton was set up in October, 1926, to advise His Majesty's Government whether in cases as defined by the Dunedin Committee some further ex gratia grant should in reason and fairness be made to the claimants in addition to any compensation already awarded.

His Majesty's Government had no means of knowing with certainty, until the work of the Committee was complete, the extent of the hardship with which they would have to deal. On the other hand, it was obvious that in no circumstances could the Government assign to an advisory Committee the power of committing the Exchequer to an indefinite liability. They therefore decided in harmony with Lord Dunedin's Report that the function of the Committee should not be to make awards, but only to advise. The Government could not bind themselves to act on the advice, but would have in their minds a limit of expenditure beyond which they would not be pre- pared to go, so that, if the Committee's recommendations exceeded that amount, the Government would find it necessary to adjust the payments in each individual case accordingly.

These conclusions were communicated by the Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs to the Committee at the time when it was being set up.

As the Committee has proceeded in its work it has become clear that its recommendations would considerably exceed in amount the limits which the Government have been led to assign. It was found impossible to wait until the conclusion of the whole Inquiry before taking final decisions. The position of many of the claimants was such that uncertainty as to the final awards was in itself involving hardship. The Government therefore decided in December last to extend the original limit which they had fixed from £400,000 to £625,000. It now appears from all the evidence we have been able to collect that the total compensation which may be recommended by the Wood Renton Committee, including the payments already made, may be approximately £l million. In these circumstances the Government have examined very closely the principles which have guided the Committee in making their recommendations. They have come to the conclusion that the Committee's work has been done at every stage with a due regard to the interests of the general public and that the recommendations cannot be considered excessive. They have also satisfied themselves that the drastic scaling down of these recommendations would inflict in numerous cases severe, unmerited hardship upon individuals, which hardship might reflect upon the sincerity with which the Government have given effect to the undertakings of their predecessors.

It remains impossible for any Government to commit itself in a matter of this kind to a liability without limits. I therefore take this opportunity of stating that, an increased sum not exceeding £1 million will be held available as required in satisfaction of these claims.

All awards up to £1,000 will at once be paid in full. Of the excess over this figure 60 per cent. will be advanced on account immediately. The residue of the £1 million will be applied to the recommendations at the close of the Inquiry in so far as they have not been already implemented.

The House will understand the difficulty which naturally arises in reconciling a strict and fair discharge of engagements into which the State has entered with the need of protecting the Exchequer from an indefinite liability.

I should add that this decision must be taken as final so far as His Majesty's present advisers are concerned.

Will the right hon. Gentleman give the House the number of claims that have already been heard by the Wood-Renton Committee, the number that have still to be heard, and the recommendations of the Committee in respect of those claims which have already been heard?

My hon. Friend is, I have no doubt, aware that a Supplementary Estimate on this subject is likely to be taken on Thursday next, and that, I think, will be the appropriate time to carry this discussion any further.

Will this statement alter the amount of the Supplementary Estimate which is to be taken on Thursday, or will it still remain the same; and, in the second place, when did this change of policy on the part of the Treasury take place?

The Supplementary Estimate which is to be presented on Thursday will deal adequately with any immediate requirements of finance which this statement involves.

The expenditure, naturally, does not accrue at one particular moment. The Supplementary Estimate is only for that amount of expenditure which is expected to accrue within the limits of the financial year. In answer to the second part of the hon. and gallant Gentleman's question, I think the Debate on Thursday will be a very good opportunity to raise that point.

Does the Wood-Renton Committee agree with the Chancellor of the Exchequer in his estimate of the total sum required to meet the equitable claims of those who suffered damage?

I should certainly not answer such a question as that, either now or on Thursday next. [HON. MEMBERS: "Why?"] Because the Commission have a certain duty to discharge, and I am not seeking to base myself upon anything which would restrict their proper discharge of that duty. It would be manifestly improper to do so. I am stating the policy of His Majesty's Government.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that a sum of £1,000,000 would appear, on the face of it, to be entirely inadequate? Is it not the case that a sum of £625,000 is required to meet claims which have already been heard and have been reduced by 30 per cent. and 70 per cent., and that, as we understand it, practically an equal number of claims are still to be heard; and how will £375,000 meet the making good of the 30 per cent. and 70 per cent. and also meet all the other claims which have yet to be heard?

That will be a very fitting subject to raise on Thursday next. I must repeat that the decision of the Government in this matter must be taken as final.

Ex-British Civil Servants

30 and 32.

asked the Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs (1) whether he can now inform the House as to the result of the negotiations between the British Government and the Government of the Irish Free State as to the ex-British civil servants in Southern Ireland, some 400 in number, who are still waiting to retire under Article 10 of the agreement for a Treaty between Great Britain and the representatives of the Irish Free State, but who are unable to obtain the pensions to which they are entitled as the Compensation Committee set up to hear their applications has not sat for over two years; and whether he is aware of the hardship which this long delay has occasioned to ex-servants of the British Crown;

(2) whether his attention has been called to the decision of the judicial committee of the Privy Council in the case of Wigg and another v . the Attorney-General of the Irish Free State; and what action the British Government are taking, in connection with the Government of the Irish Free State, to secure the rights of former British civil servants in accordance with the judgment of the Privy Council?

I am sorry that at the moment I can add nothing to my answer to the question which he put to me on 13th February. I expect, however, to be in a position to make an announcement later in the week.

Does the right hon. Gentleman not realise that there is great urgency in this matter, and that I have been asking questions for nearly a year in this House on this subject and these unfortunate civil servants of the British Crown were given special rights under the Irish Treaty which the British Government have done nothing to see carried into effect?

I know that the matter is one of importance and urgency. I had hoped to be able to give my Friend an answer to-day but I think I shall be able to answer his question before the end of the week.

Why has the Compensation Committee not been able to sit for over two years?

Ex-Service Men (Emigration)

asked the Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs whether he has taken any further steps to help ex-service men in the Irish Free State to emigrate and to give them the same opportunities for obtaining assisted passages as are given to ex-service men in this country?

asked the Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs whether he is now able to announce any arrangement whereby ex-service men from the Irish Free State can be brought under the terms of the Overseas Settlement Act?

The Prime Minister explained the position to my Noble Friend the Member for Shrewsbury (Viscount Sandon) in his reply on the 19th December, and I regret that I am not in a position at present to add anything to that reply.

Can my right hon. Friend say whether anything has been done in the meantime, and is he aware that certain of these soldiers came forward voluntarily during this country's need, and now are left as no man's children?

The matter has been discussed both with the Irish and with the Canadian authorities, but we have not yet been able to arrive at any satisfactory scheme.

New Zealand (British Liaison Officer)

asked the Secretary of State for Dominions Affairs whether the salary of the British liaison officer in New Zealand will be borne on the Dominions Office or the Foreign Office Vote; what is the salary fixed for the post; and to what Department in London will the official in question report?

It is contemplated that, as from the 1st April, provision for the emoluments of the officer in question should be included in the Dominion Services Vote. The scale of emoluments is that appropriate to an officer of his seniority serving abroad. It is not anticipated that he will report formally to any Department of His Majesty's Government in Great Britain, though he will no doubt correspond informally with the Foreign Office and the Dominions Office as occasion may arise.

Is it not a rather curious precedent to send out a British civil servant to the other end of the world without his being under any obligation to report?

No, Sir; I think there have been a good many precedents for loaning British civil servants to Dominion Governments. This officer is being loaned to the Prime Minister of New Zealand for his purposes, and not as a representative of any Department of the British Government.

Dead Sea Salts (Concessions)

asked the Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs whether Mr. Novamesky has given satisfactory assurances that he has sufficient capital behind him to work the Dead Sea salts concessions; and whether such capital is British?

Is my right hon. Friend aware that this concession is likely to become a scandal worse than the Rutenberg Concession, and that it is causing a great deal of feeling among the Arabs, as witnessed by the attack on an hon. Member of this House the other day at Bagdad?

The hon. and gallant Member's supplementary question does not seem to be quite relevant to the question on the Paper.

Is it quite Parliamentary language to describe the Rutenberg Concession, which it was sought to use as a whip for the previous Government, as a scandal?

Agriculture

Cattle Exports (Quarantine Stations)

asked the Minister of Agriculture, if, in view of the outbreaks of foot-and-mouth disease impeding the export of pedigree and other cattle from this country, he can say when any quarantine stations for the export of animals from this country will be open; and if he has any statement to make as to the objects of these stations?

asked the Minister of Agriculture what is the present state and prospect of completion of the quarantine stations for the export of pedigree stock; where such stations are being established; and what delays or difficulties, if any, are being encountered?

A quarantine station, through which pedigree stock intended for export to the Dominions will pass immediately before shipment, is in course of erection at the East India Dock, London, and is expected to be ready for the reception of animals in April. This station is being established under the management of the Royal Agricultural Society of England, at the charge of the Empire Marketing Fund, and is designed to enable the export of pedigree stock to the Dominions to proceed without the interruptions hitherto caused by outbreaks of foot-and-mouth disease in Great Britain. Negotiations are also proceeding for the establishment of a similar station at Glasgow under the management of the Highland and Agricultural Society of Scotland, at the charge of the Empire Marketing Fund. A suitable site has been selected, and it is expected that the erection of this station will not be long delayed.

Who is providing the site, and how will the expenses be met?

The Empire Marketing Board is meeting the expense. There has been a good deal of difficulty in finding a suitable site, because, of course, it has to be kept away from animal landing places or places where foodstuffs might be contaminated. The Port of London Authority is co-operating with us in finding a suitable site.

Will these quarantine stations be used for the importation of cattle from the Argentine?

No; it is a matter of exporting British pedigree stock; there is no trade in live cattle from any part of the world where there is foot-and-mouth disease.

The Empire Marketing Board will contribute towards the upkeep, but those who make use of these stations will, naturally, pay expenses.

The cost of running these stations will be borne by the Empire Marketing Fund, because it is held to be of great importance that the Dominions and Colonies should have the advantage of the very best British stock as foundation stock for their livestock industry.

Could the Minister give a little more definite information in regard to the actual bringing into operation of the London quarantine station, as there is a great deal of anxiety, among both exporters and officials in the Dominions as to when it will begin its work?

I can only say that it is being pressed on as quickly as possible, and we are assured that it will be opened in April.

In view of the nature of the Empire Marketing Board's grant, and the inadequate control of the finance that we have here, can we know whether the control of the expenditure in this matter will be with the Royal Agricultural Society?

They are going to manage it, and, naturally, will submit details to the Empire Marketing Board.

Will the Argentine Government be prepared to give export permits to cattle from these quarantine stations to enter the Argen- tine, even though there were at the time areas in Great Britain scheduled under the Foot-and-Mouth Disease Orders?

In the event of any questions arising in regard to the management of these stations, to whom should such questions be addressed? Is the management to be controlled by the Highland and Agricultural Society, say, in Scotland, without reference to any Department, or should questions be put down to the Secretary of State for the Dominions, or to the Minister of Agriculture himself?

By all means, let questions be put to the Minister of Agriculture, as responsible for the Regulations concerning animal diseases in both England and Scotland.

Land Drainage

asked the Minister of Agriculture when he is likely to introduce legislation to give effect to the recommendation of the recent Drainage Commission; and, pending such legislation, what steps is he taking to deal with special area problems?

I am afraid I cannot at this stage add anything to the reply that I gave to my hon. Friend the Member for the Isle of Ely (Sir H. Lucas-Tooth) on 13th February.

Can the right hon. Gentleman give some idea as to when the bigger scheme is likely to be prepared, so that legislation can be introduced, and will he state what steps are being taken in special areas?

We are carrying out the arrangements that were on foot for special areas, such as the River Rother, in the Rye area, the Arun Level near Littlehampton, the Welland outfall, and two large grants in the Ouse area. As to the question of general legislation, the hon. Member will realise that there is a great deal of work to be done before that can possibily be introduced, and that work is being pressed on.

Did not the Minister announce in 1926 that a general Drainage Bill would shortly be introduced, and can he give the reason why it has been dropped?

It was announced subsequently that we felt that this question was so complicated that we should have to base our legislation on the findings of a Royal Commission. That Royal Commission has now reported, and it is suggested that certain questions should be further explored, and at this stage we cannot say exactly how we shall deal with general legislation, or when we shall be ready to introduce it.

Can the right hon. Gentleman hold out any hope of legislation during this Session to deal with this very urgent problem?

Is my right hon. Friend aware that during the past year floods have created a specially difficult situation for the agricultural community in this country, and will he try to hurry up any legislation that he wishes to bring in?

Is it not also true that the Royal Commission reported that there are 365 drainage authorities, and that, therefore, it must take time to come to some settlement?

asked the Minister of Agriculture if he is aware of the large area of land laid derelict in the Don Valley, South Yorkshire, due to lack of drainage; that this area has been scheduled for priority treatment; and what steps have been taken or are intended to deal with this problem?

The area to which the hon. Member is presumably referring has been the subject of investigation by a special Commission, whose report is, I understand, about to be published. Until I have had an opportunity of examining the Commission's recommendations and their bearing on those of the Royal Commission on Land Drainage, I am unable to say what steps it may be possible to take in connection with the drainage of this area.

Are we to understand that there is no likelihood of even this area being dealt with during this Session?

I should think it is quite certain that we shall not be able to consider a report which we have not yet received in time for legislation this Session.

Does the right hon. Gentleman think it possible to deal with this very urgent problem while the land is still privately owned?

Will the right hon. Gentleman see that Yorkshire does not have preferential treatment at the expense of Lincolnshire?

Is there any fund available out of which grants can be made to county councils to assist them in carrying out schemes?

Grants can be made to drainage authorities. They will more generally be available to other authorities than county councils, who have very little power.

Where county councils have become drainage authorities will grants be made?

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that his Department say that there are no grants available at present?

Credits

asked the Minister of Agriculture when Government proposals in respect of long-term agricultural credits will be laid before the House of Commons?

I regret that I am not yet in a position to say when the Government proposals with regard to agricultural credit will be laid before the House.

Is it not a fact that this item was in the King's Speech two years ago, and that they have not had time yet to prepare their proposals?

The hon. Member is quite misinformed. This item appeared for the first time in the King's Speech for this Session, which means that it will be introduced in due course.

Is the right hon. Gentleman not aware that a reference was made to the likely provision of agricultural credits in the King's Speech two years ago and nothing has been done until this moment? Further, is he aware that there is a reason which he has never explained to the House why funds are not provided?

The hon. Member is basing his question on a misapprehension. There was no mention whatever of agricultural credits in the King's Speech two years ago.

Will the right hon. Gentleman consider the question of including horticulture in the provision of a grant?

Small and Cottage Holdings

asked the Minister of Agriculture in how many instances his approval of schemes for the provision of small holdings or cottage holdings, under the Act of 1926, has been deferred or refused on account of the price proposed to be paid being more than in his opinion was justified; and if he will give particulars of such cases?

Approval has been deferred or refused in two instances. One of these was the South Lathom Estate in Lancashire, a property of about 288 acres which, as I informed my hon. Friend in reply to a question on the 17th instant, has now been acquired by the county council at the figure which I was prepared to approve. The other instance is a small property of under half an acre with a cottage which the Surrey County Council proposed to purchase for the purpose of providing a cottage holding. I was advised that the proposed purchase price was excessive, and that if the council acquired the property at a fair price the scheme would be self-supporting.

Any statement that the Ministry are obstructing the operation of the Act by administrative action would be quite unfounded?

Quite unfounded. The only result of the delay we imposed in the first instance has been a saving of £2,000 to the public funds.

Grain-Storing Silos

asked the Minister of Agriculture whether his attention has been drawn to a proposal to erect experimental grain-storing and conditioning silos, with a view to popularising the system, the encouragement of arable farming, and co-operation among farmers; and, if so, whether he will make representations to the Development Commission and the Empire Marketing Board to proceed with the project?

Yes, Sir, but I am advised that the national organisations representing farmers, merchants and millers respectively have recently intimated that they do not, at present, regard a system of elevator storage for English grain as practicable. In these circumstances, I am doubtful of the wisdom of proceeding with experiments of the kind referred to, but I will have the proposal further examined.

Sugar-Beet Pulp (Exports)

asked the Minister of Agriculture whether sugarbeet pulp has been exported recently; if so, in what quantity; whether the factories are arranging or have arranged for export; if so, in what quantities; what is the price at which the pulp is offered to British farmers; and, in the case of export, what is the price to foreign buyers at the factory?

As the reply is rather long, I propose, with my hon. and gallant Friend's permission, to circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

In view of the fact that sugar-beet has a subsidy attached to it, can steps be taken to prohibit export?

We cannot prohibit export, but we will do all in our power to induce the factories to meet the case of those farmers who have not been able to get supplies. The factories are anxious to dispose of their beet pulp in this country, but in some cases, owing to the difficulty they had in disposing of it last year, they may have oversold themselves early in this season owing to the unexpected short crop of beet.

Following is the reply:

Sugar beet pulp has recently been exported by the factory companies and delivery is being made of contracts entered into last year. The quantity of dried bees pulp exported from the 1927 beet crop was 20,745 tons out of the total dry pulp production of 87,658 tons. In the previous year 36,760 tons were exported and 62,800 tons produced. As far as I am aware no new arrangements have been made for export. Under the contract between the grower and the factory the grower has the option of receiving from the factory, at the price of £5 a ton, dried beet pulp equal to 5 per cent. of the total weight of his beet deliveries, provided his option is exercised in writing before the 1st August in each year. Hitherto growers have not taken full advantage of this option, although the amount taken up under this option has increased from year to year. Certain factory companies in 1927 made the growers a special offer of £5 delivered at growers' station. I understand that the f.o.b. price of pulp exported abroad in 1927 ranged from about £5 to £5 15s. a ton. The price at the factory would be 10s. to 15s. a ton less.

Foot-And-Mouth Disease

asked the Minister of Agriculture whether, in view of the serious effect the Order prohibiting the importation of animals from any part of Ireland will have upon the cattle breeders and traders of Northern Ireland, he can give any additional information regarding the outbreak which necessitated such drastic action, and whether he will consider modifying the Order so as to free Northern Ireland from the ban, in view of the fact that no outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease has occurred in that country, and that all animals are carefully inspected before leaving, and that they are kept in quarantine for some time after arrival in Great Britain?

At 8.15 p.m. on 16th February the Ministry was informed by the Government of Southern Ireland that foot-and-mouth disease had been reported on premises within one mile of the town of Wexford. As a precautionary measure, the Ministry instructed all port inspectors to hold animals from Ireland in the 11 landing places at which Irish animals are imported into this country. When disease was definitely confirmed, the Ministry passed an Order suspending all shipments of animals from Ireland. As soon as full reports are received from the Irish Free State Government the Ministry will be able to settle from which ports in Ireland animals can be accepted for. slaughter within 96 hours at those ports at which there to slaughtering accommodation.

Will the right hon. Gentleman take care that, as soon as these restrictions can be safely withdrawn from Northern ports, they will be withdrawn, in view of the fact that there are now no imports from the Free State to the North under the Order?

We have no evidence at present to show whether this Wexford outbreak is the original one or not. The Irish Free State Department of Agriculture are tracing the suspected animals and, of course, these restrictions will not be kept on any longer than is necessary.

House of Lords

asked the Prime Minister whether any body or Committee has examined, or is examining, further into the proposals for reforming the House of Lords; and whether he proposes to introduce legislation to this end?

Does the fact that there is no mention of this in the King's Speech mean that the Government have given up all intention of proceeding further with their plan of last year?

Is the matter being examined? Is it still before the Cabinet?

Licensing Law

asked the Prime Minister if it is the intention of the Government to introduce a Bill making amendments in the licensing law during the lifetime of the present Parliament?

During the present short Session of Parliament there will be no opportunity to deal with so controversial a question as the amendment of the law relating to the sale of intoxicating liquor. At this stage His Majesty's Government are unable to make any statement with regard to the legislative programme for next Session.

Fighting Services

Political Activities

asked the Prime Minister whether in the next General Election it will be open to officers and men of the fighting services to exercise their electoral rights by attending political meetings, asking questions of candidates, and when in mufti advocating their political opinions and the redress of such grievances as affect them and their families as citizens, all of which rights were exercised without restraint until the Representation of the People Act, 1918, when members of the fighting forces were given votes as such, and which from that date until the year 1924 were freely exercised?

Officers and men serving in the fighting, forces are required to refrain from active participation in meetings held for party or political purposes, and active prosecution of the interest of a Parliamentary candidate. The observance of this rule does not impose any unreasonable restriction upon officers and men serving in the fighting forces, and I think that it is better to leave the interpretation of this general rule to the good sense of those concerned rather than to attempt to lay down a number of hard-and-fast detailed Regulations.

Would it not be far more sensible to let these men know exactly what their rights may be, seeing that they have hitherto exercised them without any restraint? I have asked a number of particular questions in order to clarify the issue. May I know whether they may attend political meetings and ask questions of candidates? They are entitled to know that.

I do not think doubts and difficulties exist in the minds of these officers and men so much as in the minds of their representatives. I think they are perfectly familiar. There has been no alteration in the Regulation, which has existed for many years, it is causing no trouble, and the fighting services have tried by means of definition to ease their position in the direction the hon. Member would undoubtedly desire to go. If he has any particular point at any time that he wishes to bring up, of course he can put down a question.

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman, with respect, whether he is not entirely mistaken in this matter and that up to 1924 no restriction whatever was placed upon the free exercise of political rights; whether in 1918 there was not an order restricting those rights which was subsequently withdrawn, and that the rights have been freely exercised up to the last general election?

I am not aware of any difference in the situation to-day from the situation as I have known it ever since I have been a Parliamentary candidate.

In view of the Fleet Order, can my right hon. Friend say whether it has been settled what is the position of half-pay officers in the Navy?

That does not arise out of the question. If my hon. and gallant Friend puts down a question I will try to answer it.

Meat Supplies

asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury what are the amounts of foreign or Colonial meat purchased by the War, Navy, and Air Departments?

The total quantity of foreign and Dominion meat purchased for the Navy, Army, and Air Force in the calendar year 1927 was approximately 22,750 tons.

Hyde Park (Adjacent Flats)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Home Department, as representing the First Commissioner of Works, whether he is aware of the complaints from members of the public at the disfigurement caused to the amenities and beauty of the eastern end of Hyde Park by reason of the erection of a block of flats on the site of Grosvenor House; and whether he will introduce legislation to secure that no building adjoining a royal park shall be erected to a height beyond the statutory 80 feet from street level unless plans have first been submitted and approved, showing that the amenities of the district and the enjoyment by the public of the adjoining open space will not be prejudiced?

The Department was consulted in regard to this block of flats under Section 48 of the London Building Act of 1894, and saw no sufficient ground for entering an objection from the point of view of the amenities of the park. While the First Commissioner fully realises the importance of preserving to the public their enjoyment of the open spaces under his charge, he considers that at the present time there is no need for him to seek special powers for the protection of this or of the other Royal parks.

Is my hon. Friend aware that the amenities of St. James's Park have been largely destroyed by the erection of Queen Anne's Mansions, and does he not think that he ought to do something in regard to Hyde Park to protect it from a similar outrage, and is he aware, further, that a large sum of money is now being raised from the public in order to purchase Dorchester House. When large sums of money are being raised in order that Hyde Park may remain beautiful, is it not rather absurd to allow this sort of thing to go on?

Is my hon. Friend aware that this building is very like a factory building?

If my Noble Friend had to adjudicate on matters of art, his position would be a very difficult one.

Has my hon. Friend not recently appointed a Fine Arts Commission in order to decide on questions of taste, and does he not think that this is a very good matter to refer to them?

The Fine Arts Commission has nothing to do with questions of private property as far as I know.

Royal Parks (Free Seats)

asked the Undersecretary of State for the Home Department, as representing the First Commissioner of Works, the number of free seats available to the public in the Royal parks in the London area?

I would refer the hon. Member to my reply to a similar question on 7th December last. It has since been decided to provide additional accommodation for 20 persons in Green Park and 40 in Richmond Park.

Government Departments

British Embassy, Washington

asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Home Department, as representing the First Commissioner of Works, what progress is being made with the construction of the new embassy at Washington; what the original estimated cost was; whether it is now anticipated that this estimate will be exceeded; and, if so, by how much?

A tender has recently been accepted for the erection of the building, and the work has now started. The first and provisional estimate of cost was £165,000, but this amount has been revised in the light of tenders received, and the cost is now estimated at £190,000.

Can my hon. Friend say whether it includes the cost of furnishing or merely doing the landscape work of the garden?

Can the hon. Gentleman say whether the sale of the present site will bring in as much money as will cover the cost of the new building?

Ministry of Labour (Ex-Service Men)

asked the Minister of Labour whether, seeing that a considerable number of ex-service men have recently been discharged from Kew, while a large number of vacancies exist in his Department which are to be filled by new entrants, will he explain why these vacancies are not being offered to the discharged ex-service men?

I would refer my hon. and gallant Friend to the detailed answer given on the 17th February to questions asked by the hon. Member for Kensington North (Mr. Gates) and the hon. and gallant Member for Croydon North (Colonel Mason).

Can the hon. Member assure me that the promise given on the 27th July will be kept in the letter and the spirit?

Yes, Sir. As my right hon. Friend pointed out in the reply to which I have referred, there has been no departure whatever from the statement made by my right hon. Friend who was then Financial Secretary to the Treasury.

Factory Inspectors (Scotland)

asked the Home Secretary the number of factory inspectors appointed in Scotland; if this is the full number allocated for Scotland; if not, when he intends to increase the numbers; and the numbers of inspectors in the same area in 1914?

The staff now allocated to Scotland comprises 19 inspectors and two inspectors' assistants. It is at full strength except for a recent vacancy, caused by the death of an inspector, which will be filled shortly. The staff in 1914 consisted of 16 inspectors and five assistants. The total number, therefore, was the same in both years.

Henry Smith Charity

asked the hon. and gallant Member for Tonbridge, as representing the Charity Commissioners, what is the yearly revenue of the Henry Smith Charity; and what amount is annually expended in direct benefit to-the kindred?

The net income of Henry Smith's Charity (Kensington Estate) for 1927 amounted to £28,595 (approximately). The amount expended in the relief of the poor kindred amounted to £5,530.

Great Britain and United States (Arbitration Treaty)

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he is yet in a position to-inform the House of the proposed terms of the new Anglo-American arbitration treaty?

The answer is in the negative. The draft Treaty which was communicated to His Majesty's Ambassador at Washington by the United States Secretary of State is now being carefully considered by His Majesty's Government in Great Britain, and in the meantime I am not in a position to add anything to the statement which I made on the subject in this House on the 8th instant.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say when he expects to be able to publish the terms in view of the publication of the terms of the French Treaty?

I cannot possibly publish them without first of all communicating with the United States. Government, and at present I think that that would be premature.

China

Chinese Armies (British Subjects)

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs what British subjects are serving or have been serving during the civil war in China in the various rival armies; whether any steps are taken to prevent this infringement of the Foreign Enlistments Act and, if so, what are they; whether any steps are taken to deal with such persons who break the law; and if it was with his knowledge and consent that Captain Talbot-Lehmann served as aeronautical adviser to Marshal Chang Hsi Liang, son of Marshal Chang Tso Lin?

So far as I know, no British subjects are or have been serving in any Chinese army during the present civil wars. A Captain Sutton was formely employed in the Mukden Arsenal, but resigned his post at the beginning of last year. A Mr. Talbot-Lehmann was employed as an instructor in aviation by General Chang Hsuehliang last year, but resigned on the 8th of October last. They have both, I understand, left China. Such action by British subjects would not, I am advised, constitute an infringement of the Foreign Enlistment Act, but it is possible that it might be held to constitute an offence against Article 75 of the China Order-in-Council, 1925, as actual participation in the present hostilities certainly would. Messrs. Sutton and Talbot-Lehmann were officially warned of the provision in question. Other measures adopted to prevent British subjects from taking up service in the Chinese armies were described in my reply to the hon. Member for Penistone.(Mr. Rennie Smith) on the 23rd of May last. The reply to the last part of the hon. and gallant Member's question is in the negative.

Are we to understand the right hon. Gentleman draws a distinction therefore between a British subject who served with a rifle in the ranks and a. British subject employed in an arsenal in designing cannon or aeroplanes? Is not that rather straining the Order-in-Council to the utmost?

No, Sir. I do not really undertake as a layman to interpret this Article on my own authority nor even the Order-in-Council, but I am advised that the interpretation which I place upon both of these documents is probably the correct one. I have observed that His Majesty's Minister in Peking refused to assist one of these gentlemen in a prosecution against the Chinese Government because he infringed the Order-in-Council.

Are we to understand that no steps are being taken in any way to reprimand or to punish these officers; and what would the right hon. Gentleman do if they had served in that capacity with the Nationalist Army, for example?

Is it not a fact that there was not a very great difference during the war between a munition worker in this country and a coal hewer?

Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether there is any precedent for the interpretation which has just been given?

If the hon. Member wants precedents, he must put a question on the Paper. If there are any, I will give them.

What would happen to those who served in the Nationalist army?

I conceive that exactly the same thing would happen. One of these gentlemen—perhaps the hon. Member would like me to read the letter addressed to me by— [HON. MEMBERS: "No, No!"]—I will show the hon. and gallant Member a copy.

Is it not a fact that the British Empire was largely built up by the gallant actions of adventurers such as these?

I do not wish to encourage these gentlemen to engage in exploits of this kind on the ground that they are assisting to build up the British Empire.

Hankow Municipal Debentures

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether, at the time of the negotiations for the new administration at Hankow, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Nationalist Gov- ernment gave any and, if so, what undertaking that the new council would in future maintain the service on the municipal debentures?

I would refer my hon. Friend to the reply given on the 2nd of May last to my hon. Friend the Member for East Cardiff (Sir C. Kinloch-Cooke).

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he is aware that the interest due in June last on the Hankow municipal debentures was paid in currency depreciated to the extent of approximately 50 per cent., and that a complete default has been made in respect of the interest due on the 31st December last; and whether he proposes to take any action in the matter?

As I informed my hon. Friend on the 6th of July last, I am aware that the debenture interest due in June, 1927, was paid in depreciated currency. I have since received a report from His Majesty's Minister showing that the December interest is in arrears. His Majesty's Consul-General at Hankow and the Sino-British Council of the ex-British Concession are impressing on the local authorities the importance of meeting these obligations. Application has been made to the provisional Administration for the supply of funds for this purpose, and the matter is still under discussion.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether this bond was ever executed, and, if so, whether it is not possible to take action?

Yes, Sir, the bond was executed. Whether it may become necessary to take action or what action can be taken, must wait the result of the negotiations "which are going on.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say how long it has been the function of the Government to act as debt collectors?

That is not really a fair statement of the case here, where municipal loans on this British Concession are entitled to a security and were secured on certain property when the concession was surrendered to the Chinese.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say when these undertakings were entered into, and that the rate of interest was consistent with the risk?

These are not loans by the British Government. The hon. Member does not appear to know the details of the matter.

Thompson and Bouvet Islands

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs what information he has as to the existence, denied by Norwegian whalers, of the whereabouts of Thompson Island, claimed by this country; and what is the position as to the rival claims of His Majesty's Government and the Norwegian Government to Bouvet Island?

Thompson Island was first discovered by Captain Norris in December, 1825, and has only once been sighted since by Captain Fuller, an American seaman, in 1893. The island was unsuccessfully searched for in 1898 and in 1926, but in view of Captain Norris's definite statement and the confirmation afforded by Captain Fuller there does not appear to be any ground for questioning its existence, although there is some degree of uncertainty regarding its position. His Majesty's Government have informed the Norwegian Government that they consider the title acquired by virtue of the occupation of Bouvet Island by Captain Norris in 1825 to be valid, and that in the circumstances they must formally reserve all their rights in connection with the island.

May we take it that the information which has been published to the effect that we have surrendered our claim to Bouvet Island is incorrect?

Must further questions on this subject be addressed to the Dominions Office or the Colonial Office?

I do not know to whom they may be addressed, but to whomsoever they are addressed I am sure they will do their best to answer.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say what is the position of Thompson Island on the Admiralty charts?

League of Nations (Slavery Convention)

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs how many Powers have ratified the Slavery Convention of the League of Nations; and what are the names of the maritime and colonising Powers that have ratified it up to the present?

According to the most recent information in my possession, the Slavery Convention of 26th September, 1926, has so far been ratified by the following: Austria, Belgium, Great Britain and Northern Ireland and all parts of the British Empire which are not separate members of the League of Nations, the Commonwealth of Australia, New Zealand, the Union of South Africa, India, Bulgaria, Denmark, Finland, Latvia, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Spain, Sweden; and acceded to by Haiti, Hungary, Monaco, Nicaragua and the Sudan.

Egypt (Telephone Service)

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs by whom has the post of chief supervisor in the Egyptian telephone service been filled; and whether he has any information as to where a contract for telephone equipment of upwards of a million sterling has been recently placed?

No such post exists, and I presume that the hon. Member refers to that of the Deputy Inspector-General, who has recently resigned. I understand that normal steps to secure the services of an expert to replace him are being taken. No such contract as that referred to in the second part of the question has recently been placed, the amount mentioned being greater than the whole budgetary expenditure of the telegraphs and telephones administration for the coming financial year.

Sudan (Sennar Dam)

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he can make a statement upon the capacity of the Sennar Dam in relation to the requirements of the Sudan Gezira, and how the method of operating the dam affects navigation on the Nile in Egypt and the supply of irrigation water during the summer?

The quantity of water stored at Sennar last year exceeded the requirements of the Sudan Gezira by 400,000,000 cubic metres, and it is estimated that the same surplus will be available this year for the benefit of Egypt. Were the Sennar Dam not in existence this additional supply would have already flowed unused to the sea, so that the dam, so far from damaging Egypt, has hitherto had the effect of increasing her water supply at the period when it is most required. The arrangements for filling and emptying the Sennar reservoir both last year and this year were especially designed to meet Egypt's requirements. They were submitted to and approved by the Egyptian Ministry of Public Works. The reservoir has not affected navigation in Egypt. Such interference as has recently occurred is the result of the recent decision of the Egyptian Government to store greatly increased volumes of water at Assuan.

Can my right hon. Friend say whether the statement made in the Egyptian Press disproving this is inaccurate?

Unemployment (Training, Glasgow)

asked the Minister of Labour the number of persons registered as unemployed in Glasgow who have been accepted as trainees in the centre at Wallsend?

Seventy unemployed men from the Glasgow area have been accepted as suitable for training at Wallsend and 24 of them have started training.

Questions to Ministers (Quota)

The following Question stood on the Order Paper in the name of Mr. WALLHEAD:

71. To ask the Minister of Labour how many persons in the borough of Merthyr Tydvil have been deprived of unemployment benefit because they became eligible for the old age pension under the Widows', Orphans' and Old Age Contributory Pensions Act, 1925?

Education

Nursery Schools

I have been asked to reply. Twenty-six nursery schools are at present recognised by the Board of Education and the provision of two others has been approved, one of which is now in course of erection.

Elementary Schools (Teachers)

asked the President of the Board of Education the number of teachers per 1,000 children in the public elementary schools for the present year and each of the four previous years?

The numbers of certificated, uncertificated and supplementary teachers in public elementary schools, in England and Wales, on the 31st March, per 1,000 pupils in average attendance during the year in the last four years, have been:—

Year ended 31st March:

1924

31.8

1925

32.8

1926

32.7

1927

32.6

Films (Production and Assistance)

asked the Secretary of State for War the number of troops of all ranks who have been employed in the making of the 12 films that have been completed, or are in the state of preparation, for which War Office sanction has been obtained, giving the number of days or portion of days that these men have been actively employed in this work; and whether any extra remuneration or gratuities are granted to the men who take part in this work?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative. As regards the second part, I would refer the hon. Member to the Prime Minister's reply of the 6th December last to the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy).

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether contracts for films are made by each Government Department directly with film companies or whether some central body is charged with making the contracts for all Government Departments; and whether the conditions are the same for each Department?

Contracts for films produced with the assistance of Government Departments are made directly by each Government Department. Subject to the general conditions mentioned by my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister in his reply to the hon. and gallant Member for the Central Division of Hull on the 6th December last, Departments must have regard to the particular requirements of each case when negotiating contracts with film companies. The Treasury have, however, given instructions that cooperation should be maintained between the Departments concerned and the Stationery Office in order to ensure uniformity of conditions so far as the circumstances of each case allow.

Does that mean that the commission charged or the percentage (paid to the Government has been fixed in every case?

What supervision is there over these contracts? Who is the final authority to say whether the terms are fair or not?

Can the hon. Gentleman say whether all these films have been made by one company or by several companies?

British Army (Hospitals)

asked the Secretary of State for War how many beds there are available in the military hospitals in this country; what was the maximum number occupied on any one date of last year; and what is the annual average number of beds occupied?

The answer to the first part of the question is 3,454, to the second 3,277, and to the third 2,061.

asked the Secretary of State for War the estimated daily cost of each occupied hospital bed; and how the cost is approximately made up?

As the answer contains a number of figures I will, with the hon. and gallant Member's permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether it is a reduction on previous years or an increase?

I think my hon. and gallant Friend had better see the figures. I am not quite sure what he will think about them.

Following are the figures:

The estimated average cost of an occupied bed a day in the seven large hospitals for which cost accounts are now kept is 14s. 6d. if the cost of unoccupied beds is charged to the occupied beds, and 10s. 6d. if this cost is excluded.

The cost is made up approximately as follows:

s.

d.

s.

d.

Patients: maintenance

3

6

3

6

Staff

7

4

4

8

Standing charges

3

8

2

4

14

6

10

6

Chief Constable, St. Helens

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he can now make a statement on the position following the inquiry held at St. Helens in November last in the case of the chief constable of the borough police force?

The watch committee, who put the chief constable on leave following his reinstatement after the inquiry, have now asked that a further public inquiry may be held into certain matters of complaint between them and the chief constable. I think it desirable to accede to this request, and in order to enable evidence to be taken on oath I propose to take advantage of the provisions of the Tribunals of Inquiry (Evidence) Act, 1921. Notice has been given of the necessary resolutions and I hope that it may be possible to take the motion in this House to-night.

Income Tax (Farm Cottages)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is aware that the owners of cottages built for and occupied by agricultural workers under rents restricted to 3s. per week are being assessed for Schedule A in respect of such cottages by inspectors of taxes at amounts of £15 gross and £11 nett, these amounts being in excess of the maximum rent statutorily receivable; and if he will give instructions that this practice should cease, as throwing on the owner the burden of appealing against an assessment and thereby discouraging the erection by private enterprise of dwellings intended solely for occupation by agricultural workers?

If my hon. and gallant Friend will furnish me with particulars of the cases which he has in mind, I will cause inquiry to be made and communicate the result to him in due course.

Is my hon. Friend aware that the action of inspectors of taxes in making assessments, knowing them to be in excess of the gross rent received, is contrary to both the spirit and letter of the Finance Acts?

Floods (Tate Gallery)

asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury if he will give a list of works in public galleries, other than the Turner collection, damaged in the recent floods?

The list of oil paintings is so large that I am circulating it in the OFFICIAL REPORT, if the hon. Member will allow me. Although, unfortunately, 18 pictures are damaged beyond repair, probably none of them would be regarded as of primary importance in an artistic sense. Beyond these 18 pictures the others are all capable of repair; most of them require only slight repair.

Could the hon. Gentleman state whether this occurrence has led to the directors of the Tate Gallery being informed of the advisability of not using their cellars as lumber houses and what has resulted from that?

Yes, Sir; a supplementary question was put to me by the hon. Gentleman the other day, and it has been communicated to the proper authorities.

Following is the list referred to:

NATIONAL GALLERY, MILLBANK.

Oil paintings damaged by the Thames flood, 7th January, 1928.

A.—Damaged beyond repair.

2969.

Archer—Morte d'Arthur.

1782.

Davis—After Sunset.

1909.

Delacroche—Execution of Lady Jane Grey.

2955.

Harding—Old Mill, Saarburg.

1629.

Hilton—Christ Crowned with Thorns.

1184.

Lance—Fruit Piece.

1533.

Landseer—Uncle Tom and his Wife.

1349.

Landseer—Lion.

414.

Landseer—War.

609.

Landseer—Maid and the Magpie.

413.

Landseer—Peace.

3015.

Leighton—Helios and Rhodos.

422.

Maclise—Play Scene from. Hamlet.

793.

Martin—Destruction of Pompeii.

1907.

J. Philip—At the Well.

764.

Smirke—Scene from Don Quixote.

616.

E. M. Ward—James II at Whitehall.

131.

West—Christ Healing the Sick.

B (1).

—Materially damaged but capable of repair.

1670.

Beechey—J. P. Johnstone.

3006.

Blake—Spiritual Form of Nelson.

3592.

Bowler—The Doubt.

1902.

Brett—From the Dorsetshire Cliffs.

3677.

Calderon—By the Waters of Babylon.

C 1610.

Clarke—Early Promise.

2289.

Delacroix—Attila.

1558.

Douglas—Mother and Daughter.

1398.

Eastlake—Ippolita Torelli

397.

Eastlake—Christ Lamenting over Jerusalem.

2714.

Isabey—Grandfather's Birthday.

608.

Landseer—Alexander, and Diogenes.

1540.

Leader—The Valley of the Llugwy.

1793.

Leslie—Christ rebuking His Disciples.

396.

Mulready—The Younger Brother.

2314.

Poole—Vision Ezekiel of (Smaller).

1518.

Riviere—The Blockade Runner.

C 1577.

Riviere—Beyond Man's Footsteps.

1328.

Scott—Westminster from the River.

1777.

Smirke—Scene from Don Quixote.

C 1595.

Small—The last Match.

1204.

Stark—The Valley of the Yare.

1830.

Stothard—Shakespearean Characters.

322.

Stothard—A Battle.

507.

Turner—The Tale of the Birdcage.

430.

E. M. Ward—Dr. Johnson waiting for an audience. Total, 26.

B (2).

—Very Slightly Damaged but Easily Repaired. (Mostly Small Blisters and Loose Paint.)

1156.

Arnald—On the Ouse.

729.

Barker—Woodman and Dog.

3528.

Madox Brown—Landscape at Hendon.

4261.

Carriere—Les Devideuses.

1823.

Constable—Glebe Farm.

2058.

Diaz—Sunny Days in the Forest.

600.

Dyckhams—Blind Beggar.

359.

Etty—Flute Player.

3279.

Egg—Past and Present.

444.

Egg—Gil Bias (Le Diable Boiteux).

3280.

Egg—Past and Present, No. 3.

1385.

Egg—Beatrix Knighting Desmond.

1550.

Goodwin—Sinbad the Sailor.

1530.

Gow—The Lost Cause.

1562.

Goodall—Ploughman and Shepherdess.

3167.

Gaugin—Tahitian Study.

1524.

Peter Graham—Rainy Day.

1791.

Hilton—Venus at the Bath.

1499.

Hilton—Nature Blowing Bubbles.

4149.

Holloway—The St. Vincent.

2286.

Horsley—Martin Colnaghi.

1382.

J. Jackson—Salvator Mundi.

1606.

Johnson—Garth, Son of Beowulph.

604.

Landseer—Dignity and Impudence.

603.

Landseer—Sleeping Bloodhound.

1226.

Landseer—Distinguished Member of the R.H. Society.

1801.

C. R. Leslie—Viola and Olivia.

1798.

C. R. Leslie—Anne Page and Slender.

3255.

Mancini—La Douane.

1563.

Millais—St. Stephen.

2258.

Michel—Woodland Scene.

2950.

Nasmyth—Falls of Tummell.

2951.

Nasmyth—Landscape with Ruin.

339.

Philips—Wood Nymph.

416.

Pickeregill—Robert Vernon.

2956.

Roberts—Cathedral Porch.

106.

Reynolds—Head of a Man (Profile).

2440.

Rossetti—Sancta Lilias.

3297.

Ricard.

320.

Stothard—Diana and Nymphs Bathing.

1069.

Stothard—Narcissus.

1827.

Stothard—Nymphs Sleeping.

406.

Stanfield—Lake Como.

368.

Shee—Thomas Morton.

1322.

W. B. Scott—Eve of the Deluge.

3181.

Sickert—George Moore.

1028.

Singleton—Manto and Tiresias.

513.

Turner—Medea.

493.

Turner—The Deluge.

461.

Turner—Morning on Coniston Fells.

478.

Turner—The Blacksmith Shop.

541.

Turner—Venice. (Small) Repaired in 1926.

470.

Turner—The Tenth Plague of Egypt.

474.

Turner—Destruction of Sodom.

500.

Turner—Field of Waterloo.

C2137.

Taylor—The Rehearsal.

350.

Thomson—The Dead Robin.

730.

Uwins—Sir Guy on Fighting for Temperance.

1285.

H. Vernet—Napoleon.

2288.

Vallin—Dr. Forlenze.

384.

Wyatt—The Philosopher.

132.

West—The Last Supper.

126.

West—Pylades and Crestes.

C1697.

Wyllie—Battle of the Nile.

688.

J. Ward—Landscape with Cattle

1799.

School of Wilson—River Scene with Ruin.

C1673.

Yeend-King—Milking Time.

Transport

Footpaths

asked the Minister of Transport whether his attention has been called to the increasing danger to foot passengers due to motor traffic on country roads; and whether he will make it a condition of grants from the Road Fund that suitable footpaths are provided by the local authorities where this is possible?

I have been asked to reply. When application is made to my right hon. Friend by local authorities for assistance towards the construction of new roads or the widening of old ones, he always endeavours to secure that adequate provision is made for foot passengers. There are, however, so many areas where local authorities are not in a financial position to promote improvements of this kind, that he does not consider that he would be justified in attaching the suggested condition indiscriminately to every grant made from the Road Fund.

May I remind my hon. Friend that the local authorities are much better judges in this matter than he is.

Menai Suspension Bridge (Tolls)

asked the Minister of Transport the total net amount received, to the latest available date, from the Menai suspension bridge tolls since his Department took over the collection of tolls; and whether he is now prepared to reduce the charges?

I have been asked to reply. The surplus of receipts over the expenditure for the period from 1st April, 1926, when direct collection began, to 11th February, 1928, is approximately £18,700. My right hon. Friend is considering whether, having regard to the age and nature of the bridge and to the consequent necessity for building up a substantial contingency and renewal fund, any further modification can be made in the scale of charges.

Is the Noble Lord aware that the profits, after allowing for collecting, were £10,780, and will he not immediately receive a deputation from the County Council of Carnarvon to consider the reduction of the charges?

I can only refer the hon. Member to the last portion of the answer that I have given.

Marriage (Prohibited Degrees of Relationship) Bill,

"to amend the Law relating to the marriage of persons with their nephew or niece by marriage," presented by Sir Arthur Shirley Benn, supported by Commander Bellairs, Mr. Barr, Mr. Morris, Mr. Briant, Mr. Ammon, and Mr. Savery; to be read a Second time upon Wednesday, 29th February, and to be printed. [Bill 39.]

Orders of the Day

Supply

Considered in Committee.

[Captain FITZROY in the Chair].

Civil Estimates, Supplementary Estimate, 1927

Class 1

Treasury Chest Fund

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a sum, not exceeding £15,613, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1928, to make good the Net Loss on Transactions connected with the raising of Money for the various Treasury Chests Abroad in the year 1926."

4.0 p.m.

In presenting this Supplementary Estimate to the Committee I desire to explain briefly what it means. The Treasury Chest Fund exists for the provision of money which the Government may require in particular circumstances, in outlying parts of the world. The purpose of the Fund is to pay the salaries of Government servants in these various places abroad. The payment is made in the currency of the particular places where those servants are employed and in the particular Estimate which I have now to present, most of the sum of £15,613 is in respect of remittances for the payment of Government servants at Hong Kong. If hon. Members examine the account of the Treasury Chest Fund No. 126, of which I have here a spare copy at any Member's disposal it will be seen how this amount arises. As I say, most if not all of this expenditure has been incurred in relation to remitting money to Hong Kong for our troops there. The practice is to say to the Paymaster at Hong Kong, "We want to pay so much sterling to a man or to men in Hong Kong and the payment is to be made in the currency of Hong Kong." In order to arrange that it shall be paid fairly, the official who has charge of the Treasury Chest calculates the monthly average of rate of exchange up to the 20th of the month preceding the month during which payments are to be made. He uses that as a basis. When he comes to make the payment say in the currency of Hong Kong, if in the meantime silver has fallen the Chest gets the advantage of the exchange in making the payment to the recipient; whereas if silver has risen it is the other way round. The difference in Hong Kong in this estimate amounts to £15,537, which is the major part of a net loss on the various worldwide transactions. Those who are interested in foreign exchanges will find it interesting to unravel the complications involved in this matter. We get a debit this year of £20,465 on Hong Kong, the largest of the debits. On the other hand, a profit has been made in relation to Bermuda, Gibralta, Jamaica, Malta and the Straits Settlements, amounting to £5,887. The net debit balance against the Treasury Chest Fund is £15,613. A margin of net loss did not result over a large number of years, namely, from 1912 to 1927. I think I can say that there has been on the whole a balance profit. I will give particulars of the last seven years, from 1920 to 1927. I find that in the three years, 1920–21, 1922–23, and 1924–25 there was a profit of £19,442, but for the three years 1921–22, 1923–24, 1925–26 there was a loss of £11,000, leaving us up to this year still about £8,000 up. This year we show £15,613 on the wrong side of the balance, but, over a period of about 15 years, the taxpayer has not lost anything. I think that gives a rough idea of the position, but if hon. Members would like further information upon any particular point I will do the best I can to explain.

There are one or two points I would like the Financial Secretary to elucidate with regard to this amount. In the first place, I am not quite clear whether the whole of this increase is due to the situation in Hong Kong, or whether that was only the major item. As far as the part which is due to the situation in Hong Kong is concerned, I would like to know why it is that the amount is in excess of what was anticipated. Is it due to the fact that when the original Estimate was made, it was not anticipated that we should have to pay so much money, or is it due to the fact that the Chinese currency has been falling, or silver has been falling, during this period more rapidly than was anticipated? A very considerable amount has been lost in comparison with previous years, and I think we need a little more information.

As the matter is so involved, I will try to explain a little more fully. I will take, first, the last question put by the hon. Gentleman. The loss is almost entirely due to the violent oscillation of Hong Kong exchange, mostly due to the rise and fall in silver in that part of the world. If the hon. Member will turn to page 5 of Document No. 126 he will see the answer to his question. Nearly the whole of the loss on exchange for 1926 is due to the Hong Kong oscillation of exchange, the figure being £15,537, plus £4,927. If the hon. Member will take Bermuda, Jamaica, and the other items on page 5, giving the credit sum of £5,887, he will see, after he has deducted the profit items, that the amount of this Supplementary Estimate is, roughly, the same as the Hong Kong loss in respect of bills and transfers.

My hon. Friend has given an explanation of this loss on the Hong Kong Exchange which is very much in keeping with the explanation which has been given from year to year regarding the Treasury Chest Fund operations. I do not want to detain the Committee on what is not a, very large matter, but I do want to put once again a point which has been raised here more than once, and that is why it is not possible for the Government to anticipate their requirements for the exchange precisely in the same way as would be done in the case of any commercial undertaking. I am quite aware that the reason is given that the conditions of Government are totally different from those of a commercial organisation, and that is perhaps true, but, taking what my hon. Friend has just said, here is a case in which the Government have to make certain Estimates at fixed dates in Hong Kong currency for the troops, or rather Government servants, in Hong Kong. There does not appear to me to be the slightest difficulty in anticipating what is going to happen, what the requirements will be, and in making arrange- ments through the ordinary commercial channels to remit sterling so that neither a loss nor a profit is made.

This does not seem to me a case in which the Government should take credit for making a profit, or, in certain circumstances, should be blamed for making a loss. But it does seem that if a fixed date has to be arranged at which payments must be made in Hong Kong currency, it would be perfectly possible for the Government to make arrangements to remit that money so as to avoid any loss or profit. As I say, it is not a very large matter, but it is a subject which cannot be answered by saying that the requirements of the Government are different from those of other bodies, and if in the case of a Government it is the fact that they know beforehand exactly what they have to pay, and the dates on which they will have to pay, there seems to be no reason whatever why they should not be able to fix their arrangements beforehand.

May I ask whether it is a fact that larger sums of money are sent out than are actually required at the time, because I notice that the statement shows a profit of £l,700 on interest on bank balance. Does that mean that the money is sent out to Hong Kong and lies at the bank for some considerable time, and then we get on the other side a net loss on the conversion of funds? Can the hon. Gentleman say how it is that larger sums are sent out than are required, and whether it is not possible to send out the exact sum, instead of keeping there these balances which have to be converted at a loss?

I will, first, answer the question put by my hon. Friend the Member for Kidderminster (Mr. Wardlaw-Milne). It is true that troops must be paid at a fixed rate, but if exchange were bought forward, as my hon. Friend suggests, there is just as much chance of losing money if the exchange should go against the purchaser as there would be in buying exchange on the same lines as we have done. Supposing we anticipated the amount that is to be paid to the troops a month or more before we paid it, and supposing in the meantime the exchange went against the Government, we should have to make good the amount that would have to be found for the Treasury Chest.

Surely there is nothing to prevent my hon. Friend fixing the exchange through ordinary commercial channels? It is a question of putting it upon those whose business it is to supply currency at a fixed contract rate.

The man has to be paid at the rate of exchange ruling on a special date. If you buy forward, and the exchange goes against the Government, you save nothing by it. You may make a loss just as easily as a profit.

Discussion has taken place around the troops in Hong Kong, but I want to ask the hon. Gentleman if this also applies to the civilian employés there. Are their weekly wages made up in the same way so that they are paid the amount equivalent to sterling in this country? Does this also apply to the workman who is on a weekly wage, say, in Malta—the civilian employé who is out on contract from this country? Does ft also apply to Gibraltar, Bermuda, and other parts referred to this afternoon, or is this confined to those who are considered as being in staff appointment on monthly, quarterly or yearly salary? I want to know if the wages of those who are paid out there on contract for the various Government Departments also have their wages made up to the equivalent of sterling.

I think I can answer that in one word. It applies to all Government employés. With regard to the question asked by the hon. Member for Finsbury (Mr. Gillett), it is necessary to keep a certain amount of money available for the Government employés in those parts of the world which I have mentioned. We do not allow the money which we keep there for emergency to lie idle, but we take steps to see that the money is profitably used.

May I appeal to the Financial Secretary, that when the next account is dealt with, he will consider more fully the possibility of covering his forward exchange? I think if he would consult with the authorities in the City he would find means of making such arrangements that there would be neither profit nor loss.

I must ask my hon. Friend to assume that people who are in charge of this matter are well acquainted with the best methods to adopt in matters of exchange. There is one thing I shall always set my face against, and that is, I will not take part in what may be called speculation in exchange. The safest thing to do is to pay your commitments as you go, and not try to speculate for a rise or a fall in exchange. Otherwise, sooner or later, you will find that you will be punished.

Question put, and agreed to.

Class VII

Rates on Government Property

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £52,000, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1928, for Rates and Contributions in lieu of Rates, etc., in respect of Property in the occupation of the Crown for the Public Service, and for Rates on Buildings occupied by Representatives of British Dominions and of Foreign Powers, and to pay the Salaries and Expenses of the Rating of Government Property Department, and a Grant in Aid of the Expenses of the London Fire Brigade."

This is a Supplementary Estimate for £52,000 over and above the amount asked for originally. The reason is that when the Estimate was made up, the Treasury was not aware what the rates of poundage would be. Usually rates are made out in April and October. This Estimate was made in October, 1926. It was thought proper then not to ask for what might turn out to be too much money. The increase is due almost entirely to the increase of poundage in the various parts of England, Wales and Scotland. The increase over the whole of England and Wales was something like from 12s. 7½d. in 1925 to 13s. 2d. in 1926, but that included the industrial areas, where the rise was pretty big. As much of the Government property, with the exception of Employment Exchanges and post offices, is not for the most part in industrial areas, the rise in the poundage did not affect it so severely; in fact, it has only risen on Government property from 12s. 2d. in 1926 to 12s. 7d. in 1927.

I will give some examples of the rise in poundage. In the City of London the rates have risen from 9s. 2d. to 9s. 10d., an extra cost of over £5,000; in the City of Westminster the increased poundage amounted to £2,500; and in Woolwich and Plumstead to £3,200. In Scotland the increase has been even greater, because the properties are mostly in Edinburgh and Glasgow, and in Edinburgh the increase has been from 7s. 7d. in 1925 to 9s. 10d. in 1926, and in Glasgow from 12s. to 13s. 6d. When the poundage was ascertained by the Treasury, it was found that the increases made the Estimates £52,000 more than was originally estimated, and the whole of the estimated increase is due to that poundage.

The hon. Member spoke rather indistinctly, but he said, as far as I could hear him, that the whole of this Supplementary Estimate is due to increased poundage. If so, that is beyond the Government's control, and I have nothing to say to that, but I should like to ask him how the assessment is arrived at apart from the poundage. I hold a very strong view that the time has arrived when the Government Departments should, not only as to rating, but as to litigation, be put in the position of ordinary litigants. I have an idea that the Minister, so far as Government property is concerned, is not subject to the ordinary process of law. In so far as it relates to the assessment of Government property, it is a matter, I suppose the hon. Gentleman would say, of negotiation, in which the Government Department speaks with the added force of the whole power of the Government at its back, and I have a very strong feeling that all Government property is very much under-assessed in this country. Will the Minister tell me whether I am correct in this view? Although perhaps this is not the occasion on which we can get any redress, I think I am right in the premises I am putting forward, that this is a matter of great grievance to the ordinary ratepayer in the country, as Government property is not subject, in arriving at its assessable value for the purpose of local rates, to the ordinary law of the land, but has in fact very considerable advantages.

I think this point came up in the discussion on the Rating and Valuation Act, 1925, and the very point that the hon. and learned Member for East Grinstead (Sir H. Cautley) now urges was urged by other hon. Members at that time and was rejected on the Report stage of that Measure. Therefore, we have had a comparatively recent decision of the House of Commons about it, but if he would like, I can give the method.

I have here a schedule about the valuations. They are fixed after communication between the Treasury valuer and the local authority, and they are based as far as practicable on the same principles as the valuations for rateable property with which the premises occupied by the Crown can be fairly compared. The point now raised was settled in 1925. There are certain reasons why the valuation is made on those lines. From the time of the Select Committee of 1858 to the present day, every Minister of every Government who has considered this question has arrived at the same conclusion, namely, that it would not be right to allow the Government establishments to be inspected and assessed by local authorities. The Departments have insuperable objections to this, and these objections are based solely on considerations of national importance.

The final appeal in ordinary cases rests with the legal authorities, which are quite independent both of the Government and of the local authorities. Why should not the State be subject to the law of the land in the same way as are individuals?

I do not think I am in a position, nor do I think it would be in order, to argue that now. That is a matter beyond my control and knowledge, and I rather think it would not be in order for me to deal with it at all.

As I was one who raised this matter on the Rating and Valuation Bill, I should like to know from the Financial Secretary to the Treasury, because my constituency is one which is very closely concerned, what contributions the Government are making to the rates of Plymouth and what is the percentage of Government property as compared with the whole of the property of Plymouth. I think he will find that the Government own about seven or eight tenths of the whole of the property of Plymouth and contribute only one-tenth of the total rates. Those are roughly the figures which I produced on the Rating and Valuation Bill, and although the Minister then in charge interrupted my speech, he did not correct those figures. The Financial Secretary has been kind enough to send me a few moments ago the total contribution made by the Government this year in Plymouth, and it comes to about £80,000.

That is a very inadequate sum when the local assessable value of all the property of Plymouth is taken into account.

But this is not the moment at which to raise that principle. It should be raised on the main Vote.

With great respect, I have been in the House since this discussion took place, and nothing but that principle has been under discussion, and you have allowed previous speakers to deal with it.

It has not been allowed on a Supplementary Estimate of this kind, I aim certain.

I think I am right in saying that a previous speaker was dealing with the matter at some length. This principle is a thoroughly bad one, and if it were not for the existence of this principle the time of the Committee would not be taken up with the discussion of Supplementary Estimates of this kind. The Government are under an obligation to pay their proper quota towards the rates on certain properties, but they do not pay their quota, and I am here to protest on behalf of my constituency—

The ratio that the Government pay to the general rates of a particular place has nothing to do with this Vote, which is merely an increased poundage in the rates causing the increased payment by the Government.

Surely I am allowed to contend that the increased contribution has not been sufficiently increased.

Then may I ask the Financial Secretary to answer those questions which you allowed me to put, namely, what contribution—

That is taking rather an unfair advantage of the latitude which I gave to the hon. Member.

I want to ask the Financial Secretary to the Treasury a question, which he well understands and which I have already put to him, and when he has answered it, perhaps it will be relevant for me to make some observations?

I cannot allow the Financial Secretary to the Treasury to answer the question, because it is not in order.

I appreciate the point of order that you have insisted upon, Captain FitzRoy, but the question which I should like to put to the Financial Secretary is this. We have here this additional Estimate of some £52,000 to meet the additional rates. We are informed that the Government contemplate dealing with the whole of this question of rating, and will the hon. Gentleman represent to his right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer the importance of going into this question when he is considering the whole position of rates and taxes?

Yes, I shall he very glad to do that.

Question put, and agreed to.

Diplomatic and Consular Buildings

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £10, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1928, for Expenditure in respect of Diplomatic and Consular Buildings."

The Committee will see from the Supplementary Estimate that the actual sum for which we are asking is one of £26,125 for the purchase of a site and the provisional erection of an Embassy at Rio. Up to the present time it has been the custom for the Ambassador there either to live in hired premises in Rio or to live at his summer residence at Petropolis, which was purchased for him about 20 years ago. The summer residence, I understand, is about 60 miles away and is not a very convenient place from which to run his business at all times, and it has been the desire of the Office of Works for some time to purchase an Embassy at Rio which would be in keeping with the status of our Ambassador. Until the summer of last year he was living in a hired house, which, I understand, was at the top of a hill on the outskirts of the town and not very convenient. The lease of that house fell in, and when he has had to be in Rio since that date he has lived in the Gloria Hotel, which is not a very suitable place for our Ambassador to live in, because it is impossible for anyone living there to entertain or to receive people as he would wish to do. Sites in Rio are very difficult to find in a suitable quarter of the town, and for several years we have endeavoured without success to find a suitable site at a reasonable cost. It has now been possible to find a site for an Embassy in a good residential part of the town at a reasonable price.

The site is in the Rua Grandeza, which is at right angles to the Rua Saô Clemente, one of the big residential streets of the town. It will not be possible to erect the Embassy at once. To begin with, there is a house on the present site, and whilst part of the building will probably be able to be utilised, I do not think it will be possible to reconstruct the whole of it. It may be more economical to pull it down and rebuild part of it. That is a matter for the architect. We have an architect from the Office of Works out there at the present time, and he will be in consultation with a local English architect, who has helped the Office of Works more than once out there. He will be home in May or June, and it will be possible then for drawings and plans to be prepared and submitted to the Ambassador and the architect out there, and for actual costs to be got out. We estimate the cost at £80,000, but it is impossible to say with accuracy, until the architect returns home and until drawings are prepared, what it will cost. Everybody will agree that it is desirable that in a country of the size of Brazil our Ambassador should have a proper residence, and I can assure the Committee that this Supplementary Estimate is really needed. It has been possible to provide this money by means of a Token Vote owing to the fact that we have not spent as much as we thought we would require to spend on the Embassy at Washington. The plans have been delayed, and the £60,000 that we voted has not been spent.

As one of several hon. Members who toured in this part of the world in the late summer and autumn, I welcome the announcement that has been made by the hon. Member. There is no need to elaborate the reason which he advanced why there should be an Embassy at Rio, for we can all agree that the absence of a proper building is a severe handicap to British interests in Brazil. I hope the hon. Member and his Department will allow the House to keep track of the development of this building. I gather from what he said that it will be some time before the plans are even started on, but when they are, it may be an advantage if they are displayed in the tea room or somewhere where they will be available. In the meanwhile, I hope he will allow those of us who have been there to refresh our memories as to the geography of the place by putting up a small plan indicating the exact site of the Embassy. There are places where you could get a building, but they would be totally inadequate and unsuitable. The position where the business part of the Ambassador's work is conducted is a totally unsuitable part of the town, and the premises are unsuitable also. Rio is a town where the districts vary very much in character, and it would be an advantage if we could see the situation, and if at a later date we could see the plan.

I can reinforce what the hon. Gentleman the Mem- ber for West Walthamstow (Mr. Crawfurd) has said. The one thing which impressed itself on my mind was the necessity in South America and particularly in Rio of having a really worthy house for our Ambassador. There are few parts of the world where show is more valued than it is in Rio, and I hope the Office of Works will look upon this undertaking in no niggardly spirit, but from an imperial point of view, and give our Ambassador a really suitable Embassy. Our trade is in a critical condition there, and it will be immensely helped by having a suitable building for the Ambassador. I would back up the hon. Member's request that a plan should be exhibited in the House, as has been done in the case of the Washington Embassy. That was a good precedent, and one which might be conveniently followed in this case. There should be no undue delay in getting along with this business, because it is a matter of considerable urgency, and, once the architect is back, I hope the Office of Works will get to work and have the plans drawn up as soon as possible.

While I agree with the plea that the accommodation of the Ambassador is a standing disgrace, and that this Vote has got to be faced, I would like to know if this amount of money covers the cost of two previous architectural expeditions to Rio. On two occasions architects have been sent out to try and overcome the difficulty of getting a home for the Ambassador. They have been out for some time; they drew up plans, submitted them, and sent them to the Ambassador who said that they were quite good enough for the conventional Government building in London, but unsuitable for Rio. The statement has been made that the site procured has a house upon it. Is that the house now tenanted by Sir Henry Lynch? It came to our notice while we were there. I went round the premises with the Ambassador, and I have a very intimate knowledge of all that was going on in connection with this matter. The Ambassador and I visited one or two of the places that were offered, and a house was offered by a well-known member of the British community. I understand that with very little change in the structure and the general equipment of the building, it would have met the requirements of the Ambassador, and I am disappointed that Sir Henry Lynch's offer has not been accepted, because from the inquiries I made, it would appear that this house would have suited the Embassy admirably. Sir Henry Lynch made a certain offer, an offer which we could not have received from any stranger.

I am sorry that that offer has not been accepted, because possibly that accounts for the fact that the cost is so high. Rio, like New York, is restricted in the amount of building land owing to the high mountain land behind, with the result that the competition for sites is very intense. This is a matter which ought to be brought out and discussed at this point. The cost involved for this Embassy would not have been as high years ago as it is now if the appeals made by the Ambassador then had been listened to; but owing to the restricted building land in Rio, sites have jumped up in value year by year and now at last, owing, I daresay, to the publicity which was given to this condition when some of us came back from Rio, the Government is acting, but acting when the price of sites has gone up and inflated the cost involved. Will the sum total asked for cover the cost of buying the site and building a new Embassy? With regard to the Embassy at Petropolis, that is an indispensable adjunct to the Embassy, because in the very hot weather it is impossible for Europeans to carry on business in Rio, so that Petropolis must remain. I rather gather that the lease at Petropolis has fallen in.

Even with regard to Petropolis, when certain extensions to the premises were required, they were hung up for weeks and months because the plans had to be sent back to London, and reviewed here by our architects; I do not know who they are, but they seem to be very stodgy gentlemen with strange ideas of what an Embassy building ought to be; but the Ambassador overcame the difficulty by getting a local architect, and offices were built at much less cost than the estimated cost which came from London, and a more suitable building was put up. I give this as an instance of how this thing has gone on from year to year, and to show that the cost is high because of the slow, lethargic, unbusinesslike manner of the Department which has had it in hand. The architects' trips seem to have been very costly concerns, and I hope we are not going to have an increase on the Vote next year under this same heading. I am glad that something has been done to overcome the difficulty but, at the same time, it has been a sad failure when you review the whole story and see how the costs have gone up.

I am pleased that the Government has decided to take this step. Although we do not want to spend any unnecessary money, I believe that this will be a good investment for this country, because the conditions under which the Embassy has been carrying on in Rio for the last two years have been, I am perfectly certain, instrumental in losing us a good deal of trade. My hon. Friend the Member for Aberdeen and Kincardine (Mr. Barclay-Harvey) said that there was no place in the world where so much importance is attached to show as Brazil, and we were not only losing trade, but almost losing caste, by the wretched way in which we were housing our Ambassador. The hon. Gentleman who introduced the Vote said that it was very difficult to find a site in Rio. Is it not a fact that we bought a site there for our exhibition building at the time of the Great Exhibition? I am told that site would have been suitable for our Embassy. I do not know whether that is so, but perhaps we might be told what has happened to it, and whether it has been sold or given away. Why I say I think it would have been suitable is because the United States of America, who also had buildings at that exhibition, have retained them as their Embassy in Rio, I believe, and I am wondering why we did not follow the same course. However, I am very glad that something is going to be done, even though it may cost a lot of money.

When the hon. and learned Member for South-West Hull (Mr. Grotrian) said we were losing trade owing to the condition of our Embassy, I was sorry he did not place evidence before the Committee which would enable us to judge whether any trade has been lost owing to that cause. What I am interested to know is what real justification the Under-Secretary can give the House for spending £80,000 at this time on the housing of the Ambassador. We are not so callous as to suggest that the Ambassador ought not to be decently housed both from a domestic point of view and in his official capacity, but in view of all we have heard about economy I should have thought the economy group on the other side of the House would have been straining at the leash to suppress this spendthrift instinct of the House of Commons to spend £80,000 on housing an Ambassador—

I would like to hear the evidence for that statement. It is no use making statements that we are losing trade. Give us figures, show us clearly that we are losing trade in consequence and let the Committee see that we shall be justified in spending £80,000. We could spend £80,000 much better on housing some of our people in this country where we are losing health, which is perhaps even more important than trade. What I am eager to hear is any evidence that we are losing trade, and that it is necessary for us to have a spectacular building to attract the traders of Brazil. I want to see the housing conditions in this country made a little more attractive before I vote for this money.

The hon. Member for Ilkeston (Mr. Oliver) reminds me very much of a man who succeeded to a business which had been largely built up not only by the integrity of its products but also by the fact that it was very judiciously advertised and had a staff of highly-paid commercial travellers. The new owner of the business, being of a penurious turn of mind, said, "We must cut out these advertisements, and we will reduce the salaries of these travellers," and at the end of 18 months he was filing his petition in bankruptcy, because the business had fallen away. I make bold to say that the business which we have lost in Brazil in recent years, and which we ought not to have lost, is very considerable. Another country has taken that business, a country on the other side of the Atlantic, in spite of the fact that the Brazilian people felt very bitterly the very high charges that were imposed on them during the War and for some time afterwards. That country has absorbed a great deal of the trade which used to be ours, and for confirmation of this I can refer the hon. Member for Ilkeston to the right hon. Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George), who came to the same conclusion, and was present when we got a good deal of evidence in support of this contention. One of the explanations given by the English and Scottish people living there was that the United States not only have an Embassy there but a commercial attaché, a man of very great skill, who made it his business to see that every opportunity was afforded for trade with his country. They have great business premises, as one may call them.

It is all very well to talk about a large expenditure on "housing" the Ambassador, but the Ambassador must be able to get in touch with people and to entertain them, because nearly all big business is accomplished not in the harsh precincts of an office with a roll-top desk but by men meeting one another in a social way. That is how the big business of the world is done. [An HON. MEMBER: "And well lubricated!"] It may be. There may be some harsh Calvanists on the other side, but you never hear of them doing any big business. I will give a specific instance of what happened comparatively recently in a matter which reacted disadvantageously on one of our Dominions. New Zealand used to dispose of very large supplies of her apples in Brazil, but the commercial attaché of this country with the palatial, baronial offices for its Ambassador was able to pull the necessary wires and a heavy duty was placed upon apples coming from New Zealand and the duty was taken off the apples coming from the country which he represents.

It does not matter whether it happened under tariffs or not, New Zealand suffered. The Empire lost that trade simply because we had not the means and the methods nor the premises to "keep our end up," as one might say. If a business firm sends out a commercial traveller who is down-at-heel, with a shabby coat and a dirty collar, they know he will not bring back' many orders. We have kept our Ambassador in very shabby surroundings, and, above all, we have no commercial attaché, and we must have lost millions of trade in the last few years. English and Scottish people out there are very much depressed over the condition of affairs. We heartened them up as much as we could, and they are hoping for better times, but they complained that the British Government gave them no hope and said the credit of the race had been greatly depreciated. The sum of £80,000 sounds a lot, but you cannot get much for £80,000 in Brazil. The cost of building here is small compared with what it is in Brazil, because the wealth of that country is fabulous. It is a far richer country than the United States of America, and its development is only beginning, and it is a country to which we must look for a good deal of trade, and therefore I say that, purely from the business point of view, of advertising our country, this expenditure is not excessive. The hon. Member for Ilkeston said he was more interested in health than in trade. Health comes from trade. Health proceeds from a well-fed population. Without good trade, with opportunities for people to earn good wages, you do not get good health. I support this proposal because it is going to help our trade, and I hope the Foreign Office will also succeed in getting a commercial attaché appointed there.

I would like to ask the Office of Works if this is the first time that they have seen the significance of this matter? I quite realise that it may have been brought to their attention before, but the significance of it does not seem to have been appreciated by them. Are we to understand that the Department is so full of "deadheads" that it moves only after some gentlemen from this country have visited Bio and started an agitation to get something done? If that is the state of the Office of Works, it is a very serious thing. I have not been to Rio, but I have been making inquiries since those gentlemen returned, and this is what I have discovered. Any one of them who has been there will be able to say whether I am right or wrong, but the information I get is that where our Ambassador "holds out" is up a side street equal to a side street down Whitechapel, in the East End of London. The little place where he "holds out" has a lift, but the lift has never been working since he took possession. If that be an accurate description of the place, then my description of those at the Office of Works is pretty correct. I want to know whether any definite request has come to the Office of Works, and, if so, at what time, and, also, how many requests have been made? I want to know, also, how many architects have been sent out and how many sets of plans have been made and the cost of each? There is now great pressure, apparently, to get something done, and that is the most expensive way of setting about this work—to keep on procrastinating and in the end to make a rush, because when there is a rush on, with pressure from people who have money and were able to go out there and see the state of affairs, you generally get the wrong kind of plans, the wrong site and the wrong type of building.

5.0 p.m.

I want to know who the local architects were, how they came to be employed, on what terms they were employed, and whether they were employed prior to or after the visit of our own architects? If local architects were engaged, what was the need for our own architects to go out there? Surely they could have read and criticised the plans here just as easily as in Rio? Now we are being told by the ultra-commercialist in this House that we have lost a tremendous amount of trade. The Government, who have been in office for three or four years, have always claimed to be the business Government, the Government who know just how to conduct things so as to secure the maximum of trade. Here is a country which owes us £300,000,000 and we go and shove our Ambassador up a side street, while the Americans and the Portuguese have front shows, have attractive places and sell the goods. You have to look about in order to find the British Ambassador, and the only way to get on his trail is through an escape of gas: then you get to his apartments. All this indicates a debased mental capacity for business on the part of the present British Government— these great big business men with the big ideas, who house their Ambassador up a side street and then wonder why we cannot get trade! Even when this Estimate comes before us we find that the Department concerned with expenditure seems to have little or no knowledge of what has taken place or what the expenditure is to be. Can the Undersecretary tell us how many plans have been prepared, and the cost of each? Does the cost include all the travelling expenses, and the cost of living? Will the Under-Secretary give us the figures of the local architects in order that we may compare the figures?

If you have had plans made by local architects I want to know who employed them, and at what cost? The name Lynch has been mentioned during the discussion. I believe his full name is Sir Henry Lynch, and I should like to know if the Office of Works knew of the offer he had made, and why he made it? Why was it not accepted? Was it because the site was unsuitable or because of the high price? Those of us who have not been to Brazil are entitled to have these questions answered because we have to vote this sum of money. I hope the Under-Secretary will be able to give us this information. He must know a whole lot of things about this proposal which we do not.

I should like briefly to associate myself with those who have spoken in support of the granting of this sum of money. I should also like to take this opportunity of saying that the premises occupied by our representative in Brazil are certainly unworthy of this country. It is of the greatest importance not only in Brazil but in every other country, in South America particularly, that our representative should be suitably housed. It undoubtedly plays a great part indeed in the question of trade. The Latin nations of Southern America judge to a large extent by what they see, and if they find other nations have more important and larger Embassies and Legations than ours, they come to what is to them rather the natural conclusion that these nations are more important countries industrially than we are. There is going to be a great struggle for trade in the future, particularly with the United States of America, and we must certainly see that our representatives are in an equally fortunate position with those of every other country.

I should like to make one suggestion. I am pleased to hear that the plans are likely to be seen in this country. The buildings, however, which we are thinking of to-day are not to be erected in any part of this country but in Brazil, where the conditions are very different indeed from what they are here. I hope the Office of Works will consider climatic and other conditions and see that the buildings conform to them. Frankly I should like to see an Advisory Committee formed among some of the British residents in the city of Rio, who would be able to give much better advice in the acquisition of a site and the construction of buildings than probably some of those civil servants engaged in the Office of Works who are mostly employed in the construction of buildings in this country If we had local advice we should probably get better buildings and save money not only in Brazil but in other foreign countries as well.

Like other hon. Members on this side of the House, I think the figure of £80,000 for the Ambassador's residence requires some explanation. It has been said by hon. Members opposite that the building of an Ambassador's house will create trade. I have always thought that brains and business capacity creates trade. The hon. and learned Member for Argyll (Mr. Macquisten) says that our trade is falling. That is no new thing. If he will examine the figures he will find—I hope I shall be in order in saying this Mr. Deputy-Chairman—that during the short time the Labour party were in office, they increased the trade of this country. Brains did that.

I thought I might be able to bring it in in reply to what has been said by hon. Members opposite. I only desire to point this out, that £80,000 would build 200 ordinary houses in this country, that is, houses of £400 each. I want to know the dimensions of this building; and what it is going to be when it is built? I want to know, and there must be some information on the point, what the estimated site value of the land itself, and the estimated cost of the building itself; the house, or the palace, as the case may be. I hope we shall get this information. If we do not, I shall feel bound to oppose the Vote in the Lobby.

I think it only right that I should give what information I can in reply to the points which have been raised. An hon. Member suggested that plans of the building should be put in the tea room. I do not think my Noble Friend would have any objection to that, and I will put the matter before him. I should like to assure the hon. Member for Barnsley (Mr. Potts) and the hon. Member for Springburn (Mr. Hardie) that I cannot give them any information about plans because they are not prepared. With regard to showing a map, I think we could do that. As a matter of fact, I have a kind of map before me at the moment. The hon. Member for Burslem (Mr. MacLaren) asked a number of questions. The charge for sending an architect to any part of the world, which is done frequently by the Office of Works, is borne on the Establishment Vote of the Office of Works, and has nothing to do with the estimate of any building to be erected. It is quite true that there is an architect at the present time in Brazil. We sent out an architect in 1923 and in 1925. But he does not go only to Rio de Janeiro. On the present occasion he is going to five other countries, to the Argentine, Chili, Peru, Uruguay and Panama, for very necessary purposes in connection with Government buildings. In 1923 and 1925 an architect was sent out to see if he could find a suitable site for an Embassy, and also in connection with the enlargement of the Petropolis house.

Is it not suggested that the plans for the Petropolis house were of no use when they were submitted?

The hon. Member is entirely wrong. The reason why the plans were delayed was because the Ambassador wished to change them. I have looked that point up. He wished to alter the plans in certain particulars, and they were held up for these alterations.

Can the Undersecretary tell us whether the new buildings erected in the Petropolis will be maintained?

Yes, there is no intention of parting with the Petropolis house. I do not know where that suggestion came from. We hope that the £80,000 will cover everything. There should be no further Supplementary Vote at all. There is a firm of local architects in Rio named Whitley and Blake, who are frequently employed by the Office of Works in supervising work, and as a matter of fact they carried out the enlargement of the Petropolis house. The Committee must realise that it is the Office of Works who have to bear the expense and also the responsibility, and it is necessary to send an experienced architect to Brazil to go round and see how things are going on. Local firms in Brazil do not necessarily understand the position in the same way as it is understood by our own architects in London. The hon. Member for Bradford (Mr. Ramsden) suggested that an Advisory Committee should be formed. In theory there is a good deal to be said for it, but if you set up such a committee in one part of the world you must do the same in every other part, and there would be the danger that such an Advisory Committee would begin to make suggestions involving a financial expenditure which this House might reject. In that case it would not be of much value as an Advisory Committee. I do not think the suggestion would be satisfactory in practice. Another hon. Member asked why we did not make use of the site of the Exhibition. In the first place, the site was unsuitable, and, in the second place, it did not belong to us at all. Only the building belonged to us. The site belonged to the Brazilian Government. I should like to say that it is a pure coincidence that certain Members of the House visited Brazil last year and the fact that we are asking for this expenditure now. It is not due to that fact that we are now about to prosecute the construction of this Embassy. Whilst I appreciate the interest shown by hon. Members who have visited Brazil—and I have a Parliamentary Private Secretary who has also visited Brazil—I do not think it is fair for the hon. Member for Springburn to suggest that had it not been for the visit of hon. Members nothing would have been done.

I do not think it is my place to tick them off. The hon. Member asked what the various plans had cost. There has been no cost because there have been no plans.

That makes it worse still. Is it not the fact that this has been going on for some years and no plans have been produced at all?

That is quite true, but what investigations have you made about a site? You have made none.

The hon. Member is quite wrong. We have tried on many occasions to find a suitable site. Hon. Members who have visited Brazil will know that in this particular residential quarter it is extremely difficult to find a suitable site. The present site is about 200 yards from Sir Henry Lynch's house. The reason why we have not accepted his offer is that it would cost much more than the present proposal. It is true that the two houses are about the same in size, but Sir Henry Lynch's house could not be taken for an Embassy as it stands, because it would require to be reconstructed. There is not sufficient accommodation. For one thing, there is not sufficient bedroom accommodation. The garden of Sir Henry Lynch's house is somewhat larger, but foot for foot the price asked for the site we have purchased is cheaper than the price asked for Sir Henry Lynch's house, even allowing for the fact that the garden is much larger.

We allow for the fact that the other site would be considerably more expensive. [An HON. MEMBER: "Can the hon. Member give us the estimated cost of the building itself apart from the land?"] If the hon. Gentleman will subtract £26,125 from £80,000 he will find the cost.

Question put, and agreed to.

Public Buildings, Great Britain

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £10, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1928, for Expenditure in respect of sundry Public Buildings in Great Britain; not provided for on other Votes, including Historic Buildings, Ancient Monuments, and Brompton Cemetery."

This is a Vote for proposed works undertaken by the Ministry of Pensions, which include the provision of hospital accommodation at Dunston Hill, Newcastle-on-Tyne. The present hospital has been used for patients undergoing general medical and surgical treatment, and it includes the infirmary. The accommodation is now in excess of what is required. It provides for about 490 patients, but the number actually to be provided for now is only about 120. The present building is held upon a rental of £6,000 a year, on a three years' lease, which expires on the 30th September this year. The nurses employed in this hospital are not quartered there, but are accommodated in a hostel, known as the "Manor House," which is rented at £315 per annum. As the accommodation is in excess of requirements, it has now been decided to rehouse the hospital and the nurses in one place and take a 14 years' lease of a house called "Dunston Hill," which is about five miles away from the present hospital.

The tenancy will be terminable at the end of the seventh or tenth year, and the rental will be £330 per annum. It is estimated that the alterations to the house and the erection of huts will cost £22,565; and the furniture and fittings £750. This work will be completed by July of this year, when the lease of the nurses' residence falls in. It is estimated that there will be a saving on this scheme of no less than £6,836 a year on existing costs. The expenditure this year will amount to about £8,000, and that will be required before the end of the financial year. We have been able to take a token Vote owing to money which has not been spent on certain other services under sub-head A (2), which deals with the erection of five coastguard stations. We have not been able to spend the money voted for these stations owing to bad weather, and on account of certain difficulties in connection with conveyance of the sites. The rental of the present premises is £6,315 a year for the two buildings. The rates amount to £1,650, maintenance £870, heating and lighting, £3,381, water supply, £250, making a total of £12,466. I am now dealing with the present Ministry of Pensions building. The rent of the new building at Dunston Hill will be £330 a year, and the estimated cost will be £22,565, which, allowing for interest and sinking fund for 14 years, is £2,450 per annum, rates come to £450, maintenance £500, heating and lighting £1,750, and water £150, making a total of £5,630, and, as I have said, a saving of £6,836 per annum.

We have just listened to what sounds like a very good scheme as regards the hospital. I understand that this hospital was situated in a populous portion of Newcastle, and that it is now going to be removed into a country district called Dunston Hill. I congratulate the Minister upon doing this, and I only wish it had been done in 1921, when the hospital was first acquired at the Victoria Institute. I have never been able to understand why so many Ministry of Pensions hospitals have been placed in the middle of large towns on main road traffic routes. That seems to me to be a mad proceeding, because these hospitals should all be erected in the country. This Dunston Hill Manor seems to be one of those old country houses which everyone is trying to get rid of, and which are now only suitable for hospitals or schools. I would like to ask if the Office of Works intend to extend this change of policy to other parts of the country?

It would not be in order for me to reply to that question on this Vote.

I hope, if this experiment turns out well, that it will be extended to other parts of the country where a saving may be effected in this way. Perhaps the Under-Secretary will draw the attention of the Minister of Pensions to this particular case. I would like to ask what is the reason for taking a lease extending over 7 or 10 years. Apparently, we are going to spend a lot of money making these premises suitable for hospital purposes. Obviously it must cost a big sum to make a large private residence suitable for a hospital, but why take the premises for only 14 years? Surely the Government ought to have a much longer lease. If all the military patients in this hospital are cured before the lease expires surely the Minister of Health would be able to use that building for some other purpose.

I suggest that the premises should be taken on a 90 years' lease, so that when the ex-Service men are cured the same building may be used for tuberculosis patients in regard to whom there is at the present moment a tremendous shortage of accommodation in that part of the country. We have great difficulty in finding such accommodation in my own constituency for tuberculosis patients. I think a solution for this problem may be found by providing more Government hospitals, and in this respect I think we shall have to embark on a much larger hospital policy than has been pursued up to the present time. I think a 14 years' lease is much too short, and I should like some further explanation why this period has been chosen. Above all, I want to ask if this Dunston Hill site is absolutely quiet and well away from the main road. Some of these large houses are near the main road, and in that case you would get as much noise as if the hospitals were erected in cities. I would also like to know how much ground goes with the house and what is the size of the demesné? Is this house in the middle of a fine stretch of land? Whenever a hospital is chosen in the country, large tracts of land should be taken with it in order that the place can be kept absolutely quiet; otherwise you will have building operations and the noise of motor traffic, which is so unsuitable near hospitals.

The Under-Secretary told us that he had not been able to spend all the money voted for the coastguard stations. I would like to know where are the five new coastguard stations going to be erected? I believe that the Board of Trade has possession of the old Admiralty coastguard buildings. In view of this fact why is it necessary that a new building policy is being undertaken, because these coastguard stations can only be required for Board of Trade purposes, and there is no strategical reason for erecting them. How are we getting on at the present time without these coastguard stations? What is the explanation of this saving of £8,000 on five coastguard stations, three of which have not been proceeded with on account of bad weather. Is the hon. Gentleman certain that when the weather is better and the lawyers have earned their fees, these five coastguard stations will be absolutely necessary?

I appreciate what has been said by the hon. and gallant Member, but would remind him that, without being out of order, it is not possible for me to deal with the possibility of making a Ministry of Pensions hospital into a hospital for the Ministry of Health. In the opinion of the Office of Works, 14 years is sufficiently far to look ahead. A 90 years' lease would be a tremendous financial responsibility, into which they would not be justified in entering, certainly not on their own initiative. The house, I may say, stands well away from the road, in its own grounds. So far as coastguard stations are concerned, if the hon. Member will look at Class 7, Vote 10, pages 55 and 56, he will see there that one of the proposed stations is at Abersoch, another at Rhossili, a third at Kilchoman (Islay), a fourth at Portling (Solway Firth), and the fifth at Southend (Mull of Kintyre). It is not, of course, necessary for me to justify their appearance in the Vote now, because these are last year's Estimates, which have already been passed by the House. All that I would point out now is that the two in the case of which bad weather held up the works were those at Rhossili and Portling. The delay in the case of the other three was, as I have said, due to difficulties with regard to the conveyance of the sites, and, in one case, to difficulties in regard to finding a site with suitable water supply. I can certainly assure the hon. and gallant Member that the work will not be indefinitely held up, but I do not think I am called upon to justify the expenditure on these particular coastguard stations at the moment, because it has already been sanctioned by the House of Commons.

Question put, and agreed to.

Class II

Colonial Office

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £2,500, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1928, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Department of His Majesty's Secretary of State for the Colonies."

This money is required entirely for one purpose, namely, to pay the steamer fares, railway fares, and personal allowances of what is known as the Hilton Young Commission. The House will remember the Debate last Session, when my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State decided to send out a Commission consisting of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Norwich (Sir Hilton Young), Sir George Schuster, Sir Reginald Mant and Mr. J. H. Oldham, with an official from the Colonial Office as Secretary, to inquire into the problem of closer unity between the various divisions of Central and East African territory.

Whenever there is a Supplementary Estimate, the House always wants to know why it is wanted. The idea of sending this Commission did not arise and had not been considered when the Estimates for last year were framed, but, when the Governors of Kenya, Northern Rhodesia and Tanganyika, and the Chief Secretaries of Uganda and Nyasaland, came to England to attend the Colonial Office Conference, they pressed upon my right hon. Friend the growing public discussion of what, in some quarters, is called federation, and in others unification or closer union, and the Government decided that they could not commit themselves on any such problem without further expert inquiries, particularly on the financial side. As most Members of the House are aware this problem revolves round the question of the two Rhodesias. There is a movement both in Northern and in Southern Rhodesia for discussing questions of the relations between the two halves of Rhodesia, and there are questions in regard to Nyasaland in relation to both of them and to the future relations between Tanganyika, Kenya and Uganda. The Commission went out just before Christmas, and have already travelled through Uganda and through Kenya. They are, at this moment, in Tanganyika. They will go on to Rhodesia, and come home via South Africa. Their terms of reference were published in a White Paper which were laid before the House last July, and were discussed in the House, and this is merely a Vote to give them pay for their steamer fares, railway fares and personal allowances. The Commissioners are not remunerated; there is no payment to them, although this work entails a considerable sacrifice of time and earning capacity on the part of all of them. All that they receive is a personal allowance of five shillings per head per day when they are on hoard ship, and £2 per head per day when they are on land, where they have to provide for their servants and the various expenses to which members of a Commission of this kind are put. These are the ordinary allowances, neither greater nor less than are always paid in cases of this kind.

The appointment of the Commission could not foe foreseen at the time when the Estimates were framed. I am quite sure the Committee will agree that there could be no better Commission for the purpose of making an exhaustive Report upon which the Government will be able to form their judgment in regard to future policy. It is very strong on the financial side. We shall get a report which will enable the Government to come to a decision in consultation with the local governments and public opinion generally, as to whether any, and if so what, steps to form a closer union between any of these many territories in East and Central Africa should be taken.

I beg to move to reduce the Vote by £100.

I do this because, although there has been, as the right hon. Gentleman has said, a discussion in the House in connection with the appointment of the Commission, this is the first opportunity that the Committee has had of actually passing and approving the expenditure in connection with the appointment of this East African Commission. In the first place, I do not altogether share the view expressed by the right hon. Gentleman to the effect that everyone agrees with the composition of the Commission. Time has tended to make me feel that the appointment of this Commission was a piece of very doubtful wisdom on the part of the Government, because we have had indications of the effect that it has had upon public opinion in certain countries. Two or three of the moat important questions that are under review are being dealt with, as it seems to me, merely incidentally. They touch on our relationship in Africa with Germany, on the burning question of self-government in India, and also on the problem of the relationship of the black and white races in Africa. All of these problems, however, come before us incidentally as a result of the appointment of this Commission.

The first point that I want to raise is the formation of the Commission itself. It seems to me that there are two things that could have been done in that regard, and I shall be glad to hear what line the Government are really taking. The great point is as to whether there should be some system of federation between these different Colonies. That is a matter of outstanding importance on account of the position of Tanganyika, which is a mandated territory, and not actually a part of the British Empire. If we were to have a Commission dealing with a matter of that kind, I would suggest that, instead of taking a representative from one of the political parties, and making that representative the chairman, it would have been only fair that some opportunity should have been given to the Opposition parties to appoint representatives upon the Commission at the same time, because it seems to me that, if these great constitutional problems were to be dealt with, all parties in the House ought to have had the opportunity of being represented on the Commission. I may be told that it is not the intention of the Government that these questions should be very closely dealt with by this Commission, but that the Commission was appointed more to consider the unification of the railway system and other administrative systems in these different Colonies. If that be all that was desired, then it seems to me that it would have been infinitely better to have appointed a few of the leading officials of the different Colonies, asking them to draw up a scheme for unifying the railways, or whatever it is that the Government have in their mind. That would have saved the arousing of public opinion on the other important matters that are included.

I do not follow the idea of the Government in appointing the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Norwich (Sir Hilton Young) as chairman of the Commission. I fully agree that, if it is desired to investigate the financial standing of these Colonies, the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Norwich has a knowledge of finance which is exceedingly valuable, although, of course, it is needless to point out that there is another eminent financier on the Commission. I do not, however, see why the right hon. Gentleman, even with his great financial knowledge, was made chairman of the Commission if the series of subjects mentioned by the Secretary of State are really the vital ones. If it be a question of the relationship between Tanganyika and the other Colonies, if it be a question of the Government of these Colonies, then it seems to me that someone with perhaps rather different experience would have been a more suitable chairman of the Commission.

I want also to point out the effect that the appointment of this Commission seems to have had upon the European position, and to ask the Under-Secretary if any information has been given to the German Government calculated to allay the fears which were voiced in their Parliament by some of its Members. At the beginning of this month the former Governor-General of German East Africa raised the question of our mandate in Tanganyika, in connection with the appointment of the Commission which we are now discussing, and asked what was the position of the German Government in reference to this territory. In the Debate which ensued, either on that occasion or on a similar occasion when the matter was before the German Parliament, one of what might be termed the right-wing Members informed his left-wing colleagues that their ideas of a better understanding with England could be given up, because the appointment of this Commission indicated in reality the hostility of England to the ideas and hopes which, as is no secret, the German people have that some day some of the German Colonies might come back into their possession; and it is believed that this Commission is being appointed in order to make it impossible for Tanganyika ever to become again a part of the German Empire.

This, question is an exceedingly important one, which ought not to have been prejudiced by the appointment of a Commission by the Colonial Office. It is a matter for the Foreign Office, and it is a matter which some day may vitally concern the well-being of this Empire. We are not going to wage war or create a great deal of bitterness between ourselves and Germany in years to come simply on the question whether this portion of Africa should be a part of the British or of the German Empire. Whatever may be the view of the House on this matter, it seems to me fundamental that it should not have been given effect to simply by the appointment of a Commission in this way. The matter is too vital and too important to be raised on a side issue of this kind.

It was not a Departmental decision but the decision of the Cabinet as a whole, after the whole matter had been referred to the Cabinet as a whole.

That really only adds to my concern, because it seems to me most unfortunate that it was done in that way. However much anyone may be in favour of the federation of these three Colonies, it must prejudice the relationship between this country and Germany and the whole position in Europe, and it would' have been infinitely better to wait a few years and have the Colonies administered separately rather than hurry on unification of the East African Colonies at the risk of creating bad feeling between this country and Germany just at the time when the Foreign Secretary by the Locarno pact had been hoping to get far better relationship between us and Germany. The seriousness of the position seems to me to be accentuated by the fact that there is a very distinct policy amongst the white population in Kenya to attempt to bring about this federation as soon as possible for the avowed purpose that Tanganyika may never again become part of the German Empire. This is known in Germany. Over a year ago the "East African Standard" wrote: to go in connection with federation. How far can we really unite these three territories together and make them practically a part of the British Empire? It seems to me we have here a question of supreme importance and one of which we may ask the Government for a definite statement.

This scheme, not only raises the question of our relations with Germany, but, if it is going to enter upon the problem of the re-organisation of Governments in these territories, is bound to come up against the Indian problem. The Indians have been meeting in Congress since the Commission went out, and there have been meeting of Indians in Kenya, and I believe in some of the other Colonies as well, and in the "Times" it was reported that they urged the necessity of an official majority being retained in the Council on the ground that a change would be disastrous to Indian interests. Messages have come later saying the Indian Congress have passed a moderately worded memorandum setting out the record of Indians in commerce, industry and civil service as justifying the claim to a voice in political changes and to association in the trusteeship for the natives. This scheme is raising in East Africa the very problem the Indian Government are trying to grapple with in India to-day, and if, before you have solved your problem in India, you should have from this Commission a report which the Indian people feel is unsatisfactory, it seems to me you are only asking for further trouble and making the position in India more difficult for our Government there. A deputation on this matter went to the Viceroy of India last autumn, and the Viceroy's Government has sent over one or two of their representatives to look into the position of the Indians in these Colonies.

I should like to hear from the Minister a statement as to how far we are to take it that the position occupied by the Conservative Government in 1923 is that held by the Government to-day. In the White Paper the right hon. Gentleman has referred to on future policy in regard to Eastern Africa, there is an extract quoted from a statement of the Duke of Devonshire when Colonial Secretary. The problem between black and white is really a question of a certain section of the white population demanding political control. Associations of whites who are responsible for this policy have drawn up a programme, the first point of which is an elected unofficial European majority, and the second to refuse to grant to Africans any electoral franchise, not only at present, but at any time in the future. They also claim that Nairobi should be the capital of the new Federal State, and they are anxious that the Governor of Kenya should be the High Commissioner. This proposal, which presumably the Commission is to a certain extent going to consider, has already met with difficulties from the other Colonies, who view with a certain amount of jealousy the attitude that is being adopted by these white settlers in Kenya. The Governor of Tanganyika said the more he looked at the difficulties in the path of any sort of federation of Uganda, Kenya and Tanganyika, the more prominent and formidable they became. Similar opposition has also taken place in Uganda. It is rather a new phase of the problem that we find that the natives are now beginning to organise themselves into a Taxpayers' Welfare Association, and they are naturally opposed to the desire of this section of white settlers for supremacy.

When you think the idea of the Kenya settlers is that 20,000 whites should govern something like eight or nine millions of blacks, there being no representative of the black people upon the council, when you consider further the labour conditions and the claims that are being made by the whites for a larger supply of black labour in order to meet the needs of their financial concerns, and when you consider the extraordinary system of taxation in force in Kenya, it seems to me the Commission certainly have enough problems before them. I cannot help thinking that it is unfortunate that the Commission has been appointed. The White Paper of 1923 definitely stated that the Government of that time were opposed to the idea of handing over the Government of Kenya to the white settlers and they felt that the only thing was to go on as we were governing them at present, recognising the Government as a trust in which we had to watch over the interests of the great black population. I do not see how any change can be made from that policy at present. I should like to hear something from the right hon. Gentleman as to the mandates and our relations with Germany, the present position in regard to the difficulties over Indian questions and the position the Government are taking up in regard to the problem of the Whites and the Blacks in Kenya and these other countries and whether to any and if so what extent the position of the. Government differs from that of the Government in 1923. I hope as far is possible they are adhering to that position, but at any rate before passing this Vote, the Committee is justified in asking what the policy of the Government is and knowing exactly where we stand.

6.0 p.m.

I congratulate my hon. Friend on his speech. I think he has done a great service in bringing this matter before the Committee. I will not go over his ground, except, perhaps, to put a little extra emphasis on the latter part of his speech which summed up the whole thing. I hope that the right hon. Gentleman, who knows, and for many years has known, this part of the world, and who issued a report which was, on the whole, a very favourable report and a fair one, will deal with this matter when he comes to reply. What we want to know is this: Is the policy of the present Colonial Secretary—who, I am sorry to say, is not in his place, for I hoped he was going to be here for this very important Debate—the policy which was laid down by the Duke of Devonshire? Is this still the policy of his office? I am going to trouble the Committee with a few sentences only from the admirable policy laid down by the representative of that great Whig family who has carried some of the great Whig traditions into the Tory administration. These were the words of this great representative of this great family with wide colonial experience. This is what the Duke of Devonshire said, dealing with Kenya:

"The interests of the African natives must be paramount, and if, and when, those interests and the interests of the immigrant races should conflict, the former should prevail."

I can think of no better sentence to guide the Colonial Office, whether under a Labour administration or under a Conservative administration, than this. Later he said,

"It is the mission of Great Britain to work continuously for the training and edu- cation of the Africans towards a higher intellectual, moral and economic level than that which they had reached when the Crown assumed the responsibility for the administration of this territory."

If that policy guides our Colonial administration, in a hundred years' time our descendants will not be ashamed of what their countrymen did in those Colonies. But I have my doubts, as things are going at present, whether in a hundred years' time our descendants will be so proud of what we are doing with our Colonies. This Commission goes out. The Chairman is the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Norwich (Sir H. Young). The other three members— one, particularly, has a great financial knowledge of the Sudan and experience of Central Africa—are, of course, very suitable and able persons. Of course, I do not know what has passed between what are known as the usual channels, but, whatever has passed, the criticism that I wish to make is that this is a purely party Commission. The only politician is the right hon. Member for Norwich, who has recently joined the Conservative party. It may be said, of course, that the right hon. Member has belonged to three parties in this House already, and when the Labour party comes into power he will probably belong to a fourth. [An HON. MEMBER: "What about you?"] Did an hon. Gentleman ask about me? Oh! yes, I belonged to two parties. The right hon. Member for Norwich crossed the Floor of the House. I crossed this narrow Gangway. I stood for re-election, but the right hon. Member for Norwich is not even standing again for Norwich at the general election. He is going to the supposedly safe Conservative seat of Sevenoaks.

I apologise. It was a personal interruption that was made by an hon. Friend across the Floor that led me to that. When the Commission went out under the chairmanship of the right hon. Gentleman the Under-Secretary for the Colonies, he was supported by Mr. Lin-field and Major Church—one of them a member of the Liberal party and the other a member of the Labour party. The Minority Report made by Mr. Linfield, I think, was the more valuable, although he was a Radical.

He signed the other, but I think he made a reservation. The Majority Report was a far less valuable document, and far less sympathetic to the point of view we on these benches are trying to express. We had three parties represented, and I think that was an entirely right arrangement. Why is this not done in this case? The answer may be, "Oh, this is merely a financial affair." Let us look at the terms of reference and see whether it is purely a financial affair. First of all, the wording of the White Paper issued last July talks about financial considerations as something that cannot be ignored. That does not look as though it is the head and front of the programme for the inquiry:

"Financial considerations cannot be ignored "—

and to complete the sentence, as I do not want to be unfair—

"and before the communities concerned can fairly be asked to express opinions on so far-reaching a matter, the cost of any schemes must be estimated."

That is only one sentence in the whole of the White Paper containing the terms of reference. Let us look at the terms of reference. They have to report on federation and closer union, which was dealt with by my hon. Friend and referred to by the right hon. Gentleman. But they have to do a great deal more.

Certainly; I will give the right hon. Gentleman the benefit of that. I am not in any way challenging the first item of the six items that have to be reported upon. That is the governing and vital matter political. Now we come to the political item of the terms of reference, which is: been left to a purely political body representative of the three parties.

I hope that before this Vote is taken, we shall have a statement from one of the right hon. Gentlemen sitting on the Front Bench that we refuse to consider ourselves of necessity bound by the findings of this Commission. I am not looking for trouble beforehand, but if the Government go on with this Commission without approval on this side of the House, I hope it will be clearly understood that we are not bound in the future, and that we reserve to ourselves the right to reverse any policy of which we do not approve. If the Government take all the responsibility, we must divest ourselves of it entirely. With regard to the fifth recommendation, the improvement of internal communications between the various territories, will that include the whole question of roads and railways?

Recent railway approaches advance through the territories of the great estate which was made over to the East African Lands Development Company. I refer to the branch railway line known as the Gilgil-Thompson Falls line which runs entirely through the territory of this particular company. May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether this matter will be dealt with by the Commission? Because it seems to me to be a case of mortgaging the future revenue of the country to keep up a railway road which can never pay, but which will enormously enhance the property of a private company. I have here the answer which the right hon. Gentleman gave to the hon. Member for Leith (Mr. E. Brown) in November last when the latter asked about the lease of the East African Land Development Company. The answer spoke of the 500 square miles of land which was made over in 1904 to this company. After development and so on, they have the right to purchase the whole area for £50,000. The value of the 500 square miles will eventually amount to £50,000 after 25 years' work. The railway is going to be built through this vast area of land, which was alienated from the natives and made over to a private company, and it is never going to pay. My evidence for that is the report of the present chief engineer of the present existing Kenya and Uganda Railway. This gentleman has stated that at no time will this Gilgil-Thompson Falls branch railway pay interest and sinking fund on the capital expenditure, and yet it is being built exclusively and entirely on the land of this great African development company. Here is a large area of 500 square miles for which, after 25 years, they are to pay only £50,000. It will immensely enhance the value of their property.

When I read from the Duke of Devonshire's White Paper one sentence, the right hon. Member the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies nodded his head. How does he reconcile the building of this railway at the expense of this Colony, the great proportion of the taxes of which are paid by the natives, who have no voice in the administration or in the scheme for transport in the country, and the building of a railway there on the property of this European company, with the high intellectual, moral level which it is expected they will reach as a result of His Majesty's Government's munificent rule? How will "the interests of the natives remain paramount," to quote from the Duke of Devonshire's White Paper, when we see this sort of transaction going on?

The hon. and gallant Member is under a misapprehension. The Kenya-Uganda Railway is not supported out of the taxes. The railway pays and there is no question of taxing the natives or the Europeans or the Indians or Arabs to make this railway pay. In concentrating attention on an individual branch line, the hon. and gallant Member has drawn a quite incorrect picture. In addition to the Thomson's Falls branch line, there is a project for a similar branch through native reserves. The hon. and gallant Member has taken up one particular part of a branch line through European territory and pretends that nothing is being done for the development of native areas, and I think it would be most unfortunate if that impression should get abroad, because it discounts the value of his utterances on these projects.

I do not want to give a false impression at all. The railway line to which the right hon. Gentleman refers which is being built, at long last, over native land, is in order to join up with the Uganda Railway at the north of Lake Victoria Nyanza.

That joins up at the Nile with the railway to the north of Lake Victoria Nyanza.

It has a branch in Kenya and a side line going through Uganda which is not going anywhere.

This railway will be in the place of the railway which was built out of some salt bogs or chemical bogs, being a branch railway going to another company and the company had to contribute very largely to the cost of the railway. In this case, as far as my information goes, the East African Land Company are paying nothing at all. I am, of course, willing to withdraw anything I have said which is unfair. The right hon. Gentleman has pointed out that a branch line is being made through native territory. If that be so, surely there ought to be some arrangement for repayment in the future from the African Land Company for the enhanced site values which the railway will create. Unless that be done, I maintain that the spirit of the Duke of Devonshire's White Paper in 1923 is not being kept. These are some of the matters which the Commission will have to look into in considering the whole question of communications.

I only want to make one further suggestion, which was touched upon by the hon. Member who opened the Debate. From what I can ascertain about the condition of affairs in these African Colonies, it would be extremely undesirable at the present moment to stereotype the Government of the future there until the natives have been able to find their bearings, until the results of the education amongst the younger men are seen and until they have qualified themselves to take a part in governing themselves. It is only a few years since the white man appeared there and since railways have been built and European civilisation has been thrust upon this most backward part of Africa, and now to say that this is to be the form of government for the future, before the natives have had a chance to fit themselves for governing their own territory, would be most undesirable.

As far as Tanganyika is concerned, I believe I am right in saying that a very broad hint was given by the Foreign Secretary before the Locarno Pact was reached, that Germany's application for a mandate for certain of her former colonies would be favourably considered. Under the Locarno Pact, Germany was to be admitted into the community of nations, but so long as she is told that she is unfit to have a mandate, under the League of Nations, of any of her former territories, she is not a full member of the community of nations. These colonies were taken from Germany not as the spoils of war, because we were told, ad nauseam, that we were not fighting for territory but only for justice, and that they were not taken as spoils for the victors but because Germany was not fit to have colonies. A further reason given, was that she might use them as submarine bases in a future war for attacks on the world's commerce. She is not allowed to have submarines now and she has no navy to speak of; there fore, that argument falls to the ground. So long as she is not allowed to have a mandate for any of her former colonies under the League of Nations the whole idea—

How can the hon. and gallant Member connect this argument with the Vote? This has nothing to do with the Commission.

I was going to connect it with the Vote, on the ground that Tanganyika was one of the Colonies under consideration.

I thought that was one of the purposes for which the Commission was being sent out, and to find out, without too flagrantly violating the terms of the mandate, how the whole of the territories could be brought under one Government, in which the European settlers in Kenya would have a predominating voice. That was what I thought was going to be the result. It must be borne in mind that the Government of Buganda and the merchants of Buganda have announced themselves against any such union. I think the Government of Tanganyika are against it. This cry for union only comes front Kenya. I hope the Government will see that no future policy in regard to the government of these African Colonies should be stereotyped as the result of any Commission going out. Let the Commission report on finance, commercial and fiscal questions and communications. I hope it will go very? carefully into matters relating to railway communication in East Africa, but at this stage of the development of these Colonies to bring about federation, with a permanently European majority and a single legislative body, would be a gross betrayal of the Devonshire Memorandum.

The hon. Member for Finsbury (Mr. Gillett) and the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy) have in general terms expressed something of the interest that we on this side feel in regard to the Commission. I do not propose to follow them in what they have said, but to confine my remarks to one or, at most, two thoughts. In the first place, I do not question the capacity of the members do the Commission. I am sure that they are quite able and impartial, but it is a disadvantage that the only Member of Parliament on the Commission belongs to one party, although the hon. and gallant Member for Hull has excused him by saying that he is cosmopolitan in his party relations. It would be an improvement of the Commission if members of other parties had been appointed to it. We shall await on this side of the House the Report of the Commission with a great deal of anxiety. When the Report is submitted, it will have to be examined with the most meticulous care. The issues involved are of such great importance that it will behove us to try, before the Report is made effective, to see that full consideration is given to it.

It would be out of order for me, on this Vote, to go into the question of the various difficulties, economic and social, which affect the native population. Those are not within the terms of reference of the Commission. What I cannot understand is why there has been this extraordinary hurry to appoint the Commission, especially when it is only three years since the East African Commission, of which the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies was Chairman, reported against federation, and against any attempt to promote it, and showed themselves dead against any sort of federation being imposed. I do not pretend to know what the new considerations are—they must have been urgent—to have overthrown the very strong views which the right hon. Gentleman and his colleagues felt it right to express to Parliament less than three years ago. This is what they said:

The second point to which I would draw attention is the difficulty in which Kenya stands with regard to federation. I do not feel it to be within the scope of my duties to make any criticism of the white people in Kenya or anywhere else, but, by the very weight of their experience, their numbers, their wealth and prosperity, they will form the great centre of social power and influence in the East African Colonies. Without questioning at all their ambitions, it is natural that other parts of the East African terri- tories should view with some alarm the attempt which, it appears, is being made to bring them under what they think would be a dominant government of the colony of Kenya. Whenever this Commission reports the House will have to watch that phase of it with great attention, because it is of overwhelming importance. I hope, therefore, that before this Vote is given, the right hon. Gentleman will be able to add to our information upon the points that I have raised.

I wish to support the reduction of the Vote which has been moved and, if I may say so, admirably supported on this side of the Committee. I feel very strongly that we are at a very serious and critical juncture in the affairs of East Africa. I remember hearing a little while ago a speech from the Prime Minister which interested me very much. In recalling the position in another large section of the world, he said that if we had known then as much as we know now about Colonial administration we might never have had the great separation that we now have between the people of the Western Hemisphere and our own island. It may be that we have learned one lesson with regard to those who live in dependencies, who are of our own flesh and blood, but may it not be that 100 years hence, if the kind of policy which I see is being attempted by the present Conservative Government in East Africa is carried out—may it not be that 100 years hence, we shall regret, perhaps even more bitterly than the Prime Minister did, the policy that we are now pursuing? It seems to me that, just as in those days of more than 150 years ago we pursued an unimaginative policy with regard to our kith and kin across the Atlantic, so we are pursuing an unimaginative policy with regard to our relations to the coloured races in East Africa at the present time.

This Commission is going out with the hope that it will recommend an alteration in the status of these colonial dependencies of the Empire. I think it is most unwise to alter the status which they have at the present time. I fear it for two very considerable reasons, both of which have been touched upon by my hon. Friends on this side of the Commit- tee. I would call attention to a speech which was made by Lord Delamere, in which he puts his views on the situation as he wants it to be. He said:

It is said sometimes, why should we not trust our own kith and kin in Africa? I have two answers to that question. In the first place a very large number of our fellow white men in East Africa by no means agree with this policy for which Lord Delamere stands. They take an entirely different view. But Lord Delamere and his colleagues have a great deal of influence, and they may be able to carry through their proposals and obtain a majority in some independent legislature which might be set up, and through that majority enforce their will upon the people out there.

But that is not our only objection. We realise that the White settlers in East Africa belong to one class of the industrial system. They are almost exclusively the employing class. I do not mean that they come from the employing class in this country. Out there they are the employing class. We have always gone on the principle, with regard to our dependencies particularly, in territories largely inhabited by coloured people, that we here in this country were going to safeguard the right of the coloured folk, the workpeople as they are in Kenya. If greater power is given to Lord Delamere and his friends to control, as he says, the destinies not only of Kenya, but of other parts of East Africa, we are going to put the employés definitely under the heel of the employers by giving power to the employers to decide all the matters which concern the life and health and welfare of the people. Even as it is, we know how unjustly the taxes are borne as between the different sections of the population. We know that that is so, because of the influence which the white settlers already have in refusing to bear a reasonable share of taxation. That would be immensely increased if greater power, independent of this House, were given to them. Quotations have been made from a famous despatch of the Duke of Devonshire, but I do not think the last sentence has been quoted, and it seems to me to be an exceedingly important sentence. It is as follows: exclusively their employers. I think that that is an exceedingly dangerous thing.

I should remind the Committee that in Kenya the white population is only one two-hundredth part of the population of the territory. To call government by one two-hundredth part of a population self-governing, constitutional government, or anything of the kind, is a pure misuse of words. Any step which is taken in that direction, so far from being a step in the direction of self-government, is a retrograde step away from true self-government, which is government by the people of a country for the people and through the people's chosen representatives.

The other question which is very closely associated with this, and is in fact the main question for the Commission to decide, is the matter of the federation of these different territories. I feel that the arguments which were brought forward by my hon. Friend the Member for Finsbury (Mr. Gillett) are unanswerable. The time is not ripe for joining up a purely mandated territory with territory that is purely British. It is out of keeping with the ideas which were in the minds of those in the League of Nations who framed the policy of Mandates, and, however much it may be technically and formally squared with the terms of the Mandate, it is a departure from the spirit of Mandates as the League of Nations conceived it. Quite apart from Germany, I think that any action of this kind will bring us into conflict with the sentiments of the little nations that are showing more and more the part they play within the League of Nations. I should be sorry if this country should do anything to conflict with the sentiment and the judgment of the little nations that are joined with us in the League. I am convinced that to federate mandated territory with a British dependency will be against their wish.

Finally, we know quite well that there is a very large sentiment in Uganda and Tanganyika against this federation. It may be said, of course, that the Commission are going out only to report and to investigate, but it is well known that they are going out after the Government has made up its mind in advance that federation, and closer binding together of the territories was a good thing, and the Commission are going out in practice to find out how it should be done. It is for that reason that I feel it is a very? dangerous thing. I urge the Committee to express itself quite vigorously against the whole policy of sending out the Commission, to reaffirm the admirable sentiments of the Duke of Devonshire, and to maintain the position that for the present at any rate there should be no federation between these different territories.

All those who have spoken so far in this discussion have been opposed to the idea of federation, but that is not to be taken as an indication that the policy of the Labour party in this matter is merely to advocate the continuance of the status quo. I hope nobody in the Committee will consider that we are opposed to the evolution of politics in Africa. Everybody on these benches understands that the problems of political life on the Continent of Africa are complicated and we are not merely setting up a Conservative doctrine, in taking up the position which we have taken this afternoon. I would like the Undersecretary of State for the Colonies, in his reply, to deal carefully with three main points which have been raised. The first is as to the position of the white population in Kenya in relation to this inquiry. Hon. Members on this side do not regard these 12,000 Europeans as being, in principle, vicious people, or as being very different from ourselves. We would, however, emphasise that the position of these people is a very peculiar one and that there is no unanimity of opinion with regard to their position. Hon. Members who have read Mr. MacGregor Ross's recent history of Kenya know the view, which is based on very lengthy experience, that there is a very large volume of opinion—the best opinion among the 12,000 Europeans —totally opposed to the idea of federation.

There is a second point. These men, in the main, are employers of native labour—that is to say, employers of the essentially African population, and we know from our own experience in the 19th century how deplorable are the results when an employing class has too large a sway over administration and legislation. In this case the African people have not any direct access to the Government at all. It is from that wider point of view, of the relations between two great races, that we venture to express the well considered opposition which we are presenting to this proposal in the Committee this afternoon. I also desire to emphasise the point with regard to the relation between the British Colonies and the mandatory principle established in 1919. The mandatory principle is the expression of an international form of government, and it carries with it certain important implications. We would regret it very much if the mandatory principle of government were to be roughly equated with the Imperial system of government. We would like the Under-Secretary to say that there is a real distinction here, which would be operative, and would make difficult any scheme of federation inferring that Tanganyika, for example, was merely a Colony and not, as it is, a new experiment in international politics.

The third point with which I should like the Under-Secretary to deal is as to whether care will be taken, in the course of these inquiries, to get the point of view of the real African population. I take it we are agreed that in this unique experiment in East Africa, the white people and the coloured people are going to work out a common destiny. We assume that East Africa is going to differ in its evolution from West Africa and that the principle which was applied to West Africa cannot be applied to East Africa. It is regrettable from that point of view that we hear so little about the native population and about how they are to be prepared to take their part in the working out of this trusteeship. I hope the Under-Secretary will tell the Committee what is being done in that direction. Our greatest objection to this scheme of federation is that 2,500,000 people are not yet ready to take part in it. They are not prepared economically; they are not prepared from an educational point of view. On that question, more than any other, arises our very anxious opposition to this scheme as it is being proposed.

We want to see a scheme of federal politics developed. We want to see African politics develop as well and as rapidly as may be, but we want that development to take place on the basis of consideration for the interests of the African people. We are apprehensive lest it should be thought that East Africa is regarded as essentially a white man's colony and that politics are to be developed there in terms of their interest and their thought. I therefore appeal, along with the other hon. Members who have spoken with such care and responsibility, for a statement as to what federation implies for the people who have always been in Africa, who represent the hope for the future of Africa—namely the natives themselves—and what we can do to prepare them, in order that we may have real federation of government based upon their interests, equally with the interests of the white population.

I will not on this Supplementary Estimate go very far or very deeply into those problems—to me always fascinating and I admit very complicated—which are raised by the fact that we have European colonists and Indian colonists mixed up with a very great variety of African natives, in a very varied climatic system such as obtains in East Africa. I quite agree that the peculiar circumstances of Kenya, which apply to a smaller extent to the whole of the East African problem, make it, for any student of colonial politics, at once the most fascinating and most difficult of all the colonial problems that have to be faced by British Governments. I make no complaint of the speakers whose point has been that we ought not to minimise the issues that are raised by this Commission or any Commission which goes out to East Africa. The political future of all these countries does touch many important and differing problems, such as the problem of the relations between races, the problem of the relation of India with the Colonial Empire and the problem of the development of entirely new political organisms, different from those which have existed in the Empire in the past. In the past we have had the idea of Crown Colony Government—Downing Street Government—on the one hand and completely responsible government on the other, and it is perfectly clear that in Kenya, with conditions of the sort which obtain in East Africa, you cannot have either of these two in its absolute and simple form.

It is true, as the last speaker has pointed out, that we cannot stand still. There cannot be such immense vitality as is shown by all the races in East Africa, without a great deal of political pressure from time to time. I agree with the hon. Member in his last statement that we have to work out the problem in East Africa under conditions-wholly different from those which obtain in South Africa—which are based on economic as well as political segregation—or in West Africa, where Europeans, as I personally believe, are never likely to be colonists in the sense of establishing themselves there with their families, bringing up their children there and making it their home. That is not likely for climatic reasons. In East Africa the position in that respect is different. There you will see European children in the schools. Europeans are growing up there, and we are now getting in East Africa, not only Europeans like Lord Delamere, but small men who are not only settlers but are artisans. We are getting a whole range of classes in the European community in Kenya which we did not get before the War. Thus there is an entirely new social problem as well as an entirely new racial problem.

Let me, however, leave the general question and pass to some of the particular points which have been raised. I hope hon. Members opposite, in dealing with this question, like hon. Members in all parts of the Committee, will exercise a full sense of responsibility and will not encourage the idea that, if the Labour party comes back into power, they are anxious immediately to hand over to Germany those territories which we are now administering. It will not be very easy to do so, even if that should be the policy of the party opposite, because it does not rest with the British Government alone to determine who shall exercise the mandate.

I would point out to the hon. Gentleman that I stopped the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy) when he raised this question.

May I take the opportunity, Sir, of saying that I did not lay down, as the policy of my party, what the right hon. Gentleman indicated? All I said was that they would not be bound by this proposal, unless satisfied with the result of the Commission.

I was making a reply to the hon. Member for Finsbury (Mr. Gillett), who went very far on this matter, and I was rather nervous about what he said as to the attitude of a Labour Government. However, since the matter is out of order I shall not pursue it.

May I make a personal explanation? What I did was to quote the opinion of white settlers in Kenya, and, as far as I remember, all I said on the point was that they had expressed themselves as being afraid of what would happen if another Government came in. I did not say what the right hon. Gentleman seems to attribute to me, and he must have misunderstood me.

I am very glad I did misunderstand the hon. Member. It is important, and I hope that he will not hold either the Government or anybody in this House responsible for what is said in the "East African Standard" or for statements made by unofficial members of the legislature in Kenya. What is the actual point? In 1922 when the Council of the League confirmed and defined the mandate for that part of what was German East Africa, which we are now administering, they expressly included the following Clause:

7.0 p.m.

It is quite true that the actual terms of the mandate are something new, but they are not new as they affect Colonial administration. The unique thing in the mandate is that, whatever the Commission may recommend, in carrying them out, the main thing is that the national responsibility we have for carrying out the administration of a country is subject to international supervision and revision. The kernel of the mandate is really the annual review by Geneva, by an international body, of all that takes place in a mandated territory. Nothing this Commission can recommend will change that in any respect or in any way. The whole framework of administration, whether under a federal system or separate units, would be equally under annual review, and we should have to give an annual report to the satisfaction of the Council of the League.

Not a bit. I myself attend once or twice in a year to render an account, and certainly the Foreign Secretary never objects. The question of the Indians has been raised. At the request of the Government of India, two gentlemen were sent to assist in the presentation of the views of Indians throughout these territories, and not only in Kenya; and, as everybody knows, of the four members of the Commission one is a very distinguished Indian administrator. So I think, really, the Indian position is very fully safeguarded. His Majesty's Government wish specially to emphasise, after the words that the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy) read out, that they reiterate in the most emphatic language that nothing shall be done that will in any way affect the settlement come to in 1923 as regards the status of Indians. The report of this Commission will be very carefully scrutinised. I am perfectly sure it is true of hon. Members of all parties of the House and of His Majesty's Government. The Commission have been set an extremely difficult and important task, and just as happened when I went out to East Africa, and produced a report with my colleagues, some of the recommendations may be adopted and some may not. All we can say is that we are confident the Commission will make an extremely valuable contribution to the study of an extremely complicated problem. It is true we have emphasised in the personnel of this Commission, not the political side, but the administrative and international side, because ever since I was so bold as to denounce, in somewhat unmeasured language, the project of federation, a good deal of public opinion in East Africa which was against federation immediately began to toy with the idea not merely in Kenya but other parts of East Africa. One of the most remarkable things is the looseness with which the word "federation" and what it necessarily involves has been discussed. I have dealt with the mandate, with the Indians and with the general position, and the final point asked is whether the new terms of reference contain any abrogation of the principles laid down by the Duke of Devonshire.

Not in this White Paper, but whether the policy of the administration of this office will be changed.

There is to be no change in the administration of the office. This is a Supplementary Estimate, and it would not be in order to defend any action or inaction of administration on this Vote. But there are two developments which should be noted. One is the reference to the association of unofficial elements with an Imperial Government in the exercise of trusteeship for the non-educated masses. The other is a reference to the development of native self-governing communities and organisations. These were not in the original White Paper, but were quite frankly the result of experience. The Duke of Devonshire's dispatch in 1923 has been read by a large number of people to mean that neither now nor at any time have the non-African community any responsibilities with regard to the welfare and progress of their native fellow-citizens. No more unfortunate doctrine could be laid down for the future of East Africa. No more unfortunate doctrine could come into the minds of Europeans or Indians than that the responsibility for the welfare of the natives is solely a matter for the agents of the Imperial Government. In the long run, you cannot keep politics out of one of the most important branches of politics, namely, administration. To do so would be to create absolute antagonism, and force Europeans and Indians into the position of saying, "Our job in public life is not to look after the natives, but our own interests."

That is the last thing you want in East Africa. The economic conditions are very different, and there is a social mixing, and quite different breeds from what are found in any other part of Africa. I am content to take the warning of the hon. Member for West Leicester (Mr. Pethick-Lawrence) though not, possibly, in the sense he meant. I do not want Lord Delamere or his successors in the future to appear in the role of George Washington, or the successors of the hon. Member opposite to appear as Lord North, but I say, in all sincerity, it is not possible in the twentieth century to govern people by the use of an official majority 6,000 miles away as it was in the old days; and the attempt always to govern from here by an official majority, without regard to the sentiment, often very narrow and inexperienced, of pioneers of the men who are living on the spot, and to disregard them, would be one of the worst failures of British colonial history. You cannot do that in India, or wherever it is. It is no longer possible to have old forms of Crown Colony government without some form of give-and-take, or to regard East Africa or any East African dependencies as a perpetual whipping-boy for those who pride themselves upon being a progressive nation. It is not, quite frankly, conducive to racial peace, which is essential if we are to build soundly.

Do not think that the Government have embarked on this further inquiry lightly. Do not think that they have made up their mind to any far-reaching changes. But they wish further light on the administrative and financial consequences of ideas which have been canvassed in East Africa, before they are called upon to take any political decision. Further than that, I am convinced that the mere going of this Commission to discuss this question will do a great deal to prevent in East Africa what I have witnessed growing up in the last five years, namely, a good deal of parochialism. You get it almost everywhere in the British Empire. I say without hesitation there are probably few parts of the world where local differences and jealousies come out more strongly than in the British West Indian islands. In East Africa it would be most unfortunate if Tanganyika, Kenya, Uganda, Nyasaland, Northern Rhodesia and Southern Rhodesia were to develop a quite intense local particularism without regard to their neighbours. It would be definitely unfortunate in the interests of all of them, and of the Empire as a whole. This Commission, whatever its report may be, has been given the widest freedom of action, and will consult the Europeans, unofficial and official, Indians and natives throughout the great variety of territories. I am convinced that it will make a further contribution to the harmonising of interests of these various territories who have all got a common land frontier, and are all parts of the British system of administration, and, above all, must necessarily be linked together if any real economic development is to take place. The whole economic development of the country has to be considered, not in the interests of any one Colony, but in the interests of the whole of the Colonies, and so I say that I regret that hon. Members opposite should see anything sinister in the appointment of this Commission. I regret that they have moved a reduction of the Vote, and I ask the Committee to welcome the appointment of this Commission, to give it their support, to show that it has the confidence of the House of Commons, and to let it go forward on its work of investigation of what I have already said is one of the most difficult problems which any Colonial Secretary, whatever his party and whatever his views, will have to face for the next 20 years.

The right hon. Gentleman omitted to answer the question on which every speaker on this side laid great stress, and that is why the only politician on the Commission is a distinguished Member of the Conservative party. His party may have a large accidental majority in this House, but it represents a clear minority of voters in the country. [ Interruption. ] The Liberal party and the Labour party together have a larger number of votes than the Conservative party has. The Conservative party is a minority in the country, and that minority will be still more pronounced at the next election. Why have these two parties on this side, who may have the responsibility of governing very soon, not been invited to nominate members of this Commission? Failing any explanation, we can only conclude that there is dirty work going on. [An HON. MEMBER: "Withdraw!"] I shall not withdraw. I mean, dirty work in the sense that they want to queer the pitch, to stereotype the future policy of these Colonies before we have a chance of having any say in the matter. That is what I call dirty work, and it is dirty work.

I desire to support what has fallen from the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy). The right hon. Gentleman the Under-Secretary spoke of the difficulty of governing a Crown Colony and allowing local colonists to have a great say in the administration. I would remind him that we, on this-side, are extremely worried over two incidents that have happened recently, which show that of all places where we have Crown Colony government, there are few places where we have such exploitation of the natives as in Kenya Colony. These are most emphatically places which cannot be allowed to have the control of their own destinies, if by that is meant the 1,500 colonists who are working up all the excitement that has happened in Kenya Colony in the last three years. It is notorious that in Kenya Colony the great agitation against the Indians did not have the approval of the majority of the white settlers, but was engineered by Lord Delamere and Major Grogan, who have the ear of the officials. You have a huge landowner like Lord Delamere and another like Major Grogan, who have carried through the ramp of the new railway, putting a tremendous burden of debt on the Colony, most of it having to be paid by taxing the natives, who are notoriously much more heavily taxed than are the white settlers.

The white settlers are paying practically no taxation relatively to their income as compared with that which is put on the natives. The disparity between the taxation of the natives and that of the white people is enormous, yet here you have this railway, which experts say has largely avoided the native reserves, which has been used largely by the two large landowners for the improvement of their own enormous land holdings, with the burden of it being thrown on the natives, and with people like this using every kind of pressure on the local white officials and making unbearable the life of any official who dares to stand up for the natives in that country. The Under-Secretary says "No," but any of us who have talked with officials from Kenya know that that is so, that any official who has attempted to stand up to Lord Delamere—

This hardly arises on this Vote. It might be proper or the Colonial Office Vote at large, but hardly on this Supplementary Estimate.

I apologise for speaking a little strongly, but we on this side, in moving this reduction, want to point out that we do not trust this Commission that is being sent out to deal with these questions. We feel that the Commission will, as a matter of course, have its social interests very largely in the small social group that is claiming to run the Colony at the present time, and that there is nobody on that Commission whose interest it will be to pay much attention to the native and the Indian point of view. We shall have a Commission that will dine and wine with the usual people, the usual respectable people, in Kenya Colony, but not with the people who will face the unpopularity of standing up to the small group of socially influential people in Kenya and of saying that they have not come out-only to hear their opinions, but that they want to get the opinions of the natives as well. That is why we feel strongly about it, and that is why I want to support what the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull has said about the personnel of this Commission. It is bound to be unsatisfactory if you have people on it who are definitely going to represent only the governing class here, and who will meet a very similar governing class there, and as a result produce just the kind of report that this governing class happens to want.

Yes. I have taken considerable personal interest in this Commission, and I very much regret that the Government, who were so anxious to have the Labour party associated with their Indian Commission, where it was felt that a certain amount of difficult responsibility might be shelved on to the Labour party, should, when it is a question of having a Commission which they are very anxious should produce the right kind of Report from their point of view, leave Members of the Labour party entirely off its personnel.

Are we to have no reply from the right hon. Gentleman the Under-Secretary?

I have already spoken twice. We did contemplate having no politicians on the Commission at all, but then, when looking round for somebody who had had no previous connection with this question at all, and who came to it with an open mind and with experience both of finance and public administration, we could find nobody better than the right hon. Member for Norwich (Sir H. Young), not because he has just joined the Conservative party, nor for any party reason, but simply because in fact in his Life, which has been a comparatively short one in politics, but a long one in finance, it was thought he was the best man to be Chairman of the Commission. As to the others, it was thought that the missionary bodies should be represented, and that is why Mr. Oldham was put on. He cannot be described as socially bound up with people like Lord Delamere. Then there are Sir George Schuster, Financial Adviser to the Sudan, and Sir Reginald Mant, an Indian civil servant of long standing, and it was thought that that would be as strong a Commission in personnel, without any party feelings or previous prejudice in regard to East Africa, as could be found to do this particular work. We are content to leave it to the Committee to judge whether we were not much better advised than in packing the Commission entirely with politicians.

Does not the right hon. Gentleman know that whenever a non-party body is spoken of by the Government, it always means the Conservative party?

Question put, "That a sum, not exceeding £2,400, be granted for the said Service."

The Committee divided: Ayes, 84; Noes, 209.

Division No. 9. ]]

AYES.

[ 7.30 p.m.

Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock)

Groves, T.

Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Soring)

Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro')

Grundy, T. W.

Ritson, J.

Ammon, Charles George

Hardie, George D.

Scrymgeour, E.

Baker, J. (Wolverhampton, Bllston)

Hayday, Arthur

Scurr, John

Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery)

Henderson, Right Hon. A. (Burnley)

Sexton, James

Barnes, A.

Hirst, W. (Bradford, South)

Shaw, Rt. Hon. Thomas (Preston)

Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W.

Hudson, J. H. (Huddertfield)

Shiels, Dr. Drummond

Buchanan, G.

Johnston, Thomas (Dundee)

Slesser, Sir Henry H.

Buxton, Rt. Hon. Noel

Kelly, W. T.

Smith, H. B. Lees- (Keighley)

Cape, Thomas

Kennedy, T.

Smith, Rennie (Penistone)

Clowes, S.

Kenworthy, Lt.-Com. Hon. Joseph M

Snowden, Rt. Hon. Philip

Cluse, W. S.

Kirkwood, D

Stamford, T. W.

Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R.

Lawrence, Susan

Stephen, Campbell

Compton, Joseph

Lee, F.

Stewart, J. (St. Rollox)

Connolly, M.

Lowth, T.

Sutton, J. E.

Cove, W. G.

Lunn, William

Tinker, John Joseph

Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton)

Mackinder, W.

Townend, A. E.

Day, Colonel Harry

Maclean, Nell (Glasgow, Govan)

Walsh, Rt. Hon. Stephen

Dennison, R.

Mitchell, E. Rosslyn (Paisley)

Wellock, Wilfred

Duncan, C.

Montague, Frederick

Westwood, J.

Dunnico, H.

Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.)

Wilkinson, Ellen C.

Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty)

Murnin, H.

Williams, Dr. J. H. (Llanelly)

Gardner, J. P.

Naylor, T. E.

Williams, T. (York, Don Valley)

Gillett, George M.

Oliver, George Harold

Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow)

Gosling, Harry

Paling, W.

Wright, W.

Graham, Rt. Hon. Wm. (Edln., Cent.)

Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan)

Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

Greenall, T.

Pethick-Lawrence, F. W.

Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne)

Ponsonby, Arthur

TELLERS FOR THE AYES .—Mr. Hayes and Mr. Whiteley..—Mr. Hayes and Mr. Whiteley.

Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool)

Potts, John S.

NOES.

Acland-Troyte, Lieut.-Colonel

Davies, Maj. Geo. F. (Somerset, Yeovil)

Hilton, Cecil

Agg-Gardner, Rt. Hon. Sir James T.

Davies, Dr. Vernon

Hoare, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir S. J. G.

Albery, Irving James

Dixon, Captain Rt. Hon. Herbert

Hogg, Rt. Hon. sir D. (St. Marylebone)

Allen, J. Sandeman (L'pool,W. Derby)

Eden, Captain Anthony

Hohler, Sir Gerald Fitzroy

Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S.

Edmondson, Major A. J.

Holt, Captain H. P.

Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

Edwards, J. Hugh (Accrington)

Hope, Capt. A. O. J. (Warw'k, Nun.)

Balfour, George (Hampstead)

Ellis, R. G.

Hore-Belisha, Leslie

Balniel, Lord

England, Colonel A.

Howard-Bury, Colonel C. K.

Banks, Reginald Mitchell

Erskine, Lord (Somerset, Weston-s.-M.)

Hudson, Capt. A. U. M.(Hackney,N.)

Barclay-Harvey, C. M.

Erskine, James Malcolm Monteith

Hutchison, Sir Robert (Montrose)

Beamish, Rear-Admiral T. P. H.

Evans, Capt. Ernest (Welsh Univer.)

Illffe, Sir Edward M.

Beckett, Sir Gervase (Leeds, N.)

Everard, W. Lindsay

Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H.

Bethel, A.

Fairfax, Captain J. G.

Jackson, Sir H. (Wandsworth, Cen'l)

Birchall, Major J. Dearman

Falle, Sir Bertram G.

Jones, Sir G. W. H. (Stoke New'gton)

Bourne, Captain Robert Croft

Fanshawe, Commander G. D.

Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth)

Bowyer, Captain G. E. W.

Fenby, T. D.

Kennedy, A. R. (Preston)

Boyd-Carpenter, Major Sir A. B.

Fielden, E. B.

Kindersley, Major G. M.

Brass, Captain W.

Finburgh, S.

King, Commodore Henry Douglas

Brassey, Sir Leonard

Forestier-Walker, Sir L.

Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement

Briggs, J. Harold

Forrest, W.

Knox, Sir Alfred

Brocklebank, C. E. R.

Foster, Sir Harry S.

Lamb, J. Q.

Broun-Lindsay, Major H.

Fraser, Captain Ian

Locker-Lampson, Com. O.(Handsw'th)

Brown, Brig. Gen. H. C. (Berks, Newb'y)

Gadie, Lieut.-Col. Anthony

Loder, J. de V.

Buckingham, Sir H.

Galbraith, J. F. W.

Long, Major Eric

Burgoyne, Lieut.-Colonel Sir Alan

Ganzoni, Sir John

Looker, Herbert William

Burton, Colonel H. W.

Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John

Lucas-Tooth, Sir Hugh Vere

Butt, Sir Alfred

Glyn, Major R. G. C.

Luce, Maj.-Gen. Sir Richard Herman

Campbell, E. T.

Gower, Sir Robert

Lumley, L. R.

Carver, Major W. H.

Grace, John

Macdonald, R. (Glasgow, Cathcart)

Cassels, J. D.

Graham, Fergus (Cumberland, N.)

MacIntyre, Ian

Cautley, Sir Henry S.

Grant, Sir J. A.

McLean, Major A.

Cayzer, Maj. Sir Herbt. R. (Prtsmth, S.)

Grattan-Doyle, Sir N.

Macmillan, Captain H.

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord H. (Ox. Univ.)

Greaves-Lord, Sir Walter

Macnaghten, Hon. Sir Malcolm

Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood)

Greene, W. p. Crawford

Macquisten, F. A.

Chapman, Sir S.

Gretton, Colonel Rt. Hon. John

MacRobert, Alexander M.

Cobb, Sir Cyril

Grotrian, H. Brent

Maitland, Sir Arthur D. Steel-

Cockerill, Brig.-General Sir George

Guinness, Rt. Hon. Walter E.

Makins, Brigadier-General E.

Cooper, A. Duff

Gunston, Captain D. W.

Marriott, Sir J. A. R.

Cope, Major William

Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich)

Meller, R. J.

Couper, J. B.

Hall, Capt. W. D'A. (Brecon & Rad.)

Merriman, F. B.

Courthope, Colonel Sir G. L.

Harland, A.

Milne, J. S. Wardlaw-

Craig, Sir Ernest (Chester, Crewe)

Haslam, Henry C.

Mitchell, S. (Lanark, Lanark)

Crookshank, Col. C. de W. (Berwick)

Headlam, Lieut.-Colonel C. M.

Mitchell, W. Foot (Saffron Walden)

Crookshank, Cpt. R. (Lindsey, Gainsbro)

Henderson, Capt. R. R. (oxf'd, Henley)

Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham)

Culverwell, C. T. (Bristol, West)

Henderson, Sir Vivian (Bootle)

Moles, Rt. Hon. Thomas

Cunliffe, Sir Herbert

Heneage, Lieut.-Colonel Arthur P.

Moore, Sir Newton J.

Curzon, Captain Viscount

Henn, Sir Sydney H.

Morrison-Bell. Sir Arthur Clive

Davidson, Rt. Hon. J. (Hertford)

Hennessy, Major Sir G. R. J.

Murchison, Sir Kenneth

Davidson, Major-General Sir John H.

Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford)

Nelson, Sir Frank

O'Connor, T. J. (Bedford, Luton)

Sandon, Lord

Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement

O'Neill, Major Rt. Hon. Hugh

Shaw, R. G. (Yorks, W.R., Sowerby)

Turton, Sir Edmund Russborough

Ormsby-Gore, Rt. Hon. William

Shaw, Lt.-Col. A.D. McI. (Renfrew, W.)

Vaughan-Morgan, Col. K. P.

Penny, Frederick George

Sheffield, Sir Berkeley

Wallace, Captain D. E.

Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings)

Shepperson, E. W.

Ward, Lt.-Col. A. L. (Kingston-on-Hull)

Perkins, Colonel E. K.

Smith-Carington, Neville W.

Warner, Brigadier-General W. W.

Peto, Sir Basil E. (Devon, Barnstaple)

Somerville, A. A. (Windsor)

Warrender, Sir Victor

Peto, G. (Somerset, Frome)

Spencer, G. A. (Broxtowe)

Watson, Rt. Hon. W. (Carlisle)

Power, Sir John Cecil

Stanley, Lieut.-Colonel Rt. Hon. G. F.

Watts, Dr. T.

Pownall, Sir Assheton

Stanley, Hon. O. F. G. (Westm'eland)

Wells, S. R.

Price, Major C. W. M.

Steel, Major Samuel Strang

Williams, C. P. (Denbigh, Wrexham)

Ramsden, E.

Storry-Deans, R.

Wilson, R. R. (Stafford, Lichfield)

Rawson, Sir Cooper

Strauss, E. A.

Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George

Renter, J. R.

Streatfeild, Captain S. R.

Winterton. Rt. Hon. Earl

Rhys, Hon. C. A. U.

Stuart, Crichton-, Lord C.

Withers, John James

Richardson, Sir P. W. (Sur'y, Ch'ts'y)

Stuart, Hon. J. (Moray and Nairn)

Womersley, W. J.

Ropner, Major L.

Styles, Captain H. Walter

Wood, Rt. Hon. Sir Kingsley

Ruggles-Brise, Lieut.-Colonel E. A.

Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser

Woodcock, Colonel H. C.

Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth)

Tasker, R. Inigo.

Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L.

Salmon, Major I.

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney)

Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.)

TELLERS FOR THE NOES .—Major the Marquess of Titchfield and Captain Margesson..—Major the Marquess of Titchfield and Captain Margesson.

Sandeman, N. Stewart

Tomlinson, R. p.

Original Question put.

The Committee divided: Ayes, 193; Noes.

Division No. 10. ]]

AYES.

[ 7.39 p.m.

Acland-Troyte, Lieut.-Colonel

Fanshawe, Captain G. D.

Lamb, J. Q.

Agg-Gardner, Rt. Hon. Sir James T.

Fenby, T. D.

Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (Handsw'th)

Albery, Irving James

Fielden, E. B.

Loder, J. de V.

Allen, J. Sandeman (L'pool, W. Derby)

Finburgh, S.

Long, Major Eric

Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

Forestier-Walker, Sir L.

Looker, Herbert William

Balfour, George (Hampstead)

Forrest, W.

Lucas-Tooth, Sir Hugh Vere

Banks, Reginald Mitchell

Foster, Sir Harry S.

Luce, Maj.-Gen. Sir Richard Harman

Barclay-Harvey, C. M.

Fraser, Captain Ian

Lumley, L. R.

Beamish, Rear-Admiral T. P. H.

Gadle, Lieut.-Col. Anthony

MacIntyre, Ian

Beckett, Sir Gervase (Leeds, N.)

Galbraith, J. F. W.

McLean, Major A.

Bourne, Captain Robert Croft

Ganzoni, Sir John

Macmillan, Captain H.

Boyd-Carpenter, Major Sir A. B.

Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John

Macnaghten, Hon. Sir Malcolm

Brass, Captain W.

Glyn, Major R. G. C.

Macquisten, F. A.

Brassey, Sir Leonard

Gower, Sir Robert

Mac Robert, Alexander M.

Briggs, J. Harold

Grace, John

Maitland, Sir Arthur D. Steel-

Brocklebank, C. E. R.

Graham, Fergus (Cumberland, N.)

Makins, Brigadier-General E.

Broun-Lindsay, Major H

Grant, Sir J. A.

Marriott, Sir J. A. R.

Brown, Brig.-Gen. H. C. (Berks, Newb'y)

Greaves-Lord, Sir Walter

Meller, R. J.

Buckingham, Sir H.

Greene, W. P. Crawford

Merriman, F. B.

Burgoyne, Lieut.-Colonel Sir Alan

Gretton, Colonel Rt. Hon. John

Milne, J. S. Wardlaw-

Burton, Colonel H. W.

Grotrian, H. Brent

Mitchell, S. (Lanark, Lanark)

Campbell, E. T.

Guinness, Rt. Hon. Walter E.

Mitchell, W. Foot (Saffron Walden)

Carver, Major W. H.

Gunston, Captain D. W.

Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham)

Cassels, J. D.

Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich)

Moles, Rt. Hon. Thomas

Cayzer, Maj. Sir Herbt. R. (Prtsmth. S.)

Hall, Capt. W. D'A. (Brecon & Bad.)

Moore, Sir Newton J.

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord H. (Ox. Univ.)

Harland, A.

Morrison-Bell, Sir Arthur Clive

Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood)

Haslam, Henry C.

Nelson, Sir Frank

Chapman, Sir S.

Headlam, Lieut.-Colonel C. M.

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

Cobb, Sir Cyril

Henderson, Capt. R. R.(Oxf'd, Henley)

O'Connor, T. J. (Bedford, Luton)

Cockerill, Brig.-General Sir George

Henderson, Sir Vivian (Bootle)

O'Neill, Major Rt. Hon. Hugh

Cooper, A. Duff

Heneage, Lieut.-Col. Arthur P.

Penny, Frederick George

Cope, Major William

Henn, Sir Sydney H.

Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings)

Couper, J. B.

Hennessy, Major Sir G. R. J.

Perkins, Colonel E. K.

Courthope, Colonel Sir G. L.

Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford)

Peto, G. (Somerset, Frome)

Craig, Sir Ernest (Chester, Crewe)

Hilton, Cecil

Power, Sir John Cecil

Crookshank, Col. C. de W. (Berwick)

Hoare, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir S. J. G.

Pownall, Sir Assheton

Crookshank. Cpt. H. (Lindsey, Gainsbro)

Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (St. Marylebone)

Price, Major C. W. M.

Culverwell, C. T. (Bristol, West)

Hohier, sir Gerald Fitzroy

Ramsden, E.

Cunliffe, Sir Herbert

Holt, Captain H. P.

Rawson, Sir Cooper

Curzon, Captain Viscount

Hope, Capt. A. O. J. (Warw'k, Nun.)

Remer, J. R.

Davidson, Rt. Hon. J. (Hertford)

Hore-Belisha, Leslie

Richardson, Sir P. W. (Sur'y, Ch'ts'y)

Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H.

Howard-Bury, Colonel C. K.

Ropner, Major L.

Davies, Maj. Geo. F. (Somerset, Yeovil)

Hudson, Capt. A. U. M. (Hackney, N.)

Ruggles-Brise, Lieut.-Colonel E. A.

Davies, Dr. Vernon

Hutchison, Sir Robert (Montrose)

Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth)

Dixon, Captain Rt. Hon. Herbert

Iliffe, Sir Edward M.

Salmon, Major I.

Eden, Captain Anthony

Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H.

Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney

Edmondson, Major A. J.

Jackson, Sir H. (Wandsworth, Cen'l)

Sandeman, N. Stewart

Edwards, J. Hugh (Accrington)

Jones, Sir G. W. H. (Stoke New'gton)

Sandon, Lord

Ellis, R. G.

Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth)

Shaw, R. G. (Yorks. W.R., Sowerby)

England, Colonel A.

Kennedy, A. R. (Preston).

Shaw, Lt.-Col. A. D. Mel. (Renfrew, W)

Erskine, Lord (Somerset, Weston-s.-M.)

Kindersley, Major Guy M.

Sheffield, Sir Berkeley

Evans, Capt. Ernest (Welsh Univer.)

King, Commodore Henry Douglas

Shepperson, E. W.

Everard, W. Lindsay

Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement

Smith-Carington, Neville W.

Fairfax, Captain J. G.

Knox, Sir Alfred

Somerville, A. A. (Windsor)

Spencer, G. A. (Broxtowe)

Titchfield, Major the Marquess of

Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George

Stanley, Lieut.-Colonel Rt. Hon. G.F.

Tomilnson, R. P.

Winterton, Rt. Hon. Earl

Stanley, Hon. O. F. G.(Westm'eland)

Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement

Withers, John James

Steel, Major Samuel Strang

Vaughan-Morgan, Col. K. P.

Womersley. W. J.

Storry-Deans, R.

Wallace, Captain D. E.

Wood, Rt. Hon. Sir Kingsley

Strauss, E. A.

Ward, Lt.-Col. A. L.(Kingston-on-Hull)

Woodcock, Colonel H. C.

Streatfeild, Captain S. R.

Warner, Brigadier-General W. W.

Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L,

Stuart, Hon. J. (Moray and Nairn)

Warrender, Sir Victor

Styles, Captain H. Walter

Watson. Rt. Hon. W. (Carlisle)

TELLERS FOR THE AYES .—Captain Margesson and Captain Bowyer..—Captain Margesson and Captain Bowyer.

Tasker, R. Inigo.

Watts, Dr. T.

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Williams, C. P, (Denbigh, Wrexham)

Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.)

Wilson, R. R. (Stafford, Lichfield)

NOES.

Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock)

Groves, T.

Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro')

Grundy, T. W.

Ritson, J.

Ammon, Charles George

Hardie, George D.

Scrymgeour, E.

Baker, J. (Wolverhampton, Bilston)

Hayday, Arthur

Scurr, John

Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery)

Henderson, Right Hon. A. (Burnley)

Shaw. Rt. Hon. Thomas (Preston)

Barnes, A.

Hirst, W. (Bradford, South)

Shiels, Dr. Drummond

Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W.

Hudson, J. H. (Huddersfield)

Slesser, Sir Henry H.

Buchanan, G.

Johnston, Thomas (Dundee)

Smith, H. B. Lees (Keighley)

Buxton, Rt. Hon. Noel

Kelly, W. T.

Smith, Rennie (Penistone)

Cape, Thomas

Kennedy, T.

Snowden, Rt. Hon. Philip

Clowes, S.

Kenworthy, Lt.-Com. Hon. Joseph M.

Stamford, T. W.

Cluse, W. S.

Kirk wood, D.

Stephen, Campbell

Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R.

Lawrence, Susan

Stewart, J. (St. Rollox)

Compton, Joseph

Lee, F.

Sutton, J. E.

Connolly, M.

Lowth, T.

Tinker, John Joseph

Cove, W. G.

Lunn, William

Townend, A. E.

Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton)

Mackinder, W.

Walsh, Rt. Hon. Stephen

Day, Colonel Harry

Maclean, Nell (Glasgow, Govan)

Wellock, Wilfred

Dennison, R.

Mitchell, E. Rosslyn (Paisley)

Westwood, J.

Duncan, C.

Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.)

Wilkinson, Ellen C.

Dunnico, H.

Murnin, H.

Williams, Dr. J. H. (Lianelly)

Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty)

Naylor, T. E.

Williams, T. (York, Don Valley)

Gardner, J. P.

Oliver, George Harold

Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow)

Gillett, George M.

Paling, W.

Wright, W.

Gosling, Harry

Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan)

Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

Greenall, T.

Pethick-Lawrence, F. W.

Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne)

Ponsonby, Arthur

TELLERS FOR THE NOES .—Mr. Hayes and Mr. Whiteley..—Mr. Hayes and Mr. Whiteley.

Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool)

Potts, John S.

Class V

Ministry of Health

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £344,000, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1928, for the salaries and expenses of the Ministry of Health; including grants and other expenses in connection with housing, grants to local authorities, etc., in connection with public health services, grants-in-aid in respect of benefits and expenses of administration under the National Health Insurance Acts, certain expenses in connection with the "Widows', Orphans' and Old Age Contributory Pensions Act, 1925, and certain Special Services."

In presenting this Supplementary Estimate I propose to make one or two preliminary observations, and then I shall be happy to answer to the best of my ability any questions which hon. Members may desire to put to me. The gross additional sum required under the Estimate is £414,000, which is reduced to £344,000 by an increase of £70,000 in the Appropriations-in-Aid. This increased provision is required for two main purposes. The sum of £204,000 is wanted for what may be described as grants towards national housing expenses, and £210,000 for grants in respect of sickness benefit under the National Health Insurance Acts. The additional provision in respect of housing is a sum of £454,000 required under the 1923 and 1924 Acts, which sum is reduced to £204,000 by a saving of £250,000 under the 1919 Act. As hon. Gentlemen opposite will realise, this saving does not represent any cutting down of the housing programme, but arises simply from an adjustment under the finances of the 1919 Act.

The original Estimates of my Department for housing amounted to £9,330,000, including a sum of £2,200,000 for payments to local authorities and other bodies under the 1923 and 1924 Housing Acts. That provision was based on the assumption that 143,000 houses would be completed in the twelve months which ended on 30th September, 1927. Owing principally, I suppose, to the desire of a large number of builders to obtain the full subsidy, instead of only 143,000 houses, 212,000 houses were completed, making the number of houses built since the Armistice 1,058,584. The particular period to which I am referring was a record one for house building in this country. The rate of building during that period was four and a half times the average for the five years prior to the War, and I doubt whether any hon. Member in any part of the House will grudge this extra sum, which is an indication of the great housing efforts made by local authorities and by private builders up and down the country. We owe a debt of gratitude to all the large number of people who have contributed to this great effort. No country in the world is re-housing its people at a greater rate than Great Britain. As regards the other part of the grant, the grant of £210,000—

For the convenience of the Committee, would the right hon. Gentleman explain the adjustments which have been made under the 1919 Act?

What has happened so far as that is concerned—I think probably it happened when the hon. Member was holding the office' which I am now holding —is that each year the Department has to make up its accounts with the various local authorities so far as the annual cost under the 1919 Act is concerned. The hon. Gentleman will remember that under that Act the State has to pay the whole of the cost except the proceeds of a penny rate. The difference in the Estimate is that particular figure, which is brought in in aid on this occasion, and it is due to a reduction in the net annual cost. It does not represent any cutting down of the 1919 housing schemes, which are fixed and settled, and means simply that the cost has not been so great as was anticipated.

Coming to the item of £210,000, I regret to say that this increase is necessitated by the continuing high expenditure on benefits by the approved societies. I should say at once that it does not represent any additional money beyond what the State is under an engagement to pay, but the health insurance scheme provides that the State has to pay its proportion of benefits as and when they are paid, and the effect of the excess in expenditure at the present time is that the State proportion is paid earlier than would otherwise have been the case. The present Vote represents an anticipation and not an increase of the State's liability. There are many hon. Members who in one capacity or another are associated with the work of approved societies, and they may have various reasons to give for this very large increased expenditure by those societies. The influenza epidemic from mid-February to mid-April of 1927 was undoubtedly one of the most costly on record for the benefit funds of the approved societies. There has undoubtedly been an increase in the number of attendances of insured persons for medical treatment, and claims for benefit have been made very freely, this state of affairs, no doubt, being accentuated in a time of considerable unemployment.

It is a very disturbing position. My Department has taken every suitable opportunity of reminding societies of the need of strengthening the supervision of insurance claims by such means as improved sickness visitation and the use of the regional medical services. The matter has been constantly discussed with the medical profession at many conferences, and the British Medical Association have the matter under close consideration as a result of a meeting with them on 19th January last. New Regulations were brought into operation from 1st October, 1927, whereby a fortnight's delay is imposed on the transfer from one doctor to another, except where both doctors consent. That may have some material effect upon these claims. There is one satisfactory feature, which, I think hen. Members will agree, illustrates the effect of more employment in the country, a gradual improvement in industrial conditions and the passing of the new Pensions Act, and that is that the contributions to the societies have increased by over £1,000,000 a year. That is a satisfactory side in contrast with the other side which I have just mentioned. Those are the two main matters with which I have to deal to-night. I regret that the sickness claims upon the societies have been so considerable, but, on the other hand, I think the Committee will welcome the additional money which is to be spent in connection with housing, because there is no doubt that better housing accommodation will have a very material bearing upon the future health of the people and will in due course effect a considerable reduction in the payments by the approved societies.

I beg to move to reduce the Vote by £100.

My object in moving this Amendment is to obtain from the right hon. Gentleman a very much clearer explanation than the one with which he has furnished us, particularly in regard to the expenditure on National Health Insurance. As a rule the right hon. Gentleman is very explicit in his statements to the House, but on this occasion his remarks remind me of the last speech from the Throne; it contains very little but words. The right hon. Gentleman has not contributed very much this evening to enlightening us as to what this sum actually represents. Ho knows sufficient to be able to tell the Committee, before we enter further upon this discussion, what are the real reasons for this increase. I think he ought to tell us, first, whether his figures are actually correct when he declares that the contributions of insured persons under the National Health Insurance scheme rose by £1,000,000 in 1927 as compared with 1926. Even if that be so it is surely not a great achievement, because it must be remembered that in 1926 there were at least 1,000,000 people out of work for at least six months, and during that time they did not contribute anything to the funds. What we should like to know is what is the net increase in the sum paid during 1927, in comparison with what would have been paid had it not been for the passing of the widows' pensions scheme. That would provide the proper comparison, instead of a comparison between 1927 and 1926.

8.0 p.m.

I come, now, to what I think are the reasons for this increase in the amount required by the Ministry. First, the Ministry had an actuarial calculation made as to the number of voluntary contributions coming into this scheme under the Widows', Orphans' and Old Age Contributory Pensions Act, and we are now informed that 150,000 persons came in; about 10 per cent. above the estimate of the actuary. Surely the Ministry must be aware that those who came in that way are not as good lives as young persons reaching 16 years of age who are compulsorily insured; and the right hon. Gentleman should tell us whether that increase over the actuarial estimate does not contribute, partly, to the amount required under this Supplementary Estimate.

We have been taken to task once or twice in this House because we have been critical of the medical profession. I want to offer some criticism of that profession this evening, because, in my view, what they are failing to do contributes more than anything else to the sum which the Ministry of Health requires to-day. For instance, three approved societies operating in the county of Durham made a complaint recently about loose certification. No approved society, as far as I am aware, will decline a genuine claim for sickness or disablement benefit at any time, but when the approved society is doubtful or suspicious that a doctor is giving medical certificates merely to increase the number of insured persons on his panel, it is entitled to say that the practice shall be stopped forthwith. There is reason for making that statement. In the county of Durham three approved societies—

Notice taken that 40 Members were not present; Committee counted, and 40 Members being present

I know members of the medical profession are very much irritated when any one criticises them, and I feel sure we shall hear during the course of this discussion to-night that a panel doctor cannot increase the number of insured persons on his panel merely by granting certificates loosely. As a matter of fact, the hon. Member for Royton, Lancaster (Dr. Davies) knows full well that if a panel practitioner has 2,500 persons on his panel, he is likely to grant certificates without adequate examination, and the panel patient will sometimes go to a doctor who is the most ready to grant certificates. It should be made clear that these allegations are made, and I propose to bring the matter home to the right hon. Gentleman the Parliamentary Secretary tonight. He will find that the Medical Services Sub-Committee of the County of Durham Insurance Committee, which predominantly in membership is made up of medical men on the panel themselves, actually passed a resolution condemning members of their own profession for loose certification. Consequently, I say that this Committee should be very careful in granting more money, that it is not doing so merely in support of members of the medical profession who are not doing their duty to the approved societies. Let me say another word with reference to Durham. The Insurance Committee itself for the County of Durham passed a resolution asking that the Ministry of Health, to whom they sent all the data, should conduct an inquiry into the subject of loose certification in the county, and we should know, before we conclude the Debate, what the Ministry is doing about it.

As a matter of fact, the Ministry of Health is afraid of the medical profession. When it comes to boards of guardians in South Wales or West Ham the Minister's heroics are to be found at every turn; but when the British Medical Association is on his doorsteps the Minister of Health quakes with fear. I want the right hon. Gentleman to tell us, specifically, what response the Ministry is going to make to the request of the Durham Insurance Committee about this certification by a good number of medical men engaged in panel practice in that county. We ought to know something else, too. After all, this is a very important matter. We have just been discussing Kenya, and Rio, and other parts of the world, but at the present moment we are discussing our own people, and their welfare, and we are entitled to know one or two things about their conditions. Is this increase in the Estimate consequent upon the fact that the stamina of the people has deteriorated because of poverty and destitution? That question should be answered. Let me put it this way: Is it the experience of approved societies that the increase in sickness is greater in distressed areas than in others. I think figures can be found to supply the reply.

You have approved societies based on occupations and upon trade. They are segregated into trades such as miners, engineers, distributive workers and iron founders; and I think the right hon. Gentleman should tell the Committee whether it is not the fact that some of this increase is consequent upon the physical strain on the people being greater in some areas and occupations because of poverty land destitution, caused in part by the actions of his own Department. You have, for instance, approved societies for textile operatives in the county of Lancashire; there are one or two covering the county of Yorkshire, the miners' approved societies, covering most of the miners in the county of Durham; and we ought to know how much of this increased benefit is attributed to each of the separate trades I have mentioned. The right hon. Gentleman knows full well, but he has not told the Committee, what has transpired in the county of Lancashire. I am very sorry to be so critical of the medical profession; but they are open to serious criticism on this score.

What is the result of the inquiry which has been held in Lancashire in connection with prescribing? Some people argue that insured persons are not getting sufficient medicine. I wish they took less of some medicines; they would be better off, especially such medicine as we get over the radio about the way the Widows', Orphans', and Old Age Contributory Pensions Scheme recently told in a beautiful angelic voice over the ether by the Parliamentary Secretary. What is the position in Lancashire? I say the fact that the medical practitioners on the panel are not carrying out their duty under the provisions of the National Health Insurance Act accounts in a great measure for this increase. A doctor is entitled in some cases to have over 2,500 patients on his panel. I will give the Committee some figures to prove that where the medical practitioner has too large a number of persons on his panel he is not as careful in prescribing as if he had a smaller number. These are figures from the Lancashire Insurance Committee. Where a medical practitioner has over 2,500 on his panel, the average frequency per insured person in connection with prescriptions is .354. When he has less than 1,000 persons on his panel the average frequency is .237. That is to say, that if a panel doctor has too much work he prescribes anyhow; but that when his panel is within a certain limit, he is much more careful.

What I object to is this, that the medical practitioner who has over 2,500 persons on his panel is not carrying out his duties in accordance with the Regulations laid down by the Ministry of Health. We are complaining that this money is not being properly paid under the provisions of the Act itself, and I repeat, that no approved society, as far as I know, wants to decline a claim for benefit when it knows that the claim is genuine. I believe there is keen competition for panel practice amongst some of the medical profession; and in order to secure that panel practice they are carrying their competition outside the bounds of decency in some cases.

Let me give another case. Several allegations have been made in Salford that doctors have been touting. I know nothing about the allegations, but I understand there has been an inquiry into the matter. Will the right hon. Gentleman be good enough to tell us the result of that inquiry? We are entitled to know whether the Ministry has any evidence that touting for this kind of work is carried on even by some of the medical profession. The medical profession as a whole are not to be charged with doing what I am suggesting; they are not all guilty of it. It is only just a few, but those few, I am sure, ought to be brought to book by the Ministry and should be called upon to do their duty to the State and to approved societies.

The right hon. Gentleman has not told us anything at all about the state of the funds of approved societies. Quite frankly, I am getting alarmed. In 1925 a sum of £8,000,000 was available for investment by societies, to which the State contributed, as it is now contributing under this Vote. In 1926, only £1,500,000 was available for investment, to which the State contributed its quota, but a reduced quota; and the right hon. Gentleman knows full well the reason why the quota, was reduced. In 1927 instead of £8,000,000 being available, there is only £200,000. Is it not the fact that some approved societies have been realising their investments in order to meet claims for benefit? This is the most serious aspect of the work of approved societies that has cropped up since they were established. This is the first time they have ever been in the position of being compelled to call in their investments in order to meet their benefit claims. It is a very serious situation. The right hon. Gentleman, of course, is not alarmed at anything, unless it is at the growth of the Labour party; and it is just about time he became alarmed at its growth, especially down Woolwich way.

Let us carry that point a step further. I am not going to dwell upon the housing problem because hon. Members around me know more about that subject than I do; but I want to go a step further in regard to the position of the approved societies and the contribution of the State towards those societies. What is the present position? Were it not for the interest on investments of approved societies, as the Parliamentary Secretary knows full well, they would be now heading straight for bankruptcy. It is the interest on their investments and the sums of money accruing in the past that save them from a very serious position to-day. Here are the sums which were brought into approved society funds in 1926. The total sum in contribution in 1926 amounted to £24,000,000, and the Treasury grant was £7,000,000; that means £31,000,000 all told. The interest on investments was £6,000,000; that gives a grand total of £37,000,000. The benefit payments out of that £37,000,000 came to £30,000,000, and the administrative cost was £5,000,000 making a total out-going of £35,000,000, leaving a balance of only £2,000,000, the difference between income and expenditure in that year. Those approved societies have a membership of 15,000,000 workpeople; and surely, their interests ought to be safeguarded by the Minister of Health. What has really happened is that the Minister of Health has been browbeaten by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. When a poor board of guardians or a small urban council faces the Minister of Health he stands like a giant before them. But when the Chancellor of the Exchequer comes along the right hon. Gentleman acts like a pigmy. I Bay that the Minister of Health, in whose hands the interests of these 15,000,000 workpeople are reposed, ought to take heed of some of the serious points we are making to-night.

I want to call attention to another very important matter, because the health of the community depends largely upon these sums of money. The duration of sickness has to be accounted for, too. Can the right hon. Gentleman tell the Committee whether the extension of the average age of insured persons, which has taken place during the last decade, accounts in part for the extension in the average number of days per annum that the insured population is on the sick fund? As the average age has been extended, I take it that the average rate of sickness goes up as well.

Before I sit down I want to say something upon the work of the regional medical officers. Has the Minister of Health got sufficient officers of this class for all purposes? Is it a fact that some panel doctors who are in practice themselves are also acting as regional medical officers? I take it for granted that the panel doctor does not become a judge of his own case. I think that even a Tory Government has more wisdom than to do a thing like that. How many regional medical officers are employed on this work, and are there enough of them? Do their operations effect in the end a better standard of claim on the approved societies?

I would also like to know how many regional dental officers there are. I know these are all very technical terms, but they ought to be known to members of the Government who are paid huge sums for looking after the Departments. They get all the glory of standing behind the radio delivering their speeches, and they ought, therefore, to be able to tell the House everything about these technical matters connected with insurance. In all seriousness, I think that the work of the regional dental officers has been to the good. Has the Minister of Health a sufficient number of these officers for the task? I ask the same questions in relation to optical treatment and surgical appliances. I am sorry to say that all those professions, once they saw accumulated sums of money in the funds of approved societies, began to organise definitely in order to get a share. But the money belongs to the insured population; and I would like to see the Minister of Health appointing some persons to check those other pro- fessions just as the dentists are being checked, and to see that they do not provide spectacles for persons to look at politics in the way the present Government desire.

The right hon. Gentleman knows that an insured person of 65 years of age under the present law must leave his approved society. His name is crossed off; and cases have been brought to my notice in which persons have been totally unable to look after their own interests under the Pensions Scheme when they have been cleared off the books of the approved society and they have fallen between two stools. When an approved society crosses a name off the books, by virtue of the fact that the Minister of Health wants information on the claim from the approved society, it should have the additional information as to whether the old person has received a pension or not. I think that is a fair request to make.

We ought to know where the approved societies stand in relation to their finances. After all, this Estimate would not come before the Committee were it not for the fact that the finances of the approved societies are getting into a bad way; and the reasons for that are too well known to the Minister of Health. There are 15,000,000 insured persons in this country who will never forget that it was the present Government who did a dirty trick on them, whatever that means in politics. The following notice was sent out by the Ministry of Health in December, 1926. I think it should have been headed, "The Churchillian Plunder," but there is not enough mentality at the Ministry of Health to coin a phrase like that:

We have listened to a very interesting speech from the hon. Member for Westhoughton (Mr. Rhys Davies), who dealt with a very serious question in, if I may say go, an extremely pleasant manner, and to-night I find myself very largely in agreement with him. I do not cross swords with the hon. Member on many occasions, and this is a matter on which, I think I may rightly say, he and I have had some special experience. He speaks with a full knowledge of the subject, and he has brought before the Committee some matters which deserve the very close attention of the Minister of Health. I was very glad to find that, in his reference to the sickness experience of societies, he did not allege that there was malingering among insured persons. I have never alleged malingering. I believe that malingering in this country is very rare, and I believe, also, that the malingerer is made and not born. I think that, if any malingering has occurred in connection with the sickness experience of societies in this country, it has been due very largely to the lax methods which have been adopted by the medical practitioners, and I want to join with the hon. Member for Westhoughton in saying that, although the allegation which he has made with regard to doctors is extended only to a few, and a very large proportion of them endeavour to carry on their work quite fairly and properly in the best interests of their patients, there are, unfortunately, many instances in which doctors have not paid that regard to the patient which they ought to have paid. They have been free enough to give medicine where medicine may not have been required, but have been slow in giving what I believe is very much better than many bottles of medicine, that is to say, moral courage to the person not to remain upon the funds—to give such persons a few healthy admonitions and send them about their business.

In my view—I think there are many instances to prove it, and the medical profession themselves have said it—their difficulty has arisen from the fact that they find it extremely hard to maintain the patients on their panel with the competition of other doctors in the neighbourhood. Many a man, starting as he does to-day, not by buying his practice, but by putting up his plate and hoping that the number of insured persons will be fairly distributed in the district and that he will get his share, finds it, perhaps, not unnatural, when he is told that the patient is suffering from some complaint which he cannot diagnose and which he cannot disprove, to give him his certificate quite readily. There have been instances, and a good many, unfortunately, of medical men themselves saying that patients have come to them and said, "If you do not give the certificate I can get one down the street." The medical man in such a case has found himself in the dilemma of either retaining the patient or seeing him go to another doctor down the street, and losing in this way, not only insured patients, but patients who may not be insured persons. I agree that it is a difficult position, and, unfortunately, it seems to be spreading. The best men in the medical profession are standing out against it, and want to stop it, and I believe that the Ministry of Health is anxious to assist the strong doctor in resisting the making of these unfair claims upon him and the unfair competition of certain men in the profession.

One point which the hon. Member for Westhoughton touched upon, and which I, for my part, regret very much indeed, is the comparative ease of transfer from one panel doctor to another which has been allowed. Under the old system, when a period of six months or even a year was required, there was no hardship to the insured person, but it gave the doctor the opportunity of acting as firmly as he ought to act. The present practice, which gives the opportunity of transferring at any moment, with the consent of the late doctor and the proposed new doctor, or the other common practice that, with a fortnight's notice a man or woman may transfer from one doctor to another simply because they may have been upset by something the doctor has said, is, I think, improper, and ought to be stopped. Indeed, I believe that the medical profession themselves were in favour of a longer period between the transfer from one doctor to another.

The hon. Member for Westhoughton made some reference to the regional medical officers. That body was set up some time ago, because it was discovered that a very large number of claims were being made upon societies without any real grounds to justify them, certificates of comparatively minor ailments continuing for some time, such as debility, were given, and there was no satisfactory means of checking the doctor. Thereupon the Ministry set up regional medical officers, and what has been the result? If hon. Members will turn to the Report of the Ministry of Health for 1926, they will find there some figures with regard to the number of cases submitted for examination in that year. They will find that some 420,000 were sent by Societies in England, Scotland and Wales to be examined by the regional medical officers because there was some doubt as to the genuine incapacity of the insured persons concerned. Let us for a moment look at these figures. There were 420,000 cases referred, and, of that number, about 60 per cent. either declared off before the examination or were found to be capable of work, while only about 40 per cent.—I am just giving the figures, but I think the Committee will find that that is about the proportion—of the people who had been referred by the societies were found to be incapable of work. It does seem to me that there is something wrong in a method of certification which allows certificates to be issued in respect of 60 per cent. when they ought not to have been issued, and when only 40 per cent. of the cases are incapable of work. If it means that we need further examination, further overseeing of the medical men, I hope that the request of the hon. Member for Westhoughton will be acceded to by the Ministry of Health.

Some reference has been made to the fact that certain of these medical officers were themselves in practice and were conducting these examinations as part-time officers. I think that, perhaps, in fairness to them, it ought to be stated that they do not examine within their own area, but I agree that it would be very much better to have these medical referees entirely free from any suspicion, devoted only to the work of examining panel patients, and not having to bring up against that their own private practice. There is one suggestion that I should like to make to the Ministry tonight. Many reasons have been set forth for this increase in the sickness experience of societies, and I should be content to let the matter rest were I satisfied that the increase related only to the year 1926, or to the year 1927; but, unfortunately, since sickness benefit became payable in this country, there has been an increase year by year, and I have seen some figures which have been produced in respect of a very large body of insured persons, spread over all occupations in all parts of England, Scotland and Wales, and which show that the low water mark of each succeeding year is higher than that of the previous year, and that the low water mark of 1927 is, indeed, higher than the high water mark of some earlier years. We have had, during this period of 1920 to 1927 to which I refer, some years when we could not be said to have been in as bad a state as we were in 1926 or 1927. There must be something wrong either with the health of the people or with a certification that shows this increase year by year and never a; fall back to the lowest figure of 1920.

Has the hon. Member taken into consideration the malnutrition due to poverty that has been going on since 1920?

I am not sure that I am prepared to admit that, because I have seen statements made by great social workers to the effect that there is less poor feeding to-day than at any time prior to 1914. In fact, the condition of the people to-day is better. [ Interruption. ] The hon. Member shakes his head, but let us remember some of the facts and figures that were presented to the House after the great strike. It was said then that the condition of the children was very much better than it had been prior to the great strike.

The Debate on Wednesday last showed that the amount available for the potential body of insured persons is so great now that the conditions must be very much better than in pre War years. At all events, the hon. Member will be in a position to make his point later on if he wants to do so. The system of medical referees has now been in operation for a good many years, and, as far as I know, no valuable information has been drawn from the statistics we have obtained from these medical referees. It would be helpful if the Minister had some inquiry made as to what they found on examination of this vast body of certificates. What is the general cause of incapacity? Is it due to malnutrition or is it due to the fact that people are taking greater care of the minor ailments than they did in the past? Is it due to the fact that people to-day may take the advice of the medical man, when he says, "You are not in a very bad way, but I think it would be a good thing for you if you had a week off work"? That may be happening, and, if it be so, I do not object to it at all. What I want to see is that as the result of nearly 15 years of medical service freely at the disposal of the insured person we shall have a healthier lot of people than we had before. The significant fact is that today, with a great number of people in receipt of sickness benefit, health does not appear to be so good as it was 15 years ago.

I do not think I can quite agree with the hon. Member for Westhoughton in regard to the funds. He says that, whereas in 1926 there was placed at the disposal of the societies £8,000,000, in 1927 only £200,000 was placed at their disposal. If he meant drawing upon your reserves in order to meet your payments, and that your payments only affected the same things as they affected in the years prior to 1926, there might be something to be said for it. The sum payable now by way of additional benefits is very much larger than it was prior to 1926. Additional benefits are being paid out of the surpluses of societies, and, therefore, if you are going to pay out of your surpluses, you must expect that your expenditure will be greater than your income, because you have been in the past years piling up reserves and you are spending them. The hon. Member said £31,000,000 was received in contributions and interest amounting to £6,000,000, making a total, of £37,000,000, and the payments out are £35,000,000, and therefore you ought to be able to provide future payments out of income and have a balance of £2,000,000. I agree, if the funds of the societies were all in one pool, but some societies have been more fortunate than others, and, although you might get this balance of £2,000,000 if you were dealing with societies as a whole, when you are dealing with individual societies there must be instances, such as the mining or textile trade, where unemployment has affected them very greatly and their contributions are not sufficient to meet their payments out. In those cases of necessity you must be drawing upon your reserves. The difference between the present year and the years prior to 1926 is due very largely to the fact that you are spending money which has been saved up in the past and is now being distributed as surplus.

I hope the result of the discussion to-night will be that the Minister will take steps to satisfy societies with regard to sickness certification. I think it is due to the societies to know whether they are to blame, whether there has been slackness on their part, and it is due to the doctors also to have this slur which has been cast on them removed if it can be removed. The House and the country are desirous that health insurance shall be used for the benefit of the people and that we may see not a C3 nation as the result of health insurance but an Al nation in a very short time.

I rise to oppose this grant to the Ministry of Health. The condition of health in my constituency and in Monmouthshire generally is deplorable in the extreme. I defy contradiction when I say there is more disease there to-day than has been known for 20 years. I take this opportunity of calling attention to the condition that exists in some of the South Wales areas. The question has arisen as to whether this sickness is due to malnutrition or to something else. I have here an extract from the report of the Medical Officer of Health of the Brynmawr Urban District Council, reported in the "South Wales News" of Saturday. He says that up to the present 140 cases of smallpox have been attended to. One cause of the spread of smallpox was that people were not taking sufficient nourishment, particularly children, amongst whom the greatest number of cases have occurred. The children were clean and tidy but they showed signs of the need of better nourishment. The Ministry of Health is not fit to be entrusted by the House of Commons with any money.

Is that the district where the complaint was made that the necessary provisions for dealing with smallpox were not in evidence, and that people were going out of their houses and mixing freely with, others?

If the hon. Member will allow me to proceed, I will give him some further information as I go on.

I have another report. It is from the medical officer of Blaina and Nantyglo and will be found in the "South Wales Gazette" for 2nd December, 1927. He says in his report:

"You are truly in a most unenviable position, your water is dangerously polluted, small-pox is spreading, your death rate is twice what it was last month, and 78 per cent. of your male population are unemployed."

This medical officer also referred to the feeding of the people. He said in his report, which has not been printed in full in the paper which I hold in my hand, that the people were underfed. I have further medical information. Dr. Rocyn Jones, the medical officer for the county of Monmouth, says, in the "South Wales News" of 13th February of this year that:

"Small-pox still continues its devastating work among the people of Monmouthshire. We have had 2,200 cases of small-pox in Monmouthshire since the epidemic commenced in February, 1927, and 522 cases, or 24.9 per cent., were said to be vaccinated."

The statement is frequently made that this disease is due to lack of vaccination, but we have here the evidence of the medical officer, who is a firm advocate of vaccination, in which he admits that over 500 cases are cases where the children have been vaccinated, and he says further—

Yes. The hon. Member can look through the "South Wales News" of the date I have named, that is 13th February, 1928, and I will show it in print in this Committee if the hon. Member wants to see it. In that statement he said we have had 2,200 cases of small-pox since the epidemic commenced in February, 1927, and that 522 cases, or 24.9 per cent., were said to foe vaccinated.

No, not children. I read exactly what appears in the report. The medical officer further says:

"Hospital accommodation is being taxed to its utmost. The disease is continuing to spread, new areas being involved."

He has also made this statement that the county council have spent over £22,000 on this disease and that in a very short time they will have to spend £100,000. That is the state of things that exists in Monmouthshire and Breconshire under the Ministry of Health so-called. I say that a Ministry of Health of this character and description is not worthy to be entrusted with money by this House. Therefore, I support the Amendment before the Committee. This disease is following right round where unemployment exists, and where the Ministry of Health is interfering with the administration of the Poor Law. It follows this course regularly and faithfully. It started, first of all, in Blaenavon, spread right round to Brynmawr, and came down the valley to Nantyglo, Blaina and Abertillery. These diseases are to be found wherever the Ministry of Health is interfering with the administration of the Poor Law. As far as South Wales and Monmouthshire are concerned, the health of the people is deteriorating, and you have medical officers stating publicly that the people are underfed. This Committee ought to refuse to vote money to any Ministry in these circumstances. I take this opportunity, and I shall take every opportunity that I can to bring the condition of these areas before this Committee and before the Minister of Health, until he stops this interference with the administration of the Poor Law and the adequate feeding of our starving people. Our people are unemployed, and as a result of unemployment they are undernourished and underfed. It is directly attributable to the Ministry of Health. I have lived in Abertillery for 20 years, and there had never been any disease there until poverty came there. It was one of the healthiest towns in the United Kingdom. Now we are threatened with an epidemic of small-pox and other diseases directly due, in my opinion, to the malnutrition of the people. I have also given the Committee the benefit of the testimony of these medical officers and I urge the Ministry of Health to pay the most serious and urgent attention to this problem, because the very health of the working classes is endangered by the apathy of the Ministry.

There seems to be in this Debate to-night rather a concerted attack upon members of the medical profession which may, perils, to a certain extent, have been justified or may not. When the hon. Gentleman the Member for Westhoughton (Mr. Rhys Davies) was speaking, I felt particularly thankful that the House of Commons had not yet been foolish enough to decide that our Debates should be broadcast, because the hon. Gentleman made more than one reference to the effect of broadcasting on the work the Ministry of Health had been doing. I thought at the time that if, unfortunately, people of this country had had to listen to some of the remarks the hon. Gentleman was making, he would have created such an unfortunate impression in the country that the people would begin to wonder if the time had not arrived when the National Health Insurance Act should be scrapped.

The Vote we are discussing brings to mind very forcibly one of the fundamental difficulties of the National Health Insurance Act, and that is the question of certification and the free choice of doctor. At the present time, under this Act, you find that the whole system of medical behaviour between doctor and patient has been altered. In the old days, before the Insurance Act was in being, the doctor, as a rule, was the friend, the helpmeet and the medical adviser of his particular patient. His patients trusted him, and they obeyed him; but when the National Health Insurance was brought into being, a new state of affairs was created immediately from this point of view. But the medical man, instead of being the master, at once became the servant, and he is now absolutely the servant of the insured population. They are his masters. They can take him on if they like and they can dismiss him when they like. The medical men of this country, the panel practitioners, are human beings, and in the majority of cases they have their living to earn, and they have to work very hard for their money. You find, as a rule, that medical men, these panel practitioners, these human beings are as good as the ordinary individual, and as bad, and they can be divided into three sections. There is the man who is conscientious, honest, and determined to do his very best, at the one end of the scale, and on the other end you may have the man who is perhaps not so particular. I will not say he is dishonest, but perhaps he is a little lax and careless. You have between these two extremes the man who wants to do what is right and is not able so to do.

What is the reason? A patient comes to the doctor to get a certificate. The doctor, if he is honest, as all doctors would like to be, gives a certificate if he thinks the patient is entitled to it. The difficulty does not occur at the onset of his illness, but towards the end, when the patient should go back to work. The doctor may think that the patient is fit for work, but the patient may think that he is not fit for work, and wishes to draw benefit a little longer. The honest, conscientious doctor will cross the man off; but the doctor who is not quite so particular says to himself: "Perhaps I ought to cross the man off," but he does not. He says: "The man wants to go on for a little longer, and I might as well please my patient. "The other man perhaps says: "It is my object to have as many patients as I can, and if I can please my patients it does not matter about the national health certificate," and he gives a certificate.

How are you going to deal with that position? The difficulty is always there. So long as you give the patient the free choice of doctor and the opportunity to change at any moment, you will be up against that difficulty, because the medical man has to live and he knows that if he refuses to give a certificate the patient will leave him. The difficulty does not always end there, because the man may have a family of five or six children who are uninsured persons, private patients. The man will leave the doctor and will not allow any of his family to go to him. Moreover, that man may go to his friends and say, "Do not go to Dr. So-and-So. He is too particular. He will not let you have a certificate when you want one, and he signs you off far too quickly." We shall always be up against that difficulty so long as you have free choice of doctor, with the power to transfer, at any particular moment. We shall be bound to have that difficulty and what we call loose certification.

The doctors, undoubtedly, are to blame in certain cases. I have no desire to stick up unnecessarily for the medical profession. Medical men are as good as most other people in this country, but I do not say they are any better; they are human beings. On the other hand, you must remember that you are putting very great temptations in their way. When you put the medical men into the position that they are the servants of their patients, the insured people, you will have trouble every time. The people say: "We have paid for our insurance, and we are going to get benefit from it." A patient may have a pain. The doctor does not know whether he has a pain or not, and has to rely upon what the patient tells him. It may be that the patient will complain that he has been to a doctor and that the doctor thinks that he is telling a lie, and thereupon the patient says that he will go elsewhere. A man may come along and say that he has indigestion. As a medical man, you cannot deny it. You ask him for his symptoms, and if he be a sensible man he knows what the symptoms are, and if he tells the symptoms, the doctor will say, "If you have those symptoms, you must have indigestion." The doctor is in a very difficult position. He may be deceived by patients in certain cases if the patient wishes to deceive him.

9.0 p.m.

On the other hand, the doctor is up against the approved societies. The approved societies are a perfect nuisance, and an extremely foolish body of individuals. An essential point in the National Health Insurance Act is that the medical man, the approved societies, and the chemists should work together, because their aims and objects are the same, to keep the insured people healthy, and that the fund should be administered to the best advantage. The patient, in the first place, may have the greatest difficulty in getting benefit. The approved societies do not like to pay benefit, if they can help it. [HON. MEMBERS: "Some."] Yes, some. When people get benefit the approved societies are anxious that they should get off benefit as soon as possible. I will not say that they go syping round, but they send their visitors, and if a poor woman happens to be lifting a kettle off the fire, or if she has a duster in her hand, or if a man happens to be out one minute after 6 o'clock, when 6 o'clock may be the time for him to be inside the house, then there is trouble.

Instead of working with the medical man and saying to him "Do you think that So-and-So is fit for benefit or that he ought to be crossed off," the approved societies are too apt to send cases to the medical referee. I have found over and over again when I was in practice that the majority of cases thus sent to the medical referee were the absolutely genuine cases, and the particularly doubtful cases had never been spotted at all. Whereas, if they had asked my honest opinion they would have got it and they would have sent to the referee the proper cases. They have worked against the medical men because in the old days of the club they had the medical men under their thumb, and they have never forgiven the Ministry of Health and the Government responsible for it, that the medical men were not put under the approved societies. Consequently, they have fought the doctors ever since, and I imagine that it must have cost them hundreds of thousands of pounds. The doctor is in a particularly awkward position, and it is absolutely necessary that you should make the right of free transfer very much more difficult than it is. I would go further and say that no patient should be allowed to transfer without giving a specific reason, and one of the specific questions that should be asked should be: "Do you wish to transfer from this doctor because he has refused to give you a certificate?" I would make the point of lack of certification or refusal to certify an absolute bar to the transfer from one medical man to another.

The hon. Member for Westhoughton dealt with the question of prescribing. He said there had been a lot of over-prescribing. That is true, but again the doctor is in a very difficult position. A patient will come to a doctor and say that he is ill and that he wants a bottle of medicine. The medical man may say, "You do not need a bottle for it; you do not even want a prescription." He may tell him to go home and do something that will do him good. In such a case the patient thinks that he is not being properly treated. He says, "I have come for your advice and I am entitled to something to drink or to a rubbing bottle. What happens? He says, "I went to the doctor, and he told me that nothing was wrong. He is no good. I am going to make a complaint," and he goes to the health visitor, and says, "I went to the doctor and he had nothing to tell me. He said that I could go on with my work." The doctor may find that a complaint has been made to the Medical Committee or the Insurance Committee, and that may cause him some trouble. Ho finds that he has a discontented patient. What must he do? He gives a bottle.

When I went into practice it was the habit in Lancashire to give a bottle for everything, either something to drink or something for rubbing. A patient came to me with a lump or tumour. I said, "You had better have an operation, for nothing else will do." He replied, "Are you not going to give mo something?" My answer was, "No, it will require an operation." He repeated, "Am I not going to have a bottle?" Again I replied, "No, a bottle will do no good." It took me years to persuade these people that they were better off without a bottle of medicine than with it. A doctor in the old days gave a patient a bottle purely for financial reasons. Let me explain. One of my earliest experiences in practice was a case upon which I gave a diagnosis. The patient said he thought he ought to have a bottle. I replied, "No, the case requires an operation." The patient was going away when I said, "Excuse me, what about my fee?" He replied, "But you have done nothing." My answer was, "No, but I have told you what is wrong." Many doctors in those days were compelled to give a patient a bottle of coloured water in order to get a fee for their advice. Fortunately at the present time people are better educated and recognise that medicine is not always necessary. At the same time you find in our industrial population the greatest belief in the efficacy of a bottle of medicine. We cannot afford altogether to neglect the psychological effect.

The hon. Member for Westhoughton referred to the question of doctors having too many patients on their panels. I think that a panel of 2,500 is far too many for any medical man. The medical man, as a rule, has private patients in addition to his panel patients. If a man has 2,500 on his panel and there is an epidemic, he cannot possibly attend to his panel patients and his private patients and give each one adequate attention. The Committee must excuse my again giving personal examples. Many a time when I was in practice I went out in the morning with a list of 80 or perhaps 100 patients. I had to average 10 patients per hour for my visits, and to continue so for nine or 10 hours. Then there were 40 or 50 to be attended to at my surgery. It meant 14 or 15 hours' work every day. It was absolutely impossible for me thoroughly and adequately to examine every patient. What I did was that in serious or new cases I gave an adequate examination and the rest of the examinations had to be cursory. The danger is that a doctor may miss something, and then there is a scandal. But what is the doctor to do? You give him 9s. or thereabouts to look after the life of a man for 365 days in the year, day and night. If he has 100 panel patients, that is £45 a year. If he has 2,000 patients it is about £800 a year. That sum does not go very far, as the expenses of a doctor for his house, surgeries, car and the rest, are appalling. The result is that a doctor must have a big panel to make it a paying proposition, and if you give him a big panel he cannot do the work properly; at some time or other he is bound to neglect it and there will be complaints. You will find medical men who will say that they can do it, but if you work out the average of patients for each day you will find there is not sufficient time for each patient.

The hon. Member also raised the question of touting for patients. That is another curse of the National Health Insurance Act. There can be no doubt that since the Act came into force, the standard of medical men has deteriorated. There is not the same class of men coming into medicine to-day as there was 15 or 20 years ago. I am told that that is the universal acknowledgment. I do not say that it is any worse than that. My impression is that medicine, instead of being a profession, is now becoming a trade. It may be to the advantage of medicine—I do not know; it may be to the advantage of the insured population—I do not know. But I do not think you can get or can expect the same high ethical standard as you had in the past. Therefore you will get these cases of touting where a young man, anxious to make a practice, will do something or other to get others in.

The hon. Member for Abertillery (Mr. Barker) made some remarks about smallpox. I say, and would like the House to believe, that malnutrition is not a cause of smallpox. As far as I could understand him, the hon. Member argued that the smallpox epidemic in the country was following the distressed areas, and that through what he regarded as the iniquitous action of the Ministry of Health and its staff, who were starving people by their inhuman cruelty, the epidemic of smallpox had been caused. I say that if people would get vaccinated they would not get smallpox. Proof can very easily be found. Hon. Members of the Labour party who have spare time could go down to the distressed areas where smallpox is rife, and there find families that have children who, we are told, are starving. Could they find a child recently vaccinated who has got smallpox? If smallpox is due to malnutrition why have such children not got smallpox? If a child is efficiently vaccinated, that child will not get smallpox, whether it is starving or not. The only reason there could be for a huge epidemic is that 50 per cent. of the children are unvaccinated. If you had a vaccinated population, you would find that hardship or lack of food or fresh air would not cause smallpox at all. The sooner members of the Labour party understand that fact the better. The evidence is overwhelming. I know that the Ministry of Health is always anxious to send down experts to inquire into any particular case, and county medical officers who are reasonably doubtful get advice from London. This epidemic has been smallpox, though of a very mild character.

Although the Ministry of Health is asking for an increased Vote of over £200,000 due to extra cost, the fault is inherent in the National Health Insurance Act. As long as you give insured persons the opportunity of changing their doctors at any moment and for any reason, then you will have to face the liability for this excessive cost which, I am afraid, in times of distress will greatly increase.

This Debate should bring forcibly to the mind of the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Health the importance and value of having good doctors who are prepared to certify genuine cases of illness and entitlement to benefit under the National Health Insurance Act in a proper way. It was interesting to hear the hon. Member for Royton (Dr. Davies) complain of the vigilance of approved societies and of their "spying" in order to save themselves on sickness payments. As a matter of fact, the hon. Member ought to be glad to co-operate with the approved societies and to assist them in seeing that only genuine sickness claims are paid and that all members of approved societies get full value for their money. May I inform the hon. Member that when approved societies take people to the medical referee, they always notify a panel doctor of the fact, and the doctor has an opportunity of saying whether, in his judgment, the person concerned is likely to recover within a few days and then the approved society does not bother any further.

Why should they do that? It would be different if the approved society were to go to the doctor first and ask his advice as to whether the case should be sent to the referee or not, but they simply inform the doctor that the case is going to the referee.

In my own experience, I have gone to doctors scores of times with regard to the people under their care who were receiving benefit, and I have got no satisfaction from them at all. Because they treated the approved societies with contempt, the societies have been forced to bring in a third man in order to satisfy themselves as to the two situations. On those points I do not think the experience of the hon. Member has helped us very much in this Debate. I intervene particularly because Durham has been singled out as a part of the country which has experienced heavy sickness during the past two or three years. Durham, being a mining area, has shown all along a very heavy sickness record under the National Health Insurance scheme. I want the Minister of Health to realise that the approved societies in that area are probably doing more than they are justified in doing, to keep down sickness benefit, but when the valuation is taken I do not want them to have the whole responsibility placed upon their shoulders for results of the neglect of other people who had the experience and the capability, at least to direct them along other lines. Let me give an illustration of the effect of the loose certification which has been going on in Durham. One or two of the approved societies have taken out figures showing their experience in general, and also their experience in certain districts, and comparing the figures in those districts with the figures in the rest of the accounting.

To take one case it was found that in May, 1926, in six particular districts, sickness worked out at 1s. 1½d. per head per member, whereas in the county it worked out at 7.72d. In the six districts concerned the figures were worked out month by month. In the second month in these districts the amount went to 1s. 7d. In the third month it was 1s. 7d.; in the fifth month, 1s. 11d.; in the sixth month, 2s. 4d.; and in the seventh month, 3s. In the case where the six districts showed three shillings, the figure for the rest of the county was one shilling. I think such figures justify the societies in concentrating upon the doctors in those particular areas in order to see whether they were doing right by the societies and by the National Health Insurance scheme. Then take the question of examinations. In one of these districts 232 men were called up for examination, and of these 82 were certified to be incapable and entitled to benefit; 68 not incapable; 35 declared off, and 47 failed to attend. That is a very serious situation. To take another instance, in one of these areas 418 men were called up for examination, of whom 128 were declared incapable of work and entitled to benefit; 117 not incapable; 126 declared off and 47 failed to attend. Figures like these show that the societies are justified in taking the action which they did take in relation to the medical profession.

The matter has been so serious in Durham county that the insurance committee and the medical service subcommittee, which comprises medical men, had some doctors brought before them and they passed a resolution which, I think, has been sent to the Ministry. Some time during last year I put a question to the Minister on the point. There is a regulation which provides for some kind of inquiry, and a great desire exists in the county that there should be an inquiry into this very important matter. The Minister of Health knows the kind of inquiry which is essential. Something ought to be done, at least to show these medical men that they cannot go on doing as they like, without any regard either for the patients whom they attend or the approved societies of which the patients are members. I would urge the Minister to take this important question into consideration. I know approved societies in my own county which have spent heaps of money to deal with this matter and to show that they have been attending to their duties. They are in this difficulty to-day, that in heavy periods of sickness the regional medical officers were not in sufficient number to deal with the situation and they had to bring in outside doctors and pay higher fees, and their expenditure in consequence has gone up. It is essential in their interests, as well as in the interests of the individuals concerned to have an inquiry into the question of certification to find out where the looseness is and to have it remedied and, at the same time to ensure that when the valuation is taken, the approved societies shall not have the full burden placed upon their shoulders when they have done their best to avoid that burden.

Before the Minister replies, I should like to ask him one or two questions on the paragraph under the heading "Housing Grants." When he was speaking about this he did not say very much, and my hon. Friend the Member for Nelson and Colne (Mr. Greenwood) asked him to explain more fully what the position was. He did so to the satisfaction of the hon. Member for Nelson and Colne, who said he was in the Ministry in 1924 and knew all about it. Unfortunately, we were not all at the Ministry and did not know all about it. What passed through my mind was the position under the Housing Act, 1919, under which a penny rate was levied and after that the national Exchequer was responsible for the rest. It has been a question of adjustment year by year. £250,000 seems to me a lot of money for an over-estimate, and I am rather suspicious that there is some other explanation.

I would like to know whether the same method is in operation this year as was in operation about 1921 or 1922, when I happened to be a member of an urban council that was concerned with the question. We put on a penny rate, and we put the rent in accordance with what the Act stated, which was that the rent of a new house should bear strict relation to the rent of similar houses already in the neighbourhood. We thought we had done it, but the Ministry of Health came down and said that we had not interpreted the Act correctly, and that the rents were not nearly high enough. They said we must put at least 2s. 6d. per week on the standard rate of the parlour type of house and 1s. 6d. on the non-parlour type. We objected, and we found out that nearly every other urban district local authority had been served with the same summons.

For the last three years those discussions went on with the Minister of Health, and then we won, if I may so put it. We proved to the satisfaction of the Ministry that the rents we had fixed were in accordance with the interpretation of the Act, and were reasonable. I want to know whether the Ministry of Health has been pursuing this course last year with the authorities which have not yet settled it, and whether it is because of the fact that it has put pressure on these authorities, and has made them put on more rent than they otherwise would have done, that the Ministry has saved more money than it anticipated at the beginning of the year. If that be so, I do not think we have much reason to congratulate ourselves upon the saving, because our experience was not too good in that direction.

Another question cropped up when we had finished with the question of whether the rents were correct or not, and that was about the amenities, such as the quality of the baths. In one case they even took into account the depths of the skirting of the doors put round the various rooms, and all that sort of thing. The Minister of Health came down upon us with an iron hand, said that this quality was too good, that we had overspent here and overspent there, and because of that we must be expected to make up the difference between the penny rate and what it had cost. They put pressure on hundreds of local authorities during that dispute. I should like the Parliamentary Secretary to tell the Committee whether any of this saving of £250,000 has been effected because of the pressure put upon the local authorities from that direction. When one looks back over the last three years and knows that the Ministry and the two Ministers responsible have used every ounce of power they have got in order to economise, in the direction explained in the last two or three hours of this Debate, at the expense of the necessitous areas with regard to health, sanitation and boards of guardians, it makes me suspicious that they have saved some of this money by putting similar pressure in the direction of making some of the authorities pay more than they were due to pay under the 1919 Act. If the Parliamentary Secretary can assure me that not a penny has been got in that particular way, I shall vote for this with more pleasure than I should otherwise do.

I am very glad to be able to answer some of the questions put to me. I can at once give an assurance that, as far as the financial operations connected with the 1919 Act, which are referred to on page 8 of the Supplementary Estimates, are concerned the hon. Member who last spoke need have no anxiety. He has made certain general allegations against my right hon. Friend and myself. I think, at any rate, there is hardly a Member of this House who, as far as our housing record is concerned, will be prepared to point a finger of criticism at what has occurred during the last three or four years, There is no country in the world that has made such progress with housing as this country in that time. There is no country in the world which has spent such large sums of money for housing the houseless and the badly housed, as this country has done. Last year's housing work is not only a record for this country but, as far as I know, it has not been exceeded by any other country in the world.

As regards the reason for the reduction of £250,000, it is in considerable measure due to savings on interest on loans secured through re-borrowing at lower rates. In fact, during the last year rents have changed hardly at all, and no special pressure whatever has been brought to bear by my right hon. Friend in that connection. The policy has been generally the same during the last few years as at the beginning of the operation of the Act. As regards the question of readjustment, as I have indicated, we have been fortunate in being able to save money in that way. On the other hand, we are asking for a sum of £454,000, simply because while we anticipated that a certain number of houses would be built during the year ending 30th September last, that number has been very greatly exceeded, for the great benefit of the health of the community, and for the comfort and happiness of so many thousands of workers up and down the country.

I want, briefly, to reply to a few questions put to me in the course of the Debate, particularly by the hon. Gentleman the Member for Westhoughton (Mr. Rhys Davies), who speaks with very great experience on this matter—experience which is not exceeded by anyone in the House. He is personally acquainted with the work of approved societies, and is in daily contact with the details which from time to time emerge from the work of administering a very complicated Act of Parliament. To that extent, I am certainly at a disadvantage as far as he is concerned, but I happen to have a little advantage, because he does not happen to be present to-night when I am making a reply. He asked why so many voluntary contributors had come in, and whether that was the reason the Estimates had been greatly exceeded and had added to the increased amount for which we are asking. In the first place, I think it is very satisfactory that so many voluntary contributors have come in, and that the Estimates have been exceeded by about 10 per cent. It shows something of the popularity of the administration of this kind of social work. In fact, the numbers are so few, comparatively speaking, that it really does not affect this particular question. He asked if I thought this excessive sickness occurred in particular trades, such as among textile workers or miners, and whether the conditions of their employment were such as to account for this, excessive sickness. The answer to that is that the increase in the level of sickness has been pretty general, and it is not, fortunately or unfortunately, characteristic of any particular industry.

He then went on to deal with a very important matter which has been dealt with by so many speakers to-night who have spoken from personal experience, including the hon. Member opposite who has just sat down, namely, as to what are the reasons for the excessive sickness which is the cause of one of the portions of this Vote to-night. The hon. Member who spoke from the point of view of the medical profession gave one side of it, and many hon. Members interested in the affairs of approved societies gave another view, but I should correct the view that has been put forward in relation to the number of insured people who are permitted to go on the panel of a particular doctor. The figure of over 2,500 was mentioned, but that is incorrect. The maximum number of insured persons permitted to a single panel doctor is not over 2,500 but 2,500, and a more particular correction which I desire to make is this, that the average number of insured persons on doctors' lists up and down the country to-day is not, as some would imagine, listening to this Debate, 2,500 or anywhere near that figure, but about 1,000 insured persons.

It is a matter of considerable controversy and anxiety as to why this very large sum of money which has been provided under the Insurance Act for sickness benefit should have been exceeded. It is true that the influenza epidemic does not wholly explain the persistence of the high expenditure, and it may be that insured persons are looking more carefully to their rights under the Insurance Act, and that their claims for benefit are being made much more freely. I remember last year when I stood in this place and made certain statements with regard to the medical profession of the country, the right hon. Member for Shettleston (Mr. Wheatley) said I was making an accusation against the profession which he thought ought not to be made. The statements that I made 12 months ago in this House have been very amply confirmed in all parts of the House this evening. I find—and it is a very interesting fact to all of us who are engaged in this particular kind of work—that the number of cases referred to the regional medical officers for a second opinion rose from 201,291 in 1921 to 377,180 in 1926, which was an abnormal year owing to the industrial troubles in that period, and was actually 313,011 in 1927. If we compare the figures of 1927 with those of 1925, we find that the number of persons referred to the regional medical officers increased by 55 per cent., and the actual numbers examined increased by 58 per cent.

These are very astonishing results, however we may account for them, because I find that the proportion of persons examined who were found to be capable of work increased from no less than 24 per cent. to 28.8 per cent. Another astonishing figure, which also confirms the statement of the hon. Member opposite, is that 44 per cent. of the people who were referred to the regional medical officers failed to attend the examination or declared off before the date of their examination, and the proportion of persons referred for examination who came off the fund, either by failing to attend or as the result of the medical examination, increased from 57.7 per cent. to 59.8 per cent. I am not going to endeavour to say who is responsible, whether it is the people who present themselves for examination or who fail to attend after notice has been given to them that their case is going to come before the regional medical officer, or whether it is due to faulty certification by the medical profession, but these facts, which have been very well illustrated by the very excellent Debate which we have had to-night, show that the approved societies and the medical profession of this country have seriously to take this matter into account, because this excessive sickness is, after all, bearing upon these approved societies, and the people who have to stand the racket in the end are the insured persons of the country. It is only right that, so far as they are concerned, the very greatest care and precaution should be taken in regard to the administration of their affairs.

Let me say, in conclusion, that the hon. Member for Westhoughton has referred to the position of approved societies particularly in relation to their invested funds, and he has put forward, rather as a matter of alarm, the fact that a good many approved societies in the country have had recently to dispose of very many of their investments. I daresay any hon. Member who has given the matter consideration will at any rate look, as I do, on the other side of the picture. A very interesting thing, and one which will be of great benefit to the health of the community and the next generation, is that at the present moment additional benefits costing in the aggregate upwards of £8,000,000 a year are being distributed out of surpluses made available as a result of the last valuation of the approved societies, and this large amount of additional expenditure is being made largely out of current income, without drawing on existing accumulations of funds. It is ridiculous, if I may say so without using any offensive term, to suggest that you can distribute these large surplus funds without making some realisation of the assets which are available for that purpose. The hon. Gentleman knows full well that you cannot eat your cake and have it, and if this large sum is to be distributed each year, obviously some sort of provision of that kind must take place.

The hon. Gentleman put some question to me as to whether or not the race was deteriorating. Well, I am an optimist. I know from facts that constantly come before me in my Department that we are making great progress with regard to the health conditions of the nation. I do not say that we should not do more, but we are certainly making very great progress. When it is realised what very large sums have been expended during the last 12 months, for instance, in additional benefits, dental benefits and matters of that kind, there is no doubt that foundations are being laid that will be of considerable value to the nation, not only immediately, but in the days to come.

At the opening of his speech, the right hon. Gentleman made a statement about the necessity of more investigation into sickness. Can he indicate whether that meant in regard to more doctors or more contributions?

The investigations should be of various kinds. In the first place, we have impressed upon the approved societies their responsibility in the matter; secondly, we have had a con- ference with the British Medical Association who are engaged in an inquiry in this particular matter; and, thirdly, we have advised the increased use of medical referees. If any other suggestions occur to hon. Gentlemen by which this state of affairs can be improved, we shall be glad to hear them. We are very anxious to obtain, as far as possible, self-government by the approved societies. When we are urged to intervene as a central Department to take matters of this kind into our own hands, we are being asked to affect one of the principles—I may say the dominating principle—of this Act, and that is that national insurance, as far as possible, shall be conducted by the approved societies themselves, and we are very anxious not to interfere with that principle.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the approved societies have little control over the medical profession?

The hon. Gentleman knows the difficulties and the delicate matters which obtain in a profession of this kind, but I think a very fair balance has been struck between the representatives of the approved societies on the one hand, and the representatives of the great profession on the other. You cannot make the medical profession the servant of the approved societies, but administering, as they do, an Act of this kind, they must be prepared to obey certain rules and conditions which I think are fair and sufficient. This discussion will serve a useful purpose in bringing these facts before the country, and this Committee has seen the serious state of affairs as far as sickness is concerned. The speech made just now was a reasonable one, and did not disguise the seriousness of the position, or the fact that there is a large number of people obtaining benefits when they ought not to obtain them. Everyone who values the work of the approved societies must realise that these things must stop.

I hope I have dealt with the matters which have been raised—the two very important matters of the housing and the health conditions of the people, and that I have satisfied the Committee that the central Department has endeavoured to do its best in very difficult circumstances. On very many occasions the Department has come into a great deal of criticism—unmerited, perhaps—and I think that to-night hon. Members have realised that the Ministry of Health has in very difficult circumstances endeavoured to carry out its duties, to hold the balance, and, if possible, at the same time to improve the health conditions of the people, and to have regard to the financial considerations upon which, after all, we must base a good deal of our social work. Having taken all these things into account, I hope the Committee will be satisfied with the explanation that has been given, and will now grant the Supplementary Estimate.

I should be very sorry to disappoint the right hon. Gentleman. I have one or two observations to make, and I hope that by the time I get to vaccination the hon. Member for Royton (Dr. Davies) will be in his place. On the whole, the agreement and the friendship between the doctors and the approved societies in our borough are good. Certainly, we can work with the doctors of the borough better than we can work with the guardians. It would be a good thing if the panel doctors—I do not use that word disparagingly, but I mean the doctors who in the main get their living by treating panel patients—were under the general jurisdiction of the approved societies. When such a proposal as that is put forward, there should be some hard test as to what improvement would be effected. I have submitted to the Minister of Health this proposition for the past two years. If we are so enamoured of the ordinary panel doctor, why is it that we have not the pluck to hold our hand up and defend him when he is ignored, if not treated with contempt by the regional medical officers connected with the Ministry of Pensions? They are treated with so much disdain that the certificate by a panel doctor is not accepted by the Ministry of Pensions.

I am not trying to point out that the right hon. Gentleman is responsible for the work of the Ministry of Pensions, but that the efficiency which he has been pointing out in regard to panel doctors, when put to the test, is not what he represented it to be. I was highly amused, and the Committee was highly entertained, at the candid and very useful speech delivered by the ban. Member for Royton (Dr. Davies). I wish every Member representing the legal profession would do likewise. One or two Members of the House who are doctors must have pleasant recollections of the late Dr. Allison. He gave certain Members of the House similar testimony to that which we have heard this evening. The hon. Member for Royton told us of faith healing, but I observe that the Under-Secretary in his reply made no reference whatever to that. The hon. Member for Royton told us what the doctors do. All that you have been lauding he "pulled at." He told us that the doctors are so busy that they honestly cannot give detailed attention to people who are sick. To put it in the vernacular, it is "medical advice 10 a penny." They have a queue of people. He candidly admitted that in this country people must have a bottle of medicine or they do not feel better; and he is about right. As a matter of fact, the campaign of advertisers in this country has placed millions of us people in this position, that if we do not take Dr. Somebody's tablets we do not feel as well as we ought to. That is psychology, but not medicine. Twenty-five years ago, Dr. Allison used to assert that if when, his regular patients called on him he had told them he could not honestly find anything the matter with them they would have been annoyed, and so he used to keep on his shelves a special bottle labelled "A.D.T.," which meant "Any damned thing." That was his prescription for them, and he used to give them a bottle.

The hon. Member for Royton has told us exactly where we stand in regard to this treatment. I think we ought to do something to try to transfer the reality of that argument to the present perpetration of that, which in my opinion has been the greatest crime of the century. [An HON. MEMBER: "The general strike!"] I would far rather go through an annual general strike than an annual vaccination. There are a fair number of Members on the Front Bench who, in my opinion, would not be so clever at talking about general vaccination. [ Interruption. ] I am going to tell you what. If you had been here and had heard the speech of the hon. Member for Royton, perhaps you would have been as amazed as I was. He said those who suffer from small-pox suffer because they are not vaccinated, and that is an assertion to which the Ministry of Health lends its general support. I think it would be very wrong for this Committee to give its acquiescence to a presumption that vaccination is a cure for small-pox. [ Interruption. ] No one suggests that it is a cure, but the hon. Member for Royton said so, and he ought to know.

He did not say that. I sat here listening attentively to him, and wrote it down, and if you look at the OFFICIAL REPORT to-morrow you will see that the hon. Member for Royton was perfectly categorical in his statement. The statistics of the Registrar-General prove the opposite of what the hon. Member said, and I hope that one night we may have an opportunity for an hour or two's discussion on this question. I am rather tired of figures being thrown across these benches between the Minister of Health and myself, because it does not seem to matter whether you turn north, east, south or west, or where you get your figures from; if you get one set of figures from one Government Department, they are contradicted by another Government Department, but the Registrar-General's figures on the question of vaccination and small-pox prove—

I am very sorry I did not hear that, but you did me a very good turn. They prove that just in proportion to the extent to which exemptions from vaccination have been given, so smallpox has diminished.

I shall be happy to send my hon. Friend a copy of the whole of the figures produced since 1852. I know he is interested in the subject. That will silence him. [ Laughter. ] It is all very well to laugh, but I look upon this as one of the most serious questions our country has to face. I am glad the Committee are in a position to view a serious question in a humorous way, because if we begin in that style we shall one day see the serious side of the problem. We have had a statement from a medical man this evening proving that medical men approach their problems in the same manner as that which gives rise to criticism as against working-class people. It is said the bricklayers of today are not like the bricklayers of 40 years ago, and that masons, coach-builders and craftsmen generally are inferior, and now the hon. Member states that medical men are not of the calibre of the medical men of 30 or 40 years ago. Of course they are not. What are the conditions we have imposed upon them? I do not want the Committee to be under the delusion that I think doctors are paid too much. I think they are underpaid. In West Ham there are so many people that doctors have more panel patients than the right hon. Gentleman says is the maximum allowed. How he can stand there and say that the maximum number of patients is 2,000 when we have panel doctors with 2,500 is beyond my comprehension. Excuse my saying so, but that is the usual method of argument from the other side. They tell us that the maximum is 2,000, and yet in West Ham we have panel doctors—I use that phraseology to convey exactly what I mean—with 2,500 patients, in addition to a private practice.

It is quite impossible, therefore, for these medical men to give their panel patients the detailed time, attention and service which they honestly desire to give them. What is the cure for that? There is a difficulty in getting doctors to reside in the area of our great industrial towns, and the Ministry of Health propose additional benefits, which are in no way connected with the work of the Ministry itself, but were promised in the original Act and are the result of the thrift and efficiency of the great insurance societies of the country. For the Ministry to take the credit for these additional benefits is nothing but eyewash and taking advantage of the general information of hon. Members of this Committee of insurance work. The returns of the War Office show that large numbers of recruits are being turned down because they lack the chest measurement necessary, yet we in this Committee talk about building an A1 nation. You will never build an A1 nation in our borough because the housing—

I must point out to the hon. Member that I never said anything about this matter.

For two and a-half years I have been pressing the Ministry of Health to do something in West Ham in regard to housing, and I should be failing in my duty to the people in my borough, who are living five, six, seven and even 10 in one room, if I went home this evening presuming that the statement, usually courteously made—

Well, I do not mind admitting that; because the worse the case is the better it is usually put. The right hon. Gentleman himself replied to my question and said that he was prepared to do something in West Ham. Instead of being housed, we are warehoused in West Ham.

This is not a Vote for the salary of the Minister of Health, and the only question of housing that can arise is in connection with the increase of £204,000. A general criticism of the Act must wait for the main Estimate.

There is one thing about me: I always bow to the ruling of the Chairman, even if he is wrong. I listened to the speech of the Parliamentary Secretary on housing, and I therefore thought I should like to make a few observations on it. I am quite content to wait until the salary of the Minister of Health is put down, and I hope it will be put down pretty soon. With regard to national insurance and the doctors, I hope the right hon. Gentleman will give us some detailed amplification of the prolongation of the Insurance Acts. I happened to get hold of a copy of the new Regulations which the Department has issued to the doctors, special and private instructions to the medical practitioners in connection with their treatment of insured persons. I am a member of the West Ham Insurance Committee, and I suppose it was sent to me instead of to a local doctor. If the Parliamentary Secretary does not know he ought to, and if he does know he should tell the House and the public that in the past year the Department has issued new Regulations to the doctors with regard to the number of people who are getting treatment under the National Health Insurance Act which they ought not to get. This is the same Department which made allegations against the West Ham Guardians, and no proof was ever forth-coming in support of them. When people are injured at a particular work and cannot go back to it one of the new instructions to the doctors is that they should be cleared off more quickly and put to other work. In this way you will prevent money being expended on national health and drive them into other occupations for which they are unsuited because of their peculiar disability.

I and one or two of my colleagues have applied to the Minister of Health for a glance at the factory at Hendon where they manufacture this great national lymph. I believe the day will come when this British Parliament will stand aghast at the fact that by national and statutory powers we are imposing a system nothing short of pollution under the name of vaccination in this country. Let me read what was said by the great doctor, F. W. Newman:

As far as I understand the hon. Member his argument is against vaccination. He wants a repeal of the Vaccination Acts. That is not within the discretion of the Minister. It would mean legislation.

I have listened to speeches on the question of smallpox and vaccination, and the hon. Member for Royton, who is a medical man, put it forward as a cure.

If the hon. Member is impeaching the action of the Ministry of Health in circulating bad lymph, or anything of the kind—

And, that as a consequence of this, there is an increase in the cost of sickness, he is in order; but I understand that he is arguing against the Vaccination Acts altogether.

I am arguing against its application. I urge that the time has come when the question of the effects of vaccination as a preventive of smallpox should be seriously dealt with. This cannot be done by means of question and answer across the Floor of the House. The discussion of this question cannot be adequately dealt with because the time of the House is always taken up by the big guns when the main Vote comes up for discussion. I do not like to speak when hon. Members have gone to tea and that is why I am speaking now. The Registrar-General does provide figures to prove that vaccination is not an effective remedy to prevent smallpox. I know the Minister of Health is very strong in his advocacy of the utilisation of vaccination, and a great deal of public money is spent upon it. I want to know if there is one penny of this Estimate going for the payment of public vaccinators. If that is so, then we are spending public money on a service which has never proved efficient. I wish to raise my voice in protest against the acceptance of the statement made by the hon. Member for Royton (Dr. Davies) that all you have to do in case of an epidemic of smallpox is to have a general re-vaccination. There are two sides to every question, if not more. I feel that the doctors of this country have never proved the efficacy of vaccination as a cure for smallpox, and I hope the Minister of Health will not use the specious argument that because a medical man says a thing it must be true.

I have listened very patiently to the speeches which have been made dealing with insurance and vaccination, but I cannot sit here and listen to such statements as have been made by the hon. Member for Stratford (Mr. Groves) upon the question of vaccination without making some reply to his arguments. The hon. Member has no right to enunciate in this House the dogmatic views which he has expressed on a subject which in the absence of a complete medical and scientific training, and perhaps what is more important a personal and bedside experience of the clinical manifestations of this loathsome diesase, he cannot pretend to understand.

I do not know how the subject of vaccination came into the Debate, but, if the hon. Member is simply replying to a statement made toy another hon. Member, I cannot prevent him. I would point out, however, that vaccination is hardly the subject for our consideration on this Vote for sickness benefit.

I apologise, Mr. Hope, but the statement was very definitely made, by the hon. Member who has just sat down, that vaccination was more or less humbug, and I claim that the House is entitled to a reply to that. I will, however, leave it entirely alone, and come to the question of national health insurance and the panel doctor. I hold no brief for the panel doctor. Indeed, my personal opinion is that any man in the medical profession who accepts service under the National Insurance Act deserves what he gets. I believe that the Act has had an ill effect upon the health of the country generally, and I know personally that there are many people in the graveyards of this country to-day who would not be there had it not been for the National Health Insurance Act. That Act, in my opinion, was the greatest fraud ever perpetrated upon this country. My right hon. Friend asked if any Member could make any suggestion as to what he should do. My suggestion to my right hon. Friend is that he should at once press for the repeal of the National Health Insurance Act.

That is a matter which cannot be discussed on the occasion of a Supplementary Estimate.

I was merely answering my right hon. Friend's suggestion that, if we had any views to give him on the question of the National Health Insurance Act, we should do so. With regard to the question of certification, hon. Members opposite have over and over again said that doctors give these certificates without due cause. It is very easy to say if a man is ill, but it is extremely difficult to say that there is nothing the matter with him. Two, three, or even four hours' examination would not be sufficient to enable any medical man to give that opinion. Under the terms of the National Health Insurance Act, is it possible for any medical man to devote three or four hours to the examination of one case? Naturally, he takes the course of least resistance. He does not look upon every patient who comes to him as a malingerer or a liar, but naturally takes his statement, and, as I have said, it would be manifestly impossible for him to devote three or four hours to the examination of every patient. He would have to make a detailed examination of the chest, heart, lungs, liver, and so on, and a chemical examination of the various excreta from the body. It would be impossible unless he devoted four or five hours to the task, to say that there was nothing the matter with the patient, and even then he might miss something.

Therefore, it is unreasonable for hon. Members to blame panel doctors, foolish and misguided individuals though they may be to take service under the National Health Insurance Act. It is very wrong of hon. Members to blame them for what are inherent deficiencies in the Act itself. I was for eight or nine years a member of the Cheshire Insurance Committee, and, as a member of that Committee, I was up against both the difficulties of panel doctors and the difficulties of the approved societies. Unquestionably, CO my mind, the approved societies have of late years been entirely wrong in their administration of this Act. My hon. Friend the Member for Royton (Dr. Davies) gave cases from his experience, when he was a practitioner of medicine, of examinations by visitors from the approved societies. I heard of a case only a few months ago from a medical friend, concerning a woman patient of his who was on the insurance panel. While he was in her house, one of the approved society's visitors came. During his visit, as this poor woman's child was walking across the room, its frock or pinafore happened to be loose, and she pulled it away. The visitor went back to the approved society and said that this woman was doing household work in looking after her child, and, therefore, she must be discharged from benefit. Therefore, although panel doctors may not always do quite the right thing, I am sure that the approved societies err far more in the other direction, and I could not sit here and listen in silence to unfounded charges against the medical profession, although, as I have said, I have no sympathy with any medical man who has anything to do with the National Health Insurance Act.

The Debate on the approved societies and on small-pox has been very interesting, but there is a definite statement from this side by people who know, that the action of the Minister of Health in not allowing the guardians to give support to unemployed people who have gone short of food has weakened their resisting power. I am sure the hon. Member who has just spoken knows that, if a man is weak through not getting sufficient food, his power of resistance against disease is lessened.

The question of the incidence of small-pox has nothing to do with the question of nourishment or malnutrition.

It is not only smallpox; it is all disease. I was secretary to an approved society for many years and had to administer National Health Insurance, and I have invariably found that the poorer a person the more likely he is to have disease. [ Interruption. ] It may be nonsense, but it is my experience. Is it not common sense that, if a person is weak physically, he cannot resist the encroachments of any kind of disease as well as a person who is healthy? The hon. Member ought really not to argue against it. It is common sense. The examination by the average panel doctor is much too cursory. I had a rather tragic experience once. I had a doctor's certificate brought by a woman stating that her husband was suffering from acute bronchitis. He sent a message at the same time that in his opinion it was not bronchitis but anthrax, and, if he died, I was to see that there was a post-mortem. He died, and it was anthrax, but he got a certificate that he was suffering from bronchitis. I had a conversation with a well-known consultant about it, and he said that, if a man is ill for three weeks, he is either going to be a chronic invalid or he is going to get better. If he is still ill at the end of three weeks, it is very probable that the diagnosis and the treatment are wrong, and he ought to go to a consultant physician or surgeon to be again thoroughly examined.

My experience has been that very often approved societies are so anxious to retain their funds that they make it difficult for people to get benefit. I had a case brought to me of a man who was waiting four weeks before he got his last payment. I suggest that every opportunity ought to be provided for a man to get benefit as early as possible, because, if there is a time when a man or woman needs benefit, it is when he is ill and not a week after. In many of these cases the great difficulty in getting benefit prevents people applying for it. They are ill for a week and go back to work. If that occurs two or three times the illness becomes chronic. If a bronchial ailment is caught early and cured early there is a chance of getting rid of it, but if the patient goes to work because of the difficulty of getting benefit, and that happens two or three times, he is likely to be regularly affected and to become a chronic invalid.

Now that the Insurance Act has been working so long, it is about time to have a little inquiry. I always felt that it was instituted not for the benefit of approved societies or the doctors or even of the Committee. It was instituted for the benefit of the approved member. The approved member should be the very first consideration. When I hear people talking about the reserves they have built up, and as to how long it has taken them to build up their reserves, I would rather see those reserves extended in the direction of preventing illness. The reserves are not doing the national health insurance of this country any good. There should not be such reserves, and certainly they should not be cut down now that they amount to a great sum. I would suggest to the Ministry that, at all event, they might have an inquiry into the working of the National Health Insurance in order to see if something can be done in the best interests of the people. I do not want to see these reserves mount up. I know, as a matter of fact, and approved members up and down the country know it, that the utmost difficulty is being put in the way of some cases. I know it cannot be definitely established, but when a man tells us he has to wait until Friday night before the agent comes, and that when the agent comes and has given him his certificate, the certificate has to come to London and he does not receive sickness benefit until he has been ill about nine or ten days, it is very unfortunate, especially if the man has no income coming in.

I think it is worth while investigating this matter, and also the suggestion that after a person has been ill for three weeks or a month he ought at least to have a fresh diagnosis by an independent doctor. A panel doctor with 2,000 patients cannot look after his patients properly. There is also the other side of the question, that doctors were never as well off before the National Health Insurance Act as they have been since the Act was passed. I know doctors by the dozen who never had a motor car before the National Health Insurance Act came into force. We know that 2,000

or 2,500 patients do not, as the hon. Member for Royton (Dr. Davies) said, bring in only about £800 at 9s. per patient a year. I think there ought to be some method of giving the people to whom I have referred a proper diagnosis. I know from experience of the Insurance Act, and from the certificates I have received, that men have been certified week after week suffering from certain illnesses when the constitution could not possibly have held out for that period of time. Such cases convince me that there is not proper examination, and if there is not proper examination there is not proper diagnosis, and if there is not proper diagnosis there is not proper medicine. I believe that if there is not a proper diagnosis at first, an illness often becomes a chronic illness, whereas if caught in time it might have been prevented.

Question put, "That a sum, not exceeding £343,900, be granted for the said Service."

The Committee divided: Ayes, 96; Noes, 189.

Division No. 11. ]]

AYES.

[ 10.35 p.m.

Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock)

Hardie, George D.

Saklatvala, Shapurji

Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro')

Hayday, Arthur

Scrymgeour, E.

Ammon, Charles George

Hayes, John Henry

Sexton, James

Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery)

Henderson, Right Hon. A. (Burnley)

Shaw, Rt. Hon. Thomas (Preston)

Barnes, A.

Hirst, W. (Bradford, South)

Slesser, Sir Henry H.

Batey, Joseph

Hore-Belisha, Leslie

Smith, Rennie (Penistone)

Bondfield, Margaret

Hudson, J. H. (Huddersfield)

Snowden, Rt. Hon. Philip

Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W.

Hutchison, Sir Robert (Montrose)

Stamford, T. W.

Buchanan, G.

Johnston, Thomas (Dundee)

Stephen, Campbell

Buxton, Rt. Hon. Noel

Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth)

Stewart. J. (St. Rollox)

Cape, Thomas

Kelly, W. T.

Strauss, E. A.

Charleton, H. C.

Kennedy, T.

Sutton, J. E.

Clowes, S.

Kirkwood, D.

Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby)

Cluse, W. S.

Lawrence, Susan

Thomas, Sir Robert John (Anglesey)

Compton, Joseph

Lee, F.

Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.)

Connolly, M.

Lowth, T.

Tinker, John Joseph

Cove, W. G.

Lunn, William

Tomilnson, R. P.

Crawfurd, H. E.

MacDonald, Rt. Hon. J. R. (Aberavon)

Townend, A. E.

Dalton, Hugh

Mackinder, W.

Trevelyan, Rt. Hon. C. P.

Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton)

Maclean, Nell (Glasgow, Govan)

Walsh. Rt. Hon. Stephen

Day, Colonel Harry

Mitchell, E. Rosslyn (Paisley)

Watson, W. M. (Dunfermilne)

Duncan, C.

Mosley, Oswald

Wellock, Wilfred

Dunnlco, H.

Murnin, H.

Westwood, J.

Edge, Sir William

Naylor, T. E.

Whiteley. W.

Fenby, T. D.

Oliver, George Harold

Wiggins, William Martin

Forrest, W.

Owen, Major G.

Williams, C. P. (Denbigh, Wrexham)

Gillett, George M.

Palin, John Henry

Williams, T. (York, Don Valley)

Graham, Rt. Hon. Wm. (Edin., Cent.)

Paling, W.

Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow)

Greenall, T.

Pethick-Lawrence, F. W.

Wright, W.

Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne)

Potts, John S.

Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool)

Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

Groves, T.

Ritson, J.

TELLERS FOR THE AYES .—Mr. Allen Parkinson and Mr. Charles Edwards..—Mr. Allen Parkinson and Mr. Charles Edwards.

Grundy, T. W.

Rose, Frank H.

NOES.

Acland-Troyte, Lieut.-Colonel

Banks, Reginald Mitchell

Blundell, F. N.

Agg-Gardner, Rt. Hon. Sir James T.

Barclay-Harvey C. M.

Bourne, Captain Robert Croft

Albery, Irving James

Beamish, Rear-Admiral T. P. H.

Bowyer, Captain G. E. W.

Allen, J. Sandeman (L'pool, W. Derby)

Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W.

Boyd-Carpenter, Major Sir A. B.

Applin, Colonel R. V. K.

Bethel, A.

Brass, Captain W.

Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

Betterton, Henry B.

Brassey, Sir Leonard

Balfour, George (Hampstead)

Birchall, Major J. Dearman

Briggs, J. Harold

Brocklebank, C. E. R.

Harland, A.

Peto, G. (Somerset, Frome)

Broun-Lindsay, Major H.

Harvey, G. (Lambeth, Kennington)

Pilcher, G.

Brown, Brig.-Gen. H. C. (Berks, Newb'y)

Harvey, Major S. E. (Devon, Totnes)

Power, Sir John Cecil

Bullock, Captain M.

Haslam, Henry C.

Price, Major C. W. M.

Campbell, E. T.

Headlam, Lieut.-Colonel C. M.

Ramsden, E.

Carver, Major W. H.

Henderson, Capt. R. R. (Oxf'd, Henley)

Rawson, Sir Cooper

Cassels, J. D.

Henderson, Sir Vivian (Bootle)

Remer, J. R.

Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood)

Heneage, Lieut.-Colonel Arthur P.

Rhys, Hon. C. A. U.

Chapman, Sir S.

Henn, Sir Sydney H.

Richardson, Sir P. W. (Sur'y, Ch'ts'y)

Cobb, Sir Cyril

Hennessy, Major Sir G. R. J.

Robinson, Sir T. (Lancs, Stretford)

Cockerill, Brig.-General Sir George

Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford)

Ropner, Major L.

Cooper, A. Duff

Hilton, Cecil

Ruggles-Brise, Lieut.-Colonel E. A.

Cope, Major William

Hogg, Rt. Hon.Sir D. (St. Marylebone)

Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth)

Couper, J. B.

Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard

Rye, F. G.

Craig, Sir Ernest (Chester, Crewe)

Holt, Capt. H. P.

Salmon, Major I.

Crookshank, Col. C. de W. (Berwick)

Hope, Capt. A. O. J. (Warw'k, Nun.)

Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney)

Crookshank, Cpt. H. (Lindsey, Gainsbro)

Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley)

Sandeman, N. Stewart

Culverwell, C. T. (Bristol, West)

Howard-Bury, Colonel C. K.

Sanders, Sir Robert A.

Cunliffe, Sir Herbert

Hudson, Capt. A. U. M. (Hackney, N.)

Savery, S. S.

Curzon, Captain Viscount

Hunter-Weston, Lt.-Gen. Sir Aylmer

Shaw, R G. (Yorks, W.R., Sowerby)

Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H.

Iliffe, Sir Edward M.

Shaw, Lt.-Col. A. D. Mel. (Renfrew,W).

Davies, Maj. Geo. F. (Somerset, Yeovil)

Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H.

Sheffield, Sir Berkeley

Dixey, A. C.

Jackson, Sir H. (Wandsworth, Cen'l)

Shepperson, E. W.

Dixon, Captain Rt. Hon. Herbert

Kennedy, A. R. (Preston)

Smith-Carington, Neville W.

Eden, Captain Anthony

Kindersley, Major G. M.

Somerville, A. A. (Windsor)

Edmondson, Major A. J.

King, Commodore Henry Douglas

Sprot, Sir Alexander

Edwards, J. Hugh (Accrington)

Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement

Stanley, Lieut.-Colonel Rt. Hon. G. F.

Ellis, R. G.

Knox, Sir Alfred

Stanley, Lord (Fylde)

England, Colonel A.

Lamb, J. Q.

Stanley, Hon. O. F. G. (Westm'eland)

Erskine, Lord (Somerset, Weston-s.-M.)

Little, Dr. E. Graham

Steel, Major Samuel Strang

Everard, W. Lindsay

Looker, Herbert William

Storry-Deans, R.

Fairfax, Captain J. G.

Lucas-Tooth, Sir Hugh Vere

Streatfeild, Captain S. R.

Fanshawe, Captain G. D.

Luce, Maj.-Gen. Sir Richard Harman

Stuart, Hon. J. (Moray and Nairn)

Finburgh, S.

Lumley, L. R.

Styles, Captain H. Walter

Ford, Sir P. J.

MacIntyre, Ian

Tasker, R. Inigo.

Forestier-Walker, sir L.

McLean, Major A.

Thompson, Luke (Sunderland)

Foster, Sir Harry S.

Macmillan, Captain H.

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Fraser, Captain Ian

Macnaghten, Hon. Sir Malcolm

Thomson, Rt. Hon. Sir W. Mitchell-

Gadie, Lieut.-Colonel Anthony

MacRobert, Alexander M.

Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement

Galbraith, J. F. W.

Maitland, Sir Arthur D. Steel-

Vaughan-Morgan, Col. K. P.

Ganzoni, Sir John

Makins, Brigadier-General E.

Wallace, Captain D. E.

Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John

Margesson, Captain D.

Ward, Lt.-Col. A.L.(Kingston-on-Hull)-

Glyn, Major R. G. C.

Marriott, Sir J. A. R.

Warner, Brigadier-General W. W.

Goff, Sir Park

Meller, R. J.

Watson, Rt. Hon. W. (Carlisle)

Gower, Sir Robert

Merriman, F. B.

Watts, Dr. T.

Grace, John

Mitchell, S. (Lanark, Lanark)

Wells, S. R.

Graham, Fergus (Cumberland, N.)

Mitchell, W. Foot (Saffron Walden)

Wilson, R. R. (Stafford, Lichfield)

Grant, Sir J. A.

Moore, Sir Newton J.

Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George

Grattan-Doyle, Sir N.

Morrison-Bell, Sir Arthur Clive

Winterton, Rt. Hon. Earl

Greaves-Lord, Sir Walter

Nelson, Sir Frank

Withers. John James

Greene, W. P. Crawford

Nicholson, O (Westminster)

Womersley, W. J.

Gretton, Colonel Rt. Hon. John

O'Connor, T. J. (Bedford, Luton)

Wood, E.(Chest'r, Stalyb'dge & Hyde)

Grotrian, H. Brent

O'Neill. Major Rt. Hon. Hugh

Wood. Rt. Hon. Sir Kingsley

Guinness, Rt. Hon. Walter E.

Penny, Frederick George

Woodcock, Colonel H. C.

Gunston, Captain D. W.

Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings)

Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich)

Perkins, Colonel E. K.

TELLERS FOR THE NOES .—Major The Marquess of Titchfield and Sir Victor Warrender..—Major The Marquess of Titchfield and Sir Victor Warrender.

Hammersley, S. S.

Peto, Sir Basil E. (Devon, Barnstaple)

Original Question put.

The Committee divided: Ayes, 205; Noes, 79.

Division No. 12 ]]

AYES.

[ 10.44 p.m.

Acland-Troyte, Lieut.-Colonel

Brassey, Sir Leonard

Crookshank, Col. C. de W. (Berwick)

Agg-Gardner, Rt. Hon. Sir James T.

Briggs, J. Harold

Crookshank, Cpt. H. (Lindsey, Gainsbro)

Albery, Irving James

Brocklebank, C. E. R.

Culverwell, C. T. (Bristol, West)

Allen, J. Sandeman (L'pool, W. Derby)

Broun-Lindsay, Major H.

Cunliffe, Sir Herbert

Applin, Colonel R. V. K.

Brown, Brig.-Gen. H. C. (Berks, Newb'y)

Curzon, Captain Viscount

Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

Bullock, Captain M.

Davidson, Major-General Sir John H.

Balfour, George (Hampstead)

Campbell, E. T.

Davies, Maj. Geo. F. (Somerset, Yeovil)

Banks, Reginald Mitchell

Carver, Major W. H.

Dixey, A. C.

Barclay-Harvey, C. M.

Cassels, J. D.

Dixon, Captain Rt. Hon. Herbert

Beamish, Rear-Admiral T. P. H.

Cazalet, Captain Victor A.

Eden, Captain Anthony

Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W.

Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood)

Edge, Sir William

Bethel, A.

Chapman, Sir S.

Edmondson, Major A. J.

Betterton, Henry B.

Cobb, Sir Cyril

Edwards, J. Hugh (Accrington)

Birchall, Major J. Dearman

Cockerill, Brig.-General Sir George

Ellis, R. G.

Blundell, F. N.

Cooper, A. Duff

England, Colonel A.

Bourne, Captain Robert Croft

Cope, Major William

Erskine, Lord (Somerset, Weston-s. M.)

Bowyer, Captain G. E. W.

Couper, J. B.

Everard, W. Lindsay

Boyd-Carpenter, Major Sir A. B.

Craig, Sir Ernest (Chester, Crewe)

Fairfax, Captain J. G.

Brass, Captain W.

Crawfurd, H. E.

Fanshawe, Captain G. D.

Fenby, T. D.

Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth)

Salmon, Major I.

Finburgh, S.

Kennedy, A. R. (Preston).

Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney)

Ford, Sir P. J.

Kindersley, Major G. M.

Sandeman, N. Stewart

Forestier-Walker, Sir L.

King, Commodore Henry Douglas

Sanders, Sir Robert A.

Forrest, W.

Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement

Savery, S. S.

Foster, Sir Harry S.

Knox, Sir Alfred

Shaw, R. G (Yorks, W.R., Sowerby)

Fraser, Captain Ian

Lamb, J. Q.

Shaw, Lt.-Col. A. D. Mcl.(Renfrew, W.)

Gadie, Lieut.-Col. Anthony

Little, Dr. E. Graham

Sheffield, Sir Berkeley

Galbraith, J. F. W.

Looker, Herbert William

Shepperson, E. W.

Ganzoni, Sir John

Lucas-Tooth, Sir Hugh Vere

Smith-Carington, Neville W.

Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John

Luce, Major-Gen. Sir Richard Harman

Somerville, A. A. (Windsor)

Glyn, Major R. G. C.

Lumley, L. R.

Sprot, Sir Alexander

Goff, Sir Park

Macintyre, Ian

Stanley, Lieut.-Colonel Rt. Hon. G. F.

Gower, Sir Robert

McLean, Major A.

Stanley, Lord (Fylde)

Grace, John

Macmillan, Captain H.

Stanley, Hon. O. F. G. (Westm'eland)

Graham, Fergus (Cumberland, N.)

Macnaghten, Hon. Sir Malcolm

Steel, Major Samuel Strang

Grant, Sir J. A.

MacRobert, Alexander M.

Storry-Deans, R.

Grattan-Doyle, Sir N.

Maitland, Sir Arthur D. Steel-

Strauss, E. A.

Greaves-Lord, Sir Walter

Makins, Brigadier-General E.

Streatfeild, Captain S. R.

Greene, W. P. Crawford

Margesson, Captain D.

Stuart, Hon. J. (Moray and Nairn)

Gretton, Colonel Rt. Hon. John

Marriott, Sir J. A. R.

Styles, Captain H. Walter

Grotrian, H. Brent

Meller, R. J.

Tasker, R. Inigo.

Guinness, Rt. Hon. Walter E.

Merriman, F. B.

Thomas, Sir Robert John (Anglesey)

Gunston, Captain D. W.

Milne, J. S. Wardlaw-

Thompson, Luke (Sunderland)

Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich)

Mitchell, S. (Lanark, Lanark)

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Hammersley, S. S.

Mitchell, W. Foot (Saffron Walden)

Thomson, Rt. Hon. Sir W. Mitchell-

Harland, A.

Moore, Sir Newton J.

Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.)

Harvey, G. (Lambeth, Kennington)

Morrison-Bell, Sir Arthur Clive

Tomlinson, R. P.

Harvey, Major S. E. (Devon, Totnes)

Nelson, Sir Frank

Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement

Haslam, Henry C.

Nicholson, O. (Westminster)

Vaughan-Morgan, Col. K. P.

Headlam, Lieut.-Colonel C. M.

O'Connor, T. J. (Bedford, Luton)

Wallace, Captain D. E.

Henderson, Capt. R. R. (Oxf'd, Henley)

O'Neill, Major Rt. Hon. Hugh

Ward, Lt.-Col. A. L.(Kingston-on-Hull)

Henderson, Sir Vivian (Bootle)

Owen, Major G.

Warner, Brigadier-General W. W.

Heneage, Lieut.-Col. Arthur P.

Penny, Frederick George

Watson, Rt. Hon. W. (Carlisle)

Henn, Sir Sydney H.

Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings)

Watts, Dr. T.

Hennessy, Major Sir G. R. J.

Perkins, Colonel E. K.

Wells, S. R.

Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford)

Peto, Sir Basil E. (Devon, Barnstaple)

Wiggins, William Martin

Hilton, Cecil

Peto, G. (Somerset, Frome)

Williams, C. P. (Denbigh, Wrexham)

Hogg, Rt. Hon. Sir D.(St. Marylebone)

Pilcher, G.

Wilson, R. R. (Stafford, Lichfield)

Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard

Power, Sir John Cecil

Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George

Holt, Captain H. P.

Price, Major C. W. M.

Winterton, Rt. Hon. Earl

Hope, Capt. A. O. J. (Warw'k, Nun.)

Ramsden, E.

Withers, John James

Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley)

Rawson, Sir Cooper

Womersley, W. J.

Hore-Belisha, Leslie

Remer, J. R.

Wood, E. (Chestr, Stalyb'dge & Hyde)

Howard-Bury, Colonel C. K.

Rhys, Hon. C. A. U.

Wood, Rt. Hon. Sir Kingsley

Hudson, Capt. A. U. M. (Hackney, N.)

Richardson, sir P. W. (Sur'y, Ch'ts'y)

Woodcock, Colonel H. C.

Hunter-Weston, Lt.-Gen. Sir Aylmer

Robinson, Sir T. (Lanes., Stretford)

Hutchison, Sir Robert (Montrose)

Ropner, Major L.

TELLERS FOR THE AYES .—Major The Marquess of Titchfield and Sir Victor Warrender..—Major The Marquess of Titchfield and Sir Victor Warrender.

Iliffe, Sir Edward M.

Ruggles-Brise, Lieut.-Colonel E. A.

Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H.

Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth)

Jackson, Sir H. (Wandsworth, Cen'l)

Rye, F. G.

NOES.

Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock)

Hayday, Arthur

Saklatvala, Shapurji

Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro')

Hayes, John Henry

Scrymgeour, E.

Ammon, Charles George

Henderson, Right Hon. A. (Burnley)

Sexton, James

Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery)

Hirst, W. (Bradford, South)

Shaw, Rt. Hon. Thomas (Preston)

Barnes, A.

Hudson, J. H. (Huddersfield)

Slesser, Sir Henry H.

Batey, Joseph

Johnston, Thomas (Dundee)

Snowden, Rt. Hon. Philip

Bondfield, Margaret

Kelly, W. T.

Stamford, T. W.

Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W.

Kennedy, T.

Stephen, Campbell

Buchanan, G.

Kirkwood. D.

Stewart, J. (St. Rollox)

Buxton, Rt. Hon. Noel

Lawrence, Susan

Sutton, J. E.

Cape, Thomas

Lee, F.

Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby)

Charleton, H. C.

Lowth, T.

Tinker, John Joseph

Clowes, S.

Lunn, William

Townend, A. E.

Compton, Joseph

MacDonald, Rt. Hon. J. R. (Aberavon)

Trevelyan, Rt. Hon. C. P.

Connolly, M.

Mackinder, W.

Walsh, Rt. Hon. Stephen

Dalton, Hugh

Maclean, Nell (Glasgow, Govan)

Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline)

Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton)

Mitchell, E. Rosslyn (Paisley)

Wellock, Wilfred

Day, Colonel Harry

Mosley, Oswald

Westwood, J.

Duncan, C.

Murnin, H.

Whiteley, W.

Dunnico, H.

Naylor, T. E.

Williams, T. (York, Don Valley)

Gillett, George M.

Oliver, George Harold

Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow)

Graham, Rt. Hon. Wm. (Edin., Cent.)

Palin, John Henry

Wright, W.

Greenall, T.

Paling. W.

Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne)

Pethick-Lawrence, F. W.

Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool)

Potts, John S.

TELLERS FOR THE NOES .—.—

Groves, T.

Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

Mr. Allen Parkinson and Mr. Charles Edwards.

Grundy, T. W.

Ritson, J.

Hardie, George D.

Rose, Frank H.

Scottish Board of Health

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £10, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1928, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Scottish Board of Health, including Grants and other Expenses in connection with Housing, Grants to Local Authorities, &c., in connection with Public Health Services, Grant-in-Aid of the Highlands and Islands Medical Service, Grants-in-Aid in respect of Benefits and Expenses of Administration under the National Health Insurance Acts, certain Expenses in connection with the Widows', Orphans', and Old Age Contributory Pensions Act, 1925, and certain Special Services."

Motion made, and Question, "That the Chairman do report Progress and ask leave to sit again," put, and agreed to.— ( Sir G. Hennessy. )

Resolutions to be reported upon Thursday.

Committee report Progress; to sit again To-morrow.

Tribunals of Inquiry (Evidence) Act, 1921

I beg to move,

"That it is expedient that a Tribunal be established for inquiring into a definite matter of urgent public importance, that is to say, the matters of complaint that have arisen between the Watch Committee of St. Helens and the Chief Constable of the Borough Police Force touching the administration of the Force."

The House will remember in connection with the Motion, standing in the name of my right hon. Friend, that last September, after making a disciplinary charge against their Chief Constable, the St. Helens Watch Committee called on him to resign. The Chief Constable exercised his right of appeal to the Home Secretary under the Police Appeals Act passed last year, and the Home Secretary appointed a Court of Inquiry. The inquiry was duly held, and, after considering the report, the Home Secretary gave the appeal in favour of the chief constable, ordering him to be reinstated The Watch Committee, instead of reinstating him, placed him on extended leave, on which he still is. They have since made further inquiries, collected more information, and formulated additional complaints against the Chief Con- stable. Under those circumstances, my right hon. Friend feels that the only way of settling the existing state of affairs is to hold a further inquiry, of wide scope and power to take evidence on oath, and he accordingly proposes to set up a Tribunal under the Act of 1921. I may say that I have had an opportunity of discussing this question with the hon. Member for St. Helens (Mr. Sexton), who is personally interested, and he fully agrees that this is the correct procedure.

I am sure the House will in no quarter raise any objection to this Motion, which is very acceptable both to service and public opinion. Has the Home Secretary yet decided on the composition of the Tribunal, and can the hon. Gentleman give us the actual personnel to-night? Further, in the event of witnesses being brought before that Tribunal, will arrangements be made with the Watch Committee or the Chief Constable, or will witnesses be called by the Home Office representative? I put these questions to make it clear to those interested from what angle they should approach this question, whether they should submit their applications to be heard or whether they will be informed of the manner in which the applications will be made by the Tribunal itself. I am sure we are all glad that this matter has been dealt with in this way, and one can only hope that the final result of this inquiry will be a complete settlement satisfactory to all parties concerned.

I cannot give the names of the members of the Tribunal, but I understand from my right hon. Friend that one of them will be a barrister of judicial experience, and that the other one will be one of the inspectors of constabulary, but, of course, not Sir Leonard Dunning, who held the former inquiry. With regard to the question of witnesses submitting their evidence, they will not receive instructions from the Home Office, because the Tribunal is independent. They will have to wait until the Tribunal is appointed, and they will receive their instructions from the Tribunal itself.

Can the hon. Gentleman say where the inquiry will be held, whether on the spot or in London? The reason why I ask that question is that there is considerable local feeling over this matter.

So far as I know, it will be held on the spot.

Question put, and agreed to.

Resolved,

"That it is expedient that a Tribunal be established for inquiring into a definite matter of urgent public importance, that is to say, the matters of complaint that have arisen between the Watch Committee of St. Helens and the Chief Constable of the Borough Police Force touching the administration of the Force."

The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.

Coal Industry (Wages, Northumberland and Durham)

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House do now adjourn."— [ Sir G. Hennessy. ]

11.0 p.m.

On Thursday last my hon. Friend the Member for Chester-le-Street (Mr. Lawson) and I put some questions to the Government with regard to the situation that has arisen in Northumberland and Durham owing to the recent awards of the umpires in those areas, and the reply of the Secretary for Mines was to the effect that it was outside the control of the Government. I want to convince the Secretary for Mines that they have opportunities for inquiring into this matter, and to control the situation in some way that will avoid the continuous reduction of wages that is being imposed upon the miners in the two northern counties, and, indeed, in the rest of the country, but we have it, of course, in the first instance. I pointed out on the Whitsuntide and the summer Adjournments the fact that the coal-owners were engaged in a senseless pursuit of underselling every other country in the world with a view to securing what they were so anxious to secure, the export trade. I put before the House, as a result of an experience in Germany, that even the- best class of coal that we produce was being sold in Berlin at 4s. per ton less than the German coal.

Following up what I said, the Leader of the Opposition took the opportunity of making that statement again in the mining Debate last year, and I would remind the Secretary for Mines, because it will have a more important bearing upon him, that one of his own colleagues, the hon. Gentleman the Member for East Aberdeen (Mr. Boothby) emphasised it during the Debate on the King's Speech. He said that it was the most senseless thing he knew, and that, as the result of his experience in Germany, he had been told that the British coalowners were practically offering bribes in order that contracts might be broken, so that they could sell coal at a cheaper rate. So I think that from that point of view the Government have some responsibility, and that it is within their power to control the price of coal with a view to preventing such a situation arising as has arisen with regard to the income of the industry in this country. During the first three quarters of 1927 the average selling price of the tonnage disposed of commercially in the whole of this country came out at 15s. 9.35d. In Northumberland it came out at 13s. 1.89d., or 2s. 7.46d. less than the average of the country. In Durham the average was 14s. 0.75d., or 1s. 8.60d. less than the average of the country. You can quite understand the situation when you look at the prices that are being received for export coal to-day. The latest returns show that in January, 1927, we exported 4,092,879 tons of coal, for which we received £4,290,806. In November of the same year the export had increased to 4,126,745 tons, but the revenue received dropped to £3,414,624, or over £800,000 less than was received for a greater quantity of coal in January, 1927. That is one of the things to which I want to direct the attention of the Minister of Mines, because it is an important and serious matter affecting the wages of our people.

It is suggested, of course, in the answer that the independent umpire is approved by both owners and workmen. That statement is not quite accurate, because in these days it is not a question of agreeing to any particular umpire, it is a case of accepting what is given to you. As a result of the dispute in 1926, the situation in the North of England has been thrown back more than 100 years. The hours of coal hewers in the two northern counties have always been the lowest in the country. As a matter of fact, the actual bank-to-bank time of coal hewers in the two northern counties was 6 hours 45 minutes. As a result of the Government handing over to the owners an Eight Hours Act they are now working 7 hours 50 minutes, 1 hour and 5 minutes longer than they were working prior to the dispute in 1926. It is a fact—I am not saying it as a boast—that the two northern counties have been noted for production. At the time of the Sankey Commission Mr. Justice Sankey, owing to the fact that northern miners were able to produce so much in their short hours, recommended that the miners ought to have a seven-hours day, and that was agreed to. In the first three quarters of 1927, whereas the general average of production in the country was 20.37 cwt. per person employed, in Northumberland it was 21.48 cwt. and in Durham 21.61 cwt.

We were told that if only we would agree to a reduction in wages and an increase in hours the industry would soon be put on to such a sure economic basis that we would soon regain what we had lost. Prior to the stoppage the miners in Northumberland got over 100 per cent. on their 1879 basis. At the end of the stoppage an agreement was made which provided that in future they would receive 80 per cent. on their 1879 basis. It is extraordinary that in these days we have to go back to 1879 for a basis to which to add percentages, but there it is. In addition to that there have been local reductions on the basis rates of the piece-workers right throughout the country. Not once or twice, but in three or four instances, reductions have taken place, even since the agreement was come to, and then we had a situation in which an umpire was brought in to give an award. The owners asked for 40 per cent. above the 1879 basis, the men asked for 100 per cent. above, and the umpire gave the owners what they asked for. As a result the Northumberland miners to-day have 10 per cent. less on their basis than they had in 1914, although the cost of living is 69 per cent. higher, and there is an hour increase as well. What is called the most expert man in the mines, the coal getter, is to-day in Northumberland getting 7s. 8d. per day. I say frankly to the House that in an industry which is working so much short time as is the mining industry, in many parts to-day, where the average does not reach more than 4.80 days per week, that 7s. 8d. per day, even with a full five-day week, is not a fit wage to pay miners. In some parts of the two counties coal-getters are hewing coal and filling it into tubs at 8d. per ton. This is one of the greatest scandals in the country. There is no man in this House or outside it who would put down a ton of coal in his own coalhouse for twice the amount which some of our people are getting for hewing it in the mine.

In Durham we had 110 per cent. on the 1879 basis, but after the stoppage that was brought down to 89 per cent., and now this award comes along and reduces it to 65 per cent—which means that the average received by the coal hewers under the new award will reach the noble figure of 7s. 11d. The subsistence wage in Northumberland has been allowed to remain at 6s. 9½d. In Durham it was 6s. 8½d., but the umpire has generously reduced it by 2d. per shift, making it 6s. 6½d. There is no industry which has suffered the tremendous reductions which the miners have suffered in recent years. In 1921 the average wage was 86s. 2.77d. In September, 1927, it was 43s. 10.89d., and now we have this reduction which brings it down to less than £2 per week. If a man gets a full week it is impossible, with his deductions, for him to receive £2 per week, and when you consider that this is one of the basic industries of the country upon which so many other industries depend it becomes a very serious matter, and the Government should at once take steps to see that some remedy is applied.

Take the Committee which was presided over by Lord Sumner in 1919. They went into the cost of living, and taking the family budget of 1914, Lord Sumner himself said that on the 1914 basis no family budget should fall below £2 4s. 4d.; that was the irreducible minimum. If you add to that the 69 per cent. or 68 per cent. increase in the cost of living it means that the minimum is £3 14s. 2d., and there is not a miner in the country who is getting anything like a reasonable standard of living. We have just passed from a Debate in which the increased sickness has been shown to be the result of men being physically unfit. You will have this emphasised twofold as a result of this experience. The situation is felt keenly in the North of England and this is what the "Newcastle Chronicle and North Mail" says:

If the Government feel that the coal-owners have come to the point when they are incapable of running the industry, it is essential that there must be some form of control to save the industry. All these citizens are entitled to be recognised, and are expecting that the Government will, at least, have some human sympathy, because of the terrible difficulties with which they are surrounded. They have the right to inquire into the question of the transfer of coal, and the question whether a colliery should make a free gift of coal for the purpose of its own byproducts and steel works which deprives the miners of the opportunity of securing a better wage. I ask the Government to see that something is done to give these men a decent existence.

I think the House will appreciate the reasons which I gave the other day as to why the Government cannot intervene. The hon. Member who raises the question has admitted that the arbitration was part of the agreement. That, I think, must be generally admitted. The district agreement under which the miners are working at the present time provides that the wages paid under this agreement can be re-opened and revised under certain conditions after a certain period at the request of either party.

Recently when the time matured for the agreement to be re-opened both parties to this agreement asked that these questions should be re-opened. The miners asked that the rates of pay should be increased and the owners asked that the rates should be reduced. Under these agreements they set up an independent arbitrator agreed to by the owners and by the representatives of the men. That independent arbitrator went carefully into all the facts, heard both sides and has now come to his decision. I sympathise with the men in having their wages reduced but I would point out that an agreement must be observed on both sides. The decision of the arbitrator is part of the result of the agreement under which the men have worked and must be loyally observed. It is not for the Government to interfere in such a case.

This is the direct result of the agreement under which the men have worked.

This decision is given by an independent arbitrator and it is not for me to consider even the inadequacy of the pay. It is outside my purview altogether. It is entirely arranged by agreement between the mine owners and the workmen themselves, and I must refuse to be drawn into any discussion as to the inadequacy of the pay which they are to receive or to criticise in any way the arbitrator's award.

Is the hon. and gallant Gentleman aware of what the Prime Minister said on the Eight Hours Bill?

I know many of the statements of the Prime Minister, and I know one of them to be that he considers that the industry should set itself on its feet, and that the Government should interfere in industry as little as possible.

Is the hon. and gallant Gentleman aware that the argument of the Prime Minister in this House, when he wanted to put the Eight Hours Act into operation, was that he had gone into the question of the wages of the miners very carefully, and that they were so low even then that he could not contemplate any reduction, and, in order to avoid any reduction, he preferred giving the miners the opportunity of working a longer day; but the reduction has gone on and on, and the hon. and gallant Gentleman says he is impotent.

I do not agree with the suggestion that the hon. Member has just made. The increase in hours was to avoid closing down many pits altogether. It was to give the opportunity of getting greater production, so that the industry might be assisted in that way, and, in my view, the industry has been so assisted. But that is a different point from the one with which I am dealing now; it is a question the adequacy of the wages which have been awarded by this independent arbitrator. It is not for me, it is not for the Government, to interfere in an arbitration held under a definite agreement such as that under which the men have been working. I would put this to the hon. Member, when he asks me to intervene, or the Government to intervene in the case of such an award as this. Suppose that the award had teen in favour of the miners. The miners were asking for an increase of wages. Suppose that it had been given. I am sure the hon. Member would be the very first to object if I were to interfere on behalf of the owners in order to see that that award in favour of the men was not carried out.

There would be no need, because the economic conditions would have justified it.

Although I have not been long associated with mines, I have a fairly intimate knowledge of a good many miners, and I know that in most cases they are fair-minded men, and are willing to stand by a bargain. The agreement under which they have been working is a bargain—[HON. MEMBERS: "Nonsense! It was forced on them."] It is unfortunate that it should be described as nonsense. It might be described as a mutual agreement under which the miners themselves have been working for a considerable period. No, for the first time, hon. Members opposite say that the agreement is nonsense, because an award has been given which they do not like.

They have been working under it for some time. They accepted it to such an extent that their representatives themselves applied to have the present wages revised in their favour.

The argument of the Government used in passing the Eight Hours Act was that it would avoid a reduction in wages.

Perhaps the hon. Member may be able to give me the actual date. This award, however, is under a definite arbitration agreement, under the terms of which the men have been working all this time, and, as I have said, it certainly is not for the Government to intervene to upset an award given under such an agreement. With regard to the ways in which the Government can help, I quite agree with the hon. Member who raised this question that the Government should do what they can to improve the industry as a whole, and I can assure him that I and my Department are going very carefully into the question of our export trade. I must not be taken as accepting the prices which he has quoted, or those to which he has referred, quoted by the hon. Member for East Aberdeen (Mr. Boothby) in the Debate on the Address; but I can assure him that the whole question of the export trade is receiving the most careful consideration, and anything in these, as I may call them, legitimate ways, will certainly be done to assist the coal industry. If only we can achieve that improvement with regard to the industry itself, without doubt it will reflect upon and improve the conditions of the miners. In those ways I will certainly do everything in my power to assist the industry, but it would not be right, it would upset the sanctity of agreements entirely, if the Government were to step in and upset agreements. It would not benefit the miners themselves, or the industry, because it would bring about an unsettled feeling throughout the industry that no award, although made by an agreed and independent arbitrator, would be binding if the Government could step in and upset that award at the request of either party. I intend to interfere in this kind of way as little as possible, but in other ways I shall certainly do my best to improve their condition and improve the condition of the whole industry.

The Minister's statement is so unsatisfactory that we are bound to have more time than we have to-night to discuss the question. The hon. and gallant Gentleman is clearly wrong when he argues that this reduction has taken place because of an agreement between the miners and the owners. The hon. and gallant Gentleman has to remember that when that agreement came, after the dispute in 1926, the miners were forced into an agreement and were in a helpless position. Last year, when the agreement was terminated, in November, the owners again served the men with notice that they would stop the industry unless the men agreed to accept an umpire, and, being in a helpless position, they were forced to accept an umpire. We have had experience of umpires in the past. In the "seventies" we had arbitration after arbitration, which meant reduction after reduction, and the Durham miners would never have agreed to an umpire being brought in to settle wages had they not been in a helpless position, and did not want to bring the country to another standstill, as they had done in 1926. So that for the Minister to shelter himself behind this agreement, and therefore he cannot interfere, is no way out of it. The umpire simply brought the men into a hopeless position. There is not a decent living in the industry for the men who are doing the hard work in it. and they are in that position because of the Government. The Government is to blame for the forced defeat of the miners. They are to blame for the forced agree- ment that the miners had to accept last November, and the Minister ought not to shelter himself behind the argument that there has been an agreement between the owners and the men—that the umpire has decided and they must observe the sanctity of agreements.

Would the hon. Member agree with me that the men themselves have appealed to this umpire under the agreement?

Yes, but why did they appeal? They appealed to the umpire because the owners served them with notices to seek a reduction. When they served them with these notices, the men as a counterblast asked for an advance. It is impossible for men to live. The datal amount is 6s. 6½d. The average time is not five days per week, but supposing it were 6s. 6½d. per day for five days per week, it would amount to 32s. 8½d. After deductions were made from the 32s. 8½d. the amount would be brought down to less than 30s. per week

The hon. Member stated that the miners had been reduced to impotence. Has Mr. Cook anything to do with this? Have hon. Members opposite anything to do with this in upholding Mr. Cook?

Yes, Mr. Cook has to do with it, and he is fighting this position. We will fight this position, and what he says we are saying, namely, that men in the mining industry are entitled to live. The Government are saying to those men, "It does not matter whether you live or not. If you live, you have to live in poverty." We say that that is a wretched position.

It being Half-past Eleven of the Clock, Mr. DEPUTY-SPEAKER adjourned the House without Question put, pursuant to the Standing Order.