House of Commons
Wednesday, July 18, 1928
The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.
Experiments on Living Animals
Address for
"Return showing the number of Experiments on Living Animals during the year 1927, under Licences granted in pursuance of the Act 39 and 40 Vic., cap. 77, distinguishing the nature of the Experiments (in continuation of Parliamentary Paper, No. 87, of Session 1927)."—[ Sir T. Henderson. ]
Oral Answers to Questions
Questions
Tangier Convention (Protocol)
asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he is now in a position to make the statement on the future status of Tangier?
I am happy to say that the Protocol amending the Tangier Convention of 1923 was initialed yesterday on behalf of His Majesty's Government and the Governments of France, Spain and Italy. The main feature of the Protocol is the accession of Italy to the 1923 Convention on practically the same footing as the three original signatory Powers. Provision is made for an Italian judge and an Italian Assistant Administrator, as well as for Italian representation in the International Assembly. New regulations have been drawn up for the Tangier gendarmerie, and the existing French and Spanish tabors will be disbanded; and a certain number of technical amendments have been made in the text of the 1923 Convention. The text of the Protocol and its annexes will be published in due course.
League of Nations
Economic Conference (Recommendations)
asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he supported the resolution passed by the Council of the League of Nations at its recent session, at which he represented His Majesty's Government, begging governments and countries to give their whole attention and active support to carrying out the recommendations of the Economic Conference, and calling their attention to the economic consultative committee's Report; and whether he can make any statement as to the measures which His Majesty's Government intends to take in order to give effect to this resolution?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. The question how best to give effect to the recommendations of the Conference is now engaging the attention of the Economic Committee of the League, and His Majesty's Government will, of course, be ready, as a member of the League, to give any assistance that may be required in that connexion. The general attitude of His Majesty's Government to the recommendations has been frequently explained in this House, and, in particular, by the President of the Board of Trade in Committee of Supply on the 20th of July, 1927. The columns in Parliamentary Debates are 530 et seq.
Is it correct to say that one of the main recommendations of the Economic Conference was the breaking down of artificial barriers to trade, and will the right hon. Gentleman bear that in mind the next time that the Safeguarding of Industries is under discussion?
Would it be possible to expedite the inquiry into coal, and to give that subject preference over others; and will the right hon. Gentleman assist in that direction?
I do not think that I can do more than I did on the last occasion.
Council (Report)
asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs when he intends to present a Report on the recent session of the Council of the League of Nations to this House, in accordance with precedent?
Very shortly, Sir. I will lay the Report as soon as it is ready.
British Delegation
asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs in what capacity well-known members of other parties were attached to the British delegation to the Assembly of the League of Nations under all previous administrations; by what authority they took part in the official deliberations of the League of Nations; and what is the reason why the present Government has abandoned the practice of all former Governments during the existence of the League of Nations in appointing to the British official delegation only those who are members of a single political party?
The hon. Member is, I think, still under some misapprehension. As far as I can see from the nominal list of the delegations which I caused to be printed in the Parliamentary Debates of the 11th instant, there were only two cases—those of the Third and Fourth Assemblies—in which a member of a political party not supporting the Government of the day was included—in each case as a substitute delegate. The authority by which these gentlemen acted was the letter of appointment issued to them by the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. As regards the last part of the question, His Majesty's Government consider it of prime importance that the British Delegation should as far as possible know and represent the mind of the Government of the day, so that obligations may not be undertaken at Geneva which the Government here may find themselves unable to fulfil.
In regard to the first part of the right hon. Gentleman's answer, is it not a fact that in other delegations, starting with the Coalition, there were members of more than one political party? With regard to the last part of the answer, am I to understand that, so far as this Government are concerned, they intend to abandon the practice of appointing to delegations re- presentatives from other political parties, or does that apply to this particular year and is it their desire that that is how their decision to confine the delegation to their own party is intended to apply?
No, Sir. Delegations have not always been confined to politicians. There have been diplomatic members drawn from the diplomatic service. In so far as the delegation represents a form of people belonging to political parties and chosen for that reason, we consider that the first object to be secured is that the delegation shall know and represent the mind of the Government of the day, so as not to undertake obligations which that Government will be unwilling to fulfil.
Does the right hon. Gentleman not consider that in the interests of continuity it would be better to have at least one representative on the delegation of a very large section of the electorate who can never be represented by the Government of the day?
No, Sir, I think not. I think that for our authority and influence in Europe it is more important that the Government of the day, to whatever party it belongs, should be properly represented by the delegation than that it should include a member of the Opposition who might, in pursuance of what he thought to be his public duty, undertake obligations which the Government of the day would be unwilling to shoulder.
Does not the French Government generally include a member of the Opposition party like M. Boncour?
The hon. Member had better put that question on the Paper.
asked the Prime Minister whether the delegation to represent this country at the next meeting of the League of Nations has been fixed; and, if not, whether he will, following the practice of the French Government, include in it at least one member belonging to the Parliamentary Opposition so as to give the delegation a real national character?
I have been asked to reply. Yes, Sir; I gave the names of the members of the British delegation in my reply to the question of the Noble Lord the Member for West Derbyshire (Marquess of Hartington) on the 9th of July. As regards the last part of the question, I would refer the hon. Hember to the answer which my right hon. Friend has just given to the hon. Member for West Leicester (Mr. Pethick-Lawrence).
Poison Gas
asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether, seeing that under the Treaty of Versailles the Allies are empowered to take such steps as may be necessary from time to time to ensure that no poison gas is being manufactured or stored nor any plants being maintained which could be utilised for that purpose, the League of Nations are taking any action entirely to prevent the use of such gases in future warfare?
Under the auspices of the League a Protocol was signed at Geneva in 1925 prohibiting the use of gas in warfare. This Protocol has so far only been ratified by six States not including this country. His Majesty's Government are not prepared to ratify the Protocol unless all the other signatories are ready to do the same.
Are we to understand that my right hon. Friend and the Government, with all this increase that is taking place in regard to the manufacture of these poisonous gases, think that liteps should not be taken, notwithstanding the Treaty of Versailles, in order to prevent what might be a terrible state of affairs in this country in the event of the outbreak of war?
This has nothing to do with the Treaty of Versailles. It is a question of the ratification or securing the ratification of the Protocol at Geneva, which it has not yet been possible to secure. His Majesty's Government do not think it desirable that they should ratify, without the ratification of other Powers.
Is the statement in the first part of my question correct, and, if so, is it not necessary for the Government to keep their eyes upon other countries and to see that the manufacture of these poisonous gases is not continued?
I find it very difficult to understand exactly what my hon. and gallant Friend is suggesting.
It is quite clear.
The question is not very clear to a person who knows all the facts. There are two distinct questions. There is the question of the ratification of the Protocol against the use of gases, and there is the question of the fulfilment of the military Clauses of the Treaty of Versailles. These questions are now in charge of the Council, and it is for the Council to take action, if any, and it no longer rests with the Allies to take Individual action, as they did before.
Can the right hon. Gentleman assure the House that no such gas is being manufactured in this country to-day, and, if so, can he say how many dye works have been shut down?
That question does not arise.
Germany
Rhineland (Evacuation)
asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether His Majesty's Government has given consideration to the recent request of the German Chancellor regarding the evacuation of the Rhineland; and whether it is prepared to act in sympathy with that request?
The German Chancellor has made no request regarding the evacuation of the Rhineland. In a recent speech, he expressed the view that in the present circumstances the occupied Rhineland should be evacuated before the time limits fixed in the Treaty of Versailles. His Majesty's Government sympathise with this view, but, as was explained in answer to a question by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for North Norfolk (Mr. Buxton) on the 9th February, such earlier evacuation can only be the result of an arrangement between the occupying Powers on the one hand and the German Government on the other, and other Powers besides the occupying Powers must be consulted. His Majestys' Government will be ready to give friendly consideration to any proposals which may be put forward with this object by the parties more immediately concerned.
Will not the right hon. Gentleman be able to take the initiative in this matter, especially seeing that Germany has exercised great restraint in the last three years with respect to military tendencies, and only last year turned down proposals for a military programme that she was entitled to develop under the Treaty of Versailles?
I always feel rather embarrassed when I am asked to reply to a question which embodies so many allegations. I confine myself to the actual question. I do not think that I can usefully take any initiative at the present time.
Will the right hon. Gentleman, in considering this question, bear in mind the additional cost to this country of retaining our troops in the Rhineland, and will he tell the House what that additional cost is annually at the present time?
Yes, Sir; it is nothing at all.
Is it not a fact that the cost of maintaining our troops in the Rhineland is deducted from the sum which we get as reparation from Germany?
The cost of maintaining the troops is a charge which is paid prior to reparation. Our share of reparation would not be the same as our share of the cost of the troops.
Therefore, we get less in reparation?
And more in troops.
Is the Foreign Secretary not prepared to play the part of the big man, the generous part, and has not the time arrived for Britain to demonstrate to the world that she is anxious for peace and to withdraw all her troops from the Rhineland?
I have said that I do not think I can usefully take the initiative at the present time. The withdrawal of British troops alone would not solve the question, and would not, I think, aid in its solution.
Reparation Payments
asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether, in view of the recent statements of the Agent-General for Reparation Payments and of the German Chancellor, any steps are being taken to prepare the way for calling a conference to discuss the final settlement of the German reparation obligations?
His Majesty's Government have noted with interest the statements referred to, and they will, of course, be ready to examine most carefully any proposals for a final settlement of German reparations that may be submitted to them, provided such proposals are so framed as to safeguard the legitimate rights and interests of this country in conformity with our declared policy. But, so far as I am aware, no concrete proposals of any kind have yet been formulated, and I do not think that any action on the part of His Majesty's Government is at present either possible or advisable.
Great Britain and United States (Treaties)
asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether negotiations are being conducted for the conclusion of a bi-lateral treaty between this country and the United States of America providing for the pacific settlement of disputes between them; and whether this House will have an opportunity of discussing its provisions?
The only treaty negotiations that are at present taking place with the United States, other than those relating to the proposed treaty for the renunciation of war, are concerned with the proposals made by the United States Government for a new arbitration treaty to replace the Arbitration Treaty of 1908. These proposals are receiving careful consideration at the hands of His Majesty's Government in Great Britain in consultation with the Dominion Governments. As regards a bi-lateral treaty between Great Britain and the United States for the pacific settlement of disputes, the right hon. Gentleman will be aware that the Anglo-American Treaty of the 15th September, 1914, for the establishment of a Peace Commission, is in full force.
Will not the signature of the multi-lateral Pact produce such a new situation that the conditions for the bi-lateral treaty cannot yet be foreseen?
I am not prepared to prophesy as to what results will be achieved by the signature of the treaty for the renunciation of war. Let us hope that they will be large and effective.
Outlawry of War
British Reply
asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he can yet say when His Majesty's Government will be in a position to sign the proposed American Peace Pact?
I handed this morning to the United States Chargé d'Affaires the replies of His Majesty's Governments in Great Britain, the Commonwealth of Australia, New Zealand and the Union of South Africa, and the reply of the Government of India, accepting the proposals of the United States Government for a multi-lateral treaty for the renunciation of war. As regards the signature of the proposed treaty, His Majesty's Government will be happy to sign it at such time and place as may be agreeable to the Government of the United States.
May I ask whether there were any reservations in the reply?
The reply will be published on Friday morning, and I cannot make any statement as to its contents until the time agreed upon for publication has arrived.
Was the Irish Free State among the other Governments, and, if not, will the right hon. Gentleman explain the omission?
No, Sir. The Irish Free State, like the Dominion of Canada, has its own representative in Washington, and I think there is a United States Minister in Ottawa; and they will deal direct with the United States and give their own replies.
Is the right hon. Gentleman able to say if their replies are identical with those of the other Dominions?
I am able to say that they are replying in a favourable sense. The replies are not in identical terms. It is for those Governments to publish their own replies.
I would like to ask the Foreign Secretary if there is any reservation. He says that the reply will be published on Friday, but we want to know if there is any reservation, and if he can state so now in the House.
I have said that I am not in a position to make any statement as to the character of our reply in greater detail than I have given in my answer, until the time arrives when it has been agreed between the United States Government and ourselves that that reply shall be published.
China (British Interests)
asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether any Governments in China or Manchuria are recognised de facto or de jure at the present time by His Majesty's Government; if so, which are they; what representation His Majesty now has at Nanking; and what provision has been made for looking after British interests in Nanking and the Yangtse Valley generally?
The reply to the first part of the hon. and gallant Member's question is in the negative. As regards the third part, the position remains as stated in the reply given to him on the 27th of June last. In addition to the Consul-General for Nanking, there are in the Yangtse Valley British Consuls-General at Shanghai and Hankow and Consuls at Chungking, Ichang, Changsha and Kiukiang.
I did not hear whether the right hon. Gentleman said that no Governments in China or Manchuria are recognised de facto or de jure. Is that what I am to understand?
Yes.
What about the Government which sends a representative to the Council of the League of Nations? Is that not recognised?
At present, we have not recognised the late Government or the present Government.
Royal Navy
His Majesty's Ship "Bacchus" (Collision)
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he is aware that Mr. Justice Bateson, in giving judgment in a lawsuit arising out of a collision between His Majesty s Fleet Auxiliary "Bacchus" and the Greek steamer "Ioannis Fafalios," on 4th May last, decided that the "Bacchus" was alone to blame for the disaster, having apparently broken every rule of navigation; and whether, in view of the loss of life resulting from this negligence and the expense to the British taxpayer, he will take disciplinary measures in regard to the officer or officers responsible?
The Admiralty are aware of the result of the action in the Admiralty Division of the High Court arising out of this unfortunate collision in a dense fog; and the disciplinary aspect of the matter is receiving careful consideration.
Seeing that this happened as long ago as May last, can the hon. and gallant Member not say when these disciplinary measures will take effect?
I suppose that the hon. Member is referring to the accident and not to the result of the action.
I am referring to both.
Fuel (Coal)
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty the name of the small obsolete warship which he is willing to lend for the purpose of experiments with pulverised coal; how soon it will be available; for how long it will be lent; how soon trials are to commence; and can he state the names of some or all of the technical experts who will conduct the experiments?
The sloop "Hollyhock" is available now and for as long as she is required. If she is not acceptable, there are other vessels which can be suggested to the parties interested instead. As regards the rest of the question, I am not in a position to say more than that, if it proves possible to proceed with this investigation, it will no doubt be carried out under the supervision of the Department of Scientific and Industrial Research, who are considering the matter and with whom the Admiralty are in communication as to the help that they can give.
May we take it that it is the intention of the right hon. Gentleman to maintain direct contact with these experiments, along with the Department of Scientific and Industrial Research, in the interests of the Admiralty, in connection with the use of pulverised fuel?
Of course, we shall keep in as close touch as we possibly can, because it is to our interest to know as much as can be known on this subject. Primarily, it is the Department of Scientific and Industrial Research who are promoting the inquiry, not merely in the interests of the Government and the Mercantile Marine, but in the interests of the coal industry.
From the experiments already made, can the right hon. Gentleman say what is the advantage in pulverised coal, taking the value of a ton of ordinary coal?
That does not arise out of the original question.
Yesterday, I put this question to another Department, and I am putting it again. Cannot we get the information to which we are entitled? If I put down a question, I want a guarantee that the question will go through. I am discovering in this House that certain questions cannot be answered in Debate, and, when I put down a question I cannot get an answer.
The hon. Member must realise that he cannot ask a supplementary question which has no bearing on the question on the Paper.
It has a bearing in regard to pulverised coal.
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether, in view of the unemployment in our coalfields, he has given or will give instructions for coal to be burnt in preference to oil wherever it is possible to do so; and if he will press forward the tests of powdered coal?
Coal is already being burnt in preference to oil for all services in which its use would not affect adversely the efficiency of the Fleet. With regard to the last part of the question, I would refer my hon. Friend to the replies given to the hon. Member for Anglesey (Sir R. Thomas) on the 26th April last [OFFICIAL REPORT, Columns 1083–4] and to-day.
May I ask whether this question is being carefully watched, because obviously it is not economical to burn foreign oil instead of English coal when there is so much unemployment in the coalfields?
I do not think the hon. Member need have any apprehension. It is perfectly clear that the Admiralty, like everybody else, will be only too glad, if possible, to burn coal instead of oil in British warships, and, therefore, he may rest assured that we shall do all we can to see that this experiment is thoroughly tested. It would be very premature at the moment to say that our hopes are very high that we shall be able to do so.
May I ask, taking oil as against coal and the burning of a ton of oil as against the burning of a ton of coal, what the saving is?
That question does not arise.
His Majesty's Ship "Dauntless."
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether His Majesty's Ship "Dauntless," which was recently wrecked near Halifax, has now been salved; whether the task was performed by local salvage equipment alone or with assistance from the United States Navy; and whether the complete repairs will be undertaken by the local Halifax shipyards?
His Majesty's Ship "Dauntless" was salved on the 11th July. From information received in the Admiralty she was towed off by Canadian salvage tugs assisted by His Majesty's Ships "Despatch" and "Heliotrope" and is now in dock at Halifax. Until more detailed reports have been received I am not in a position to say what other assistance may have been rendered. It is the intention if the extent of the damage permits that temporary repairs should be undertaken at Halifax with a view to finally bringing the ship to England.
Dockyard Discharges
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty the number of men discharged from each of His Majesty's dockyards and Admiralty establishments, respectively, during the months of April, May and June, 1928, and what likelihood there is of further discharges?
As the reply to the first part of the question is in tabular form, I will, with the hon. Member's permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
As regards the last part of the question, beyond the figures of those under notice of discharge in the tabular statement, I am afraid I can say nothing, as any prediction I might make would be so liable to be falsified in the event that it could only arouse unjustified hopes or fears. In general, however, there must be a progressively downward tendency in numbers at the yards.
Has the attention of the Parliamentary Secretary been called to the statement made recently, after the recent industrial council, that there would be more discharges and that this has caused perturbation in the minds of the remaining men?
I under-stand that the remarks of the Director of Dockyards have been misreported, and that he said nothing which in any way
— Numbers discharged on reduction. Under Notice of Discharge. April. May. June. Portsmouth 86 59 128 18 Chatham 5 37 177 2 Devonport 45 13 19 Nil Sheerness 16 18 Nil Nil Pembroke Nil Nil 3 Nil Rosyth 15 13 11 1 Woolwich Nil 10 3 Nil 167 150 341 21
His Majesty's Ship "Furious."
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty the approximate full speed of His Majesty's aircraft-carrier "Furious" before her conversion and now; how many aeroplanes and seaplanes, respectively, she has on board; and what is the radius of action of the longest-ranged aircraft she normally carries?
The approximate full speed of His Majesty's Ship "Furious" was 31½ knots before conversion, and is now 30 knots. She carries 36 aeroplanes, of which 12 can be converted to seaplanes. As regards the third part of the question, it is not the practice to give details of the performance of Service aircraft as this is not in the public interest.
Airship "Italia" and Captain Amundsen (Assistance)
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether any of the ports or inlets in the more southerly part of Spitzbergen are normally open or accessible to vessels not fitted as icebreakers at this season; and whether the question of sending any of His Majesty's ships to assist in the rescue operations in that area has been under consideration and with what result?
The west coast of Spitzbergen is usually ice-free by July, but the harbours on the southern coast
contradicts the statement I have made in this answer.
Following is the reply:
are often blocked by ice at this time of the year. The question of sending one of His Majesty's ships to assist in the rescue operations was fully considered, but was not pursued for the reasons given by my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Air in his reply to the hon. and gallant Member on the 16th July (OFFICIAL REPORT, Columns 31 and 32).
Would not the right hon. Gentleman have been able to send war vessels to Spitzbergen for warlike operations in this season of the year if they had been required?
The hon. and gallant Member must have heard the answers which my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Air has given on this question, in which he made an offer and asked the people on the spot whether they desired any assistance. Realising probably that it could not be done by warships, they have not asked us to send one.
Did not the Secretary of State for Air admit that he did not specially offer an aircraft carrier? Will the right hon. Gentleman make the suggestion?
The offer of my right hon. Friend was a general one, and I can add nothing to what he has said.
May I ask whether the Admiralty have throughout kept in touch with the position?
The answers of the Secretary of State on the subject are perfectly clear, and, if the hon. Member will read them, he will see the position.
Is it not the case that the last rescue north of Spitzbergen was made by aeroplane, which landed in the channels between the ice? Was that use of aeroplanes considered?
Trade Boards Act (Messrs. a. E. Brough and Company)
asked the Minister of Labour why action is not taken against Messrs. A. E. Brough and Company, of Liverpool, under the Trade Boards Act, in view of this firm's non-payment of the rates of wages to its employàs as set out by the Hollow-ware Trade Board?
I am making inquiry and will let the hon. Member know the result.
May I ask if the right hon. Gentleman will hasten up the inquiries in view of the long time that this matter has been under consideration?
Yes, I will do everything that I can.
Will the right hon. Gentleman undertake to increase the number of inspectors under the Trade Boards Act, because these functions are common?
Unemployment
Improvement Scheme, Trowbridge (Wages)
asked the Minister of Labour whether he is aware that Edgar Lewis, an unemployed coal miner, was on 18th June sent from the Mountain Ash Employment Exchange to Trowbridge, and was informed he could commence work next day; that when he arrived he found a number of unemployed men in the district, and after searching for work for a week was employed on a road improvement scheme at the rate of 11½d. per hour, which is below the district rate for work of this kind; and will he inquire into this matter, and take steps to prevent these unemployed miners being employed at rates lower than the trade union and district rate of wages?
I am making inquiries into the case, and will communicate with the hon. Member as soon as possible.
Benefit
asked the Minister of Labour whether he is aware that men living in Porlock have to go to Minehead, a distance of over six miles, to draw their unemployment benefit; and whether he can make arrangments for these men to draw their benefit in Porlock in future?
I understand that there are at present no claimants for unemployment benefit who live in Porlock, though there are eight who live at a village near. Arrangements are being made to pay them their benefit by post if they so desire.
asked the Minister of Labour the number of young men and women, respectively, receiving unemployment benefit whose benefit was reduced by the coming into operation of the rates under the new Act in July?
The reduced rates of benefit operative from 5th July apply to young men and young women aged 18 to 20 years who are not in receipt of dependants benefit. I can give the hon. Member the total numbers of young men and young women with current claims to benefit. I cannot say how many of these were actually in receipt of benefit or how many were in receipt of dependants benefit, and therefore did not have their benefit reduced.
Can the Minister of Labour give me the number?
Yes, I will send them on to the hon. Member.
asked the Minister of Labour the total number of fresh and renewal claims to benefit made from 24th April to 11th June, 1928, inclusive, and the number of claims disallowed by insurance officers in the same period in Glasgow?
During the period 24th April to 11th June, 1928, 41,751 fresh and renewal claims to benefit were made at Employment Exchanges in the Glasgow area. In the period 19th April to 11th June, 12,475 claims made at those offices were disallowed by insurance officers. The disallowances by insurance officers are those recorded during the period and relate in a proportion of cases to claims made earlier. They also include cases in which the decisions were reversed on appeal.
Insurance Fund
asked the Minister of Labour the debt of the Unemployment Insurance Fund at the 19th April, when the new Act came into operation, and the debt at the latest available date since then?
The debt of the Unemployment Fund to the Treasury on 19th April, 1928, was £24,190,000 and on 17th July, 1928, was £25,760,000.
Court of Referees, Glasgow (Chairman)
asked the Minister of Labour if the posts of chairman of court of referees for Glasgow were made known in any way and, if so, in what way; and the number of applicants, and by whom they were interviewed previous to appointment?
It is not the practice to invite applications for these posts. They are offered to persons known to have the necessary qualifications. The selection is not made by interview, but candidates are sometimes seen for the purpose of obtaining further particulars of their qualifications.
Can the right hon. Gentleman tell me how many candidates were written to, and how many were offered posts?
Does the hon. Member mean Glasgow posts?
Yes.
Fourteen.
Training Centres, Glasgow
asked the Minister of Labour if it is proposed to increase the facilities for the training of young women in the city of Glasgow, and, if so, will he state their nature; if it is proposed to start a new training centre in this city for young men similar to the one on the North-East Coast; and, if not, does he propose to consider doing so?
There are eight juvenile unemployment centres open to girls in Glasgow. A home training course conducted by the Central Committee on Women's Training and Employment was completed last April, and I understand it is proposed to commence a further course next September. The question of opening a training centre for young men is under consideration.
Miners, Yorkshire
asked the Minister of Labour how many mine workers were unemployed in Yorkshire on the latest date for which figures are available; and how many were working three days a week or less?
At 25th June, 1928, 46,580 insured persons classified as belonging to the coal mining industry were recorded as unemployed in Yorkshire, including 30,451 who were temporarily stopped from the service of their employers. The numbers temporarily stopped would include those working three days a week or less who were recorded as unemployed on 25th June, but separate statistics in respect of such persons are not available.
In view of these figures, will the right hon. Gentleman circularise his officials in the various Employment Exchanges and instruct them not to send unemployed persons from other counties into Yorkshire while there are so many unemployed persons there?
I should always have to consider that case; it depends on the actual requests made by employers.
Does it mean that the number of men who are working three days a week are included in the figures of those who have been temporarily stopped work.
If I understand the hon. Member's question, it is this. Supposing a miner is working on Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday, is he included in the figures of those who have been stopped temporarily, together with those who have been set off for two or three weeks? I am pretty sure that is the case just at the moment, but I would like to verify my recollection and confirm what I say?
Will the right hon. Gentleman undertake to see that unless and until Yorkshire unemployed persons have been given an opportunity to fill Yorkshire vacancies, no persons will be sent there from other counties?
That does not arise out of the question.
Could not the Minister circularise the coalowners in each coalfield to the effect that they ought to offer employment first to the miners in their own area?
Broadly speaking, that is the case, but, of course, hon. Members opposite know just as well as I do, that there are all sorts of different grades and occupations among miners, and, because a man is an unemployed miner in one grade, it does not follow that he is suitable for a post in another grade.
asked the Minister of Labour whether, when colliery companies apply to any Employment Exchange for a number of experienced coal-getters, any conditions are laid down before asking unemployed men to submit themselves for selection; and, if so, what are these conditions?
No conditions are laid down by the Department, but it is, of course, open to the colliery company to specify its requirements in any way it thinks necessary. As the hon. Member is no doubt aware, these vacancies would be subject to the restrictions contemplated by Section 18 of the Mining Industry Act, 1926.
If a certain colliery asks an Employment Exchange to send along a certain number of men, and if, when those men are sent along to the colliery, only one-tenth of the number or less find employment, what steps will the right hon. Gentleman take in such a case?
I encourage employers to inquire at the Employment Exchanges, and when the Exchange is asked to send along the miners they send along miners of the kind which it is thought are required. If those miners are not taken on, that is not a matter for which I am responsible.
asked the Minister of Labour how many colliery companies in South Yorkshire applied to the various Employment Exchanges during the month of June for experienced coal-getters; how many miners were sent; and how many obtained employment?
I am having inquiries made and will communicate with the hon. Member as soon as possible.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware of a recent case in which a colliery company sent to an Employment Exchange for 24 men, and the 24 men travelled 15 miles—
This point does not arise on the question.
On a point of Order. The question which I intended to submit to the right hon. Gentleman affects 24 men, who, at the request of the Employment Exchange, have to travel a considerable distance—
The hon. Member has already occupied a considerable time, and must not take up more than his fair share of Question Time.
Exchange Facilities, Glasgow
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Home Department, as representing the First Commissioner of Works, whether his Department has yet acquired a site upon which to build a new Employment Exchange in the Kinning Park district of Glasgow in place of the admittedly unsatisfactory building now in use?
No, Sir; but the question of providing improved accommodation at this Exchange is being actively pursued and it is hoped to come to a decision shortly.
Road Improvement Schemes (Labour Recruitment)
asked the Minister of Transport if he will take steps to ensure that where grants are made from the Road Fund in respect of road improvements labour is recruited, where it is suitable and available, from the unemployed workers in the district where the improvements are being carried out?
In matters of this sort, I do not think it necessary or desirable to interfere with the discretion of the competent local authorities.
Will the right hon. Gentleman say if, where there is a great deal of general labour unemployed, it is not rather a hardship to have other people drafted into the district to carry out work of which they themselves are capable? If I give him particulars, will he look into the matter?
No; I think this is a matter in which I should not interfere with the local authorities.
Yorkshire (Deputation)
asked the Prime Minister whether he has been requested to receive a deputation from the local authorities in Yorkshire with regard to the relief of unemployment; and whether he proposes to receive such a deputation at an early date?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. The Government's proposals for the reform of local government which have recently been issued in a White Paper, and will form the subject of discussion with the local authorities' associations, include a substantial measure of Exchequer assistance to areas suffering from unemployment. If, however, the local authorities in Yorkshire desire to make any special representations on the subject of unemployment in their areas, my right hon. Friend the Minister of Labour will be prepared to receive a deputation from them.
Aviation
Air Service (London-India)
asked the Secretary of State for Air how many aeroplanes are now on order for the England-to-India air service which is to start on 1st April, 1929; and how many will be delivered before that date?
The air service in question is to be operated by Imperial Airways, Limited, and it rests with the company to order any aeroplanes required for it and to decide dates of delivery. Provided services are efficiently operated, the Air Ministry is concerned only when it happens that aircraft constructed under the civil aircraft experimental programme are taken over by the company for commercial use; two Calcutta flying boats, as I explained in the recent White Paper. Cmd. 3143, are being so taken over.
Is not part of the agreement that the service should be operating on 1st April next year; and, if there are no machines available, how can the service start?
There are machines available.
Accidents
asked the Secretary of State for Air how many flying officers and men have been killed since the beginning of this year; and what is the total number of officers on regular flying duty in the Royal Air Force?
The answer to the first part of the question is 50, including one officer shot down in action. This number covers the Royal Air Force and Auxiliary Air Force and personnel of the Army and Navy attached. Of the 50, 30 were pilots and 20 passengers. The answer to the second part of the question is 2,706, including the Auxiliary Air Force, cadets and airmen pilots.
asked the Secretary of State for Air whether he will publish a return of the number of fatal flying accidents in the last three years showing the following particulars: type of machine, total number of hours flying performed by the pilot, and the number of hours flying performed by the pilot in the previous four weeks, weather conditions and time of day in which the accident occurred, together with the official cause of the accident as reported by the Air Ministry inquiry?
On the assumption that the hon. and gallant Member refers to civil accidents, a full summary and analysis of all such accidents to British civil aircraft will he found each year in the Annual Report on the Progress of Civil Aviation. If, however, he refers to Royal Air Force accidents, I would refer him to the replies given him in the past on this subject.
Is the fact that the Prime Minister made a brief inquiry—which occupied two or three days of his Christmas holiday, without any previous information—to be used for all time to mollify public anxiety on this question; and will the right hon. Gentleman publish the full particulars asked for in the question?
I have nothing to add to the answers which I have given to the hon. and gallant Member, and to other hon. Members in various parfs of the House on the subject.
Is it to be understood that we are not to get any further information about the causes of these flying accidents, other than the mere ipse dixit of the Air Ministry inspector?
I must again refer the hon. and gallant Member to the answers already given on the subject. I have nothing to add to them.
Slotted Wing Device
asked the Secretary of State for Air whether the Vickers Vulcan machine which crashed last week was fitted with the slotted wing safety device; and if not, how many of the machines in regular use by the Imperial Airways Company are not so fitted?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative. As regards the second part, I understand that certain new machines on order for Imperial Airways, Limited, are to be fitted with this safety device, but that none of the machines now in use is so fitted.
Has the right hon. Gentleman made any representations to the Imperial Airways Company, in view of the fact that this device is fitted to the Royal Air Force machines, pointing out that the company ought to fit it to their existing machines?
I know, from the communications which I have had with the company, that they are fully alive to the position. As the hon. and gallant Member will see, there is a difference between the use of the slotted wing in the case of service machines and its use in the case of civil machines. The fact that 3,000,000 miles have been flown without serious accident to any passenger, differentiates the civil machines from the service machines.
Can the Minister say whether this accident might have been obviated by the use of the slotted wing on the machine in question?
I have not yet had the report of the Inspector of Accidents.
asked the Secretary of State for Air whether he is aware that the proprietors of the safety invention known as the slotted wing have been in negotiation with the French Government for the sale of that invention; and whether he is satisfied that this mechanism will be fully available for the Royal Air Force as well as British civil machines.
As regards the first part of the question, the hon. Member appears to be misinformed. I am informed that there has been no proposal for the sale of the invention to the French Government and that it has been merely a question of negotiations with certain foreign constructors, including the French, for user of patent rights in their respective countries. As regards the second part of the question, I am satisfied that no such arrangements could affect the use of the patent in this country, whether by the Royal Air Force or civil aircraft.
Thames Navigation (Pilots)
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he has received any representations from the Thames pilots and licensed watermen as to making it obligatory for foreign vessels navigating between Gravesend and London to take on a licensed pilot; and whether he proposes to take steps to give effect to this suggestion.
The answer to the first part part of the question is in the affirmative. The question of navigation of vessels in the Thames is under the consideration of my Department in consultation with the Ministry of Transport, the Trinity House and the Port of London Authority, all of whom are concerned, and I hope that a decision will be reached shortly.
If I put down a question towards the end of the Session, does the hon. Gentleman think I could get a reply?
Yes, possibly.
Radiation, Ltd
asked the President of the Board of Trade upon what grounds an application made for an investigation into the affairs of Radiation, Limited, under Section 109 of the Companies Act, 1908, has been refused by the Board of Trade.
The matters in respect of which an investigation was applied for in the case of Radiation, Limited, had already been the subject of full discussion at the annual general meeting of the company, after the members of the company had been circularised by the applicants and publicity had been given in the Press to the complaints which had been made, when the resolution for the adoption of the report was carried by a majority of more than two-thirds. This majority had not been obtained by the use of a dominating voting power attached to the shares held by the directors, but represented the considered view of the shareholders. After very careful consideration of the whole circumstances, the Board of Trade came to the conclusion that the case was not one in which they ought to exercise the powers conferred upon them by the Section.
Did the Parliamentary Secretary receive a communication from the Radiation, Limited, Shareholders' Protection Association; did his Department undertake to communicate with the directors; did they receive a reply from the directors; and, if so, why is the Shareholders' Protection Association denied the right of seeing the reply of the directors?
The Department carried out the usual procedure, and came to the decision which I have announced.
Does that answer mean that, in spite of the shareholders' meeting, the Board of Trade felt it necessary to make further inquiries of the directors; and is it the case that, when they got the reply from the directors, they made no further communication of a satisfactory nature to the Shareholders' Protection Association?
There is no obligation on the Board of Trade to disclose its correspondence with other people.
I shall raise this matter in the Debate on the Companies Bill.
Rome Copyright Conference
asked the President of the Board of Trade what representatives attended the Rome Conference on copyright on behalf of the British Government; whether representations were received from the Society of Authors and the Publishers' Association to co-operate in this conference; and why the experience of these organisations was not made use of?
asked the President of the Board of Trade why the representation of Great Britain at the Rome Conference on Copyright is confined to three officials; and for what reason there was no direct representation of authors, or publishers, or authorities in copyright law?
The British delegates to the Rome Copyright Conference were Sir Sydney Chapman, chief economic adviser to His Majesty's Government, and Mr. W. S. Jarratt and Mr. A. J. Martin, Comptroller and assistant Comptroller respectively of the Industrial Property Department. The British delegation was limited to officials because its function was to express only the views of the British Government which had been reached after consulting the many interests concerned, and after giving full con- sideration to the interests of the general public. If representatives of the associations referred to in the questions had been accorded direct representation on the British delegation, similar representation must have been accorded to other bodies who bad also asked for representation and whose interests conflicted with those of the associations named. In these circumstances, it would have been impossible for the British delegation to have expressed solely the views of the Government, and it was considered desirable to confine the membership as stated above. On the other hand, the assistance and advice of the Society of Authors and the Publishers' Association, as well as of the other bodies interested, were welcomed and made use of by the British delegates both in preparing for the Conference and during its session.
Why was the British delegation confined to only three, as against 10 from France, 10 from Germany, 12 from Italy, and six from the United States of America?
As far as I can judge from the reports of the Conference, the small size of our delegation had material advantages over the larger delegations sent by some other countries.
Is the hon. Member aware that that is not the opinion of the people most directly interested in this country, who consider that Britain has suffered considerably from not being properly represented?
No communication to that effect has been received from any of the interests concerned, so far as I am aware.
Clearing Office for Enemy Debts (Officer's Discharge)
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he is aware that a senior administrative officer who was discharged as redundant from the Enemy Debts Department at exceptionally short notice after eight years' service, raised the question with the Board of Trade; that his discharge was brought about by adverse reports to which, contrary to the Regulations of the Civil Service, he had not had access; that the head of the Department denied that, to the best of his knowledge, such adverse reports had been made or were on record; that the officer in question challenged this denial with a demand for a full inquiry as to the system of secret personal reports obtaining in the Department; that the head of the Department could not make it convenient, despite repeated applications, to interview him until 28th December, whereas his discharge took effect on 31st, December, 1927; whether the relevant correspondence is on record at the Board of Trade; and whether he will make an inquiry into the circumstances of this case?
The officer to whom this question presumably refers was not discharged at exceptionally short notice. The terms of his employment provided for one month's notice of discharge, and he was informed on the 14th October, 1927, that his services would be terminated on the 31st December. Three other officers received similar notice on the same day. His discharge was not brought about by adverse reports but by the fact that reductions of staff were necessary. Certain minor criticisms of his work had been made about a year previously, but the incidents did not govern the question of his selection for discharge. No specific request for an interview with the Controller can be traced, beyond a possible suggestion in a letter of 16th December, 1927. All the correspondence is on record in the Board of Trade, and the circumstances of the discharge were fully gone into early this year. I see no reason for any further action.
When is this Department to be wound up?
When its job is finished.
Transport
Royal Commission
asked the Prime Minister whether he can now give any information respecting the composition and the terms of reference of the Royal Commission on Transport?
I have been asked to reply. I hope to be in a position to make an announcement on the subject before the end of the Session.
Motor Vehicles (Width and Weight)
asked the Minister of Transport if any regulations exist restricting the width and weight of motor vehicles proceeding by road; and, if so, is he prepared to state what they are?
As the answer is of considerable length, I will, with the hon. Member's permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
Has the weight mentioned been altered recently or not?
There has been a slight alteration, in my recollection.
Following is the answer:
I assume that my hon. and gallant Friend refers only to motor cars and heavy motor cars as distinct from locomotives. The maximum limits of width and weight are prescribed under the various Orders governing the construction and use of motor cars which have been made from time to time under the Motor Car Acts. The maximum width of motor cars and of heavy motor cars under three tons in weight unladen is 7 feet 2 inches, and of heavy motor cars exceeding three tons in weight unladen is 7 feet 6 inches. The maximum unladen weight of an ordinary heavy motor car is 7¼ tons, but in the case of six-wheeled vehicles, which comply with certain constructional requirements laid down in the Regulations, the maximum is 10 tons. The maximum laden weights are 12 tons and 19 tons respectively.
Jordans (Road Scheme)
asked the Minister of Transport whether he can make a statement as to the proposed new road to be made in the neighbourhood of Jordans?
As I have already explained, the local authority are studying town planning proposals for their area and in examining any road schemes that may be submitted to me from that neighbourhood, I shall have the fullest regard to the special circumstances affecting the Jordans Meeting House.
Scotland (Hog Grease)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Scotland, with regard to the fact that large quantities of inedible hog grease have recently been imported into Scotland through the port of Glasgow and sold by a West of Scotland refiner for edible purposes, what steps are being taken by the Scottish Board of Health to see that regulations regarding importations are carried out; what steps have been taken to ensure that stocks held by the refiner and quantities returned have been sold for industrial purposes only; and what proceedings have been or will be taken against the party or parties involved?
I am aware that large quantities of inedible hog grease are imported into Glasgow and that it was recently ascertained that one firm in the West of Scotland had used a proportion of this material, after a process of refining, in the manufacture of hog lard. A considerable quantity of the inedible grease has been re-exported and the remaining stocks held by the refiner and the quantities returned are at present under the embargo of the public health authorities. As regards the last part of the question, the Scottish Board of Health have at present under consideration the question of proceedings being taken by the public health authority under the Public Health Act and Unsound Food Regulations against the importer and refiner.
Town Planning (Developed Areas)
asked the Minister of Health, in view of the fact that open spaces in Central London, such as the site of the Foundling Hospital, come from time to time into the market and are purchased for the erection of buildings for private profit, and that there is at present no law to restrain this, whether he will consider introducing legislation enacting that within certain congested areas in London no building shall be permitted in future upon land not previously built upon?
My right hon. Friend doubts whether the proposal of the hon. Member is the best way to deal with the matter, quite apart from questions as to its equity. My right hon. Friend hopes when a favourable opportunity occurs to introduce legislation for the town planning of developed areas.
Is it not a fact that local authorities already have power to acquire compulsorily land suitable for building sites under slum clearance schemes?
I think the hon. Gentleman had better study my reply which deals with the question which has been put to me.
Is the favourable opportunity for which we have waited so many years likely to occur in the next Session?
Rent Restrictions Act
asked the Minister of Health when he will be in a position to make his statement on the future of the Rent Restrictions Acts?
My right hon. Friend proposes to make an announcement on the subject before the House rises.
Will the right hon. Gentleman believe that I refrain from putting supplementary questions to give other Members a chance?
Births and Deaths (Registration)
asked the Minister of Health whether the registration of births and deaths, under his plans for the reform of the machinery of local government, will be severed from Poor Law administration?
The exact arrangements to be made in regard to the registration service in connection with the scheme of local government reform are still under consideration, and my right hon. Friend regrets that he is not in a position to make a statement on the subject.
Elsie Mackay Fund
asked the Prime Minister whether Parliament will be given an opportunity for discussing the gift to the nation of the estate of the Honourable Elsie Mackay?
No, Sir.
Has the right hon. Gentleman's attention been called to the claim which Mrs. Hinchliffe alleges that she has against this estate on moral grounds, and in the circumstances will he investigate the claim, to see if some grant cannot be made from the Civil List?
Perhaps the hon. Member will put that question to the Chancellor of the Exchequer.
When I put this question last time, I was told that I ought to put it to the Prime Minister, and, when I do that, I am desired to put it to the Chancellor of the Exchequer.
The question the hon. Member raises has nothing to do with any Minister.
Tate Gallery (Turner Drawings)
asked the Prime Minister whether he has yet received any Report from the Royal Commission on National Museums and Galleries in reply to the representations contained in the memorial submitted to him and conveyed by him to the Commission, urging the removal of the drawings in the Turner Bequest from the Tate Gallery to the Department of Prints and Drawings at the British Museum?
I have nothing to add to the answer which I gave to the hon. Member in reply to a similar question on the 11th June last.
Companies Bill
asked the Prime Minister whether it is proposed to proceed further with the Companies Bill?
Yes, Sir.
Will the right hon. Gentleman give an indication as to when it will be taken?
The business will be announced to-morrow. I should think it will be taken probably next week.
Pacific Phosphate Company
asked the Prime Minister whether he will set up an inquiry under the Tribunals of Inquiry (Evidence) Act, 1923, to inquire into the circumstances whereby £3,500,000 of public money was paid in compensation in 1922 to the Pacific Phosphate Company; and who advised such payment?
The former interests of the Pacific Phosphate Company in the phosphate deposits in Nauru and Ocean Islands were acquired by the United Kingdom, Commonwealth of Australia and New Zealand Governments on the terms explained to Parliament in Cmd. 749 of 1920. The arrangement was confirmed by the Nauru Island Agreement Act, 1920, and I find no occasion for inquiry into the matter.
Has the right hon. Gentleman at any time come in contact
The following table shows the declared values of the total imports into the United Kingdom of the articles specified, registered as consigned from British South Africa * during each of the years, 1925, 1926 and 1927. The official classification does not provide for the enumeration of the imports of dried fruits of all kinds separately from those of fruits otherwise preserved. during each of the years, 1925, 1926 and 1927. The official classification does not provide for the enumeration of the imports of dried fruits of all kinds separately from those of fruits otherwise preserved. Description. 1925. 1926. 1927. Tobacco: £ £ £ Unmanufactured 87,779 287,104 1,025,587 Manufactured 3,295 2,160 2,052 Wine 12,610 22,591 48,889 Sugar, refined and unrefined 562,328 984,244 778,349 Fruit (dutiable), dried or otherwise, preserved without sugar: Currants — — 1 Figs and fig cake 9 1 3 Plums, prunes and prunelloes 32,095 41,852 80,532 Raisins 75,307 70,163 65,438 Fruit not liable to duty, dried: Dates — — 2 Unenumerated 1,010 4,360 3,498 * British South Africa includes the Union of South Africa (i.e., Cape of Good Hope, Natal, Orange Free State, Transvaal, and South West Africa Protectorate) and Rhodesia (Northern and Southern), Bechuanaland Protectorate, Basutoland and Swaziland. British South Africa includes the Union of South Africa (i.e., Cape of Good Hope, Natal, Orange Free State, Transvaal, and South West Africa Protectorate) and Rhodesia (Northern and Southern), Bechuanaland Protectorate, Basutoland and Swaziland.
asked the Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department the figures showing the rebates to
with statements which have been made about friends of permanent officials having been the company that received the money?
I have seen no statement. The whole matter was debated in the House of Commons.
South Africa (Imports and Exports)
asked the Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department what was the value of the imports of tobacco, wine, sugar, and dried fruits from South Africa for the years 1925, 1926, and 1927, respectively?
The answer is in tabular form, and my hon. and gallant Friend will perhaps agree to my circulating it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
Will the hon. Gentleman give the figures for tobacco?
The importations of tobacco have grown about 12 times in the last two years.
Following is the answer:
Great Britain on the importation of goods into South Africa entitled to preference for the years 1925, 1926, and 1927?
According to the "Annual Statement of the Trade and Shipping of the Union of South Africa," issued by the South African Department of Customs and Excise, the respective amounts of rebate of Customs Duties granted on merchandise, the produce of the United Kingdom, during the last three years were: For 1925, £643,184; for 1926, £392,519: for 1927, £420,957. The South Africa Tariff and Amendment Act, 1925, came into force as from 1st August, 1925.
Imperial Wireless and Cable Conference
asked the Prime Minister whether replies have yet been received from the Dominions respecting the Report of the Committee of the Imperial Conference on Empire wireless and cable communications; and whether he can state definitely that the Report will be discussed in Parliament before the Adjournment?
No, Sir. I am desirous of having a Debate in the House before the House rises, and such a Debate shall take place.
Post Office (Deliveries)
asked the Postmaster-General to what extent existing postal deliveries throughout the country are below the standard of July, 1914?
The most important differences are that there is no longer a delivery on Sundays in the Provinces and that the last delivery of the day in provincial towns is usually earlier. The number of deliveries in many town areas-has been reduced, the reduction varying according to local conditions. In the rural areas the deliveries are in the main on the same scale as in 1914; in some districts they are improved as compared with 1914.
Is it correct that deliveries now are the same for rural areas as they were before the War?
I said that in the rural areas the deliveries are in the main on the same scale.
What does "in the main" mean?
Coal Industry (Contract, South Wales)
asked the Secretary for Mines whether he is aware that an important colliery firm in South Wales has entered into an arrangement with a subsidiary by-product concern to supply coal for a period of 15 years at 11s. per ton; whether he is aware that the average cost of production is 15s. per ton; and if, in view of the recommendation of the Samuel Commission in respect to transfer prices and the adverse effects upon miners' wages in the event of the proposed operation being proceeded with, he can institute inquiries and take steps to deal with the matter?
I have observed from a recently issued prospectus that a Welsh colliery has contracted to supply about 750 tons of coal a day for a period of 15 years at 11s. per ton. The average cost of production of all South Wales coal is 15s., but it does not follow that 11s. a ton is an unfair price for the particular type and size of coal dealt with under the contract referred to. The transaction appears to be a purely commercial one in which I am not called upon to interfere.
If it can be shown that 11s. is an artificial price, and that it is not actually based on cost of production, will the hon. and gallant Gentleman not interfere, having regard to the recommendations of the Samuel Commission in respect of transfer prices?
Is it not a fact that, having regard to the existing price of unwashed small coal, which is the subject of the contract in question, the shareholders and subscribers of the new company have been sold a pup?
Is the hon. and gallant Member aware that some of the directors of this company are hon. Members of this House, who are interested in concealing the facts?
Sir Harry Brittain.
rose —
Sir Harry Brittain.
Is it in order to rush over the questions in this manner?
I have to consider the interests of the whole House.
Metropolitan Police (Appointments)
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department how many of the present assistant-commissioners, deputy - assistant - commissioners, and chief constables of the Metropolitan Police were appointed to their posts without previous service in the force?
Three of the four assistant - commissioners, the three deputy-assistant-commissioners and two of the five chief constables.
Do the figures include the aippointment of Colonel Partridge as an established officer?
I shall be glad if the hon. Member will put the question down.
Aliens (Hyman Cohen)
asked the Home Secretary whether his attention has been called to the recent conviction at the London Sessions for theft of a Russian named Hyman Cohen, who was at the same time recommended for the sixth time for deportation; and whether, seeing that the failure to arrange for the deportation of this man on the occasions of his previous convictions was his refusal to sign the necessary papers, it is proposed to seek additional powers to enable such cases to he dealt with?
Before this question is answered, may I submit that a Member should make himself responsible for statements contained in a question, and I submit that the statement that this man is a Russian is the very statement in dispute?
Hon. Members know that when they make statements they have to be responsible for them.
The statement made in the question is perfectly correct, and I hold myself responsible for it.
I am aware of the circumstances of this case. The possibility of deporting this man has been repeatedly considered, but I cannot force him to apply for Soviet citizenship or compel the Soviet Government to accept him; and further legislation would not enable me to do so.
If we have a man who has committed all these offences and has been recommended for deportation, cannot we get rid of him unless he signs his name and asks us to deport him?
By an Act of the Russian Government in 1921, they relieved from Russian citizenship every Russian who was staying out of the country and who would not sign an application to get back. This man has been here for 22 years; he declines to go back to Russia; and he does not want to go back.
Betting Duty (Amendments)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, in view of the fact that the revenue from the Betting Duty is dwindling and the evasion is increasing, he will, subject to the Racecourse Betting Bill passing, have the present Finance Bill amended so as to include the substitution of the scheme of graded licence charges for the present ad valorem tax?
It is not practicable to substitute a scheme of graded licences in the present Finance Bill, but I am prepared to consider carefully the possibility of doing so next year. As an interim measure of relief, should the Racecourse Betting Bill become law, I propose to modify the scheme of the duty so as to double the present charge for certificates and to reduce the existing rates from 2 per cent. to 1 per cent. on the course and from 3½ per cent. to 2 per cent. elsewhere. Amendments to effect the reductions in rates will be put down on the Report stage of the Finance Bill, to take effect from the 1st October, but as any proposal to increase the charge for certificates would involve the re-committal of the Bill I do not con- template that the increase from £10 to £20 should operate before next year, and it might then be that it would be superseded by a new scheme of graded licences. The reduction of rates will involve a surrender of revenue of £1,250,000 this year, as compared with the Budget estimate, but it is clear that that estimate will not be realised if the present rates are maintained.
Would this involve Amendments to he considered on the Report stage?
Yes, Sir, certainly. It is proposed to put down Amendments reducing the rates of tax on the Report stage, but not the Amendments for the increase of the charge for certificates, because that would involve a recommittal of the Bill. That I shall do next year.
When the right hon. Gentleman says that he will surrender £1,250,000 on the reduced licence, how much does he expect to get back on the totalisator?
That is a very difficult question. No one can tell, but I should not have got my full estimate this year on the present basis. I shall certainly get less than that estimate on the new basis, but I trust that possibly there will be some improvement and consolidation of revenue in future.
In view of the discussion this afternoon, may I ask whether the right hon. Gentleman anticipates an increase of betting as the result of the totalisator?
I expect a decrease in rascality.
Business of the House
Motion made, and Question put,
"That the Proceedings on Government Business be exempted, at this day's Sitting, from the provisions of the Standing Order (Sittings of the House)."—[ The Prime Minister. ]
The House divided: Ayes, 219; Noes, 124.
Hudson, Capt. A. U. M.(Hackney, N). Oman, Sir Charles William C. Somerville, A. A. (Windsor) Hurd, Percy A. Ormsby-Gore, Rt. Hon. William Spencer, George A. (Broxtowe) Hurst, Gerald B. Pennefather, Sir John Sprot, Sir Alexander Jackson, Sir H. (Wandsworth, Cen'l) Penny, Frederick George Stanley, Lieut.-Colonel Rt. Hon. G. F. Jephcott, A. R. Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Stanley, Lord (Fylde) Joynson-Hicks, Rt. Hon. Sir William Perkins, Colonel E. K. Streatfeild, Captain S. R. Kennedy, A. R. (Preston) Peto, Sir Basil E. (Davon, Barnstaple) Styles, Captain H. Walter King, Commodore Henry Douglas Peto, G. (Somerset, Frome) Sugden, Sir Wilfrid Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement Phillpson, Mabel Tasker, R. Inigo. Lane Fox, Col. Rt. Hon. George R. Pownall, Sir Assheton Thompson, Luke (Sunderland) Lister, Cunilffe-, Rt. Hon. Sir Philip Preston, William Thomson, Rt. Hon. Sir W. Mitchell. Locker-Lampson, Rt. Hon. Godfrey Price, Major C. W. M. Tinne, J. A. Looker, Herbert William Radford, E. A. Wallace, Captain D. E. Lowe, Sir Francis William Rawson, Sir Cooper Ward, Lt.-Col. A. L.(Kingston-on-Hull) Lumley, L. R. Rees, Sir Beddoe Warrender, Sir Victor MacAndrew, Major Charles Glen Reid, Capt. Cunningham (Warrington) Waterhouse, Captain Charles MacIntyre, Ian Rhys, Hon. C. A. U. Watson, Rt. Hon. W. (Carlisle) MacRobert, Alexander M Richardson, Sir P. W. (Sur'y, Ch'ts'y) Watts, Sir Thomas Maitland, Sir Arthur D. Steel- Rodd, Rt. Hon. Sir James Rennell White, Lleut.-Col. Sir G. Dairymple- Malone, Major P. B. Ropner, Major L. Williams, A. M. (Cornwall, Northern) Manningham-Buller, Sir Mervyn Ruggles.Brise, Lieut.-Colonel E. A. Williams, Herbert G. (Reading) Margesson, Captain D. Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth) Wilson, R. R. (Stafford, Lichfield) Marriott, Sir J. A. R. Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George Meyer, Sir Frank Sandeman, N. Stewart Winterton. Rt. Hon. Earl Mitchell, W. Foot (Saffron Walden) Sanders, Sir Robert A. Womersley, W. J. Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham) Sanderson. Sir Frank Wood, E.(Chest'r, Stalyb'dge & Hyde) Moore, Lieut.-Colonel T. C. R. (Ayr) Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Wood, Rt. Hon. Sir Kingsley Moore, Sir Newton J. Savery, S. S. Woodcock, Colonel H. C. Morrison, H. (Wilts, Salisbury) Sheffield, Sir Berkeley Yerburgh, Major Robert D. T. Morrison-Bell, Sir Arthur Clive Shepperson, E. W. Young, Rt. Hon. Sir Hilton (Norwich) Nicholson, Col. Rt. Hn. W. G.(Ptrsf'ld.) Simms, Dr. John M. (Co. Down) Nield, Rt. Hon. Sir Herbert Skelton, A. N. TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Nuttall, Ellis Smith-Carington, Neville W. Major Sir George Hennessy and O'Neill, Major Rt. Hon. Hugh Smithers, Waldron Major Sir William Cope.
NOES. Adamson, Rt. Hon. W. (Fife, West) Hirst, W. (Bradford, South) Robinson, W. C. (Yorks, W. R., Elland) Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock) Here-Belisha, Leslie Runciman, Hilda (Cornwail, St. Ives) Alexander. A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro') Hudson, J. H. Huddersfield Saklatvala, Shapurji Ammon, Charles George Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath) Salter, Dr. Alfred Baker, Walter John, William (Rhondda, West) Scrymgeour, E. Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Johnston, Thomas (Dundee) Scurr, John Barnes, A. Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Sexton, James Barr, J. Jones. J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown) Shaw, Rt. Hon. Thomas (Preston) Batey, Joseph Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly) Shinwell, E. Beckett, John (Gateshead) Jones. T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd) Slesser, Sir Henry H. Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Kelly. W. T. Smith, Ben (Bermondsey, Rotherhithe) Briant, Frank Kennedy, T. Smith, H. B. Lees (Keighley) Brown, Ernest (Leith) Kenworthy, Lt.-Com. Hon. Joseph M. Snowden, Rt. Hon. Philip Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Kirkwood, D. Stamford, T. W. Buchanan, G. Lawrence, Susan Stephen, Campbell Buxton, Rt. Hon. Noel Lawson, John James Stewart, J. (St. Rollox) Charleton, H. C. Lee, F. Sullivan, Joseph Cluse, W. S. Longbottom, A. W. Sutton, J. E. Compton, Joseph Lowth, T. Thomas, Sir Robert John (Anglesey) Connolly, M. Lunn, William Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.) Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities) MacLaren, Andrew Thorne, W. (West Ham Plaistow) Dalton, Hugh Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan) Thurtle, Ernest Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton) Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Trevelyan, Rt. Hon. C. P. Dennison, R. Malone, C. L'Estrange (N'thampton) Viant, S. P. Dunnico, H. March, S. Watson. W. M. (Dunfermline) Gardner, J. P. Maxton, James Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda) Garro-Jones, Captain G. M. Mitchell, E. Rosslyn (Paisley) Webb, Rt. Hon. Sidney Gibbins, Joseph Montague, Frederick Wedgwood, Rt. Hon. Josiah Gillett, George M. Morris, R. H. Wellock, Wilfred Graham, Rt. Hon. Wm. (Edin., Cent.) Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.) Westwood, J. Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne) Murnin, H. Wheatley, Rt. Hon. J. Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan) Owen, Major G. Wiggins, William Martin Griffith, F. Kingsley Palin, John Henry Williams, C. P. (Denbigh, Wrexham) Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Paling, W. Williams, David (Swansea, East) Groves, T. Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Williams, T. (York, Don Valley) Grundy, T. W. Pethick-Lawrence, F. W. Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe) Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvll) Ponsonby, Arthur Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow) Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland) Potts, John S. Windsor, Walter Hardie George D. Purcell, A. A Wright, W. Harris, Percy A. Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Hayday, Arthur Riley, Ben TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Henderson, Right Hon. A. (Burnley) Roberts, Rt. Hon. F. O. (W. Bromwich) Mr. Hayes and Mr. Whiteley. Hint, G. H.
Bills Reported
EDUCATIONAL ENDOWMENTS (SCOTLAND) BILL [Lords]
Reported, with Amendments, from the Standing Committee on Scottish Bills.
Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.
Minutes of the Proceedings of the Standing Committee to be printed.
Bill, as amended ( in the Standing Committee ), to be taken into consideration upon Monday next, and to be printed. [Bill 179.]
Bridlington Harbour Provisional Order Bill
Reported, with Amendments [Provisional Order confirmed]; Report to lie upon the Table.
Bill, as amended, to be considered To-morrow.
MINISTRY OF HEALTH PROVISIONAL ORDERS CONFIRMATION (No. 9) BILL [Lords]
Reported, with Amendments [Provisional Orders confirmed]; Report to lie upon the Table.
Bill, as amended, to be considered To-morrow.
DOVER HARBOUR BILL [Lords]
Reported, without Amendment; Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.
Bill to be read the Third time.
WHITBY WATER BILL [Lords],
Reported, with Amendments; Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.
LONDON COUNTY COUNCIL (ILFORD AND BARKING DRAINAGE) BILL [Lords],
Reported, without Amendment; Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.
Bill to be read the Third time.
Weald Electricity Supply Bill [Lords],
Goldsmid Estate Bill [Lords],
Cleveland and Durham County Electric Power Bill [Lords],
Reported, with Amendments; Reports to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.
Consolidation Bills (Joint Committee)
Report and Special Report, in respect of the Petroleum (Consolidation) Bill [ Lords ] (pending in the Lords), brought up, and read;
Report to lie upon the Table.
Special Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.
Message from the Lords
That they have agreed to—
Mr. Speaker's Retirement Bill, without Amendment.
Representation of the People (Reading University) Bill, with an Amendment.
Amendments to—
Greenock and Port Glasgow Tramways Company Bill [Lords],
Tottenham and District Gas Bill [Lords], without Amendment.
THEATRICAL EMPLOYERS REGISTRATION (AMENDMENT) BILL [Lords]
Read the First time; to be read a Second time upon Tuesday next, and to be printed. [Bill 180.]
Orders of the Day
Racecourse Betting Bill
As amended (in the Standing Committee) further considered.
CLAUSE 1.—(Betting Act, 1853, not to apply to racecourses.)
I beg to move, in page 1, line 20, at the end, to insert the words:
"Provided that nothing in this Sub-section shall be taken to imply that the Board, or any person authorised by the Board, are entitled, in the exercise of the powers conferred by this Sub-section, to infringe in any manner the rights of any other persons in or over any land or any right of property."
This Amendment is moved to fulfil an undertaking given in Committee by the Under-Secretary. It is to make it perfectly clear that the Board are not to have any compulsory rights or powers. They may not go to any man and say, "I want to take your land, whether you like it or not, to put up a totalisator on it." Nothing of the kind. Nor can they go to the owners of common land and say, "We want to exercise rights in abrogation of the rights of the commoners." They cannot do that. They can simply exercise the right which any ordinary person has of going to owners of land and saying, "Will you sell us your land freely and voluntarily, or will you give us the right for a limited period or any other period, to put a totalisator on your land?" and the owner of the land, whoever he may be, can make his own choice in the matter. This Amendment makes it perfectly clear that the Board will have no compulsory powers of any kind. As I have said, this Amendment is the fulfilment of an undertaking given by my hon. and gallant Friend, and it meets the views of hon. Members opposite, and I hope the House will see fit to pass it.
4.0 p.m.
I know that in Committee some of us had great fears, due to what we considered to be lack of safeguards in connection with this matter, and a promise was given, because of the position of those racecourses which at the present moment occupy parts of common land. I would like to ask the right hon. Gentleman whether I am right in taking it that this Amendment, together with a further Amendment in the name of the right hon. Gentleman, are submitted as covering those points with completeness. This particular Amend ment, I fear, does not give the assurance, I will not say on the lines promised in Committee, but it does not completely dispel the fears that many of us still have upon this particular point. The right hon. Gentleman said that if the owner of the land to be acquired says "No," then there is an end to it. We were rather thinking of a right of way on common land, where there is no owner. Assuming it is allotment land held by allotment holders, they will only be the tenants, and if the owner of the land, the over-landlord, agrees, then there is a danger that the rights of allotment holders will be threatened. Then, again, we have a fear as to the small tenant farmer, who is just the tenant holder of the land, and who, unless protected, will he subject to the decision of the superior landlord in that connection. If the Amendment as submitted were carried, the Clause would not sufficiently protect those rights.
The words of the Amendment certainly appear to me to fall far short of protecting that group of interests which, I think, we are perfectly justified in endeavouring to protect. When we consider that the main purpose of the promoters of the Bill is to improve racing, and that you cannot improve it without at the same time increasing facilities, then if there is a boom in racing, and there is a desire to extend the area of a racecourse in, say, Epsom or some other place, I do not see how you can do it without infringing upon one or other of these sections, common land, allotment holdings, rights of way across common land or tenant farmers' land. These are cases where racecourses are not in the heart of a city or town. They are in big stretches of country; in fact, we have been told that part of the purpose which the promoters have in view is to give greater facilities for family life to be ex- tended from the towns to the new kind of racecourse, which will be so quiet and salubrious by reason of the erection of these machines.
If the right hon. Gentleman feels that his Amendment will not accomplish that which we desire, he might certainly undertake that when he gets to his later Amendment he will see if there cannot be some further safeguard included. I think it was conceded in Committee that there were some grounds for the fears we had. There was no alteration made in the Bill to meet those fears, but the Under-Secretary undertook to see if anything could be done. We felt much obliged to him for giving that undertaking, but still we feel that it does not fully satisfy our feelings in the matter. Our desire is to see if it is not possible further to fence the powers of the Board round, so that they cannot in any way cause difficulty to these smaller sections of people. The way the right hon. Gentleman put it gives further grounds for a little doubt, because he said, "If the owner of the land." If this Amendment is only intended to deal as between the consent and the refusal of the owner of the land, then there will still be no protection for the tenant of the land.
I know that the hon. Gentleman is very anxious to help me in this matter, and perhaps he will allow me to give him an assurance. Speaking on the advice of my legal advisers, I say that this will protect the rights of every man, and will protect every kind of right against the action of this Board. The Board will have no compulsory powers to acquire the rights over commons or the rights of allotment holders. Tenants and landlords as well as commons will be protected. This Amendment was brought forward to meet the hon. Gentleman's proposal. To please the hon. Member I have brought it forward, and if he will accept it now, and will see me to consider the redrafting of the later Amendment, I shall be pleased to consult with him.
I am much obliged to the right hon. Gentleman because my fears are serious on the matter. The right hon. Gentleman himself said that tenant rights will not be interfered with, which shows that, at all events, there is a little modification. Perhaps I got a wrong impression when he referred only to the owner and the landlord. Now the tenant is to be protected in the later Amendment. I certainly accept the right hon. Gentleman's word that it is done with the desire to meet the fears and objections we raised in Committee.
Being neutral as far as this matter is concerned, I must say I most sincerely congratulate the Home Secretary, and welcome the Amendment which he has brought in. There has been so much in the nature of compulsion one way and another from the beginning to the end of the Bill, that I think it is an extraordinarily pleasant thing for the House to be able to feel that there is, at any rate, one little bit of the Bill in which there is no question of compulsion being brought in. I understand that if these machines, of whatever size they may be, arrive in a particular district, this very powerful body which has the power to set them up, cannot do so unless it has the consent of the people on whose land it is proposed to erect these machines. I say, quite frankly, it is a pity that that was not put in the Bill much earlier, because many of us felt—and felt very sincerely—that there was a real danger that the extraordinarily powerful body which would be running this, might, even with the Government of the day at the back, exercise compulsion. Of course, we know that while the right hon. Gentleman is in his present position no compulsion would be unnecessarily exercised, but other days might bring other people, such as my hon. and right hon. Friends sitting on the Front Bench opposite, and they might go a very long way to have compulsion to fix up these machines. From that point of view, I think it is just as well that we have been able to guard ourselves on this particular point.
To go on from that, may I be allowed to remind my hon. Friend that there is not merely the question of the actual piece of land on which the machine is to be erected. What about the value of the surrounding plots? I would rather like to know what protection there is for the ordinary commoner, who, as time goes on, may find his rights and amenities over the common less pleasant in the future than they have been in the past, because of this Bill. There is no limit to the buildings. I hear accounts that some of these buildings are of immense size, some of them temporary and some permanent, but it cannot possibly be thought that they can be erected on common ground without, at any rate, taking away the amenities over a considerable area of that district. I would like to know what is really meant by the last words of the Amendment, "or any right of property." Is that put in as a wide term to embrace a great many forms of property around, so that those who are living comparatively close to the district may get protection in this particular manner?
I do not see any Law Officers of the Crown on the Treasury Bench at the moment, but I do see one or two distinguished lawyers in the House, and before we pass away from this Amendment, which is very welcome to many of us, I say quite frankly and honestly that I would like to see whether the last words are really inclusive, so that no person inhabiting land will be injured in any way. If we could have a clear legal definition on that point. I think we should then be able to do our duty. We are trying gradually to reshape this Bill so that it will be a better Measure than it was when it was first introduced. I want to know whether the last words of this Amendment "or any right of property" will provide a real protection to the various forms of property and commons in the surrounding districts where these machines are to be set up.
The establishment of the totalisator is not the main principle which we are considering. The main point about this Measure is the right of the board to take part in the acquisition of racecourses. My experience of the kind of gentry connected with racecourses has not been as pleasant as that of the Home Secretary. The right hon. Gentleman says that his legal advisers have told him certain things. On a matter like this I think it is quite unique that the Secretary of State should be advised by a private Member. I observe that the Law Officers of the Crown are absent. I think we have a right to complain of this at a time when the right hon. Gentleman is imposing a new legalised form of betting on racecourses.
I am mainly concerned with the rights of allotment owners. Not long ago there was established in the County Borough of West Ham not an ordinary racecourse, but a greyhound racecourse, and the same conditions apply to both those racecourses, the main object in both cases being to get something for nothing. When the question of the greyhound racecourse was brought before the House of Commons we received the same promises which the Home Secretary has advanced to-day, and although there were a number of men who had tilled their allotments for 18 years the land was sold to the people who wanted it for greyhound racing in West Ham, and the owners of the land used all the powers conferred upon them by this House to get possession of the land. The Minister of Labour was induced to offer jobs to these allotment holders to erect the stands for the proposed racecourse. Besides this, they offered the allotment holders compensation to the extent of 5s. for sacrificing allotments which they had tilled for 18 years. [An HON. MEMBER: "Shame!"] It was a shame to turn those people out merely to set up a racecourse in West Ham. The history of this country for the past three years in reference to the general question of racing shows the necessity for doing something to protect the rights of the allotment holders. I think we ought to be more careful to protect the rights of ordinary individuals who have been tilling a small portion of the soil.
The experience of the past two or three years proves that the promoters of racing, whether for horses or dogs, are merely establishing more racecourses in order to amass fortunes at the expense of the financial and moral stability of the people. We know that a certain section of our people have for years been tilling the soil as allotment holders, and I think this House ought to make it clear that the landowner has no right to treat these people with disdain and contempt. As a rule, the owner of the land is a person who lives in some foreign country, and if we are going to allow the landowner to consent to the establishment of a totalisator, I feel that that is a step in the wrong direction, and as a modern House of Commons I think we should declare that we feel that such a course is against the general interest of the common population. What is now being proposed is, in my opinion, a brutal treatment of the allotment holders of this country.
I do not think that the Home Secretary has met the argument relating to the protection of the amenities of the land from interference by the Board. Although the landlord is an important person, he is not so important as the person who cultivates the land. If we have a tenant farmer, or an allotment holder, who is interfered with through the operation of this Bill, surely the Government should see that he is compensated for what may be called disturbance from the operation of this Bill. I know that this is a very delicate point, especially for hon. Members opposite, because it deals with the sovereignty of the ownership of the land. At the same time we stand for the rights of the persons who cultivate the soil, and if they are disturbed through the landowner letting or selling his land for the purpose of operating the Clauses of this Bill, in common justice to those who cultivate the land they should be compensated for disturbance through the operation of this Bill. It is the duty of the Opposition to emphasise this point. I know the Government by this Amendment have gone a long way to meet the case which has been put by the hon. Member for West Nottingham (Mr. Hayday), but the right hon. Gentleman has not met the point which has been raised by the hon. Member for Stratford (Mr. Groves). I contend that those who are cultivating the soil, whether by means of allotments or farms, should be fully compensated if they are called upon to suffer through the passing of this Act.
I think we should do everything we possibly can to conserve the rights of the smallholders. It was thought that security of tenure and other rights were secured to the smallholders of Scotland by the Act which was passed in 1911 and other Acts, but it has been found that their rights have not been fully protected. My hon. Friend the Member for Orkney and Shetland (Sir H. Hamilton) has pledged himself to bring in a Bill to make good these defects, and I want to make sure that there are no such defects lurking in the Clause we are discussing. It is true that in Scotland compensation is provided for under the Acts I have mentioned when the tenants are dispossessed, but it is equally true that the Scottish Acts have not provided the security which was intended. No money compensation can make good the loss of the small holdings upon which a man spend his hours of recreation. On that ground I desire to press this point home, and I trust the Home Secretary will see that the position of the smallholder is made absolutely secure. I hope the right hon. Gentleman will be able to assure use that under this Clause there will be no infringement of the rights of any other persons in or over any land or any right of property. I want to be assured that on these points this Clause is absolutely watertight, and that it conserves not only the interest of the landowners but also the interest of the small allotment holders.
The hon. Member for Torquay (Commander Williams) raised what seems to me to be a point of substance when he dealt with the question of amenities. I do not know whether it is the intention of the Home Secretary to protect amenities or not, but, if so, the word "rights," which may extend to tenants, does not in itself extend to amenities. In the ordinary way, in the case of an amenity of a certain kind, there would be a remedy at law by an action for nuisance. Under this Bill, such an action could not he brought, because it would be a matter of general permission, and it could not be said to be a public nuisance. I do not know if the right hon. Gentleman intends to protect amenities or not, but an amenity is not a right. It may be possible to protect it in an action for nuisance, but, where there is no action for nuisance, an amenity in itself does not seem to be covered by the right hon. Gentleman's Amendment as it is at present drafted. I do not know if he has given consideration to the point raised by the hon. and gallant Member for Torquay.
There is one point on which we ought to be quite clear. It is quite clear, according to this proviso, that the Board must not infringe anybody's rights, but what about the landlord? The landlord would have the right to turn a tenant off. If the Government, in connection with the Board, come to the landlord and say that they want the land, and if the landlord then turns the tenant off, the Board is not infringing anybody's rights, but the landlord is turning a person off in order to make room for the Board to come in, and the new landlord in this case will be the Government. While the tenant's rights are not necessarily infringed, he is being disturbed in his holding. In that case I think he is entitled to every compensation that he can get if he should be turned out to make room for the totalisator, and I think that an obligation is upon the Government to see that a tenant so disturbed receives compensation.
It does not seem to me that the Home Secretary has really a grip of the position. The House, like the Committee, appears to think that this disturbance may be for the purpose of the erection of a power house or building in which to work the totalisator, but it goes much further than that. I should like to quote the words used in the Standing Committee by the hon. and gallant Member for Abingdon (Major Glyn) on this very question. Referring to this question of disturbance, he said:
"Permission would have to be obtained from the owners of the common land to put down a buried cable to connect the power house to those points on the Downs where you would have an office, or call it what you will, to which people could go to get their money."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, Standing Committee A; 14th June, 1928; cols. 209–210.]
In view of the fact that racecourses are usually miles away from any electrical supply scheme, it would seem that there is going to be a tremendous disturbance if a cable is going to be laid from the nearest point at which current can be obtained. This is a question that requires far more serious consideration than has been given to it by the promoters of the Bill, and I feel that, even at this late hour, the Home Secretary has not had brought to his notice the full extent of its ramifications. I hope that further serious consideration will be given to it, because I can foresee tremendous disturbance, not only on ground near the racecourse, but perhaps for a distance of several miles.
Perhaps, by the leave of the House, I may reply to the two questions which have been put. To that of the hon. and learned Member for South-East Leeds (Sir H. Slesser), I think the answer is clear. If the amenity is of such a kind as to give a right to prevent the erection of something that would be a nuisance, this Bill will not give the Board power to erect anything that would interfere with the amenities. The Board will have no more right to make a nuisance than any ordinary individual would. With regard to the question of the cable, equally, if this Amendment be inserted in the Bill, the Board will have no right to run a cable through anybody else's land if he does not want it, nor to run a cable across or under a common unless the Commissioners of the common, or whoever may be the authority, give their permission. I have very carefully considered this matter, and have made my Amendment as wide as possible. I am advised by my legal advisers that it does really meet the views which have been expressed, and will quite definitely ensure that the Board will not have any more rights or powers of a compulsory character than a private individual would have.
Do I understand, from the right hon. Gentleman's last statement, that the Board will, if they get the consent of the Commissioners of any common land, have the right to run cables across that common land or to erect a totalisator upon it; or are the commoners to be included in the wording of this Amendment as persons none of whose rights, or, as the hon. and learned Member for South-East Leeds (Sir H. Slesser) says, amenities, with regard to that common land, are to be infringed in any circumstances? Supposing that, to use a rather vulgar expression, this powerful Board "squares" the Commissioners of a common, how is one to know, even after this Amendment, that there is anything to prevent the erection of these totalisators on that common land? Does the Home Secretary say that, under his proposed words, it will be possible in all cases to prevent the erection of totalisators or the running of cables on or under common land?
Quite definitely, the Board may not infringe the rights of any owner of property or any owner of common rights over land. If the Commissioners of any particular common have the power to-day to allow a building to be erected on their common—which is most unlikely—without the assent of the commoners, then they would have the power to allow the Board to erect a building, but they would only have such power in that very unlikely case.
The right hon. Gentleman has omitted entirely to reply to the point, which has been made by several of my hon. Friends on this side, with regard to the smallholder and the allotment holder. Is the proprietor of a piece of land through which a cable is going to be led to have the right, merely because he is the proprietor, to say to the allotment holder or smallholder, "This cable is going through my property, and I am giving you notice to quit," without any compensation whatever? Again, assuming that it is necessary to lead a cable through common land, the proprietors for the time being, or the persons in whom the rights of proprietorship are vested, may be the local authority, and it might be quite easy to "wangle" a local authority in the interests of running a totalisator, and to give rights to go over the common, thereby, for a considerable time, at any rate, preventing the exercise of any rights by people residing in the neighbourhood of the common who had vested in the local authority their rights in the common.
Evidently the right hon. Gentleman, I do not say wilfully, has not gone sufficiently deeply into this matter to know the implications that are going to be brought into this Bill by the powers given in this Amendment. I trust that he will give the House a further explanation. I am sure that the House will be only too willing to give him considerable latitude in regard to speaking again if they can hear more about this matter. In my opinion, and, I am sure, in the opinion of many others in the House, it has not been gone into sufficiently deeply. We want to secure the preservation of common rights, so that they may not be taken away or violated, and we also want to secure that the rights of smallholders and allotment holders who are tenants are going to be considered as well as the rights of the proprietor of the land, who, under this proviso, will be able to do whatever he chooses provided he has given the right to a particular totalisator firm, or body, or board of control, to put a cable through the land.
I thank the Home Secretary for moving this Amendment, which is certainly a very great improvement in the Bill, and, I think, protects all rights in land, whether those of the landowner or the tenant or the allotment holder. I want, however, to make this comment. The Bill left the Committee in such a shape that the Racecourse Betting Control Board could have gone on to any public or private land in the Kingdom and put up their totalisator there, without obtaining the consent of the owner and without paying a single penny of compensation. In spite of all the very necessary criticism that we were able to give to this Bill, it unfortunately left the Committee with a flaw that made it an act of very great injustice. I am very glad that the Government have now stepped in and remedied that injustice, and, if any further words can be suggested, I am sure the Home Secretary will consider them. As far as I can see, however, the words that he proposes are sufficient.
I wish that I could agree with the hon. and gallant Member for Ripon (Major Hills). As far as the ordinary tenant farmer is concerned, the points that we have in mind are safeguarded, but, as regards allotment holders, as far as I understand the law affecting them, they have no rights—
Yes.
We shall be very pleased to hear what those rights are. They are not the same rights that tenant farmers have with regard to commons—
I never said that they were.
I am very glad to have elicited that ejaculation from the hon. and gallant Gentleman, and I trust that he will follow it with a statement of what precisely the rights of allotment holders are. Hon. Members may think that this is a small matter, but it is not a small matter; it is a very important matter. Under this Bill, the State is taking power to put up a, machine which is not a productive machine at all, and which may interfere with the work of allotment holders who are producing food for the people—for themselves and their friends. Some of us may agree with the statement of the Chancellor of the Exchequer that there will be less rascality, but it will be an act of rascality if, in pursuance of the acquisition of land for the erection of these machines, allotment holders are turned out and their rights are not even to include the right to compensation for disturbance in their production. I hope, since the Under-Secretary has told us that they have rights, that he will now tell us exactly what those rights are before we put these words into the Bill, because the rights to which he refers are not the same rights as those of the owner or the ordinary tenant farmer. I hope that the House will insist on a clear statement from the Government as to what the rights of these allotment holders are.
Perhaps I may reply. The rights of allotment holders are contained in the Act of 1922. They comprise certain rights of notice and rights of compensation, and none of those rights will be done away with under this Bill.
What happens if those rights are infringed, as they were in the case to which I referred in my speech?
They have not been infringed.
They were infringed, and I have called attention to the infringement in this House.
Amendment agreed to.
I beg to move, in page 2, to leave out from the word "pari-mutuel" in line 4, to the end of paragraph ( a ).
We object to
The hon. Gentleman does not seem to realise that this paragraph is a definition of the expression "totalisator," and that is all that we are concerned with.
I fail to understand why this definition of "totalisator" includes the words "or any other machine." Any other machine may be something other than a totalisator or pari-mutuel.
That is why I said the hon. Gentleman must not argue against the totalisator.
I think we have left the argument against the totalisator, because we have been defeated so often by the right hon. Gentleman. I am now arguing very specifically against the words
With the growth of scientific invention in the realm of machines of calculation and wireless and things of that kind, there is no limit whatever to the machines and instruments that may be employed by these people, because they are very slick people, as the Chancellor has stated. He has admitted that he cannot get his Betting Duty without the totalisator, and, although he is going to have his Betting Duty apparently from the totalisator, we should not be deceived by the right hon. Gentleman and his Friends telling us that the Bill was primarily to establish the totalisator. Later on, we may find all kinds of new machines established, in order to get the Betting Duty for the right hon. Gentleman. The case is strong against extending the provisions of the Bill beyond the single machine that was mentioned on the Second Reading. We spent weeks on the Bill upstairs and the hon. and gallant Gentleman the Member for Abingdon (Major Glyn) never replied to certain questions that I put to him. I do not think that he himself has any idea what other machines are going to be established.
On a point of Order. Would it not shorten the discussion if the hon. Member for Richmond (Sir N. Moore), who apparently has one of the machines under the bench, would give us a demonstration of it?
I want to object to something else in connection with the machinery of betting. I am opposed to betting altogether.
This paragraph contains a definition of "totalisator." The question as to whether betting is a good or a bad thing does not arise on this Amendment.
The
"other machine or instrument of betting of a like nature"
gives rein to the imagination of the scientists to bring forth new machines to do the work that the totalisator itself may not be able to accomplish. Where the totalisator has been established in other countries, are there any other machines whatever on the same racecourses? Supposing some day a great inventor, like Edison, arose and invented a machine which would clear out the totalisator as absolutely inefficient. I understand what the hon. and gallant Gentleman and his friends are contemplating is that science will be able to come to their aid in a better form than the totalisator or the pari-mutuel and collect this revenue for the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Am I right in that assumption? The hon. and gallant Gentleman does not seem to understand me still. Whenever I spoke upstairs he looked at the clock. He never looked at me at all. I do not know why. To-day he looks at the right hon. Gentleman. The thing most akin to the totalisator is the human bookmaker. Upstairs we were told over and over again that the machine would do by mechanical means what the human being failed to do, because he failed in certain human instincts. Therefore, these words that I am moving to omit are rather dangerous. The intention in establishing the totalisator was deliberately to clear the turf of rascality.
That has nothing whatever to do with the definition of a "totalisator."
5.0 p.m.
I have never yet challenged the Chair, because the Chair usually knows more than I do, but I submit that the words I am trying to delete are an extension of the definition. "Any other machine" cannot be the totalisator or pari-mutuel. The definition finishes with the words "totalisator or pari-mutuel," and it then jumps off to entirely new ground. I submit, therefore, that I am entitled to argue that another machine might come along. If the House of Commons is going to do any-thing at all, it is going to establish the totalisator or the pari-mutuel, but this is the first occasion on which we have dealt with the other machine mentioned in this Clause. The House of Commons was deliberately deceived on the Second Reading and in Committee when it was said that this Clause was to make it possible to delete the provision of the Act of 1853, and to make it possible that a man operating this machine should not be regarded as a rogue and vagabond. I say that the House of Commons was never told the truth about this subject. In moving the Amendment I feel that I am on safe ground. If the totalisator is going to bring in millions upon millions of money into the coffers of the State, what will the other machines do? I saw yesterday an answer to a question which showed that in one of our Dominions the approximate income to the totalisator per head of the population was £5 7s. There aro 44 million people in this country, and at £5 a head it would mean £240,000,000 a year from the totalisator.
That was the total amount of betting, not the profit.
I was educated in a Church of England school, and the arithmetic at that school was as good as anything else, as far as I know. Let me repeat briefly my main objection to the Clause. First of all it extends the kind of machine and type of instrument to be employed in the collection of this Duty. It is a new provision. At any rate, as far as I know, it is not included in any law dealing with the totalisator in any of our Dominions or in any foreign country where the totalisator is established. Therefore there is substance in what I have said.
I beg to second the Amendment.
In this case I am certain that the Home Secretary will feel much safer in agreeing with us, because there are very grave dangers associated with the retention of these words in the Bill. We have had some indication as to why this enlarged meaning was given in the Bill. Upstairs in Committee, when we were discussing the matter it was said, "You may have a totalisator fixed, because of the size of the course and the amount of money that will flow through it, but there will be smaller meetings distributed here and there, and it may be necessary to have a machine, not fixed but capable of being moved from one temporary position to another. It will be wheeled about the country to the small courses, where it would be made to pay." That machine is to be carried about with its storage of electricity or mechanical power, or it will have to be operated by some human agency. So you would have a type of machine other than a totalisator or pari-mutuel doing the round turn of the racecourses of the country and bearing the full endorsement of the British House of Commons, and possibly exhibiting a coat of arms and looking like a glorified hot potato can in the winter, or the type of machine now to be found in use outside shops.
If, as has been said, the desire is to clean up the racecourses, to place betting transactions on a plane that will no longer be a discredit, surely you do not want a travelling machine doing this tour through the streets and being brought into contact with the children, who in wonderment will ask what it is all about The children will be told it is a machine going to some little meeting out in the suburbs, or to a point-to-point course that may be approved by the Board. There is another danger. I know that my hon. Friend who has just spoken is justifiably ignorant of many of the instruments that are used to-day for betting and gambling. I know of nothing except what I read about. But I remember that during the Second Reading and Committee stage our fears were never dispelled, because quite flamboyantly the promoters of the Bill said that they wanted the Bill because of the easy facilities for moving a machine about to any course that might be approved, where it would not pay to erect a permanent totalisator. That fear is still with me.
It was said that the promoters desired that some of the profits from the machine should go to improve the amenities of the racecourses, to reduce the entrance fees, and so forth, so that one need not be afraid to take one's family to a course, with its sylvan atmosphere of rest, away from the raucous voices of bookmakers shouting the odds. I then said, was there not a fear that the machine might enable the Board of Control, upon which the Home Secretary's Department will be represented, to have roulette tables? Surely they are betting machines? When the Chancellor of the Exchequer once gets the Cabinet on the run, in consequence of the money involved, there will he an incentive for him to tap every source from which he can get a financial income, irrespective of the circumstances under which that income is secured. Are there any legal gentlemen in the House who would say that "or any other machine or instrument of betting of a like nature, whether mechanically operated or not," does not include a roulette table?
Certainly, it does not include a roulette table, which is not a machine "of a like nature."
I contend that the "like nature" is simply the ability to conduct a betting transaction. That is the only nature of the totalisator or the pari-mutuel. The roulette table is an instrument for betting transactions. No other definition has ever been given to it. Is it an instrument of pleasure? Does it tone out music? It is not for pleasure; it is simply for betting. All the equivocations in the world will not do away with the plain fact that this Bill seeks only to legalise betting machines, as apart from the present-day system carried on by bookmakers. It is no use the Home Secretary saying: "No, I would not give my sanction to any machine other than that which I feel is desirable, and that must be a machine representing totalisator principles and known as a totalisator or pari-mutuel." I see the idea is dawning on the right hon. Gentleman. After all, if there is an office under the Crown that is responsible for the protection of the people and the people's morals, it is the Home Office. That is why it is called the Home Department—because it is principally engaged in protecting and looking after the affairs of everyday life. Are we to have championing this Bill, a Bill legitimately killed but officially resurrected, and now taken under the control of the Home Secretary, and is the Home Secretary going to say that whatever were the doubts of the Jockey Club—
On a point of Order. I am very sorry to attempt to interrupt the flow of eloquence of the hon. Gentleman, but may I submit that the point of the liability of the Government occurs on the next Clause, and that the point of the erection of the totalisator has already been decided by the House in the earlier part of this Bill, and that, as Mr. Speaker ruled just now, the only question before the House is the totalisator or any other machine of a like character.
My mind was working on rather the same lines as that of the right hon. Gentleman, but the hon. Member's sentence was somewhat long, and I thought that I would wait to see what conclusion the hon. Member would reach.
I am the last person in the world to wish to infringe the rules of the House. I am obliged to my right hon. Friend, but I cannot help thinking that he is a little bit uneasy at the legitimate points presented to him, and that his conscience is not comfortable.
I do not think the right hon. Gentleman's conscience comes in on this Amendment.
I think that, as usual Mr. Deputy-Speaker, you are right. My conscience at all events, is very much disturbed at the inclusion of the words: there is an inherent desire to back one's opinions, and this proposal is likely to develop into a machine which can be used on the racecourse net only for betting on the horses but for betting on the colours of the jockeys. A number of different machines can be included under the general term "any other machine." The Cabinet, apparently, in rescuing the Bill, have not had time in their haste to fall in with the wishes of the Jockey Club and the National Hunt Committee, and it may be open for any company to put another type of machine on to the market. Surely, the Government ought to give more serious consideration to this matter than evidently they have been able to give to it. People ought not to be stampeded into the use of such wide and general terms. When the Bill went to the Standing Committee, none of these words were included. The Government Departments then took a kind of sympathetic, godfatherly interest in it, so that the promoters should not stray too much, but even the Government Departments were restricted in giving advice as to what these other machines might be. The whole of the proceedings upstairs were conducted under circumstances which did not permit of us having a full discussion as to what was meant by the words "any other machine."
Now that the Bill has become a Government Measure, the position becomes more serious. One can overlook little indiscretions or failings in a private Member's Bill. When the intention is to improve and increase the volume of betting by using a betting machine one can quite understand the desire to make use of any machine that may come along which gives better terms and better facilities. The machine might only be of such small dimensions that it could he placed in a horse-box with the race horse, and then you could get something straight from the horse's mouth during the journey to the course. If the human factor is to be introduced in connection with the machine, there may be greater complications. I can picture the machine that may find its way on to the small racecourses. I can see it being unloaded either from a horse-box on a railway siding or from a motor lorry. I can understand it being worked by means of a motor, and that if it broke down there might be a man standing by turning a handle so that tickets of corresponding values could be distributed. Such a machine might develop many defects and work to the disadvantage of those who lay their money. After all, we must try and protect the layer of the money.
I can also imagine that if such a machine does not give accurate results, and if it is a temporary machine, it may be smashed to smithereens. Therefore, how are you going to clean up the racecourses? Racecourse gangs will not be in it compared with what may arise under circumstances of this kind. In fact, pieces of the machine may prove useful implements among those who may take part in such an unseemly proceeding. I hope that the Home Secretary will take this matter seriously. I was hoping that we might have some of the legal representatives of the Crown here so that we might get their definition as to the possibilities of these words. You may have a busy part of the racecourse where the fixed machine cannot possibly cope with the number of persons who want to engage in betting, and you may have a temporary machine ready to send out to the outskirts of the course with the object of easing the pressure.
The efficiency and durability of the machine is not part of the definition.
I quite agree, and, if I do not convey my meaning in the proper language, I hope that you will take into consideration my failings. It is the wide term "any other machine" which will enable the unrestricted betting of which I have spoken to take place. While it will be possible to use a machine on a racecourse when horse-racing is taking place, it will not be necessary to use it in connection with any particular horse race. It simply says that these machines may be on those racecourses where horse races take place. It does not prevent the use of other machines on a racecourse when horse racing is taking place. It does not prevent a machine being used for some other form of competition if it is so used on the day that horse racing takes place. The Government ought to be satisfied if they obtain an Act of Parliament which enables them to use a fixed type of machine that can be more or less guaranteed. They can- not expect to have powers that would enable them to become a purely mercenary body. I can imagine the Chancellor of the Exchequer saying: "Yes, let us have any machine. The results will be greater for us. I can imagine the Home Office saying: "No, we must be very careful how far we go." The Minister of Agriculture, on the other hand, might say: "I want some money for horse breeding." The Jockey Club might say: "We want more for our particular prizes or stakes." The millionaire will also want more money. It will not matter what kind of machine is used so long as it is a machine for making profit. That seems to be the whole incentive behind this Bill.
It is nonsense to talk about a desire to clean up the turf. These other machines cannot be described as a "broom" to clean up the turf in any sense. They will be "brooms" for the purpose of sweeping in more money for the Exchequer and more money for the millionaire racehorse owners. Any machine will do as long as the results are sufficiently large in volume. The moral aspect of the question is no concern of the Jockey Club or of the National Hunt Committee. They do not mind what machine they use. As a result of these proposals, a great inventor might suddenly produce a machine in this country with four different meshes inside it for taking a half-crown, a two-shilling piece, a shilling, and sixpence. It might be a machine which would not make it necessary for a backer to wait for his number. He would simply go and bungle it in, and what the riddle might permit to come out would come out his way. It will be possible for it to be any sort of machine. If it is a machine that is cheap in regard to its production and wealthy in its returns in the interests of wealthy people, what will it matter?
I have been pleading with the Home Secretary, but he does not appear to have taken sufficient notice of the position. I would like to have seen the Chancellor of the Exchequer here, so that we might say something to him concerning his desire to see the financial returns assured. I also wish that we had the Law Officers here. I have a right to submit a mild protest in this connection, and I am a mild person in this particular respect. We are discussing a point upon which the question of legal interpretation may have a considerable bearing. If it had been a Labour Government or a Liberal Government that was endeavouring to pass this Bill, hon. Members opposite would have been present in full force. Only the Home Secretary appears to be present to defend this Bill, although the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Minister of Agriculture and, I believe, the Secretary of State for Scotland, have been interested in it. Scotland has had to be roped in as there is some money in it, but I am very pleased that my Scottish Friends behind me think more of their consciences and their morals than they do of money.
The hon. Member is getting away from the machine.
The only purpose that I had in mentioning this was because of the implications that may follow from the words "any other machine." It is because of the inclusion of these words that the Government ought to have their representatives here. The House of Commons is being asked to give assent to the Government becoming professional gamblers through any type of machine. The British nation is being asked to become partners in the erection of a general type of machine fox the purpose of giving gambling facilities. I want to restrict, if possible, the scope of operations of these machines to the original intention of having one type of machine and not any general machines in the sense that the Clause proposes. The Amendment leaves in the Clause the understandable, logical part and wipes out the Machiavellian, devilish part. The devil will operate some of these other machines. In our new development we must have a coalition of the devil and the saint operating through the Home Office and other Government Departments, listening to the temptation to work all kinds of machines. Even if we have to wait for the time to come when a new Edison will spring up, it will be the devilish thought that will frame the new kind of machine to be introduced.
I urge the Government to say whether they cannot be satisfied with the shorter understandable part of the Clause, and to knock out the general powers, in order that the country may know, in the first place, that they have no desire unduly to encourage betting, no desire to have machines touring the country and giving increased facilities for betting, but that the Government desire, since some sort of betting machine must come in, that it will be a betting machine which is accepted and known and, if so, that those machines can only be erected on racecourses where it will pay to have them erected, and that we shall do away with the danger of having crowds waiting at railway stations while big boards of some kind or other, devilish machines. are being carried about the country and being dumped, perhaps, into the midst of families who have taken advantage of cheap travelling facilities to get to some common land, on part of which there may he a racecourse.
The hon. Member for Westhoughton (Mr. Rhys Davies) very kindly alluded to me and to the various proceedings which took place in Committee upstairs. The remarks of the hon. Member for Nottingham, West (Mr. Hayday) when they are read in the OFFICIAL REPORT to-morrow will disclose a desire on his part that the scope of the Bill shall not be extended. Those of us who were Members of the Committee had many opportunities of realising the views of the hon. Member. He asked me to give an assurance on this point. The promoters of the Bill have no wish whatever to have anything to do with any other machines than the machines known as the totalisator and the pari-mutuel. It was the hon. Member for Nottingham, West, who complained in Committee that the word "totalisator" was not mentioned in the Bill. It is now mentioned in the Bill, and it is necessary to define the word. The purpose of this Clause is to be a definition Clause. The word "pari-mutuel," unfortunately, is a foreign word, but I have very little doubt that if the Bill passes, the genius and the inventive capacity of the British will he able to invent a word to take the place of this foreign word.
"Totalisator" is a foreign word.
I do not call Australia foreign. It was invented in Australia. We look upon Australia as a part of the Empire and not as a foreign part.
I did not mean it in that sense. It is not an English word.
The word "totalisator" started in Australia and was invented by the Australians. It may have been jargon, but it is a word well known and it was invented in a British Dominion, so that it is hardly right to call it a foreign word. The word "pari-mutuel" is a French word. These two machines have one common object. One machine, the pari-mutuel, works by hand while the totalisator works by mechanical force. It works, as a rule, by electricity. The object of the promoters is to define the words, after the very best legal advice. Not being a lawyer, I can only believe that the definition is properly expressed by legal gentlemen and that it is necessary to add the words:
"or any other machine or instrument of betting of a like nature."
The words "like nature" refer back any new machine to what the totalisator and the pari-mutuel now do. It is sheer nonsense to talk about carrying a piece of old board about the country as some instrument for gambling. The object is simply to have an up-to-date and correct machine and, if possible. a British improvement on existing machines, which will carry out the work now done by the totalisator and the pari-mutuel. There is, therefore, no need for any hon. Member who wishes to speak further on this point to delay the House by assuming that the promoters or the Government have any wish to introduce any machines other than the totalisator or the pari-mutuel, or improvements of those machines which do not go beyond the scope of the work that these machines now carry out. The words of the Clause are framed in the way they are in order to make it possible for any British firm or British inventor to improve upon the existing machines, and to enable such machines to be put up for the benefit of racing on British racecourses. I hope that all the fears of hon. Members as to the scope of the Bill being extended by the words of this definition Clause, will be removed.
It seems to me that we can approach this Amendment from three points of view. I can understand from one point of view that there will be the strongest opposition to any extension of the word totaliser. I can understand anyone who is interested in defeating the "totaliser" or any system of that character opposing any possible extension of it, because, naturally, it is their desire not to give facilities for betting of a mechanical kind as against those who have a vested interest in carrying on the trade of bookmaker. They have a right to object, if they think fit to do so, on behalf of the vested interests. It is perfectly logical to understand their point of view if they come to this House and say that we have allowed on racecourses a vested interest to grow up, and that therefore we ought not to disturb that vested interest. In regard to another point of view, if we hold that there should be fair betting on racecourses, that the man who pays his money should have a fair chance of getting a fair return, I doubt whether we should oppose the extension of the definition in order to allow any kind of new mechanical machine that might come along, which will carry out the work of the "totaliser" or the pari-mutuel in a better way.
I cannot understand those who are totally opposed to betting objecting to some new form of facilities of a higher kind being introduced. I have little knowledge of betting on racecourses, but it has been my fortune to visit two racecourses. At one racecourse in my own county I saw a long array of bookmakers on the edge of the ring, shouting and attracting people to bet in a manner which was not of the highest order, and which I did not think was conducive to the destruction of the intention to bet. When I went abroad I saw the totaliser at work. On the stand no one knew from the operation of the totaliser that a single betting transaction was being carried on. There was an absence of shouting, there was no long queue of bookmakers—
The hon. Member is departing somewhat from the Question before the House. It has already been decided that the totalisator shall be set up in connection with race- course betting, and the only question is what is to be comprised in the word "totalisator."
I am coming to that point. I have dealt with the first point. The second point which I was trying to develop was that those who object to betting may do so on any grounds and under any system. There are other people who say that betting is a bad habit and that it ought to be prevented or regulated as much as possible. Then you get the person who wants to limit the facilities for betting in order to minimise the habit of betting. Such people, in order to give effect to their intentions, ought to vote against the Amendment and support the Clause as it stands, because the Clause may give facilities for betting more in keeping with the quietness which some people desire, with an absence of attractiveness and an absence of that atmosphere which seems to hypnotise some men and make them bet. It is because I have seen the two systems in operation that I am speaking against the Amendment and in favour of the Clause. We may, under the Clause, get a machine which is an improvement upon the present machines, but it must be an instrument which conforms to the principles underlying the "totaliser" and the pari-mutuel. It may give less facilities for betting, which may be done in a quieter way. At the same time it may establish a system which will give the man who bets a better return for his investment, if we may so term it, than he gets to-day. For these reasons, I shall vote for the retention of the Clause in its present form, believing that the system which is proposed to be introduced will be more conducive to order, to less betting, and will give those who bet a better and a safer return for their investment than they get to-day.
I am glad to see the Attorney-General in his place because I want to put to him a serious point which has been approached by the hon. Member for Westhoughton (Mr. Rhys Davies) and to which the hon. Member for Broxtowe (Mr. Spencer) got a little nearer. In spite of what the hon. and gallant Member for Abingdon (Major Glyn) has said, there has been no attempt to meet the case put forward for limiting this definition Clause. In the first place, we have no limitation whatever on the use of the totalisator to betting on horse races. It is to be used on days when horse racing takes place, but if it was limited to betting on horse races then paragraph ( c ) of Sub-section (2) should have legalised betting transactions on horse races, or on horses, by means of a totalisator lawfully operated. Sub-section (1) of this Clause legalises, or we are told that it does, the position of a bookmaker in respect of the Betting Act of 1853. According to the words of Sub-section (2) it is lawful, notwithstanding any rule of law or enactment to the contrary, on any approved racecourse, for the Racecourse Betting Control Board to set up a totalisator. The totalisator, as defined now, may include "any other machine or instrument of a like nature." They cannot be barred, no matter to what use they are put, by any law whatever.
It did not occur to the promoters of the Bill, or to the Government later, that these machines were only to be used for betting on horses engaged in horse races. There is no such limitation. It did not occur to the Government that this was necessary. It might be said that the totalisator or the pari-mutuel has never been used anywhere for any purpose except that of betting on horse races, and, there is the presumption, if we end this definition at the word "pari-mutuel" that we shall be setting up something which has never been used for betting upon anything else but horse races. The only safeguard we have is the presumption that these two particular machines have never been used for anything but betting on horse races and, therefore, it may be assumed that they would be only so used here. But if this Amendment is not carried, if the definition is to include the words "or any other machine or instrument of betting of a like nature whether mechanically operated or not," I cannot see how the use of these machines is going to be limited to horse racing. Therefore, I want to ask the Attorney-General whether he has considered the point that the erection of these totalisators is protected against any rule of law or enactment and, whether, if the definition includes any other kind of machine, we have any kind of guarantee that these totalisators are to he limited to the use of betting on horse racing.
Personally I hope that this extraordinary omission, as I regard it, will be remedied by the promoters either here or in another place. I do not see why the promoters should oppose it. I believe they intend that these machines shall be used for nothing but betting on horse racing, and in that case the Clause should make it perfectly clear that it is legal to bet on horse races through these machines; and for nothing else. If that is done it does not matter whether these other machines are legalised or not. The argument of the hon. and gallant Member for Abingdon will not hold water. There is nothing in the Amendment which will limit the inventive genius of the British nation. If they can improve upon these machines, they are free to do so, and it will be perfectly legal under the Amendment. The Clause, as it stands, is much too wide. It legalises anything that may be done on a racecourse. In this particular case it is far too wide an expression to say that totalisator means any other machine. It is an absurd form of definition, and I shall support the Amendment.
There is only one point I desire to make, but it answers the hon. and gallant Member for Abingdon (Major Glyn) and the hon. Member for Broxtowe (Mr. Spencer). I think the definition in the Clause is far too wide. One of the effects of the introduction of the "totaliser" as the hon. Member for Broxtowe described it, and which my scholarly friends tell me is the more correct—it certainly is more liguistically correct—will be that there will be a great increase in betting. So much for the higher form of betting to which the hon. Member for Broxtowe referred. We have been told that it will make racecourses pleasant and genteel places, but presently the novelty will wear off and then the people who are in the business for their own good will endeavour to attract custom again. They will find some different kind of instrument; and this is the danger, that man's inventive genius will be applied to the business of betting and some more attractive machine with various other novelties will be introduced. There will be a great Press campaign, a great advertising campaign, and the population will say, "This is a higher form of betting," and will flock once more to the racecourse. That is the objection to this wide definition. The hon. Member for Abingdon tells us that he is going to rely on British invention and British science to produce a special British machine with a new name which will have that appeal to novelty so attractive to the people of this country in these dull days.
Like the hon. Member for Broxtowe I have been on racecourses where the totalisator is not allowed and I have also been on the racecourses and seen the totalisator in action. I am not going to refer to Australia, but to another British Colony, Hong Kong, where the totalisator has been in operation since the beginning of this century. The Chinese form the great bulk of our fellow-citizens in Hong Kong. They are a most amiable people with few vices, but they have one terrible vice, and that is the vice of gambling, and the crowds which congregate on the Hong Kong racecourse when the totalisator is in operation shows human nature in its worst form.
I should like to know how the hon. and gallant Member connects Hong Kong with the words:
"or any other machine or instrument of betting of a like nature"?
You called the hon. Member fur Broxtowe to order, but you did allow him to refer to the higher form of sport, and I was trying to answer him.
I should like to assure the hon. Member for Barnstaple (Sir B. Peto) that all his apprehensions are entirely unfounded. The Bill is perfectly plain. He said that totalisators are going to be set up in places which are not racecourses.
I said nothing of the sort. I said that I recognised that they could only be set up on racecourses, and also that they could only be operated on the days on which rorse-racing took place, but there is nothing to say that they can only be used for betting on horse-races.
Let me take the hon. Member's exact words:
"they can only be used for betting on horse-races."
If the hon. Member will read Sub-section (2), he will see that the use of the totalisator is limited to approved racecourses. It says:
"Notwithstanding any rule of law or enactment to the contrary, it shall be lawful on any approved racecourse."
That is the beginning of the Sub-section. If you turn to see what is an approved racecourse you will find that in paragraph ( b ) it says that the expression "approved racecourse" means—
"any ground used for the purpose of a racecourse for racing exclusively with horses."
That is the definition of a racecourse.
I am perfectly well aware of that. It says "any ground." Therefore, you have it that these machines cannot be used except on approved racecourses and that an approved racecourse is one which is used exclusively for racing by horses. What does the hon. Member want more? Then the Bill goes on to say that not only can these machines be used only on courses used exclusively for racing with horses, but that they can only be used if the Racecourse Betting Control Board, which is set up to regulate the use of these machines on approved racecourses, has either authorised their erection or has erected them themselves. What possible danger is there? The thing cannot be set up at all except on racecourses exclusively used for horse racing, and it cannot be set up or operated until it is authorised by the Betting Control Board. With this double protection I really do say that the apprehensions of the hon. Member are totally unfounded.
6.0 p.m.
The hon. Member for Barnstaple (Sir B. Peto) who criticised this Clause a few minutes ago, has evidently not been persuaded by the speech of my hon. and learned Friend the Member for Bassetlaw (Sir E. Hume-Williams). My hon. and learned Friend endeavoured to show that the hon. Member for Barnstaple was absolutely wrong in his argument, but surely the fallacy is in the speech of my hon. and learned Friend himself. It is quite true that the expression "approved racecourse" is defined by the Bill to mean: word "totalisator" and the word "totalisator" is defined as a contrivance for betting. It is also true that the totalisator can be used only on days when horse-races take place on the racecourse. That is to say, if horse-races are taking place on an approved racecourse—which is a racecourse for racing exclusively with horses—then the totalisator—which permits of betting generally—may be used on that racecourse. But the totalisator may be used for any sort of betting. I understand that at race meetings there are often "side-shows" and that there are all sorts of people about a racecourse who engage in all kinds of betting, apart from betting on horses. I have not very often attended races, but I have myself seen all kinds of betting carried on at races, by all sorts of itinerant and peripatetic bookmakers on all kinds of matters not connected with the horse racing at all. It may be said, as the hon. Member for Barnstaple suggested, that the word "totalisator," as a word of art, has acquired a meaning which limits it to machines for betting upon horses. But, as the hon. Member says, directly you depart from that word of art, and begin to put in words such as "any other machine or instrument of betting of a like nature," then it is no longer necessarily limited to horses.
Therefore, the danger is that the totalisator itself, which is not limited in terms to betting on horses, may include betting on any kind of subject whatever, and that danger is extended when you increase the indefiniteness of the definition by adding such words as "any other machine or instrument of a like nature." That is the view expressed by the hon. Member for Barnstaple, and it seems to be a sound proposition. I join in the regrets expressed that, so far, we have not had the assistance of the Attorney-General on this point. He is the legal adviser of the Government, and this is a Government Bill, and I should like to know whether he agrees on this point with the hon. Member for Barnstaple or with the hon. and learned Member for Bassetlaw. Even apart from this difficulty, the definition seems unsatisfactory. The words which it is proposed to leave out go on, as I have said, to speak of
Finally, we come to this position. We get something here which is so remote from the totalisator that it has not the mechanical qualities of the totalisator. But the Title of the Bill says that it is a Bill to legalise the use of the totalisator, and the totalisator we are told is a machine mechanically operated. Yet here we get an instrument which is not a machine and is not mechanically operated. According to the hon. and gallant Member for Abingdon (Major Glyn) this paragraph is merely a definition of the word "totalisator," but I cannot imagine anything more unlike a totalisator—which is a machine, mechanically operated—than an "instrument" which is not mechanically operated. As this point has not been taken as a point of Order, I do not wish to press unduly the question of whether or not it is vital to the Bill. I would however point out that the Bill is described as a Bill to legalise the use of the totalisator, which is a machine mechanically operated, and ask how can it be extended to include the legalisation of an instrument which is not mechanically operated?
Surely the explanation of the inclusion of the word "instrument" here is that those in charge of the Bill hope that the Measure may have a wider and still wider operation, and that they have the idea, of including a wireless instrument of some kind, in connection with the proposals in the Bill, so that the totalisator may be connected up, by means of wireless, with the various districts throughout the country in order that bets may be collected for the machine. That is a possible explanation of the inclusion of this word. The hon. and learned Member who has just spoken has raised a very interesting legal point. I am not sure as to whether you cannot have other things besides horse-races on a racecourse. There may be other events between the horse-races, and no attempt has been made so far to clear up that point. As we have the leading legal light of the Government here, perhaps he will give us some help on that very important question. May I remind hon. Members that a good many years ago the French Government were compelled to bring in an enactment to prevent the pari-mutuel being used in connection with bicycle races. In France the system was originally introduced in relation in horse-racing but special legislation was found necessary to deal with events of other kinds which took place either between the horse-races, or on other occasions. The words now under discussion seem to widen the scope of the Bill enormously, and to render the purport of this Clause rather doubtful.
At first I was inclined to favour the retention of these words, because them systems have been going on for a number of years in other countries and it is necessary that we in this country should be in a position to set up a machine which will not necessarily conform to the words "totalisator" or "pari-mutuel." I am not now arguing as to whether it is good or bad to set up these machines; but if we are going to set them up at all, would it not be wise to enable us in this country to have the best possible form of machine? I may remind hon. Members that the totalisator has been in use in Australia since 1879. There may be a lot of old machines around at the present time, and I would not like to see them dumped in this country. What appealed to me was the plea of the hon. and gallant Member for Abingdon (Major Glyn) when he said that these words gave a chance not merely to have an improved machine of foreign make or of Dominion make, but gave an opportunity of encouraging the production of a wholly British machine with perhaps a British name—it might even have a Welsh name attached to it for purposes of popularity. This is an unexampled opportunity for all parties in the House to combine in doing something to encourage the growth of British industry by having a British-made machine to be operated in this country.
I am astonished that the Attorney-General has not, so far, found it possible to accede to the appeals which have been made to him for an explanation of the difficulty in which the House now finds itself. He may not be aware that the hon. and gallant Member for Abingdon (Major Glyn), who has already attempted to explain this Clause, frankly confessed that he had no legal knowledge. The hon. and gallant Gentleman was not certain as to the application of certain of these phrases, but, he said, he had been assured by legal gentlemen that certain consequences would follow. I rather guess that his legal advisers are those gentlemen who stood by him in Committee, and particularly the hon. and learned Member for Bassetlaw (Sir E. Hume-Williams). A little later it became clear that such was the case, and that the hon. and gallant Member who promoted the Bill was dependent for legal guidance on the hon. and learned Member for Bassetlaw.
I assure the hon. Member that he is in error.
At any rate, if I am in error regarding the speech of the hon. and gallant Member for Abingdon, the hon. and learned Member for Bassetlaw, observing the lack of guidance from the Attorney-General, has been trying to give legal light and leading to the House on this point. It seems to me that he has been misleading us. What is the situation? An attempt was made to show that the machine which is defined in this Clause could only be used on certain days on racecourses, and could only be used when operated by those responsible to the new Board. I am glad to see that I have the assent of the hon. and learned Member for Bassetlaw in that statement. He has, however, apparently failed to observe the Sub-section which makes it clear that any person, irrespective of his relationship to this Board, is entitled to operate a contrivance of this kind. Any bookmaker who invents a toy something like a totalisator, with its cog-wheels and tappets and all the rest of it, if he cares to set it up on a racecourse, or "on ground adjacent thereto," is fully entitled by the provisions of this Bill to do so.
He cannot do so unless authorised by the Board.
I would remind the hon. and learned Member for East Grinstead (Sir H. Cautley) that, just now, the hon. and learned Member for Bassetlaw nodded assent to my statement of the position. I hope that the Attorney-General, having observed that his own followers are now seriously quarrelling among themselves as to the legal interpretation involved in this matter, realised that it is high time for him to intervene and clear up the difficulties which have been created. At least we are entitled to urge, under such guidance as we have received, that it is now possible, if the Clause goes through as it stands, for any person to use any machine, as long as it looks something like a totalisator, as long as it can be spoken of as being of a like nature, whether a mere toy or a development of something like a rotary calendar machine, on to a racecourse. It can be used by any type of person, even by those rascals whom hon. Members opposite pretend that they want to remove from the racecourses.
I again very strongly press the Attorney-General, in view of the general legal confusion into which we have been led, that some statement on behalf of the Government should now be made to us. After all, the Bill is no longer the Bill of the hon. and gallant Member for Abingdon; it is no longer the Jockey Club's Bill or the National Hunt Committee's Bill. It was disreputable enough when under those auspices, but now that it is the Bill of the Tory Government, a Bill for which the whole party oppo- site, for which those pretended moral forces within the Tory party are responsible; and seeing that we are drifting into a situation where all manner of disreputable people apparently can use machines similar to the totalisator for betting purposes, it is high time that a full explanation was made to us by the legal authorities of the Government.
May we not be given an answer to the very simple question that has been asked by my hon. Friend the Member for Barnstaple (Sir B. Pete)? His question was this: Are not the Racecourse Betting Control Board authorised by this Bill on an approved racecourse, on days upon which horse races take place, to set up a betting machine for betting on other than horse races? Let it not be forgotten that the Racecourse Betting Control Board are allowed to break any common law or any Statute, provided that they do not in-fringe—
That does not seem to come under this Amendment. This is really a definition of the totalisator.
I am afraid I put my question rather badly. The Racecourse Betting Control Board are authorised to set up and operate a totalisator, and the public are allowed to bet thereon on days on which a horse race takes place. A totalisator includes
"any other machine or instrument of betting of a like nature."
Does that or does it not authorise the Control Board to set up a totalisabr for betting on other events beyond horse racing?
That seems to go beyond the question of the definition of a totalisator.
With great respect, I want a definition. Does not the word "totalisator," as defined in Subsection (3, a ), include a machine that need not necessarily be used for betting on horses? It is a perfectly simple question, which could be met by a very small verbal Amendment, and really it is somewhat unreasonable of the promoters of the Bill to object to answering it. It is no good saying that the Board would not do that. I have no doubt they would not, but are they not in fact given the power to do it? I apprehend that the House is rather jealous of the power that is conferred on a body even so highly constituted as the Racecourse Betting Control Board, on which four representatives of the Government will sit, and anyhow I ask some Member of the Government Front Bench to give an answer to a very simple question.
May I put what is no doubt the same point by an actual illustration. I see the Attorney-General in his place, and I am sure he will be kind enough to follow me. The words which it is proposed by this Amendment to omit are words which include the phrase:
and it would give the opportunity to every sportsman attending the races whiling away his spare time by attempting to use such a machine to back the club of his fancy in the football league.
There would be only two starters.
It is quite possible to conceive of a machine of the nature of a totalisator, whether mechanically operated or not, which would be used on a racecourse to enable those attending the racecourse to bet upon the results of the football matches of the day. I think we are entitled to know from those who
are advising the promoters of the Bill whether or not that is covered by these words. That is the question that I should like answered.
The point that is being disputed is not covered by the Amendment before the House at all. If the Amendment were carried, it would still or might still be possible, if the right hon. Gentleman is right in what he says, for a totalisator—
I am not saying anything; I am asking.
I say that, supposing the question he puts to me is right, it would still be possible for a totalisator to accept bets on football matches, regardless of whether these latter words were left out or not. The reason for these latter words has already been clearly explained by the hon. and gallant Member for Abingdon (Major Glyn), and they have nothing to do with the legal point in any way. Therefore, the point which the right hon. Gentleman and others have put has nothing to do with this Amendment. I do not think, myself, that it would be possible under the Bill as it is framed for a totalisator to take bets on football matches, but I am quite willing to have that point looked at again, and, if there is a loophole in the Bill in that way, to see that words are inserted in another place to cover that point; but the particular Amendment now under discussion really has nothing to do with it at all.
Question put, " That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Bill."
The House divided: Ayes, 230; Noes, 139.
Division No. 297.] AYES. [6.25 p.m. Acland-Troyte, Lieut.-Colonel Berry, Sir George Broun-Lindsay, Major H. Agg-Gardner, Rt. Hon. Sir James T. Betterton, Henry B. Brown, Col. D. C. (N'th'l'd., Hexham) Ainsworth, Lieut.-Col. Charles Bevan, S. J. Brown, Brig.-Gen. H. C.(Berks, Newb'y) Alexander, E. E. (Leyton) Birchall, Major J. Dearman Buchan, John Alexander, Sir Wm. (Glasgow, Cent'l) Blundell, F. N. Buckingham, Sir H. Allen, Sir J. Sandeman Boothby, R. J. G. Bullock, Captain M. Astor, Maj. Hn. John J. (Kent, Dover) Bourne, Captain Robert Croft Burman, J. B. Atholl, Duchess of Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W. Butler, Sir Geoffrey Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Boyd-Carpenter, Major Sir A. B. Cadogan, Major Hon. Edward Balniel, Lord Braithwaite, Major A. N. Campbell, E. T. Barclay-Harvey, C. M. Brassey, Sir Leonard Carver, Major W. H. Barnett, Major Sir Richard Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive Casseis, J. D. Beamish, Rear-Admiral T. P. H. Briggs, J. Harold Cautley, Sir Henry S. Beckett, Sir Gervase (Leeds, N.) Briscoe, Richard George Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City) Bellairs, Commander Cariyon Brittain, Sir Harry Cecil, Rt. Hon. Sir Evelyn (Aston) Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Brocklebank, C. E. R. Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton Bennett, A. J. Brooke, Brigadier-General C. R. I. Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. Sir J. A. (Birm., W.) Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood) Harvey, Major S. E. (Devon, Totnes) Pownall, Sir Assheton Chapman, Sir S Headlam, Lieut.-Colonel C. M. Preston, William Christie, J. A. Henderson, Capt. R. R. (Oxf'd, Henley) Price, Major C. W. M. Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston Spencer Henderson, Lieut.-Col. Sir Vivian Raine, Sir Walter Churchman, Sir Arthur C. Henn, Sir Sydney H. Reid, Capt. Cunningham (Warrington) Clarry, Reginald George Hilton, Cecil Rhys, Hon. C. A. U. Cohen, Major J. Brunel Hohler, Sir Gerald Fitzroy Richardson, Sir P. W. (Sur'y, Ch'ts'y) Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Holt, Capt. H. P. Roberts, E. H. G. (Flint) Conway, Sir W. Martin Hope, Sir Harry (Forfar) Rodd, Rt. Hon. Sir James Rennell Cooper, A. Duff Hopkins, J. W. W. Ropner, Major L. Couper, J. B. Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Ruggles-Brise, Lieut.-Colonel E. A. Courtauld, Major J. S. Horne, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert S. Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth) Courthope, Colonel Sir G. L. Howard-Bury, Colonel C. K. Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Craig, Capt. Rt. Hon. C C. (Antrim) Hudson, Capt. A. U. M.(Hackney, N.) Sandeman, N. Stewart Craig, Sir Ernest (Chester, Crewe) Hume, Sir G. H. Sanders, Sir Robert A. Croft, Brigadier-General Sir H. Hume-Williams, Sir W. Ellis Sanderson, Sir Frank Crookshank, Col. C. de W. (Berwick) Hunter-Weston, Lt.-Gen. Sir Aylmer Sandon, Lord Crookshank, Cpt. H.(Lindsey, Gainsbro) Hurd, Percy A Savery, S. S. Curzon, Captain Viscount Hurst, Gerald B. Scott, Rt. Hon. Sir Leslie Dalkeith, Earl of Hutchison, Sir Robert (Montrose) Sheffield, Sir Berkeley Davies, Maj. Geo. F.(Somerset, Yeovil) Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H. Shepperson, E. W. Davies, Sir Thomas (Cirencester) Iveagh, Countess of Skelton, A. N. Davies, Dr. Vernon Jackson, Sir H. (Wandsworth, Cen'l) Slaney, Major P. Kenyon Dawson, Sir Philip James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert Smith, R. W. (Aberd'n & Kine'dine, C.) Dean, Arthur Wellesley Jephcott, A. R. Smith-Carington, Neville W. Drewe, C. Jones, Sir G. W. H. (Stoke New'gton) Smithers, Waldron Eden, Captain Anthony Joynson-Hicks, Rt. Hon. Sir William Spencer, G. A. (Broxtowe) Edmondson, Major A. J. Kennedy, A. R. (Preston) Sprot, Sir Alexander Elliot, Major Walter E. Kindersley, Major Guy M. Stanley, Lieut.-Colonel Rt. Hon. G. F. Erskine, Lord (Somerset, Weston-s-M.) King, Commodore Henry Douglas Stanley, Lord (Fylde) Erskine, James Malcolm Monteith Lamb. J. Q. Stanley, Hon. O. F. G. (Westm'eland) Everard, W. Lindsay Lane Fox, Col. Rt. Hon. George R. Streatfeild, Captain S. R Fairfax, Captain J. G. Lister, Cunliffe-. Rt. Hon. Sir Philip Stuart, Hon. J. (Moray and Nairn) Falle, Sir Bertram G. Locker-Lampoon, Rt. Hon. Godfrey Styles, Captain H. Walter Fanshawe, Captain G. D. Looker, Herbert William Sugden, Sir Wilfrid Fielden, E. B. Laugher, Lewis Tasker, R. Inigo. Finburgh, S. Lowe, Sir Francis William Thom, Lt.-Col. J. G. (Dumbarton) Fraser, Captain Ian Lumley, L. R. Thomson, Rt. Hon. Sir W. Mitchell- Frece, Sir Walter de MacAndrew, Major Charles Glen Tinne, J. A. Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. MacIntyre, I. Wallace, Captain D. E. Ganzonl, Sir John Macmillan, Captain H. Ward, Lt.-Col. A. L. (Kingston-on-Hill) Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John MacRobert, Alexander M. Warner, Brigadier-General W. W. Glyn, Major R G. C. Maitland, Sir Arthur D. Steel- Warrender, Sir Victor Goff Sir Park Margesson, Captain D. Waterhouse, Captain Charles Gower, Sir Robert Marriott, Sir J. A. R. Watts, Sir Thomas Graham, Fergus (Cumberland, N.) Mason, Colonel Glyn K. White, Lieut.-Col. Sir G. Dalrymple Grattan-Doyle, Sir N. Merriman, Sir F. Boyd Williams, A. M. (Cornwall, Northern) Greaves-Lord, Sir Walter Meyer, Sir Frank Williams, Com. C. (Devon, Torquay) Greenwood, Rt. Hn. Sir H.(W'th's'w, E.) Milne, J. S. Wardlaw- Williams, Herbert G. (Reading) Gretton, Colonel Rt. Hon. John Mitchell, S. (Lanark, Lanark) Wilson, R. R. (Stafford, Lichfield) Grotrian, H. Brent Mitchell, W. Foot (Saffron Walden) Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George Guinness, Rt. Hon. Walter E. Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham) Winterton, Rt. Hon. Earl Gunston, Captain D. W. Monsell, Eyres, Com. Rt. Hon. B. M. Withers, John James Hacking, Douglas H. Moore, Sir Newton J. Wood, Rt. Hon. Sir Kingsley Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Morrison-Bell, Sir Arthur Clive Wood, Sir S. Hill- (High Peak) Hall, Capt. W. D'A. (Brecon & Rad.) Nicholson, Col. Rt. Hn. W. G. (Ptrsf'ld.) Yerburgh, Major Robert D. T. Hamilton, Sir George Nuttall, Ellis Young, Rt. Hon. Sir Hilton (Norwich) Hammersley, S. S. O'Neill, Major Rt. Hon. Hugh Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Hartington, Marquess of Perkins, Colonel E. K. Major Sir George Hennessy and Mr. Penny. Harvey, G. (Lambeth, Kennington) Peto, G. (Somerset, Frome)
NOES. Adamson, Rt. Hon. W. (Fife. West) Buxton, Rt. Hon. Noel Graham, Rt. Hon. Wm. (Edln., Cent.) Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock) Charleton, H. C. Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne) Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro') Cluse, W. S. Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan) Ammon, Charles George Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R. Griffith, F. Kingsley Attlee, Clement Richard Compton, Joseph Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Baker, J. (Wolverhampton, Bliston) Connoily, M. Groves, T. Baker, Walter Cove, W. G. Grundy, T. W. Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertilliery) Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities) Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil) Barnes, A. Crooke, J. Smedley (Deritend) Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland) Barr, J. Dalton, Hugh Hardie, George D. Batey, Joseph Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton) Harry, Percy A. Bondfield, Margaret Dennison, R. Hayday, Arthur Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Dunnico, H. Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (Burnley) Briant, Frank England, Colonel A. Hills, Major John Walter Broad, F. A. Forrest, W. Hirst, G. H. Bromfield, William Gardner, J. P. Hirst, W. (Bradford, South) Brown, Ernest (Leith) Garro-Jones, Captain G. M. Hudson, J. H. (Huddersfield) Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Gibbins, Joseph Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath) Buchanan, G. Gillett, George M. John, William (Rhondda, West) Burton, Colonel H. W. Gosling, Harry Johnston, Thomas (Dundee) Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Naylor, T. E. Snowden, Rt. Hon. Philip Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Slivertown) Oliver, George Harold Stamford, T. W. Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly) Owen, Major G. Stephen, Campbell Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd) Palls, John Henry Stewart, J. (St. Rollox) Kelly, W. T. Paling, W. Strauss, E. A. Kennedy, T. Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Sullivan, J. Kenworthy, Lt.-Com. Hon. Joseph M. Pethick-Lawrence, F. W. Sutton, J E. Kirkwood, D. Peto, Sir Basil E. (Devon, Barnstaple) Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby) Lansbury, George Potts, John S. Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow) Lawrence, Susan Purcell, A. A. Thurtle, Ernest Lawson, John James Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Trevelyan, Rt. Hon. C. P. Lee, F. Riley, Ben Viant, S. P. Livingstone, A. M. Roberts, Rt. Hon. F.O. (W. Bromwich) Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline) Longbottom, A. W. Robinson, W. C. (Yorks, W. R., Elland) Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda) Lowth, T. Runciman, Hilda (Cornwall, St. Ives) Webb, Rt. Hon. Sidney Lunn, William Saklatvala, Shapurjl Wellock, Wilfred MacDonald, Rt. Hon. J. R. (Aberavon) Scrymgeour, E. Westwood, J. MacLaren, Andrew Scurr, John Wheatley, Rt. Hon. J. Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan) Sexton, James Wilkinson. Ellen C. Malone, C. L'Estrange (N'thampton) Shaw, Rt. Hon. Thomas (Preston) Williams, David (Swansea, E.) March, S. Shinwell, E. Williams, T. (York, Don Valley) Mitchell, E. Rosslyn (Paisley) Simon, Rt. Hon. Sir John Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Atterclifle) Montague, Frederick Sinclair. Major Sir A. (Caithness) Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow) Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.) Slesser, Sir Henry H. Windsor, Walter Mosley, Oswald Smith, Ben (Bermondsey, Rotherhithe) Wright, W. Murnin, H. Smith, H. B. Lees- (Keighley) Nall, Colonel Sir Joseph Snell, Harry TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Mr. Whiteley and Mr. T. Henderson
I beg to move, in page line 7, to leave out paragraph ( b ).
I am moving this Amendment on behalf of my hon. Friend the Member for West Walthamstow (Mr. Crawfurd), and I presume that he desires to leave out this paragraph because he does not wish the Board of Control to make a selection between one course and another. The powers which this definition gives to the Board of Control to select racecourses might, for instance, cut out municipal courses. He desires to delete the definition in order to get a decision on the meaning of the definition.
I beg to second the Amendment.
We were not able to get a definition of "approved racecourse" in Committee. The words of the definition leave entirely in the hands of the Control Board the power to approve any racecourse as they may think fit, but in the view of many of us some questions will arise in connection with this. A company may make application for approval for their racecourse, and on obtaining a certificate, they avoid the penalties of the Betting Act, 1853. The certificate simply legalises the approved racecourse, and anything contained in the Betting Act, 1853, will not apply to it. There is no reason why any company should not apply for a certificate of approval, and, upon obtaining it, refuse to erect a totalisator, or pari-mutuel, or any other type of gaming machine. In effect, the position would arise, according to the definition of "approved racecourse" in this Bill, of a company applying for a certificate of approval, and then refusing to erect the totalisator or other gaming machine on the course, and being immune from the penalties of the Betting Act, 1853, so that any Tom, Dick or Harry could go on this particular racecourse, cause difficulties and upset the amenities of the people on the course, or in the district in which the course is situated.
On a point of Order. Is this Amendment really in order? In Sub-section (2) the words "approved racecourse" are used. The words in paragraph ( b ) are merely a definition, and, if the words are left out there will be no definition at all in the Bill of "approved racecourse."
If the words "approved racecourse" in Subsection (2) stand, they will be unintelligible if these words are left out, because it will not say in the Bill by whom it is to be approved.
That would equally apply to the previous Amendment which we have just discussed. I think it would be as well if we had a discussion on the definition of an "approved racecourse."
It is perfectly clear that if this Amendment be passed, and paragraph ( b ) deleted from the Bill, there will be nothing whatever to define "approved racecourse." The hon. Member who moved the Amendment cannot have appreciated what the position would be. Hon. Members opposite are anxious, as I understand it, to delimit the number of racecourses where this dreadful machine can be put up. They do not like the Bill, and they do not like the totalisator and, therefore, their whole object has been to minimise the effect of the Bill. This Clause is a minimising Clause, and what this paragraph really says is that an approved racecourse shall be one which is used exclusively for the purpose of racing with horses, and which has a certificate of approval issued under the conditions of this Bill. The hon. Member who seconded the Amendment asked what will happen if a company applies for approval fraudulently, as if they were going to use the racecourse for a totalisator and did not use the totalisator, and kept themselves out of the provisions of the Act of 1853. If the hon. Gentleman will look at Clause 3, he will see that it provides that these certificates, of which he is trying to get rid, can be revoked at any time.
Does the hon. Member think that a Board of this kind, set up as a statutory authority by the House of Commons to manage and control this new experiment, will allow themselves to be flouted by a company making in effect a fraudulent application? The hon. Gentleman cannot conceive it possible. If a company or a racecourse authority apply for a certificate of approval in order that they may use the totalisator, and then shortly afterwards the Board find that they are not going to do anything of the kind, and that they are using the certificate in order to evade the Act of 1853, surely the hon. Member will at least give the Control Board the credit of immediately revoking the certificate under the provisions of Clause 3. It is for limiting and controlling the number of racecourses which come under the provisions of this Bill that paragraph ( b ) is introduced. If the House were to eliminate the paragraph, they would eliminate one of the best safeguards in the Bill, and hon. Members themselves would be very sorry if it were removed.
I can understand the Home Secretary's view, but there ought to be some definition. The Amendment to omit paragraph ( b ) was avowedly moved partly for the purpose of getting an explanation of how this definition is related to the Bill. The Clause in which the definition would apply is, amongst others, the first Clause of the Bill. What I cannot for the moment follow is what the definition of "approved racecourse" has to do with the totalisator. The Betting Act, 1853, at present makes it impossible for a bookmaker to go to a course in a motor car, pay for space where his car is to stand, and proceed to conduct the business of keeping a betting shop in his motor car. It prevents him from taking a space on which to put a shed, inside which he could keep clerks in order to run what, in the days of our ancestors, was called a betting shop. The only thing, as far as I know, that prevents that being done, say, on Epsom Downs, is that there is a thing known as the Betting Act, 1853. Immediately you grant a certificate, which says that it is an approved racecourse, nothing in the Betting Act, 1853, is to apply to that racecourse. Why should you accuse people of fraud and all the rest of it because a bookmaker might say, "As soon as you have approved a racecourse, I propose to set up my betting shop"? What is going to prevent him? The only thing to prevent him is the Betting Act, 1853, but under the definition of "approved racecourse" all these things might happen.
It has always been made perfectly clear that one of the objects of this Bill was to grant further facilities to bookmakers. It was pointed out on Second Reading of the Bill that one of the effects of the Bill would be that on an approved racecourse, that is a racecourse carrying with it a certificate of approval of the Control Board, bookmakers would no longer be obliged to shout and yell, but would have places in which to carry on their business under proper regulations and conditions of decency without noise. That has always been said to be one of the objects of the Bill.
On this question of definition, we find a marked variation between the two sides in this discussion. The Government have taken the line of policy, which is shown in this Clause, of determining that there shall be an "approved racecourse." To those who hold the view that there ought not to be approval of any racecourses in the sense that this Bill is endeavouring to legalise that which—
The hon. Member is going to the root of the Bill. This Amendment is purely concerned with the definition of "approved racecourse."
I am trying to point out that this definition will make permissible what is illegal elsewhere. That is the point I want to bring home. I want to object to the selection of any particular place for betting.
The question before the House concerns the definition of an approved racecourse, and it is not in order for the hon. Member to give his views for or against approved racecourses.
I want to try to ascertain whether there is, by any definition at all, a settlement of a geographical point at which there is a diversion from legality into illegality. I feel that point requires to be cleared up. I wish to show that those who hold the views which I have, object to the provision of any sc.-called approved racecourse, and a vote against the inclusion of this Clause will enable us, even if we are not allowed to debate it, to place on record our distinct opposition to the attitude of the Government in this matter.
I think this Clause defining an approved racecourse has been drafted far too wide. I do not agree with the proposal of the hon. Member for Leith (Mr. E. Brown) to omit entirely any definition of racecourses, and I did not understand from him that that was his wish. When a point of order was raised, it was indicated that we ought to have some opportunity of discussing the definition of an approved racecourse. In the Clause the definition of a racecourse includes "any ground adjacent thereto." I think that is too wide. The definition of the word "adjacent" covers almost anything. Just before coming into the House I took the opportunity to consult Webster's Dictionary to see exactly what adjacent meant, and I find it is this:
"Lying near, close, or contiguous."
That would cover almost anything, and as racecourses are fairly well peppered over the country, there is almost no place where the operation of these totalisators might not be legalised. Upstairs, I made a suggestion that if it were necessary to approve anything beyond a racecourse itself, that if racecourse meant the actual track on which the horses ran, and nothing else, not even the land belonging to the racecourse company, the words "and any adjoining ground" might perhaps be permissible. That would at least be limiting the extent of these racecourses, because I find that Webster says of the word "adjoin" that it means
"to lie, or be next, or in contact."
We should at least localise the racecourse to any ground which was in contact with the actual racecourse, whatever that might be, and I think that would be sufficiently wide. While I could not support the omission of the definition of an approved racecourse, although I think it is a very bad definition, as I shall not have the opportunity of moving the Amendments which I have put on the Paper I would express the hope that the Government and the promoters of this Bill—if they still have anything to say in this matter, now that the Government are taking charge—will see that it will be wise to modify those wide words "any ground adjacent thereto." I suggest that an Amendment might be inserted in another place to alter the word "adjacent" to "adjoining," which would at any rate impose some limit as to where totalisators may be erected.
Nobody will accuse me of being a spoil-sport or a kill-joy, but I cannot understand the discrimination which is set up by this Bill. The Amendment asks for a definition. The hon. Baronet the Member for Barnstaple (Sir B. Peto) has been studying Webster's Dictionary. He ought not to have ended with Webster's he ought to have carried on to Nuttall's. He would find in Nuttall's Dictionary another extension of his geographical opportunities in the matter of "jixtaposition."
At the present moment we have racecourses in many places round London. What is to stop the companies buying land immediately adjacent to those racecourses and establishing dog racing courses or dirt-track racing courses—[ Interruption ]—and cock-fighting, of course? But we want a real definition of what is meant by an "approved racecourse" on which this totalisator is to be legalised. When I look to see who is to have the power to decide what is an approved racecourse, I see it lies in the hands of a Board, well packed with people who are sure to look upon one kind of sport as not being proper, though holding that their own particular sport is perfectly proper. The working man's sport will be barred; the sport of other people will not be barred. After all, the totalisator is the nationalisation of betting. The Chancellor of the Exchequer will become a 10 per cent. philanthropist. I can see him in the future on the approved racecourses with a big white hat with a black band and a great satchel—not there to pay out money to people who have won, but to take money from people who have lost. Personally, I am not opposing the idea of controlling racecourses. I would like to see all sorts of public amusements controlled under proper conditions, but I do say that the discrimination which this Board wishes to exercise—
The hon. Member is not entitled to discuss the whole Bill on this Amendment.
The Amendment raises the difference between approved and unapproved courses.
The Amendment is dealing with the definition of an approved racecourse.
And I want to know what they mean by that. Up to now I have not discovered what is meant by an approved racecourse. I come from a place where there is a local racecourse on which farmers run horses and the general population around go to the races, which are an annual event. That course would not be approved under this scheme. The only course which would be approved would be one recommended by members of this Board. If we are to have the legalisation of betting, why discriminate between one course and another? Why should not all be treated as approved courses? What it amounts to is this. The great mass of the people cannot attend races, and those who cannot go to a racecourse for the purpose of betting stop at home and bet. Is the man who does that going to be made a bigger criminal in the future than he has been in the past? I know what is happening already. Since the Betting Duty was imposed the man who backs horses in the street is a bigger criminal than he was twelve months ago. He is treated as though he were a felon. But in future, if you go on an approved racecourse, you can bet to the fullest extent of your possibilities and you can bankrupt yourself, and the State will get 10 per cent. of the result of your losses—if it be an approved racecourse.
The hon. Member must not go so wide of the Amendment.
I think I am too wide for tffe authors of this Clause, because up to now we have had no real definition of what they mean. We are asked to hand ourselves over, bound hand and foot, to a Board which has been packed. They are the people who will decide what an approved racecourse shall be. Parliament passes tfie Bill unconditionally—for 10 per cent. Blackmail! So long as the blackmail is paid, then everything in the garden is lovely. Gambling is all right as long as the Government get 10 per cent. If gambling is right on an approved course, it cannot be wrong on one that is not approved.
I wish to emphasise the remarks of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Spen Valley (Sir J. Simon) as to the bearing of this Amendment on the Act of 1853. The Act of 1853 was passed against betting houses, and, it was understood, against anything of a stationary character used for betting on a racecourse. In 1897 we had the case of Hawke v . Dunn and for the moment it was decided that no kind of betting, even though you were moving about, was lawful; but in a case two years later it was brought out that betting was legal if you were moving about, but that you could not have a habitation and a place, you could not have a locality. It is in order to legalise the totalisator that that Act and other Acts are being amended in this Bill, so far as approved racecourses are concerned. But in doing this the Bill is approving racecourses not only for the totalisator but for the bookmaker. He also is to be exempt from the provisions of that 1853 Act on an approved racecourse; in spite of that Act he can set up a motor car or anything that may be called a habitation and a place and can carry on his betting transactions. I will take the particular case which has been referred to. Without any fraudulent purpose being intended an application might be made to set up an approved racecourse and afterwards, for some reason or other, the project might Inver be carried through. There may have been no fraudulent intention at all. The original intention may not be carried out as far as the totalisator is concerned, but the course will remain an approved racecourse as Tar as bookmakers are concerned. It is quite true that the Board of Control can revoke the certificate of the course, but there might be certain influences at work which would prevent the Board of Control revoking the certificate.
This Amendment does not deal with the powers of the Board of Control. The Amendment concerns the definition of an approved racecourse.
7.0 p.m.
If I have been led astray it is because I was replying to what fell from the right hon. Gentleman. Certainly I will bow to your ruling, and I will not pursue the point. But I am thoroughly in order in this, that I have established that on approved racecourses bookmakers may follow their calling in addition to the totalisator being set up there. I am thoroughly in order in referring to what the hen. and learned Member for Bassetlaw (Sir E. Hume-Williams) said, that on an approved racecourse there would be none of the shouting that now goes on amongst bookmakers. You would have absolute order and quiet, and I am pointing out that, on the approved racecourses, and, indeed, under the whole Bill, you have still the bookmaker with you, and still the bookmaker shouting. He will shout all the louder on any occasion when he gives better odds than the totalisator.
May I point out that Clause 3, Sub-section (2), applies?
That does not disturb my point at all that, in the event of a totalisator being set up, you are giving a certain privilege to the bookmaker on a certain course. You are not eliminating him as in New Zealand. The anomalies will remain, and you will have the bookmaker on an approved racecourse plying his trade—
This deals with the definition of an approved racecourse, and we must decide one thing at the time.
I thought I was following the arguments put forward, and was in order. I was giving additional reasons for having a clearer definition than that in the Clause.
I trust that the Mover of this Amendment will persist, and take it to a Division. I am glad the Solicitor-General is here, because he may be more amenable to the spirit of the House than the Attorney-General. We ought to have some legal advice on this matter. This Clause defines and explains what an approved racecourse really is. We tried upstairs for many days to get a proper definition from the promoters. Now let us see what the definition does. I want, with due humility, to enter into the law, and if I make mistakes I shall be corrected. An approved racecourse under the Bill is a racecourse which, in future, sets aside all the provisions of the Act of 1853. I object to the Board of Control getting authority to determine when an act is an offence and when it is not.
We are debating what the definition of an approved racecourse is, and that point has nothing to do with it.
Of course, I am entirely in your hands. If your ruling stands good, we cannot say anything at all.
The hon. Member must not say that. I am bound to keep the House to the actual points that arise on the Amendment we are discussing.
It is very difficult to say anything at all. This is the definition of an approved racecourse. It is understood that the Board of Control will approve a racecourse, and I say that the definition of an approved racecourse will provide that acts which are offences when committed elsewhere, under the Act of 1853, will not be offences here. Within this definition we are transferring to those who approve a racecourse a power to wipe out offences that would be offences against the law on other racecourses.
Question put, "That the words proposed to be left out, to the word 'used,' in line 8, stand part of the Bill."
The House divided: Ayes, 214; Noes, 132.
Division No. 298.] AYES. [7.6 p.m. Acland-Troyte, Lieut.-Colonel Fairfax, Captain J. G. Monsell, Eyres, Com. Rt. Hon. B. M. Agg-Gardner, Rt. Hon. Sir James T. Falle, Sir Bertram G. Moore, Sir Newton J. Ainsworth, Lieut.-Col. Charles Fanshawe, Captain G. D. Morrison-Bell, Sir Arthur Clive Alexander, E. E. (Leyton) Fielden, E. B. Nicholson, Col. Rt. Hn W. G. (Ptrsf'ld.) Alexander, Sir Wm. (Glasgow, Cent'l) Finburgh, S. Nuttall, Ellis Allen, Sir J. Sandeman Forestler-Walker, Sir L. O'Connor, T. J. (Bedford, Luton) Atholl, Duchess of Fraser, Captain Ian Ormsby-Gore, Rt. Hon. William Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Frece, Sir Walter de Pennefather, Sir John Balniel, Lord Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Barclay-Harvey, C. M. Ganzonl, Sir John Perkins, Colonel E. K. Barnett, Major Sir Richard Gilmour, Lt. Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John Pato, G. (Somerset, Frome) Beamish, Rear-Admiral T. P. H. Glyn, Major R. G. C. Power, Sir John Cecil Bellairs, Commander Carlyon Gower, Sir Robert Pownall, Sir Assheton Bennett, A. J. Grace, John Preston, William Berry, Sir George Graham, Fergus (Cumberland, N.) Price, Major C. W. M. Betterton, Henry B. Grattan-Doyle, Sir N. Raine, Sir Walter Bevan, S. J. Grenfell, Edward C. (City of London) Reid, Capt. Cunningham (Warrington) Bird, E. R. (Yorks, W. R., Skipton) Gretton, Colonel Rt. Hon. John Rhys, Hon. C. A. U. Blundell, F. N. Grotrian, H. Brent Richardson, Sir P. W. (Sur'y, Ch'ts'y) Boothby, R. J. G. Guinness, Rt. Hon. Walter E. Roberts, E. H. G. (Flint) Bourne, Captain Robert Croft Gunston, Captain D. W. Rodd, Rt. Hon. Sir James Rennell Brassey, Sir Leonard Hacking, Douglas H. Ropner, Major L. Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive Hall, Capt. W. D'A. (Brecon & Rad.) Ruggies-Brise, Lieut.-Colonel E. A. Briggs, J. Harold Hamilton, Sir George Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth) Briscoe, Richard George Hammersley, S. S. Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Brittain, Sir Harry Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Saideman, N. Stewart Brocklebank, C. E. R. HartIngton, Marquess of Sanders, Sir Robert A. Brooke. Brigadier-General C. R. I. Harvey, G. (Lambeth, Kennington) Sanderson, Sir Frank Broun-Lindsay, Major H. Harvey, Major S. E. (Devon, Totnes) Sandon, Lord Brown, Col. D. C. (N'th'l'd., Hexham) Headlam, Lieut.-Colonel C. M. Savery, S. S. Brown, Brig.-Gen. H. C. (Berks, Newb'y) Henderson, Capt. R. R. (Oxf'd, Henley) Scott, Rt. Hon. Sir Leslie Buckingham, Sir H. Henderson, Lieut.-Col. Sir Vivian Sheffield, Sir Berkeley Bullock, Captain M. Hennessy, Major Sir G. R. J. Shepperson, E. W. Burman, J. B Hilton, Cecil Skelton, A. N. Butler, Sir Geoffrey Hohler, Sir Gerald Fitzroy Slaney, Major P. Kenyon Cadogan, Major Hon. Edward Holt, Capt. H. P. Smith, R. W. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, C.) Carver, Major W. H. Hope, Sir Harry (Forfar) Smith-Carington, Neville W. Cassels, J. D. Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Moseley) Smithers, Waldron Caultey, Sir Henry S. Horne, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert S. Spencer, G. A. (Broxtowe) Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City) Howard-Bury, Colonel C. K. Sprot, Sir Alexander Cayzer, Maj. Sir Herbt. R. (Prtsmth, S.) Hume, Sir G. H. Stanley, Lieut.-Colonel Rt. Hon. G. F. Cecil, Rt. Hon. Sir Evelyn (Aston) Hume-Wililams, Sir W. Ellis Stanley, Hon. O. F. G. (Westm'eland) Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton Hunter-Weston, Lt. Gen. Sir Aylmer Streatfeild, Captain S. R. Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. Sir J. A.(Birm., W.) Hurd, Percy A. Stuart, Hon. J. (Moray and Nairn) Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood) Iliffe, Sir Edward M. Styles, Captain H. Walter Christie, J. A. Iveagh, Countess of Sugden, Sir Wilfrid Cnurchill, Rt. Hon. Winston Spencer Jackson, Sir H. (Wandsworth, Cen'l) Tasker, R. Inigo. Churchman, Sir Arthur C. James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert Thom. Lt.-Col. J. G. (Dumbarton) Cochrane, Commander Hon. A. D. Jephcott, A. R. Thomson, Rt. Hon. Sir W. Mitchell- Cohen, Major J. Brunel Jones, Sir G. W. H. (Stoke New'gton) Titchfield, Major the Marquess of Collox, Major William Phillips Joynson, Hicks, Rt. Hon. Sir William Wallace, Captain D. E. Conway, Sir W. Martin Kennedy, A. R. (Preston) Ward, Lt.-Col. A. L.(Kingston-on-Hull) Cooper. A. Duff King, Commodore Henry Douglas Warner, Brigadier-General W. W. Courtauld, Major J. S. Lamb, J. Q. Warrender, Sir Victor Craig, Sir Ernest (Chester, Crewe) Lane Fox, Col. Rt. Hon. George R. Waterhouse, Captain Charles Croft, Brigadier-General Sir H. Lister, Cunliffe, Rt. Hon. Sir Philip Watts, Sir Thomas Crookshank, Co. C. de W. (Berwick) Looker, Herbert William White, Lieut.-Col. Sir G. Dalrymple- Crookshank, Cpt.H. (Lindsey, Gainsbro) Lougher, Lewis Williams, A. M. (Cornwall, Northern) Curzon, Captain Viscount MacAndrew, Major Charles Glen Williams, Com. C. (Devon, Torquey) Dalkeith, Earl of Macintyre, Ian Williams, Herbert G. (Reading) Davies, Maj. Geo. F. (Somerset, Yeovil) Macmillan, Captain H. Wilson, R. R. (Stafford, Lichfield) Davies, Sir Thomas (Cirencester) MacRobert, Alexander M. Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George Davies, Dr. Vernon Maitland, Sir Arthur D. Steel- Winterton, Rt. Hon. Earl Dawson, Sir Philip Margesson, Captain D. Withers, John James Dean, Arthur Wellesley Marriott, Sir J. A. R. Wolmer, Viscount Drewe, C. Mason. Colonel Glyn K. Wood, F. (Chest'r, Stalyb'dge & Hyde) Eden, Captain Anthony Merriman, Sir F. Boyd Wood, Rt. Hon. Sir Kingsley Edmondson, Major A. J. Meyer, Sir Frank Wood, Sir S. Hill- (High Peak) Elliot, Major Walter E. Milne, J. S. Wardlaw Yerburgh, Major Robert D. T. Erskine, Lord (Somerset, Weston-s.-M.) Mitchell, S. (Lanark, Lanark) Young, Rt. Hon. Sir Hilton (Norwich) Erskine James Malcolm Monteith Mitchell, W. Foot (Saffron Walden) Everard, W. Lindsay Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham) TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Captain Bowyer and Mr. Penny.
NOES. Adamson, Rt. Hon. W. (Fife, West) Ammon, Charles George Baker, Walter Adamson, W. M. (Staff, Cannock) Attlee, Clement Richard Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro') Baker, J. (Wolverhampton, Bilston) Barr, J. Beckett, John (Gateshead) Hudson, J. H. (Huddersfield) Runciman, Hilda (Cornwall, St. Ives) Bondfield, Margaret Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath) Saklatvala, Shapurjl Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. John, William (Rhondda, West) Scrymgeour, E. Briant, Frank Johnston, Thomas (Dundee) Sexton, James Broad, F. A. Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Shaw, Rt. Hon. Thomas(Preston) Bromfield, William Jones. J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown) Shiels, Dr. Drummond Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly) Shinwell, E. Buchanan, G. Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd) Simon, Rt. Hon. Sir John Burton, Colonel H. W. Kelly, W. T. Slesser, Sir Henry H. Buxton, Rt. Hon. Noel Kennedy, T. Smith, Ben (Bermondsey, Rotherhithe) Charleton, H. C. Kirkwood, D. Smith, H. B. Lees- (Keighley) Clarry, Reginald George Lansbury, George Snell, Harry Cluse, W. S. Lawrence, Susan Snowden, Rt. Hon. Philip Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R. Lawson, John James Stamford, T. W. Connolly, M. Lee, F. Stephen, Campbell Cove, W. G. Livingstone, A. M. Storry-Deans, R. Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities) Lowth, T. Strauss, E. A. Crooke, J. Smedley (Deritend) Lunn, William Sullivan, J. Dalton, Hugh MacDonald, Rt. Hon. J. R. (Aberavon) Sutton, J. E. Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton) MacLaren, Andrew Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby) Dennison, R. Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan) Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow) England, Colonel A. Malone, C. L'Estrange (N'thampton) Thurtle, Ernest Forrest, W. March, S. Townend, A. E. Gardner, J. P. Mitchell, E. Rosslyn (Paisley) Trevelyan, Rt. Hon. C. P. Garro-Jones, Captain G. M. Montague, Frederick Viant, S.P. Gibbins, Joseph Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.) Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline) Gillett, George M. Murnin, H. Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda) Gosling, Harry Nall, Colonel Sir Joseph Webb, Rt. Hon. Sidney Graham, Rt. Hon. Wm. (Edin., Cent.) Naylor, T. E. Wellock, Wilfred Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Caine) Oliver, George Harold Westwood, J. Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan) Owen, Major G. Wheatley, Rt. Hon. J. Griffith, F. Kingsley Palin, John Henry Whiteley, W. Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Paling, W. Wilkinson, Ellen C. Groves, T. Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Williams, David (Swansea, East) Grundy, T. W. Pethick-Lawrence, F. W. Williams, T. (York, Don Valley) Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvll) Potts, John S. Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe) Hardie, George D. Purcell, A. A. Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow) Hayday, Arthur Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Windsor, Walter Henderson, Right Hon. A. (Burnley) Riley, Ben Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Henderson, T. (Glasgow) Roberts, Rt. Hon. F. O. (W. Bromwich) Hirst, G. H. Robinson, Sir T. (Lancs., Stretford) TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Hirst. W. (Bradford, South) Robinson, W. C. (Yorks, W. R., Elland) Mr. Compton and Mr. Ernest Brown.
I beg to move, in page 2, line 8, after the word "ground," to insert the words:
In view of the position which was created by the defeat of an earlier Amendment, it may be that one of these perambulating machines will be sent to various places on a racecourse or on ground adjacent thereto. We feel that that will have a detrimental effect. On a free racecourse like Doncaster and other courses no admission fee is charged and horse-racing takes place on the ground adjacent to those courses, and there the Board will have the right to erect one of these machines. Whether hon. Members agree with betting or not, whether they feel that the Bill will serve a good purpose or not, they must agree that to place a machine anywhere in a position which is determined purely by the amount of potential backers in that area, is a wrong thing. When this question was raised in Committee the promoters of the Bill said, "Yes, the bookmaker travels in those areas as well, and if he goes into those unrestricted parts surely the totalisator ought to be placed at any spot within the area where a bookmaker is allowed to carry on his calling." I think that at once disposes of the high motives of the promoters, and brings the thing down to purely mercenary methods.
A person who goes to a race meeting for the purpose of betting generally pays an admission fee to go into one or other of the places set aside for the purpose of betting. It may be that there are here and there bookmakers outside the enclosure, but as a rule they are very small people, and as a rule the person who goes to a racecourse to lay a wager goes into one or other of the enclosures set aside mainly for the purpose of betting transactions. If anyone doubts that statement, I can produce evidence which was submitted in 1923 before the Commission which dealt with this question, and it shows the estimated amount of money laid as bets in those various enclosures and rings. Anyone who reads that evidence will find that what I am asserting is quite true. The person who goes to a racecourse for the purpose of betting generally pays an admission fee to go into one or other of the enclosures for that particular purpose. Therefore there is no unrestricted right, and those places are restricted to those who pay their money to go into those places. For these reasons I think the totalisator should be restricted to a place on the course to which persons have not an unrestricted right of entry. That means that if a person desires to transact a betting transaction with the totalisator he must go into the enclosure and pay an admission fee for that purpose.
There are many arguments which can be used on this point, and some of them appeal with greater force than others. Apart from the unsightliness and general distribution of many machines over an open course which will be allowed, in certain circumstances there would he a large congregation of a fraternity who will always assemble when money transactions are taking place through the machine after the race, and if this does not take place in an enclosure there will he no possibility of proper supervision. One other reason why I strongly urge that these machines should only be placed in enclosures is the fact that later on we have on the Paper Amendments designed to keep young persons away from these machines. If this Amendment is rejected you will have these machines put up all over the racecourse where, in the opinion of the Board of Control, they will be a paying proposition, and young persons will have much easier facilities if later on you restrict the age. Those below that age will then have greater facilities for depositing a wager through the totalisator. On this point we must not forget that even the promoters of this Bill have urged that you cannot put the responsibiliy on the person in charge of a totalisator of judging as to the age of the bettor, because the men in charge of these machines are busy looking after the amount of the bets deposited, and they would not be able to pay attention to the age of the persons making the wagers. In these matters I am an innocent abroad, like the Home Secretary, and we are both struggling to see the light. I know that I have not the expert knowledge possessed by my right hon. Friend, who is very helpful in other respects, but on this occasion I am afraid that I am on that slippery slope from which I tried to rescue the Home Secretary the other day.
We are told by the promoters that you cannot place upon the man in charge of the totalisator the responsibility of checking the age of a person simply by looking at him through the peep-hole of the machine. I have here a list of what are called open courses to which persons have an unrestricted right of entrance. On some courses there is an unrestricted right of entrance to witness point-to-point races. There are any number of areas where there is an unrestricted right of entry, and if you are to have these machines perambulating at a point-to-point race. they must come in contact with simple village life, because the totalisator will be dragged through the villages for the children to admire, and I can imagine some of the queries that will be put to the man in charge of the machine. I am not here to moralise upon betting, nor am I going to discuss its virtues. There is sometimes a virtue in being able to back your opinion, and there are many people of the village type of persons who, when they reach a certain point in argument in any kind of sport use the expression, "I bet you."
I feel that whatever our views may be upon the entry of the totalisator, my position is clear. Ever since the intro- duction of this Measure I have at least been consistent in my opposition, and I have endeavoured to do my best, within the limits of the Rules of the House, to oppose it. I think we have now reached a point where we can come to some common understanding and decide that we do not desire to have things of a ten-a-penny type distributed here and there to encourage all kinds of betting, even going to the extent of getting into the midst of family gatherings in the middle of our racecourses. [An HON. MEMBER: "How about the bookmaker?"] I know that the bookmakers will be regulated. The Board of Control will have power to regulate them, and if you are going to regulate the places and the circumstances in which the bookmaker shall bet, then you have no right to take to yourselves an unrestricted power under which you are deposing the bookmakers, and introducing the totalisator.
The bookmakers ought to behave themselves.
There are as honourable men amongst bookmakers as amongst other classes. I have had personal contact with them, and I think it ill becomes an hon. Member of this House to say that they do anything other than behave themselves. My argument is that the Board of Control is going to control both the machine and the man. If there be an evil now in the indiscriminate placing of bookmakers where persons have an unrestricted right of access—and under this Bill power is taken to fix the place of the bookmaker—do not ask for power to fix his place and restrict him while at the same time you give an unrestricted right to the machine. At least the treatment should be fair and equal, because otherwise there will be good ground for suspecting that vested interests have become paramount in the promotion of this Bill. Whether hon. Members believe me or not, I do desire that a person who wants to place a bet shall know where he can do so, that there should be an enclosure for the purpose of placing bets, and that these machines shall not be perambulated or erected indiscriminately over large stretches of common land, because people who go to witness the races and have a day out have an unrestricted right of access there. If it is desired to use the machine, let it be used in a place on the course where a person pays for the purpose of laying his wager.
I beg to second the Amendment.
I have hitherto refrained absolutely from taking part in any of these Debates, mainly because I know of a number of industrial problems that might more usefully occupy the time of the House, and one of my personal regrets is that, at a time, when the nation is faced probably with more real economic difficulties than at any other time, and when serious men ought to be occupied with serious problems, the time of Parliament should be spent on a matter which, after all, is not in the end going to save this country. I rise now because I want to know exactly what it is that we are going to vote upon, and that, I know, is a difficulty in which several of my friends find themselves. The opposition to this Bill is based mainly, if not solely, not on the interests of bookmakers, not on the interests of horse breeders, not on the interests of punters, but on the ground that it is a bad thing that this country should be in any way associated legally with gambling. The House of Commons, however, has said, and I agree, that it is not possible to deal by Act of Parliament with the morals of the people, and, whether legislation be passed or not, people will have a flutter. That position is accepted, and the promoters of the Bill say that they are only concerned with two points.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer—I am sorry that he is not here, but I would tell him this quite plainly if he were here—does not trouble twopence about the bookmaker or the totalisator. His only concern is that, his Betting Duty having proved an ignominious failure, he is trying to get out of it, and thinks that this machine will afford him an easy means of doing so. He would say quite frankly that he is concerned with the system that he has introduced in order to get revenue, and that, as it is not giving him the revenue that he anticipated, he ought to try this as an easy means of getting it. In a sentence, that is his view, as it would be expressed by the Home Secretary if he were on this side of the House. Of course, he could not say that, as he is now on the other side, and, therefore, I am saying it for him.
On a point of Order. May I call attention to the Amendment that is under discussion, and ask how far this is in order? [ Interruption. ]
I understand that the right hon. Gentleman was leading up to the Amendment.
I wanted the House to give its attention to getting on with this Bill, so as to make way for the more serious matters to which the right hon. Gentleman alluded.
I think it was this week that the hon. and learned Gentleman, on another subject, was taking a long way round, but I let him get there, although I felt that I could get there much more quickly. In this case I am leading up to what I believe to be the position that we are facing. The House having agreed to the principle, which is the kernel of the whole thing, the Amendment that we are discussing says, as I understand it, that that principle shall only apply in certain circumstances. I want to examine those circumstances, but not from the standpoint of the innocent victim like my hon. Friend the Member for West Nottingham (Mr. Hayday), whose consistency we all admire; it is almost equal to his persistency in this particular case, and rightly so, because, from the commencement, he has taken the view that this is wrong and he is going to oppose it. I would ask him this question: As I gather, the position at the present moment, without my hon. Friend's Amendment, is that the House has said, "Yes, we believe that the totalisator ought to be established, and we agree that it shall be established." That therefore, is settled; but this Amendment says that the principle having been agreed to it is desired to limit its application. Let us see where that takes us. I am merely asking for information; I am as innocent as my hon. Friend. Let me take what I read about these things. I think my hon. Friend says that there is, first of all, the members' stand, where people only go for the purpose of betting. Then he says that there is Tattersall's—I shall be corrected if I am wrong—where people go only for the purpose of betting. Then there is the ten-shilling ring, where they only go for the purpose of betting; and then there is the five-shilling ring, where they only pay. I understand that that is right. Do not let us be foolish in what we are doing, however much we may affect to be so. All that is perfectly true, but it is equally true, and everyone in this House who ought to vote on this knows it—and they ought not to vote unless they do know—that that does not on any occasion constitute 15 per cent. of the people—
In money or in numbers?
I will come to the amount of the betting; I am dealing at the moment with the numerical figures. If we take, as was said by my hon. Friend the Member for Silvertown (Mr. J. Jones), Derby Day, or Leger Day, or any of these occasions, the figure would be much less than that. We have to deal with this question from a practical point of view. I agree absolutely with my hon. Friend that the proportion which goes to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and which is the Chancellor's only interest in these matters, would be infinitely greater in the four rings as compared with the others, but let us see where the difficulty of the House of Commons comes in. If the House of Commons is right in saying that the totalisator is better than the bookmaker, that, it is fairer in its operation, that it is fairer to the State, I do not, much as I associate myself with my hon. Friend, want merely class legislation, and this would be the worst form of class legislation, because, if there are these advantages, it would give them to the silver ring, to Tattersall's, and to the others, but would deny them to the very people who do not ostensibly go to the racecourse to bet, but who, nevertheless, will bet. That is the problem with which I am dealing, and I hope it will not be considered that I am irrelevant in so doing.
I take a detached view, and I am sure that you can be "had," so far as results are concerned, with the totalisator just as much as with the bookmaker. They will both rook you in the end, so that there is no particular virtue in the one as compared with the other; but, if I have to choose, I want equality. Perhaps my hon. Friend will tell me exactly how this is going to operate, say at the big meetings like Doncaster, Derby, Sandown Park, or any of the other places of which I have heard and in which I have no further interest. I gather that the Amendment means that there is to be a totalisator for Tattersall's and for the silver ring, but that it is to be limited to that. My answer is this: The Chancellor of the Exchequer has stated to-day, in reference to the question of percentage, that the Treasury must suffer according to his revised views; but this Amendment merely means that, bad as matters are now, when the totalisator is in operation, you will have the totalisator for the silver ring and for Tattersall's, and the welshers for the poor mugs of the working class. As I have said, I take quite a detached view, and I whole-heartedly condemn the Government for wasting two days of Parliamentary time on this business; but, having done so, I at least want to give an intelligent vote on a difficult subject, in regard to which, as I have said, I am as innocent as I am disinterested.
I am not myself opposed to the idea of the totalisator as an efficient instrument, but I am opposed to the nationalisation of betting. I have listened to the Debate on this Amendment with some amount of wonder and surprise. I wanted to know what it was all about. I have heard about perambulating machines, and have heard the machine spoken of as though it were some kind of mangle that was going to be carried about in a bassinette. What do hon. Members mean by a totalisator? I have seen the totalisator at work in one part of the world, and, although it may be called a machine, it is certainly, from what I saw of it, not a perambulating thing at all, but a very elaborate structure. My hon. Friend the Member for West Nottingham (Mr. Hayday) has spoken about the impossibility of looking through pigeon-holes to see that people who come to bet are not under age, but, unless my experience is different from that of others, there is nothing of the kind. The pigeon-holes have nothing to do with the bets made.
That was not my assertion; it was made by the promoters.
The pigeon-holes, so far as I have seen, are where the money is paid out. The machine of which I am thinking is that on the Cairo racecourse, and it is a most elaborate structure, parallel to the back of the grand stand. You go along a series of railed places for queues where the numbers of the horses are marked up and you get your coupon quite open and unrestricted. There are no pigeon holes. It is easy to tell whether a person asking for a coupon is over or under age. Then when the money is paid out, that is when the machine gets into operation, and it seems to me the machine is not a thing that could very well be taken about in the way suggested and is not the kind of thing some hon. Members seem to have in mind.
My reason for opposing the Amendment is that just advanced by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Derby (Mr. Thomas), that it is a most pernicious piece of class legislation. Observe how it is going to work out. If you are going to Alexandra Park racecourse, where they charge you a shilling to go anywhere near the racecourse, I take it the totalisator will be all right. but what about Epsom? There the only possible way the totalisator could be erected upon the lines suggested by the hon. Member for Nottingham would be in those very rings that have been referred to—Tattersall's or the silver ring. I do not know how they could be erected there and how they could operate them, but that seems to me the idea, and in either case, whether charge is small or great, and whatever our views may be on the subject of the totalisator and the nationalisation of betting, it seems to me a most pernicious idea that it should be open only to people who can pay to go into enclosures and that the ordinary working man who wants to bet on a small scale and cannot pay for the privilege of going to an enclosure is to be ruled out. I am opposed to the idea of the Government having anything to do with this at all, but if the Government is going to have something to do with it, if the nation is going to trade in gambling, let it do so in a democratic way and let us have none of this class legislation.
I am really sorry the Leader of the Opposition has come in. No one has spoken on this Amendment except Members of the Labour party, and they have torn one another to pieces. I do not suppose after the speech of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Derby (Mr. Thomas) and the hon. Member who has just spoken, the hon. Member for West Nottingham (Mr. Hayday) desires to press the Amendment. It is obviously one that a free democratic party like the Conservative party would never think of accepting. It has been described as a pernicious and undemocratic proposal that the totalisator, which the House has already said is a good institution, is to be relegated to what the right hon. Gentleman in his wonderfully life-like description of race courses, gathered from what he has read about them in books—
I have attended race meetings, like you attended night clubs, to see what went on.
Now the right hon. Gentleman has let us into a secret. When I went to a night club, I admitted the fact at once. In my innocence, I really thought the right hon. Gentleman was only telling us what he had heard or read about racecourses. However, he has disposed of the Amendment, and I do not suppose we need waste any more of the time of the House upon it. I assume the hon. Member for West Nottingham, anxious as he is not to impede the progress of the Bill, will withdraw his Amendment.
Amendment negatived.
CLAUSE 2.—(Establishment of Authority.)
I beg to move, in page 2, line 17, to leave out the word "eleven" and to insert instead thereof the word "nine."
This deals with the question of the number of representatives upon the Betting Control Board. The main purpose of the Clause is the establishment of this Betting Control Authority and, although the Amendment appears to be a very simple matter, it raises a very important issue. The establishment of a Betting Control Board at all was no part of the original Bill. In the very small and limited Measure which passed its Second Reading, the only authorities mentioned were the Jockey Club and the National Hunt Committee. There was no mention of the Betting Control Board and there was no indication, except in the memorandum, as to the purpose of the partial repeal of the Betting Act of 1853. But after the Bill reached Committee there was a complete change and we found a quite long and detailed Bill put down on the Order Paper, the main part of which is contained in three Schedules. On the Order Paper on 22nd May, in what was then Schedule 1, we were surprised to find that there was to be a Racecourse Betting Control Board. That was the first we had heard of it, long after the Bill had passed Second Reading. The constitution of the Board as then proposed was that the Minister of Agriculture and Fisheries should nominate the chairman from a limited number of persons selected for him by the Jockey Club and the National Hunt Committee. The further representatives on the Board were the Minister of Agriculture and Fisheries, who was again to nominate one member, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The Home Secretary had nothing whatever to do with it. So there was a doubtful chairman, there were to he two members of the Government, four representatives of the Jockey Club and the National Hunt Committee and one of the Racecourse Association.
On a point of Order. My hon. Friend is moving to substitute " nine " for " eleven," and at the same time is discussing the whole personnel of the Board, the appointment of the chairman, and so forth. May I suggest that it would be desirable to allow a discussion of the whole subject of the Board itself in lieu of a discussion of each individual point and, that, if necessary, we could divide on any individual point.
In these matters, I am very much in the hands of the House. Probably for the convenience of the House and for the sake of the Debate on this Clause, it would be best to have a general discussion on the composition of the Board.
I think that would be quite agreeable, but at the same time it would be most desirable if you would indicate the Amendments you would consider to be covered by a general Debate on the present Amendment.
My anticipation would be that we should discuss the Amend- ment of the hon. Member for Gorton (Mr. Compton)—in page 2, to leave out from the word "seal" in line 19, to the end of the Sub-section, but, as regards the intervening Amendments, they seem to me to raise very small points.
Would that include such an Amendment as that about two-thirds down the page to leave out the words "Secretary of State for the Home Department" and to insert instead thereof the words "Chancellor of the Exchequer"?
That would come in the Amendments which I was going to select.
There is an Amendment in my name—in page 2, line 22, after the word "chairman" to insert the words:
"(who shall be a person having no interest in the Jockey Club, or the National Hunt Committee, or any racecourse)."
Will that come into the general discussion?
It does not seem to be a point worth dividing on.
As I understand it, the idea of a general discussion would be to enable us to discuss Government responsibility, or should that come on an Amendment for the deletion of the Clause? The House has never yet discussed that question. If it is your wish to give us an opportunity of expressing our view upon that hitherto unexpressed question, we might then take all the Amendments that are consequential and have them moved and divided upon. The first matter should be subject to a discussion, because that raises a very important point, whether the Home Secretary or the Chancellor of the Exchequer should make the appointment.
It was quite clear to me that that was a definite point that should be discussed.
If after a general discussion the present Amendment were rejected and the Home Secretary said that he would accept mine in reference to the appointment of the chairman, what would the position be then?
The hon. Member's Amendment would not be affected one way or the other.
I also have an Amendment in connection with the chairman—in page 2, line 22, after the word "chairman" to insert the words:
"who shall not be a person owning or training racehorses, a bookmaker, or any person having an interest in the Jockey Club, or the National Hunt Committee, or any racecourse"—
which is rather separate from the other. I think his position is entirely different from the others, and he is more or less full time. Might we not have a short discussion on the position of the chairman, which is rather different from the general board?
I am very anxious to get all the important points discussed, especially as this is quite an innovation. I should have thought that the question of the appointment of the chairman would be worth discussing.
8.0 p.m.
I was just pointing out that the Betting Control Board, as now composed, is a complete change from the scheme of the Bill that received a Second Reading, and that it is the second edition of what I might term the Government scheme. The first proposal was that the Minister of Agriculture should be the principal Government Minister. He was to nominate the chairman and to appoint one other member of the Board, and the Home Secretary was to have nothing to do with it. I notice that the Chancellor of the Exchequer, even in that first edition of the Control Board, took care to have power to appoint a member. But that Control Board as then proposed would have been made up of a doubtful chairman, two representatives of the Government, four representatives of the racecourse authorities and one of the Race-course Association. That would have been five against the Government, and two, with a doubtful chairman, for the Government. The present proposal is slightly more favourable to the Government. It is a chairman appointed by the Home Secretary—and he has an unfettered discretion, thanks to Amendments that we put in the Bill in Committee—and no fewer than four Departments of State each appoint a represen- tative on the Control Board. The Home Secretary appoints not only the chairman but one member of the Board; the Secretary of State for Scotland appoints one; the Minister of Agriculture appoints one; and the Chancellor of the Exchequer appoints one.
That would be 11 members, plus the chairman, and of this total the Government have five representatives, and the racecourse authorities—the Jockey Club and National Hunt Committee—also have five. We find, therefore, that there is an exact equality or balance between the authority of the Government on the one side and the authority of the Jockey Club and National Hunt Committee on the other. If, as is very possible, there is a difference of opinion on the policy to be pursued by the Control Board, someone clearly must have a casting vote. Therefore, the other two members assume a great importance. One of them is appointed by the Racecourse Association, Limited. The other, who is supposed to be a representative of the racecourse bookmakers, is appointed by the Committee of Tattersall's. I do not think that is a very suitable body to appoint the bookmaker representative, but that does not matter. If under the Government's scheme there is a difference of opinion between the Jockey Club and the Government, the bookmaker will very likely be the person who will have the casting vote, and if he should not happen to be present on the crucial day perhaps it will be the representative of the Racecourse Association who will be in the position to give a decision adverse to the Government, against what the Government representatives want on some point of principle or policy.
There is far more important question than that involved in the Amendment. I propose to reduce the members of the Board to nine. I have two Amendments on the Paper which are supplementary to this Amendment. They would reduce the representatives of the Jockey Club from three to two, and of the National Hunt Committee from two to one; so that, while leaving the Government representation as at present, that is four members and a Chairman, or a total of five, I should reduce the racecourse and racing representatives by two, leaving them with four members of the Board. That would give the Government a majority and control if their representatives attended the important meetings. The principle involved in that proposal is this: As hon. Members know, I opposed this Bill on Second Reading, when I seconded its rejection, and I have opposed it through the Committee stage, and I continue to oppose it now that it is a Government Measure. I have several reasons for doing so, but the main reason is that I do not approve of the Government taking any control, partial or otherwise, of this racecourse betting business. I do not think it is a dignified position for the Government to assume, even if by the operation of totalisators the Chancellor of the Exchequer is able to secure a little more revenue. But I say, if the Government are going into this business at all, do let them occupy as dignified a position as they can. Surely if they are to have representatives of four Government Departments as well as the Chairman, one would assume that they would take care to be in a position in which they would not be out-voted on questions of principle or policy.
They do not assume control. It is a most curious scheme, which I cannot believe is final. It really puts them in the position of a junior partner in the business, the senior partner being the Jockey Club and the National Hunt Committee and the Racecourse Association and the bookmaker. They leave to these gentlemen the controlling power and they put themseles into what I think is the absurd and humiliating position of going to all the trouble of nominating representatives and then not having any power of control at all. I mentioned just now that, even under the earlier scheme of Government representation, the Chancellor of the Exchequer was represented. After the very candid answer that the right hon. Gentleman gave at Question Time to-day, there is no doubt what is the pushing power that has made the Government assume the position that they did during the Committee stage of the Bill and that has induced the Government to make this a Government Measure and to put on the Whips for to-day and to-morrow. The Chancellor of the Exchequer is behind this. It is his representations to the Cabinet that put the Home Secretary in the curious position in which we find him.
The Home Secretary is the guardian of the morals of the public. Decent orderly procedure upon racecourses and anywhere else is a question which naturally affects his Department. We all know the view'that he generally takes upon questions of this sort, and I think it is a very significant and curious state of affairs that, although, the Chancellor of the Exchequer is the real power behind the whole of this scheme, the Home Secretary—I was going to say the poor Home Secretary—is pushed into the forefront and into the unenviable position of having to appoint not only a representative on the Board, but the paid Chairman of the Board in his un-fettered discretion. He is more concerned with this Control Board than any other Department of State, more than twice as much so, although I really do not see what interest he or his Department has in the question of betting, whether it is profitable, and whether or not the totalisator brings in more and gets a bigger turnover than the bookmakers got.
Why have we got to this curious position? The Bill was a private Member's Bill. The operation of the Bill originally had nothing whatever to do with the Government. As we got into the Committee stage we found it plainly enunciated by the Chancellor of the Exchequer that the Government intended to put forward certain Amendments. That was what he had told us on the Second Reading—to make the Bill more workable. The "certain Amendments" were a complete re-drafting and an enlargement to ten times the original size of the Bill. The Government not only did that, but they had two or three shots at it, and there were endless negotiations between the Government and the original promoters of the Bill. The position now is that really, as is always the case when a Bill starts as a private Member's Bill and when the Government gradually take a little more interest in the Bill—
Notice taken that 40 Members were not present; House counted; and 40 Members being present—
I was pointing out that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had under the previous scheme, as under the present scheme, the appointment of one member of the Betting Control Board. He has always taken a great interest in this Bill, and he has now made it clear that he has added his support to it. It is worth while calling the attention of the House to this fact. The hon. Member for Central Southwark (Mr. Day), on the 24th of November of last year, asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what was the amount collected from the Betting Duty for the previous 12 months. I am only going to trouble the House with the figure that the right hon. Gentleman gave with regard to the rate of 2 per cent. of racecourse money. He said that he had collected £712,000, and that translated into turnover gives you an amount of money going in betting on the racecourse during the previous 12 months of only £35,600,000. It would not be appropriate at this moment, in view of my argument, to show the distinction between that and the amount of money dealt with off the racecourse—the starting price. That is another question which will come up on another Amendment. This showed that the racecourse bookmakers were paying 40 per cent. of the duty, and that the starting price bookmakers were paying 60 per cent. of the duty, whereas I am told on very good authority, not on the authority of opponents of this Bill—and I can give the House one authority, Lord Hamilton of Dalzell—who tells me that the best estimate that can be made by those who follow this matter very closely of the real proportion between the volume of betting off the racecourse and the volume of betting on the racecourse is either 10 per cent. or 15 per cent. on the racecourse and 90 per cent. or 85 per cent. off the racecourse. Therefore, the people who are evading the tax in the main are the starting price bookmakers and not the hookmakrs on the course.
Obviously, if you permit bookmakers still to do work on the racecourse, the totalisator is not going to do the whole of the business. Assume that there was some leakage and that duty ought to have been paid on £40,000,000, and that the totalisator is going to do three-quarters of the business in the future, it is very probable that you will get a turnover from the totalisator of £30,000,000. Two per cent. of that is £600,000. That is a substantial sum, but, from the point of view of the Chancellor of the Exchequer in balancing his Budget, it is nothing to write home about. It certainly does not seem much considering the motive power behind the whole of this scheme, which is going to bring all these Government Departments into the control of betting, and which we are now told, if it goes through, is going to enable him entirely to remodel his duty with the only addition on the other side of doubling the bookmakers' licences. I have great respect for the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and I do not believe for one moment that there is not something more behind it when we invite four Government Departments into partnership with the Jockey Club and those other bodies on the Betting Control Board for the sake of the collection of that kind of revenue through the totalisator. The totalisator will only be dealing with something between 5 and 10 per cent. of the total betting, according to how much the bookmaker is still allowed to carry out operations on the course.
It seems to me to be quite clear, therefore, that the Chancellor of the Exchequer must anticipate a very large increase in racecourse betting from the point of view of the totalisator, and that it will not be £600,000, but perhaps double, treble or four times that amount when the machine really gets going on all the racecourses. That is one of the main reasons why I have always opposed this Bill. I am perfectly convinced that it must mean an enormous increase in racecourse betting. I have no doubt about that, and it will bring into racecourse betting a class of people who have not done betting hitherto. When you consider those two things, that it means an increase in betting and that in the constitution of this Racecourse Betting Control Board you have for the first time the financial partnership of the Government in the control of racecourse betting, but that they have not even the control of or a majority on that Board, I think you have very good reason for opposing this Measure. As I said just now, I think, if the Government are going to have anything to do with it at all, that it would clearly be better for them tol assume a reasonably dignified position. I cannot think of any parallel to what they propose. It seems to me utterly derogatory.
There is still something more than that to which I object. One of the reasons why I oppose this Bill is that I really do not think that the course of this Bill so far through the House of Commons, on Second Reading, through the Committee, and changed as it is to-day into a Government Bill, is quite fair or honest to the House of Commons. I think the Government ought to have thought out this thing before they started this great departure. It was quite evident from the first that the Chancellor of the Exchequer attached great importance to the erection of this totalisator. He looked upon it, I think wrongly, as a means that is going to enable him to collect a large part of the duty which was slipping through his fingers. He is attacking the wrong people. He is attacking the people who, substantially, have been paying the duty, and he is doing nothing by the introduction of the totalisator to touch the people who have been avoiding it wholesale and who have not paid a quarter of the duty they ought to have paid to the Chancellor of the Exchequer. I do not think that it was quite fair for him to come to the conclusion, whether rightly or wrongly, that this was an important revenue collecting institution, with the Chancellor of the Exchequer concerned in it, with the Treasury appointing members to the Betting Control Board and so forth, unless he had said to the Cabinet, "This is a very important matter. The Betting Duty is slipping through my fingers. It is not being paid. We must have totalisators on racecourses. Will you please put forward a Government Bill to give me or other Government Departments the control of this business?" That would have been an understandable position. He has never really come to the front and into the limelight until to-day, when he told us that if this Bill went through he was going to make an entire change in his Betting Duty. I do not like to use hard words, but I do not think that is quite a fair way of treating us. Therefore, I am opposing it on that ground, because, while it was ostensibly a private Bill—and I and my Friends who opposed it in Committee were perfectly at liberty to do so—it was obviously from day to day becoming more and more a Government Measure. It was always changing.
I think I must remind the hon. Member of the Amendment which he is moving.
We are having a general discussion of the question whether the Government ought or ought not to have control. That was arranged by Mr. Speaker.
I quite agree that that is so, but the hon. Member must not drift into making something like a speech on Second Reading.
I promise that I will not do that. I am coming to this point. I say that the decision whether the Government ought or ought not to take control of this question ought to have been made before the Second Reading of the Bill. A Bill in which the Government are so vitally interested that it is necessary for them to get it through and to have four representatives on the Betting Control Board and the Home Secretary to nominate the chairman, is a matter that ought to have been made perfectly clear before the Second Reading, so that the House would know what they were voting about. Far from deserving some of the things that have been said about us in regard to affairs in Committee, I think we ought to have earned the thanks of the public, if not of the House, for the course that we took. The Bill is now turned into a Government Measure. It is now in the position in which it ought to have been from the first, if the Government attach so much importance to it.
I can only say that I extremely regret that the Government have any representatives on the Control Board. I do not like the Government having anything to do with it. I dislike the anticipation of an increase in betting that is going to bring an increase of revenue to the Government. I do not believe that this Bill is going to get rid of what the Chancellor of the Exchequer termed "rascality." I do not like the Government having anything to do with it, but if they are to have anything to do with it then, for Heaven's sake, let them take up a dignified position, let them admit the fact that this is a Government scheme, that the Government should be represented upon it, and that they should have control of the whole business.
I beg to second the Amendment.
I should like to say a few words on what I conceive to be the attitude of the State towards betting. Betting is not a crime, and is not considered a crime. I have made bets. I have made bets with hon. Members of this House, and if I have lost I have paid, and I have no doubt that if I had won I should have been paid. I am, however, a very unlucky bettor. Although the Government ought not to condemn betting, I make two qualifications in regard to betting, and the first is that the Government ought not to allow the opening of betting or gambling places. The Act of 1853, that much-abused Act, followed the common conscience of the country, for while it said that betting is not criminal, it said that it is not a good thing that places should be held open to tempt people to bet. While the Government ought not to condemn betting, they ought not to encourage it, and yet we have the Government using their immense authority for the encouragement of betting. Let there be no mistake about that. It is a tremendous step.
Hon. Members opposite have agreed with me up to now, but I am afraid that they will differ with me when r say that I believe this Government stand very high in public reputation. I believe they stand very high in the esteem and the affections of the people of this country. Look what they are risking? They are throwing away a large part of their influence, and for what? For a small sum of money. We should never have heard of the totalisator, and we should never have heard of Government control of the totalisator had it not been that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had failed to get as much as he expected out of the Betting Duty. When the Government give their great authority to betting on racecourses, surely it stands to reason that they will encourage and increase betting. The promoters of the Bill have sometimes said one thing and sometimes another, but we do know that the expectation is that betting will be increased, when the Government make it their interest that betting should be increased. That is one of the great objections that I have felt towards the Betting Duty and which I feel towards the totalisator. They have put themselves in the position of wanting to get more revenue from betting, and they only can get that by increasing betting. The opposition that has been excited is of the imponderable type. It is not a vocal opposition. Certain sections of bookmakers have been vocal, and have expressed their objection, but when you offend the conscience of the country, and I think you are doing so by a Government-controlled betting system, you do not always realise what you are doing, and you do not see the effect of what you are doing at once. You are dealing not with material facts, but with the imponderable. When you decide to
Let us look where we are going. This Bill establishes the totalisator for racecourses. Can hon. Members deny that to greyhound racing or to bicycle racing? I know of no argument that could defend such a denial. The chief supporters of horse-racing are mainly drawn from the leisured classes. The busy man in all classes of life cannot spend four days at Epsom, three days at Ascot, or three days at Newmarket. Apart from the Derby and the St. Leger, the main supporters of racecourses are drawn from the leisured classes, and the wealthy and powerful classes. Can you give this privilege to those people and deny the same privilege to the people who seek the more humble sport of greyhound racing in the evenings? I do not see how you can.
It is true that it has been arranged that there should be a general discussion on this Clause, which deals with the composition of the Racecourse Betting Control Board, but I think the hon. Member is going a bit beyond the limits of that discussion when he is referring to greyhound racing.
Since this Bill was discussed in Committee the Greyhound Racing Association has been formed.
The Greyhound Racing Control Board is not dealt with under this Clause.
Since the Government have thrown their aegis over racecourse betting they will find it difficult to resist the logic of legalising all ready-money betting. The hon. and learned Member for East Grinstead (Sir H. Cautley) clearly recognised this. He sat as Chairman of the Committee on Betting, and realised that if you tax betting you would, in the end, be driven to legalise all ready-money betting as well as racecourse betting, and you are back to where you were before the Act of 1853 was passed. I regard the whole matter with the deepest detestation. I think the Government are losing immensely in credit and reputation. It is a loss which will not he appreciated for some time, but it will endure. Once they have taken this step, the country is committed. Acts of Parliament which are passed do not often get repealed. I have heard many fervent protestations in this House that certain Acts shall be repealed, but time goes on and they remain on the Statute Book. This Act will remain.
I come strictly to the Amendment. I objected on Second Reading to the control given to the Jockey Club and the National Hunt Committee, but I confess that I am now between the Devil and the deep sea. Of the two, I would infinitely prefer to see this immense fund handled entirely by the Jockey Club and the National Hunt Committee; so much do I object to the Government taking charge of betting. We have not got that choice now. The die is cast, the Government have thrown the weight of their majority into the scale, and we shall see this Bill with a Government-appointed Board. Do we want a Board on which these five gentlemen nominated by the Government are to he dragged at the heels of other people whose interests might be quite diverse from Government interests, or do we want the Government, if they are to enter the business at all, to be given control of the Board. I confess that it is difficult to decide. I object to the whole business so much that I find some difficulty in coming to an unbiased decision, but, on the whole, I agree with the hon. Member for Barnstaple (Sir B. Peto). If the Government are to be on this Board they ought not to be in the undignified position of being in a minority. I know no Board on which five representatives of the Government are in a minority, and since the Government are to be represented on this Board, I think they should be in the majority. Much as I dislike it, deeply as I distrust it, I feel that if the Government have decided, and I suppose they have—I very much regret that the Prime Minister is not present—that we are to have this Board on which the Government are to be represented, then for heaven's sake let the Government run the whole thing instead of letting it be run by somebody else. With a very great dislike to the whole business and a still stronger dislike to Government control, I shall vote for the Amendment.
When this proposal was first brought to the notice of the country it excited a kind of amused interest, because there are always people who are interested in a new proposal, and at that stage the hostility to it had not developed. It is really when we come to the point now under discussion on this Amendment, that the Government should step in, that I think the national conscience is really aroused. They may be interested in a novelty, but it is altogether a different thing when the Government steps in in order to control and manage that novelty. There are three stages in the "Rake's Progress" of the Government's concern with this matter. In the first place, we start in the human manner of saying that betting is not a sin, that we all bet sometimes, and, therefore, do not let us be pharisaical about it. We pass on and say that since there is here something which is bound to exist, let us try and get something for the revenue out of it. The Government may he inclined to think that it is discouraging the progress of betting by putting some kind of tax upon it, but as soon as the revenue comes to depend upon a certain source of income, the stage at which it wishes to discourage that source of revenue is quickly passed. Then, when it is found difficult to collect the money, the Government steps in and takes control, and we have the complete stage, from a tepid interest and tolerance to participation in the failings of the people by the Government themselves.
I put it purely as an illustration that the same thing which is happening here has happened already in the history of the liquor trade. One starts by getting money out of it, and then, as time goes on, every Chancellor of the Exchequer, no matter to what party he belongs, is tied and is unable to have any dealings with that side of our national life because the revenue of the country is so largely met by it. As it was in the case of the liquor so it is now with betting. The country will come to depend for part of its revenue upon this particular aspect of our national life, and I think it is a most undignified attitude that Members of the Government should put themselves forward as the promoters and protectors of this business. The hon. and gallant Member for Ripon (Major Hills) said something about the credit of his Government. I will not discuss the credit of this Government in the nation, but I will readily grant that any of the great parties in the State ought to hold a place in the affections of the people because of their long association with its history, and it is that heritage of hon. Members opposite that is now in danger. Their representatives are now coming forward and saying: "We know that you must bet, but you must bet with the old firm, with the only bookmaker who never owes, and the one who gives you the best odds."
They will be compelled to advertise their own concern in order to make it as prosperous as possible and to make the conditions under which betting goes on so convenient that it is mere hypocrisy to contend that the object behind it all, the only motive, is not to get as many people as possible to take part in betting. I hope, if there is yet time, that the Government will reconsider its position, because it must be remembered that we have not yet covered all these natural and human failings. There are other failings which may be traded upon, other human weaknesses, which we may recognise as inevitable and try to get money from, and, when it is difficult to collect the revenue, it will be said again that the Government must register and interfere. If these things are to be done, let them be done by private individuals and private concerns, on their own responsibility, and not by the accredited representatives of the British nation.
I am very pleased indeed that we are having this discussion on a main issue in connection with this matter, namely, the identification of the Government with this Board of Control and with what is admitted on all hands to be a great evil. I was much struck with a phrase used by Mr. Speaker when he referred to this subject on 6th July. He said that the Bill had been a mere skeleton but that it was now clothed with flesh and blood. I thought it a very apt illustration. As a matter of fact this Bill was a foundling discovered on the doorstep of the Treasury a few weeks ago; and, while the Home Secretary showed a willingness to take it in when it was suffering and was ready to die from exposure, we all knew who was the real parent and what was the real source of this foundling. I should like to drive home what I have just said by referring to a letter under the name of Lord Hamilton of Dalzell which appeared in the "Times" on 4th June, in which are these words:
"The first intimation we"—
that is the promoters of the Bill—
"had of the nature of the Amendments the Government would require, was when I was summoned to the Treasury a week after the Second Reading and was given by Mr. Churchill an outline of what was required. We have endeavoured to give effect to the requirements of the Government in the Amendments that have been drafted by our legal advisers."
This is really not only a Government Bill. It is the Bill of the Chancellor of the Exchequer.
The greatest gambler of all.
I desire to say that not only is he giving a new legality to betting, but he is giving and the Government are giving, a new and dangerous respecta- bility to the gambling habit by identifying themselves with it. I recall to the House the words used by the Chancellor of the Exchequer in his Budget speech of 1926 in which he first referred to the Betting Duty. On 26th April, 1926, the right hon. Gentleman said he did not propose to change the law and he did not desire to make anything legal which was now illegal. He said: same position arose, in regard to the revenue drawn from the slave trade, in 1794, when James Martin said:
I refer only to one other matter. It is said that the one great justification for identifying the Government in this way with betting on racecourses, is that it will cleanse the turf. I desire to see something better than a cleansed turf. I want to see a cleansed democracy and pure sport. I want the cleansing of our great national sports from evils like this. I want to see for the people, pure joy and clean recreation that will make virtue easy and vice difficult, and not a new machine to entrap the young. I know that the Home Secretary has sympathy with great moral causes and I believe so has the Under-Secretary. I can only think that in this matter they and the promoters of the Bill are mistaken. However noble may be their purpose and their thought as to what they will achieve, in my view they are setting up a system which will encourage and promote in this country as it has done in other countries, a very great evil. I believe that they will realise that, whatever the habits of the people are, their instincts at least are still sound. They will realise, what the hon. and gallant Member for Ripon (Major Hills) said just now, that conscience is slow to arouse, but that it is a mighty force when it is aroused. I think, myself, that the Churches have been slack in this matter and that if they had been as much interested in this question as they were about the Prayer Book, we should have had a better display on the part of the Christian Church itself; but, all the same, I believe that once you begin to set this Bill in operation, and once the public know that the Government of this country have been put in an entirely new relation to betting, you will have a moral uprising that will astonish even the Government.
The hon. and gallant Member for Ripon spoke about the esteem and affection in which he had held the Government, and then went on to admit that he believed they had suffered greatly in credit and would suffer still more from this Bill. I think they have already suffered in credit, as is shown by the fact that on this great Measure we should have so small a number of Government supporters present, and that even of those who are present more than one have spoken, very strongly, against it, to their credit and to some extent redeeming the credit of their party. I believe, as I have said, that although the habits of the people in this regard may be disappointing, their deep moral instincts are sound, and that when they are aroused they will not only insist on cleansing the turf and cleansing our public life and our national sports, but I believe that they will insist on cleansing the Front Bench of those who have sat there and who, without any mandate from the country, have brought in this most dangerous machine, giving a new impetus to betting, and thereby besmirched the very great office that they hold in this House.
I am grateful to the hon. Member for Motherwell (Mr. Barr) for his observations with regard to myself and my right hon. Friend the Home Secretary. I feel sure he knows me well enough and has known me long enough to appreciate that I would certainly not be a party to doing anything which would encourage vice in this country, but that is not my belief in this case. I would like to point out to him, from a practical point of view, that I sit for a big industrial constituency in the North of England, which has known for a long time—much too long, some of us think who sat on the Committee which considered this Bill—that I am one of the Ministers responsible for this Measure, yet during the whole of that time I have never received a single communication of any kind from anybody in my constituency or on the Merseyside on the moral issue raised by this Bill. Therefore, for him to say that it is inflaming the conscience of the public is not in accordance with the facts. The House has already decided that there shall be a Racecourse Betting Control Board and that it shall be a statutory body. Therefore, all that we are concerned with is the constitution of that body; that is to say, whether there shall be Government representatives on it and if so whether those Government representatives shall be in the majority.
9.0 p.m.
Let me deal very briefly with those two points. In the first place, this body will be a statutory body, and it is necessary that it should have a Chairman. It must fall to the lot of some Government Department to appoint the Chairman, and it has been decided that the best Department to do that will be that of my right hon. Friend, because my right hon. Friend is normally responsible for internal affairs. It has also been decided that as this body will be dealing with the general law in regard to betting and with revenue questions and questions affecting the breeding of horses, the three big Government Departments, the Home Office and the Scottish Office—they are put on because they are the Home Office for Scotland—the Treasury, and the Ministry of Agriculture, should be represented on this body.
It has been suggested that even if that were the case, we should be in a majority on that body. If the Government had a permanent majority on this statutory body, it would simply become a kind of sub-Department of the Government, and every single action that this body took might be raised, and would naturally be raised, as a political issue. I do not think that it is at all desirable—and many hon. Members who have had experience of administration will, I believe, agree with me—that if any body is going to do this work satisfactorily, every action it takes should be open to possible criticism from a political point of view. I do not think it is at all desirable that anything they might do should be an occasion for political capital being made out of it, and I think most hon. Members of this House will agree that, whether they think the body itself is a right or a wrong body, whether they think it should be set up or not, having agreed to set it up, we must try and give it a chance to do its work properly. The only way in which it can do that is that it should have an unofficial majority and not an official majority on it. That is the view of the Government, and it is a view to which the Government intend to adhere. Therefore, I hope this Amendment will not be accepted by the House.
I am interested indeed in the observations of the hon. and gallant Gentleman the Under-Secretary for the Home Office on this matter, because I think he has not quite faced up to the opposition which is advanced on these benches to the principles involved in this particular Clause. My hon. Friend the Member for Motherwell (Mr. Barr) quite rightly pointed out that in this Clause we have, as a matter of fact, come up against the very kernel of our opposition to this Bill, namely, the almost formal recognition by the State of betting and all it ramifications.
I must remind the hon. Member that the fact that we tax betting now, and have done so since the Finance Bill of last year, is in itself a formal recognition of betting.
Yes, I quite recognise the justice of that point. It is not the first step; it is the development, it is the further slip down that Gadarene slope into which—
That is a matter of opinion.
Not entirely. It is a matter of fact. I am particularly interested in this, because I had the privilege of serving upon the Select Committee which sat to discuss the question originally as to whether or not the State should embark on the experiment of the taxation of betting at all, and I should like to make this point before I go any further, that this Bill actually is at this moment being backed by, and has on the back of it, as one of its supporters, the name of one of the very Members who voted with me in the majority when we declared that the taxation of betting was undesirable. [HON. MEMBERS: "Name!"] It is an hon. Member who sits for one of the Divisions of Lincolnshire. It is apposite to inquire how it was that we arrived at that conclusion. The point before us was this. The overwhelming opinion on that Committee was that taxation of betting was practicable, but the curious thing was that when we came to the question of whether it was desirable, a considerable number of those who voted in the previous majority joined the minority, including the hon. Member for Brigg (Sir B. Sheffield), and declared that it was not desirable that the State should mix itself up with this question of the taxation of betting. The Betting Committee was appointed at a time when the overwhelming membership of the House was opposed to anything in the nature of Labour or Socialism. It was appointed during the Coalition Government, and no one can accuse the Committee of having any bias towards our point of view in politics. The overwhelming numbers of the Committee were associated politically with the Members on the other side, and they declared in 1922 that in their judgment the taxation of betting was thoroughly undesirable. Yet one of those who declared this, is at this very moment backing a Bill which not only puts it into practice, but says that it is desirable.
Let us see how this thing has developed. The hon. and gallant Gentleman the Under-Secretary quite rightly made the point that this is not the first step. We had last year the Betting Duty in the Budget, and I remember the Chancellor of the Exchequer on that occasion saying quite clearly that he was not called upon to argue the moral issue involved. He was merely interested in the finance of the scheme. I remember that some of us on this side asked why, if it is only a question of finance, we should not tax all forms of vice. We have gone further since then. We have had a Private Member's Bill introduced more than once in the last Session and in this in which an attempt has been made to push the Government in the direction of the complete legalisation of betting. This Bill is for all practical purposes a complete recognition of betting in all its forms and phases. It may be answered, I know, that this Bill as yet does not propose to establish a totalisator, say on greyhound racecourses, but who is to say that in the next Session some hon. Gentlemen will not come along with another Bill, and demand its application to greyhound racing? Someone else will want it for motor racing, and so on. Once we have opened the door to this business, there is no logical stopping place short of complete recognition of the thing.
The issue is raised for us by reason of the fact that for the first time, not only do we propose to tax betting, but we are now going to call upon certain Departments of the State to participate in a Board for its regulation. I want to say a word about the effectiveness of the proposed Board. I may be wrong in my interpretation and the connotation of the word, but, as I understand it, the use of the word "any" in the previous Clause does not necessarily mean "every." The Board has the power to establish a totalisator upon any racecourse, but it does not necessarily follow that they will establish it upon every racecourse. It may, therefore, very well follow that you may have some approved racecourses where the Control Board may say that they will erect a totalisator. You may have another approved racecourse where they may decide that it is not advisable or practicable for various reasons to put a totalisator. If that be so, we may find this position: certain people who go to certain approved racecourses being compelled, if they bet through the totalisator, to pay into the national taxation according to the size of their bet, and those who go to other approved racecourses where there is no totalisator being allowed to escape the Betting Duty altogether. It may be right or it may be wrong; it all turns upon the interpretation you give of that word "any." Does it mean merely one, or any particular one that the Board may decide upon, or does it mean necessarily every approved racecourse?
We are told, and I suppose with absolute truth, that the Board is to have Government representatives on it largely because the Government want to have some security that the whole thing shall be done in an approved and proper way, and that the result will be a revenue for the State. May I remind the hon. Gentleman opposite that the Chancellor of the Exchequer a week or two ago admitted in the House that his difficulty in regard to the collection of the Duty did not arise from the actual cash betting that takes place on racecourses, but it arose from the avoidance of the Duty through credit betting. We are going to improvise tremendous paraphernalia of machinery, partly controlled by representatives of the State, but that machinery cannot touch in the slightest degree the leakage to which the Chancellor refers. It will not touch credit betting at all. We are entitled therefore to ask the Government whether they are absolutely assured that on financial grounds the participation of the State will be amply justified. Apart from that, many of us take the quite strong and definite position that, whatever revenue is obtained through the totalisator scheme for the coffers of the State, it cannot be justified in view of the inroads that must necessarily be made upon the moral standards of the State.
We are more sober since we taxed drink.
The fact that we are black in one respect does not justify us becoming black in all respects. For my part, I would get rid not only of racing but of drink as well—if I could; but one of the difficulties in dealing with the drink traffic is that we have made it a source of revenue, and many people would hesitate to oppose its abolition because of the loss of revenue. We shall find ourselves landed in the same position in regard to betting. The hon. and learned Member for East Grinstead (Sir H. Cautley), who was Chairman of the Betting Committee, drafted a very powerful argument in favour of the Betting Duty, and he will not deny my state- ment that the Committee determined that it was not desirable to recommend it on the grounds, very largely, which I am at present advancing, namely, the fear that the imposition of a Betting Duty would involve some measure of recognition of an undesirable activity within the realm. Therefore, I think we are entitled to ask from the Government whether they have considered the responsible report presented by the Betting Duty Committee, in which, by a majority, it was declared that a betting duty was practicable but, by a majority—of my hon. and learned Friend's own political friends—it was also declared that a duty would be thoroughly undesirable. I have heard no argument from any one on the other side to show that since that time it has become desirable. What has happened is that the Chancellor of the Exchequer, has initiated a Betting Duty, and found it fall far short of his expectations, and we are now asked to carry a sort of indemnity Bill to cover him in respect to the failure of his anticipations.
And in his absence?
I strongly oppose the formal introduction of Government Departments as participants in an activity which, if it is not condemned by the majority of the people of these islands, is certainly bitterly resented by a strong and powerful minority. For those, and many other reasons, I have the utmost pleasure in supporting the Amendment.
I hope the House will forgive me for intruding for a few minutes in this discussion, but it is only right that I should answer one or two of the arguments put forward by the hon. Member for Caerphilly (Mr. Morgan Jones). I recognise that there are those who, like the hon. Member for Dundee (Mr. Scrymgeour), sincerely believe that betting is a great curse, and I hope he will give some of us credit for taking that view also. But I think it would be very wrong of the opponents of this Bill to assume that those who support it are trying to do something to cover a vice, just as it would be wrong for us to assume that hon. Members who oppose this Bill do so for one interested motive or another. Obviously, this is a matter on which opinions differ. Those of us who support this Bill believe that by controlling something which we feel we cannot abolish by legislation we are doing something which, on the whole, is preferable to leaving it alone.
When we introduced this Bill it was a short Measure which had all the advantages of simplicity, but after it had received a Second Reading the Home Office intimated that it was quite impossible to allow two non-statutory bodies like the Jockey Club and the National Hunt Committee to say that an action by a citizen of this country should be legal in one place and illegal in another place. The reason why the Government are associated with this Bill has nothing to do with encouraging gambling or associating themselves with the collection of more money for the Treasury. They are carrying out their constitutional function of seeing that there is a statutory body on which the Government are represented, so that a citizen of this country shall not be acting illegally at the ipse dixit of a non-official body; the decisions are to be made by a statutory body. That is the only reason why the Government have come in. I hope I can make that clear to the House, because it is a fundamental point. I must confess that I failed to make it clear in Committee upstairs, because from the speeches I have heard here it is obvious that hon. Gentlemen are still under the impression that the Government came into this Bill for sinister motives. All they came into the Bill for was to protect the citizens of this country, and if they had not done it hon. Members opposite would have been the first to reprove them.
I hope all will be assured that the ordinary citizen is to have a fair deal. We do not want the Government to control betting, but we want the Government represented on this Board to see that there is fair play to all—to the ordinary citizen, to the bookmaker, to those who put up the totalisator, to the racecourse authority, and so on. I am sure the hon. Member for Caerphilly, who has great experience as a result of his work on the Betting Duty Committee, will agree, that if we are to amend the betting laws in one particular and make legal in one place something that is illegal in another place, we can only do it through a body on which the Government have representation.
Next I wish to say a word or two about approved racecourses. There is still a false impression that the Board will be able, to say: "I make that an approved racecourse, but I refuse to make this other an approved racecourse." That is an entire delusion. No racecourse can become an approved racecourse until it applies for a certificate, and no racecourse will get a certificate until the Control Board are satisfied that the terms of the certificate will be carried out.
There is one very important point I would like to bring to the attention of the hon. Member. There is nothing in this Bill setting forth the terms of the certificate itself. It is true that in Clause 3, Sub-section (2), the conditions precedent to the granting of a certificate are mentioned, but there is nothing in the Bill setting out either the form of the certificate or the conditions on which it will be granted.
The hon. Member is quite correct. The explanation is that if you are to set up a statutory body it is no use hedging it around with conditions. The statutory body will be composed of representatives of the essential Government Departments, of the two great racing authorities—which everywhere else in this land except in the House of Commons are looked up to with respect by everybody who knows anything about racing; it is only in the House of Commons they are condemned, lock stock and barrel—
Why have they not cleansed racecourses?
This Bill was framed very largely in consultation with a committee of the Jockey Club and the National Hunt Committee, who have been engaged in an effort to cleanse racecourses. [ Interruption. ] I respect the views of the hon. Member for Dundee, and I would ask him to give us a chance to see whether, by these means, we cannot improve the conditions. In reply to the point put to me just now by the hon. Member for Cardigan (Mr. Morris), I was saying that if you set up a statutory body like this, how can you expect it to function properly if you hedge it about with conditions? In the Bill it is laid down that a racecourse will be an approved racecourse if the Control Board consider that it will carry out the terms of the certificate, and the terms of the certificate are going to be in accordance with what is laid down in the Bill, and the one and only purpose of the Bill is to permit the totalisator or pari-mutuel to be set up on racecourses in such a way that people who want to wager can wager by means of those machines.
As an example of the extraordinary position into which the betting laws of this country have come, I would remind the hon. Member for Dundee that there is nothing to prevent the totalisator being set up in any place in London provided cash is not taken. He knows as well as I do that of all the evils of betting, there is no greater evil than that of a man being led on and on, and gambling more than he can afford. There is, at any rate, one advantage of a totalisator on a racecourse, and that is that a man can spend no more than he has got with him. Therefore when hon. Gentlemen condemn us for producing this Bill, let them realise what the position is, and that in the opinion of those most competent to judge this will do something to improve the conditions under which gambling takes place on racecourses, and that it will, as we hope. set an example which will be followed, and improve racing conditions, encourage breeding and set up a board which. in our opinion. will enjoy the confidence of the whole public opinion of the country.
May I ask one question before the hon. Gentleman sits down? I understod him to argue that this Control Board would have the power to issue certificates. Is it not a fact that though they have the power, according to the words used in the Bill, the Board may issue—not must—and therefore, though a racecourse may be as well equipped as any other, it still remains for the Board to decide whether they approve of it or otherwise?
With the permission of the House I will answer the hon. Gentleman. The whole purpose is that a racecourse shall apply. It is not a question of equipment, but as to whether the Board are under the impression that those in charge of that racecourse will carry out the terms of the certificate.
But they are not bound to give approval.
It is irrelevant to discuss the merits or demerits of the Control Board or to attack the Control Board as being an inefficient body, but it is very relevant to know exactly what the Board can do. I turn to Clause 1, Sub-section (2), which states:
With all respect to the hon. and gallant Member for Abingdon (Major Glyn), I find nowhere set out in this Bill the conditions on which the Board shall grant certificates. It sets out the conditions precedent to the application and the conditions which must be satisfied before the Board will entertain the application. But how is the Board to be governed, and what is there in this Bill which indicates to the Board the way in which it is to act when the application is properly before it or whether it shall grant a certificate when an application is in order or refuse it? There is nothing to guide the applicants as to the conditions they shall fulfil except the conditions precedent to application. They have to get their application first of all in order, and once they have obtained the position in which their application is in order, there is nothing beyond that to show on what grounds the Board is going to grant or refuse a certificate. That is a serious omission. The Board is left entirely without guidance. I should have expected to find a Schedule setting out the conditions on which a certificate is to be granted and the form of the certificate.
The hon. Member has referred to Clause 1, then to Clause 3 and now to a Schedule. I am waiting for him to get to Clause 2.
I was, with all respect, getting through these Clauses in order to show the position under Clause 2. One has to trace the granting of the certificate and the conditions under which the Board must grant it, but one has also to follow the definition in order to seie what exactly it is. There is nothing in Clause 2 which shows how the Board is to act, and under what conditions it will grant or refuse the certificate. That being so, it is my submission that there is a sufficient defect in the Bill at present to warrant the rejection of this Clause.
:I would like to revert to the argument of the hon. and gallant Member for Abingdon (Major Glyn) who gave us a statistical account of the good intentions of the Government in the matter of the introduction of this Bill, and endeavoured to prove to us that since it was impossible to abolish this vice of betting—which in his opening remarks he almost seemed to admit it to be—it was necessary to control and tax it. I do not know whether he will continue to apply that argument in every direction and whether, because it is impossible to abolish sexual vice in the community, you must control it and tax it, or whether, because it is impossible to abolish in the desires of some persons a propensity to take drugs, one must control it and tax it. I think it is only necessary to make those comparisons to secure, even from the hon. and gallant Member for Abingdon the realisation of the weakness of the case which he put forward.
I would prefer to return to the attitude which the community, after long experience, found itself compelled to adopt in the middle of the 19th century, when a sense of public shame made it realise that this matter was a reasonable subject for neither taxation nor for control. Although experience may have shown since the very great difficulties of making good the popular intention and to stamp out what was realised to be a public shame, at least the Betting Act, 1853, represented some small bulwark against this vice in the sense that it was a public statement and a public gesture regarding what perhaps was not able to be controlled by the community. The thing which surprised me most about the present situation was what the Under-Secretary of State for the Home Department has reminded us of to-night, namely, that in the great industrial constituencies the great moral forces and organisations, such as churches and similar bodies, have made up to the present little protest against the introduction of this Bill. I was not at all surprised to hear from him that his constituency of Bootle had sent him not a single letter, but I know Bootle welt enough to realise—in fact, I had the honour to speak in his constituency not long since upon another great moral issue where a number of leading clergymen in that town expressed themselves pretty vigorously—that when they do come to realise what is involved in this Bill, he will get more letters of protest than he is probably thinking of. What has happened is that the Government by allowing this Bill to be brought forward as a private Member's Bill—
Some of those matters may be referred to if they can be connected with the construction of the Board, but, when the hon. Member discusses matters which cannot be so connected, then he is out of order.
The point of the construction of the Board is the very centre of the complaint that we are making with regard to the attitude of the Government. We have been told to-night on evidence which has been read from the "Times" that the Government knew that this Board would come into existence, and, notwithstanding this fact, they remained quiescent and allowed a private Member to bring in a Bill which at first was of an innocuous character. It is that trick on the part of the Chancellor of the Exchequer that has made it possible for the hon. Member for Bootle (Sir V. Henderson) to say that he has received no protest whatever from his constituents. The reason for that is that the hon. Member's constituents have not realised the nature of the proposals with which we are confronted. The hon. Member for Abingdon was not able to tell the House honestly and frankly the terms that are laid down in the Bill for the granting of certificates by the Board of Control.
When the hon. Member for Bootle was speaking of the purposes of the Board, he said that it would be concerned with the use of funds for the purpose of horse breeding. If the hon. Member had quoted the actual terms of the Bill, he would have seen that the funds are arranged not only for horse breeding but for horse racing. You have funds of a public character worked by a public corporation upon which four Government representatives sit. That Board has a Chairman appointed by the Home Secretary, and it acts on behalf of the community. The Board has to report its doings to Parliament, and it has to arrange the spending of these public funds for the purpose of horse racing. No wonder the hon. Member who made that statement was ashamed of letting that information slip over his tongue, and he preferred to put it more quietly by saying that it was proposed to use this money for the purposes of horse breeding. When the public are made aware of what is involved in these proposals, I am sure their protests will be much more vocal than they have been up to the present time.
I claim that by the setting up of this Board you are practically organising a system of betting throughout the whole community because you cannot stop at this point. In future, what justification will the Government have for objecting to municipalities setting up some organisation to deal with the problem of greyhound racing? It is rather a strange fact that not very long ago, on account of an agitation which was got up by the Churches and other bodies, practically the whole of the Members of this House found themselves on the side of the protests made by municipalities against the extension of dog racing. Some of the very men who put this question at the head and front of their opposition to dog racing practices will, I expect, be found supporting the Government on this Clause. I would have liked to have asked the hon. Member for the Scottish Universities (Mr Buchan), if he had been present, how he can support this Bill after the vigorous protests which he recently made against the Dog Racing Bill.
Is the hon. Member aware that all these racecourses have to be licensed before they can be started?
This Bill goes much further than the licensing of racecourses. because it proposes to set up a public Board which will administer public funds. It is a Board which will have to report its doings to Parliament, and, if that is done nationally, there is no reason why, in the case of greyhound racing, the same sort of thing should not be done by municipalities.
This Amendment deals simply with the composition of the Board, and that is the only question which can he discussed upon this Amendment.
When the Under-Secretary of State was speaking about the composition of this Board, he gave the grounds and reasons for its composition. The hon. Member advanced as one of the reasons the fact that it would use public funds, and may I submit with great respect that that argument was considered to be quite in order at the time. The hon. Member also told us that the funds would be used for the purposes of horse breeding. I am trying to show that the proposals of this Bill go much further, and that the funds will he used for purposes for which the public will be utterly ashamed as far as the 1853 Act goes. If the community can realise that simple fact, I am sure that they will not continue to connive at the passing of this Bill as they seem to have done up to the present moment. Two or three hon. Members have spoken on this matter to-night as leaders of spiritual movements in the country, and they have given us their views emphatically and strongly on this question. My hon. Friend the Member for Caerphilly (Mr. Morgan Jones), the late Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Education, and myself speak upon this question from our own point of view, because we were formerly teachers, and we know what you are expecting the children to learn in the schools at the present moment.
Will the hon. Gentleman tell us what he and his colleague have done to stop street betting?
I should have thought that it would not have been necessary for me to answer that question after the long reports which have been published on that subject. The rules of our debate are fairly strict just now, and consequently I cannot say all I might say on that matter.
I understood the hon. Member to claim that he and his colleagues had done much to prevent the evils of betting, but I am not aware that they did much in that direction.
At the time when the hon. and learned Member interrupted me, I was making no such claim.
I misunderstood; I thought that the hon. Member was doing so.
Perhaps, if I had been able to complete my remark, the hon. and learned Member would have seen what I was alluding to. The claim that 1 was making was that in the public schools of the country, for which Parliament is responsible, special efforts today, perhaps more than at any time in the past, are being made to get children to realise that the gain of anything that has not been laboured for is dishonourable gain. The dignity of labour—
I must point out that we must confine ourselves to the question of the composition of the Board.
With great respect, the composition of the Board and the performances of the Board—the work of the Beard—are, I submit, closely inter- related, and lead us to this result, that the State, through the Board, is making itself responsible for a vice—
This would have been in order on a previous Amendment to Clause 1, dealing with the setting up of the Board, but the House has now decided that a Board shall be set up, and the only question before us at the moment in the composition of that Board. We must confine ourselves to that.
May I again submit, with great respect, on the point of Order, that, if the composition of the Board is to provide for four Government representatives, that surely gives me, on this particular Amendment, the right to complain that a special Government responsibility, through the composition of the Board, is taken for all that proceeds from the activities of the Board, and I was trying to prove that, although it is true that the President of the Board of Education is not placed upon this Board, the Government, while they are trying to teach these children to despise gambling and any type of gain that is obtained otherwise than by labour, are now joining with all the disreputable elements in the community in order to advance that very vice against which, through our schools, we are protesting. Much has been said to-night by way of appeal to the Government to think about their high moral purposes. I do not attempt to make any such appeal; I have never believed in any high moral purposes that this Government might have. They have proved by this Bill to be, as we have known them to be, a Government associated with gamesters, tipsters, and tricksters, and as long as this Bill, if it becomes law, remains on the Statute Book, it will be an advertisement of the real nature of the Government under which this nation has suffered for the last four years. I shall be glad indeed when the next opportunity comes for placing this, among many other issues, clearly before the public judgment.
Under the various Rulings which you, Mr. Speaker, have given since you came into the Chair, I will endeavour to keep strictly—
My Ruling on this point has always been the same.
From the Ruling which you have given on various occasions, I gather that it will not be in order for me to reply to the assertion of the hon. and gallant Member for Abingdon (Major Glyn), which he made before you came into the Chair, as to the conditions under which the Government came into the composition of this Board at all, and, therefore, I will for the moment refer to a matter which has not yet been mentioned, but which I think is very grave. It is that, according to the composition of the Board as set down in Sub-section (4) of Clause 2, one representative is to be appointed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. I hope that I shall not be travelling outside the limits which you have set when I say that certainly during the last three hours, while we have been discussing this matter, the absence from the House of the Chancellor of the Exchequer himself, and, indeed, of any representative of the Treasury, is made more conspicuous when we realise, as we have been compelled more and more to realise during the last week, that the reason for this proposal being before the House now is simply and solely to cover up the tracks of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. I only say that in order once more to draw your attention to the fact that the Chancellor of the Exchequer has not thought it worth while to come down to the House even in reference to this particular matter, when, as the Under-Secretary for the Home Department himself pointed out a few minutes ago, we are discussing the composition of a Board which will have to consider, among other things, questions dealing with revenue. I think that the right hon. Gentleman the Home Secretary, who on this matter has been dragged in at the tail of his colleague much against his wishes and opinions—
I must ask the hon. Member not to make statements in regard to my views for which there is no possible foundation.
If the right hon. Gentleman says that I have put too favourable a construction upon his views, I will certainly withdraw, but I would suggest, as has been suggested before, that the right hon. Gentleman is compelled under this Clause to appoint a chairman of this board, and some of his colleagues who actually voted against the Second Reading of this Bill have been, I will not say compelled, but will use a nicer word and say coerced, into supporting this Bill of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who does not even show the House of Commons the courtesy of coming here to defend that part of it with which he is concerned. The Chancellor of the Exchequer has coerced the Government into making this a Government Measure, but for hours there has been no representative of his Department present to give the views of the Department upon it.
To turn to the hon. and gallant Member for Abingdon, he told us, apropos of something which would be out of order if I repeated it, that, I think after the Second Reading of the Bill, the Government was introduced into the composition of this board because it could not be left to a non-statutory body to say whether this or that thing should or should not be illegal. If the Government are going to be brought into the composition of this board in order to ensure that a statutory body shall have this statutory right, surely the hon. and gallant Member must see the force of the argument that, to ensure that the Government carry out their duty in that respect, they must be in a majority on the board. The hon. and gallant Member has once again paid public testimony to the reputation of the people who sponsored this Bill, and from whom he has taken his instructions. He says that outside the House of Commons they have universally a high reputation; but he must excuse us if, after the performances of which they hare been guilty in regard to this Bill, we cannot take their reputation at their own valuation. The hon. Member's argument means that the Government are brought in in order to secure that justice is done to the subjects of the Crown by this board and is in itself an argument that the Government representatives should be in a majority. The reason for the Amendment I put down, to leave out the word "eleven," and to insert instead thereof the word "seven," is not to bring the Government in, because I object to that.
I know that friends of the hon. Gentleman opposite and colleagues on the Committee and so on have twitted me with taking a high moral tone. I do not want to take a high moral tone. I do not want to judge on the moral question, but as between making or passing a moral judgment on this matter on the one side, which perhaps I am not competent to do, and the State coming in on the other, there is a very big gulf. You may take up the position, as I certainly do, that I am not competent to pass judgment in these matters on my fellow men, but there is a very different series of issues raised when you bring the State into matter of this kind. The State is brought in, and it is associated with a thing which at any rate in the minds of a great many people is an evil thing, and in the minds of all, worked in a certain way, must be an evil thing. Even those from the Dominions who have testified to the value of the totalisator, were compelled to admit before the Committee that the totalisator, whatever else it did, induced women and young persons to bet more than they otherwise would. That is an entirely different set of issues from any single one of us passing a moral judgment on his fellows, and if you bring the State into association with a matter of this kind you ought to allow the State representatives to be in a majority in order that, at any rate, they can be sure that the wishes of the country will be carried out.
Finally, I wish to say, with regard to what was said by the Under-Secretary, bit by bit we are getting out the truth of the matter. What was his defence of the position of the Board? He said, if you have a statutory body which has certain duties to carry out, the last thing in the world is that they should be hampered at every turn by discussions, or that whether they do this or do that should be made a question of party politics. That means in simple English that by putting the Government representatives in a minority you are going to burke discussion. I understand the hon. and gallant Gentleman is in a difficult position. He, too, has been coerced by his colleague. But that is the effect of his argument. First of all, we are to have this body set up and, in spite of the argument advanced by the hon. Member for Abingdon, the Board is going to differentiate. As he himself explained, it can give or withhold. It can, if its wishes are not carried out, penalise those people who are not carrying out its wishes or the wishes of the people who set it up. If there is any unfairness, if there is anything against public policy, the House can be precluded from discussing it, because there is going to be a non-Government majority on the Board. On the speeches alone which have been made in answer to the Amendment, an ample case has been made out for carrying it.
10.0 p.m.
I think this discusion on the constitution of the Board is a relevant moment to ask for an explanation and, if possible, an undertaking which I think should be asked for on the occasion of the creation of such a semi-public Board as this, of which the Chairman and four members are to be appointed by various Ministers. In the case of such a semi-public Board, in exercising control in the direction of increasing the efficiency of public services, our responsibility is similar to that of shareholders. Too often it has been the case in the past that such semi-public bodies as these have been created without any clear understanding that there shall be Ministerial responsibility or where that responsibility is to rest. I am prompted to ask a question on this occasion by experience in another case, which I may quote as an illustration. That is the British Broadcasting Corporation. We were told the other day by the Postmaster-General that he accepted no responsibility for the programmes of the Board. This causes some apprehension, as we may multiply these cases. The Board is really responsible to no one. There is no means at all of exercising public criticism and control. I imagine the Home Secretary will have no difficulty in telling us what arrangements are contemplated for the exercise of Ministerial responsibility as regards this Clause. He it is who appoints the Chairman and four members, and it is to him that the Board is to report, and therefore we expect that he it is who will accept Ministerial responsibility to the House.
One word more in order to prevent a confusion, which has arisen in my own mind in the past, and that is a confusion between executive Boards of this sort and semi-judicial Boards. Very often we hear Ministers saying, quite rightly, they cannot interfere with the proceedings of this or that public body, and we know they are right. If we examine why we know they are right, it is because the body exercises some judicial function. In this case there are no judicial functions exercised. The functions are purely administrative. Under the circumstances, in order to preserve the completeness of control, it is to be hoped we shall have a clear explanation of where Ministerial responsibility will rest.
I should like to express a feeling of very deep resentment that the Government should not only be following up this policy but should have decided on establishing a Board. The first appointment is by the Home Secretary. As a previous speaker said, the Home Office is that particular section of the Government which is expected to control, as the Under-Secretary of State put it, internal affairs—home affairs. This is a question of home affairs. The Bill is a serious invasion of home defence. The Home Office is expected, particularly under a Conservative Government, to uphold and protect the great principles which they so often expound, the principles of law and order. Let me recall the fact that one of the Judges in the country only the other day sentenced a lawyer to three years' penal servitude for having misapplied funds to the extent of £37,000, and this lawyer admitted that he had lost as much as £1,000 per day in betting on horses. The Home Office, under a Conservative Government, is actually to be associated with machine- made profits got out of betting—a horrible indictment before God and man. My recollection of my very early days is of my father and of what was known as the Dundee Prison Aid Society. The Government of that time took a special interest in men and women from the great penal settlements. I was made familiar with some of the very poignant stories of "broken earthenware," and the subsidies that came from the Government of the time were to facilitate the re-establishment of men and women on the path of rectitude.
I am here now, as it happens, facing the representatives of the Home Office and of the Government of the day, and the Government, instead of using to the utmost their power to challenge and check and as far as possible obliterate this menace to the interests of home life, have put themselves into a position of absolute abandonment. The Chancellor of the Exchequer is not present, but his spirit is very near. His power unquestionably is an influence jockeying the Government into this position of political abandonment. I am very sorry to have heard the statement of the Under Secretary that he has not had any protest at all. Does he feel happy? Is he quite satisfied in his own conscience, even though he has not received a single representation? Had it been a Labour Government in office would the Under-Secretary not have been on this side attacking the Government on the principles of law and order? I have heard that phrase used from Conservative platforms with absolute humbug. It meant little or nothing. The duty of the Government, instead of constituting this Board, is to say, Here is undoubtedly a tremendous influence sweeping like a prairie fire over the nation, doing grave injustice to men, women and children, helping and facilitating their downward movement into the abyss of despair.
The Amendment before the Committee relates only to the constitution of the Control Board.
But there are certain representatives to be appointed to the Board and there is to be regulation of this particular business of gaming, and consequently I submit—
There is no justification for discussing the merits of the Bill on every single Amendment.
I am not examining every Clause of the Bill, but I submit that I shall be entirely held up if I cannot elaborate my argument. We are now concerned with a general discussion of the whole Clause. It is a new departure for any Government, in facing an evil, to say that instead of attacking the evil or attempting to restrict it, they are going to join hands with the culprits in the business. That is the issue we are going to fight, and if I cannot fight it I shall sit down with the knowledge that I am being completely blotted out. It is a most disappointing fa2t that there is not the protest that there ought to be arising in the country against the scheme.
The hon. Member is still discussing the merits of the Bill and not the constitution of the Board.
The Under-Secretary, in answering an interruption from this side, said that there had been no representations made to the Government on this point. If that statement has been made by the Under-Secretary I submit that I am in order in making a reply. As a fact, I accept the statement of the Under-Secretary, and I regret it. I submit that there is the strongest reason for every moral force in the country tackling this Clause and this Board. The Government, instead of standing up against this menace, have said, "We are going to constitute a Board," and the Home Office say, "We shall participate in the arrangements for this thing which we acknowledge to be an evil." That, I submit, is a dissolution of real Conservatism and is a degradation of our political life. It is taking part in the exaction of money which, having been exacted, will involve criminality. It is treason to the King in the broadest sense of the word to talk of law and order under these conditions, when what is involved is the crippling of men and women and children and hurling them down into the dark abyss. I submit that we shall lose the real foundation for the building up of this nation in righteousness if we are to pursue a course of this kind.
I rise to ask only one question which I do not think has yet been answered. I will ask the hon. and gallant Member for Abingdon (Major Glyn) if he can give me a reply. It has been said that five Government representatives are to be on this Board in order to see that fair play is done. If a question in which fair play arises has to be decided upon, and they vote and are beaten in the ratio of seven to four or seven to five, what will happen?
I am concerned about the composition of this Board, because, having served on the Committee upstairs, I am aware that the composition of the Board has been changed so often, and one really wonders whether, even if the Bill passes this House, we shall not have an attempt made to bring about a further change. The Amendment aims at the reduction of the Board from 12 to nine members. I am not concerned so much about the reduction of the number of members of the Board as I am about the composition of the Board. The Home Office has to have a representative, the Secretary of State for Scotland has to appoint a representative, the Minister of Agriculture and Fisheries has to appoint a representative and the Chancellor of the Exchequer has to appoint a representative. The Jockey Club is to have three representatives, the National Hunt Committee two, the Racecourse Association, Ltd., one representative, and Tattersalls, whatever that may mean, one representative. But the people who are mostly concerned are to have no representative at all. The punters, the men and the women, and the boys and the girls who are to supply the money for this machine and to pay the Chairman of the Board and all the necessary expenses, are to be deprived of representation. One would have thought that the Government, having taken control of this piece of machinery, would have at least attempted to find some sort of representation for the people who really matter, and who seem to have been forgotten in the formation of this autocratic body which is to be known as the Board of Control.
We are told by the Under-Secretary of State for the Home Department that the only reason for the interference of the Government at all is the protection of the citizens. Surely, the citizens who require the most protection in regard to this betting machine are the people who are going to feed the machine and provide the means of supply. My hon. Friend the Member for West Walthamstow (Mr. Crawfurd) made reference to the fact that in his opinion the Government were coerced into this business. I shall go further and say, that it is my confirmed conviction that the Government have been intimidated into taking up this question by the Jockey Club and the Nationl Hunt Committee. I have good reason for saying this, because of the way in which this Bill has been got through Committee. A certain section of the Members of the Committee were under a system of intimidation most of the time. The intimidation commenced even before the Bill reached the Committee, when one of the worst forms of intimidation that has ever been forced upon Members of this House took place. The hon. and gallant Member for Abingdon (Major Glyn), I believe, quite rightly, issued invitations to hon. Members to meet him upstairs on 8th May, which was the evening before the first meeting of the Committee. When we got upstairs we found in the Chair, not the hon. and gallant Member who is in charge of the Bill, but Lord Hamilton of Dalzell, the Chairman of the Jockey Club. He had a copy of the Amendments and the Bill in front of him, and he read out the Amendments and made a statement. He said:
There is not the slightest foundation for that suggestion.
I accept that assurance, and I am very pleased to hear it. We had a suggestion in Committee that perhaps his Grace, the Archbishop of Canterbury, might be nominated as chairman. I cannot conceive of the Home Secretary nominating his Grace. Seeing that he could not trust him with the Prayer Book, I cannot see how he could trust him to run a betting machine in the interests of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The composition of this Board is on a parallel with everything that has gone on since the Bill was introduced. The Bill was introduced for the specific purpose of raising money for the Chancellor of the Exchequer. It now represents the miserable attitude of a Government nearing the end of their term of office, who will be able to go to the country and say: "After four and a half or five years' legislation we have produced a Betting Act which will legalise betting machines on racecourses from one end of the country to the other." That is the extent of their output—the mass production of betting machines to provide revenue for the Chancellor of the Exchequer, to the ruination of the homes of thousands of people.
rose in his place, and claimed to move , "That the Question be now put."
Question put, "That the Question be now put."
The House divided: Ayes, 213; Noes, 134.
Division No. 299.] AYES. [10.22 p.m. Acland-Troyte, Lieut.-Colonel Birchall, Major J. Dearman Campbell, E T. Ainsworth, Lieut.-Col. Charles Bird, E. R. (Yorks, W. R., Skipton) Carver, Major W. H. Alexander, E. E. (Leyton) Blundell, F. N. Cassels, J. D. Alexander, Sir Wm. (Glasgow, Cent'l) Boothby, R. J. G. Cautley, Sir Henry S. Allen, Sir J. Sandeman Bourne, Captain Robert Croft Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City) Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S. Brassey, Sir Leonard Cayzer, Maj. Sir Herbt. R. (Prtsmth, S.) Ashley, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Wilfrid W. Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive Cazalet, Captain Victor A. Atholl, Duchess of Briggs, J. Harold Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Briscoe, Richard George Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood) Balniel, Lord Brocklebank, C. E. R. Christie, J. A. Barclay-Harvey, C. M. Brooke, Brigadier-General C. R. I. Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston Spencer Barnett, Major Sir Richard Broun-Lindsay, Major H. Cobb, Sir Cyril Beamish, Rear-Admiral T. P. H. Brown, Col. D. C. (N'th'l'd., Hexham) Cochrane, Commander Hon. A. D. Bellaire, Commander Carlyon Brown, Brig.-Gen. H. C.(Berks, Newby) Cohen, Major J. Brunel Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Buchan, John Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Bennett, A. J. Bullock, Captain M. Conway, Sir W. Martin Betterton, Henry B. Burman, J. B. Cope, Major Sir William Bevan, S. J. Cadogan, Major Hon. Edward Couper, J. B. Courtauld, Major J. S. Howard-Bury, Colonel C. K. Rhys, Hon. C. A. U. Craig, Sir Ernest (Chester, Crewe) Hudson, Capt. A. U. M. (Hackney, N.) Richardson, Sir P. W. (Sur'y, Ch'ts'y) Crooke, J. Smedley (Deritend) Hume, Sir G. H. Roberts, Sir Samuel (Hereford) Crookshank, Col. C. de W. (Berwick) Hunter-Weston, Lt.-Gen. Sir Aylmer Rodd, Rt. Hon. Sir James Rennell Crookshank, Cpt. H. (Lindsey, Gainsbro) Hurd, Percy A. Ropner, Major L. Daikeith, Earl of Iliffe, Sir Edward M. Ruggles-Brise, Lieut.-Colonel E. A. Davies, Maj. Geo. F. (Somerset, Yeovil) Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H. Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth) Davies, Dr. Vernon Iveagh, Countess of Salmon, Major I. Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) Jackson, Sir H. (Wandsworth, Cen'l) Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Dawson, Sir Philip Jephcott, A. R. Sandeman, N. Stewart Dean, Arthur Wellesley Jones, Sir G. W. H. (Stoke New'gton) Sanders, Sir Robert A. Drewe, C. Joynson-Hicks, Rt. Hon. Sir William Sanderson, Sir Frank Edrnondson, Major A. J. Kennedy, A. R. (Preston) Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Erskine, Lord (Somerset, Weston-s.-M.) Kindersley, Major G. M. Savery, S. S. Evans, Captain A. (Cardiff, South) Knox, Sir Alfred Sheffield, Sir Berkeley Everard, W. Lindsay Lamb, J. Q. Shepperson, E. W. Fairfax, Captain J. G. Lloyd, Cyril E. (Dudley) Slaney, Major P. Kenyon Falls, Sir Bertram G. Looker, Herbert William Smith, R. W. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, C.) Fielden, E. B. Lougher, Lewis Smith-Carington, Neville W. Forestler-Walker, Sir L. Luce, Major-Gen. Sir Richard Harman Smithers, Waldron Fraser, Captain Ian MacAndrew, Major Charles Glen Somerville, A. A. (Windsor) Frece, Sir Waiter de Maclntyre, Ian Sprot, Sir Alexander Ganzonl, Sir John Macmillan, Captain H. Stanley, Lieut.-Colonel Rt. Hon. G. F. Gates. Percy MacRobert, Alexander M. Stanley, Lord (Fylde) Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John Maitland, A. (Kent, Faversham) Stanley, Hon. O. F. G. (Westm'eland) Glyn, Major R. G. C. Manningham-Buller, Sir Mervyn Stuart, Hon. J. (Moray and Nairn) Gower, Sir Robert Margesson, Captain D. Styles, Captain H. Walter Grace, John Marriott, Sir J. A. R. Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Graham, Fergus (Cumberland, N.) Mason, Colonel Glyn K. Sugden, Sir Wilfrid Grattan-Doyle, Sir N. Meller, R. J. Tasker, R. Inigo. Greaves-Lord, Sir Waiter Merriman, Sir F. Boyd Thom, Lt.-Col. J. G. (Dumbarton) Greene, W. P. Crawford Meyer, Sir Frank Thomson, Rt. Hon. Sir W. Mitchell- Gretton, Colonel Rt. Hon. John Mitchell, S. (Lanark, Lanark) Tinne, J. A. Grotrian, H. Brent Mitchell, W. Foot (Saffron Walden) Titchfield, Major the Marquess of Gunston, Captain D. W. Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham) Wallace, Captain D. E. Hacking, Douglas H. Monsell, Eyres, Com. Rt. Hon. B. M. Ward, Lt.-Col.A. L. (Kingston-on-Hull) Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Moore, Sir Newton J. Warner, Brigadier-General W. W. Hamilton, Sir George Neville, Sir Reginald J. Warrender, Sir Victor Hammersley, S. S. Newton, Sir D. G. C. (Cambridge) Waterhouse, Captain Charles Hanbury, C. Nicholson, O. (Westminster) Watson, Rt. Hon. W. (Carlisle) Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Nield, Rt. Hon. Sir Herbert Watts, Sir Thomas Hartington, Marquess of Nuttall, Ellis Wayland, Sir William A. Harvey, Major S. E. (Devon, Totnes) O'Connor, T. J. (Bedford, Luton) Williams, Herbert G. (Reading) Headlam, Lieut.-Colonel C. M. O'Neill, Major Rt. Hon. Hugh Wilson, Sir C. H. (Leeds, Central) Henderson, Capt. R. R. (Oxf'd, Henley) Pennefather, Sir John Wilson, R. R. (Stafford, Lichfield) Henderson, Lieut.-Col. Sir Vivian Penny, Frederick George Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George Hennessy, Major Sir G. R. J. Perkins, Colonel E. K. Wolmer, Viscount Hilton, Cecil Peto, G. (Somerset, Froms) Wood, E. (Chest'r, Stalyb'dge & Hyde) Hoare, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir S. J. G. Power, Sir John Cecil Wood, Rt. Hon. Sir Kingsley Hohler, Sir Gerald Fitzroy Pownall, Sir Assheton Woodcock, Colonel H. C. Holt, Capt. H. P. Preston, William Yerburgh, Major Robert D. T. Hope, Sir Harry (Forfar) Price, Major C. W. M. Hopkinson, Sir A. (Eng. Universities) Raine, Sir Walter TELLERS FOR THE AYES— Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Rentoul, G. S. Captain Viscount Curzon and Captain Bowyer.
NOES. Adamson, Rt. Hon. W. (Fife, West) Crawford, H. E. Henderson, T. (Glasgow) Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock) Dalton, Hugh Hills, Major John Wailer Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hilisbro') Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton) Hirst, G. H. Ammon, Charles George Dennison, R. Hirst, W. (Bradford, South) Attlee, Clement Richard Duncan, C. Hudson, J. H. (Huddersfield) Baker, J. (Wolverhampton, Boston) England, Colonel A. Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath) Baker, Waiter Evans, Capt. Ernest (Welsh Univer.) John, William (Rhondda, West) Barr, J. Forrest, W. Johnston, Thomas (Dundee) Batey, Joseph Gardner, J. P. Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Bondfieid, Margaret Garro-Jones, Captain G. M. Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown) Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Gibbins, Joseph Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly) Briant, Frank Gillett, George M. Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd) Broad, F. A. Gosling, Harry Kelly, W. T. Bromfield, William Graham, Rt. Hon. Wm. (Edin., Cent.) Kennedy, T. Brown, Ernest (Leith) Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne) Kenworthy, Lt.-Com. Hon. Joseph M. Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan) Kirkwood, D. Buchanan, G. Griffith, F. Kingsley Lansbury, George Burton, Colonel H. W. Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Lawrence, Susan Buxton, Rt. Hon. Noel Groves, T. Lawson, John James Charleton, H. C. Grundy, T. W. Lee, F. Close, W. S. Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil) Longbottom, A. W. Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R. Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland) Lowth, T. Compton, Joseph Hardie, George D. Lunn, William Connolly, M. Hayday, Arthur MacDonald, Rt. Hon. J. R. (Aberavon) Cove, W. G. Hayes, John Henry Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan) Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities) Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (Burnley) Malone, C. L'Estrange (N'thampton) March, S. Robinson, Sir T. (Lancs, Stretford) Viant, S. P. Mitchell, E. Rosslyn (Paisley) Robinson, W. C. (Yorks, W. R., Elland) Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline) Montague, Frederick Runciman, Hilda (Cornwall, St. Ives) Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda) Morris, R. H. Saklatvala, Shapurjl Wellock, Wilfred Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.) Salter, Dr. Alfred Westwood, J. Murnin, H. Scrymgeour, E. Wheatley, Rt. Hon. J. Naylor, T. E. Scurr, John Wilkinson, Ellen C. Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Sexton, James Williams, A. M. (Cornwall, Northern) Oliver, George Harold Shaw, Rt. Hon. Thomas (Preston) Williams, Com. C. (Devon, Torquay) Owen, Major G. Slesser, Sir Henry H. Williams, C. P. (Denbigh, Wrexham) Palin, John Henry Smith, Rennie (Penistone) Williams, David (Swansea, E.) Paling, W. Snell, Harry Williams, T. (York, Don Valley) Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Snowden, Rt. Hon. Philip Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe) Pethick-Lawrence, F. W. Stamford, T. W. Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow) Peto, Sir Basil E. (Devon, Barnstaple) Stephen, Campbell Wright, W. Potts, John S. Stewart, J (St. Rollox) Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Rees, Sir Beddoe Sullivan, J. Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Sutton, J. E. TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Riley, Ben Thurtle, Ernest Mr. B. Smith and Mr. Whiteley. Roberts, Rt. Hon. F. O.(W. Bromwich) Townend, A. E.
Question put accordingly, "That the word 'eleven' stand part of the Bill."
The House divided: Ayes, 209; Noes, 132.
Division No. 300.] AYES. [10.31 p.m. Acland-Troyte, Lieut.-Colonel Crookshank, Cpt. H. (Lindsay, Gainsbro) Iveagh, Countess of Ainsworth, Lieut.-Col. Charles Dalkeith, Earl of Jackson, Sir H. (Wandsworth, Cen'l) Alexander, E. E. (Leyton) Davies, Maj. Geo. F. (Somerset, Yeovil) Jephcott, A. R. Alexander, Sir Wm. (Glasgow, Cent'l) Davies, Dr. Vernon Jones, Sir G. W. H. (Stoke New'gton) Allen, Sir J. Sandeman Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) Jeynson-Hicks, Rt. Hon. Sir William Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S. Dawson, Sir Philip Kennedy, A. R. (Preston) Ashley, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Wilfrid W. Dean, Arthur Wellesley Kindersley, Major G. M. Atholl, Duchess of Drewe, C. Knox, Sir Alfred Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Edmondson, Major A. J. Lamb, J. Q. Balniel, Lord Erskine, Lord (Somerset, Weston-s.-M.) Looker, Herbert William Barclay-Harvey, C. M. Evans, Captain A. (Cardiff, South) Lougher, Lewis Barnett, Major Sir Richard Everard, W. Lindsay Luce, Major-Gen. Sir Richard Harman Beamish, Rear-Admiral T. P. H. Fairfax, Captain J. G. MacAndrew, Major Charles Glen Bellairs, Commander Canyon Falle, Sir Bertram G. MacIntyre, Ian Bern, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Fielden, E. B. Macmillan, Captain H. Bennett, A. J. Forestler-Walker, Sir L. MacRobert, Alexander M. Betterton, Henry B. Fraser, Captain Ian Maitland, A. (Kent, Faversham) Bevan, S. J. Frece, Sir Waiter de Manningham-Buller, Sir Mervyn Birchall, Major J. Dearman Ganzoni, Sir John Margesson, Captain D. Bird, E. R. (Yorks, W. R., Sklpton) Gates, Percy Marriott, Sir J. A. R. Blundell, F. N. Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John Mason, Colonel Glyn K. Boothby, R. J. G. Glyn, Major R. G. C. Meller, R. J. Bourne, Captain Robert Croft Gower, Sir Robert Merriman, Sir F. Boyd Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W. Grace, John Meyer, Sir Frank Brassey, Sir Leonard Graham, Fergus (Cumberland, N.) Mitchell, S. (Lanark, Lanark) Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive Grattan-Doyle, Sir N. Mitchell, W. Foot (Saffron Walden) Briggs, J. Harold Greaves-Lord, Sir Walter Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham) Briscoe, Richard George Greene, W. P. Crawford Monsell, Eyres, Com. Rt. Hon. B. M. Brocklebank, C. E. R. Gretton, Colonel Rt. Hon. John Moore, Sir Newton J. Brooke, Brigadier-General C. R. I. Grotrian, H. Brent Newton, Sir D. G. C. (Cambridge) Broun-Lindsay, Major H. Gunston, Captain D. W. Nicholson, O. (Westminster) Brown, Col. D. C. (N'th'l'd., Hexham) Hacking, Douglas H. Nield, Rt. Hon. Sir Herbert Brown, Brig.-Gen. H. C. (Berks, Newb'y) Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Nuttall, Ellis Buchan, John Hamilton, Sir George O'Connor, T. J. (Bedford, Luton) Bullock, Captain M. Hammersley, S. S. O'Neill, Major Rt. Hon. Hugh Burman, J. B. Hanbury, C. Oman, Sir Charles William C. Cadogan, Major Hon. Edward Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Pennefather, Sir John Campbell, E. T. Hartington, Marquess of Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Carver, Major W. H. Harvey, Major S. E. (Devon, Totnes) Perkins, Colonel E. K. Cassels, J. D. Headlam, Lieut.-Colonel C. M. Peto, G. (Somerset, Frome) Cautley, Sir Henry S. Henderson, Capt R. R. (Oxf'd, Henley) Power, Sir John Cecil Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City) Henderson, Lieut.-Col. Sir Vivian Pownali, Sir Assheton Cayzer, Maj. Sir Herbt. R. (Prtsmth, S.) Hennessy, Major Sir G. R. J. Preston, William Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton Hilton, Cecil Price, Major C. W. M. Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood) Hoare, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir S. J. G. Raine, Sir Walter Christie, J. A. Hohler, Sir Gerald Fitzroy Rhys, Hon. C. A. U. Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston Spencer Holt, Captain H. P. Richardson, Sir P. W. (Sur'y, Ch'ts'y) Cobb, Sir Cyril Hope, Sir Harry (Forfar) Roberts, Sir Samuel (Hereford) Cochrane, Commander Hon. A. D. Hopkinson, Sir A. (Eng. Universities) Rodd, Rt. Hon. Sir James Rennell Cohen. Major J. Brunel Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Ropner, Major L. Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Howard-Bury, Colonel C. K. Ruggles-Brise, Lieut.-Colonel E. A. Conway, Sir W. Martin Hudson, Capt. A. U. M. (Hackney, N.) Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth) Cope, Major Sir William Hume, Sir G. H. Salmon, Major I. Couper, J. B. Hunter-Weston, Lt.-Gen. Sir Aylmer Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Courtauld, Major J. S. Hurd, Percy A. Sandeman, N. Stewart Craig, Sir Ernest (Chester, Crewe) Illffe. Sir Edward M. Sanders, Sir Robert A. Crookshank. Col. C. de W. (Berwick) Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H. Sanderson, Sir Frank Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Styles, Captain H. Walter Wayland, Sir William A. Savery, S. S. Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Williams, Herbert G. (Reading) Sheffield, Sir Berkeley Sugden, Sir Wilfrid Wilson, Sir C. H. (Leeds, Central) Shepperson, E. W. Thom, Lt.-Col. J. G. (Dumbarton) Wilson, R. R. (Stafford, Lichfield) Slaney, Major P. Kenyon Thomson, Rt. Hon. Sir W. Mitchell- Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George Smith, R. W. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, C.) Thine, J. A. Wolmer, Viscount Smith-Carington, Neville W. Titchfield, Major the Marquess of Wood, E. (Chest'r, Stalyb'dge & Hyde) Smithers, Waldron Wallace, Captain D. E. Wood, Rt. Hon. Sir Kingsley Somerville, A. A. (Windsor) Ward, Lt.-Col. A. L.(Kingston-on-Hulf) Woodcock, Colonel H. C. Sprot, Sir Alexander Warner, Brigadier-General W. W. Yerburgh, Major Robert D. T. Stanley, Lieut.-Colonel Rt. Hon. G. F. Warrender, Sir Victor Stanley, Lord (Fylde) Waterhouse, Captain Charles TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Stanley, Hon. O. F. G. (Westm'eland) Watson, Rt. Hon. W. (Carlisle) Captain Viscount Curzon and Mr. Stuart, Hon. J. (Moray and Nairn) Watts, Sir Thomas Penny.
NOES. Adamson, Rt. Hon. W. (Fife, West) Grundy, T. W. Purcell, A. A. Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock) Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil) Rees, Sir Beddoe Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro') Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland) Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Ammon, Charles George Hardie, George D Riley, Ben Attlee, Clement Richard Hayday, Arthur Roberts, Rt. Hon. F. O.(W.Bromwich) Baker, J. (Wolverhampton, Bilston) Hayes, John Henry Robinson, Sir T. (Lancs., Stretford) Baker, Walter Henderson, Right Hon. A. (Burnley) Robinson, W. C (Yorks, W. R., Elland) Barr, J. Henderson, T. (Glasgow) Runciman, Hilda (Cornwall, St. Ives) Batey, Joseph Hirst, G. H. Saklatvala, Shapurji Bondfieid, Margaret Hirst, W. (Bradford, South) Salter, Dr. Alfred Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Hudson, J. H. (Huddersfield) Scurr, John Briant, Frank Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath) Sexton, James Broad, F. A. John, William (Rhondda, West) Shaw, Rt. Hon. Thomas (Preston) Bromfield, William Johnston, Thomas (Dundee) Slesser, Sir Henry H. Brown, Ernest (Leith) Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Smith, Ben (Bermondsey, Rotherhithe) Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown) Snell, Harry Buchanan, G. Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly) Snowden, Rt. Hon. Philip Burton, Colonel H. W. Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd) Stamford, T. W. Buxton, Rt. Hon. Noel Kelly, W. T. Stephen, Campbell Charleton, H. C. Kennedy, T. Stewart, J. (St. Rollox) Cluse, W. S. Kenworthy, Lt.-Com. Hon. Joseph M. Sullivan, J. Compton, Joseph Kirkwood, D. Sutton, J. E. Connolly, M. Lansbury, George Thurtle, Ernest Cove, W. G. Lawrence, Susan Townend, A. E. Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities) Lawson, John James Viant, S. P. Crawfurd, H. E. Lee, F. Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline) Crooke, J. Smedley (Deritend) Longbottom, A. W. Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda) Dalton, Hugh Lowth, T. Wellock, Wilfred Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton) Lunn, William Westwood, J. Dennison, R. MacDonald, Rt. Hon. J. R. (Aberavon) Wheatley, Rt. Hon. J. Duncan, C. Maclean, Nell (Glasgow, Govan) Whiteley, W. England, Colonel A. Malone, C. L'Estrange (N'thampton) Wilkinson, Ellen C Evans, Capt. Ernest (Welsh Univer.) Mitchell, E. Rosslyn (Paisley) Williams, A. M. (Cornwall, Northern) Forrest, W. Montague, Frederick Williams, C. P. (Denbigh, Wrexham) Gardner, J. P. Morris, R. H. Williams, David (Swansea, East) Garro-Jones, Captain G. M. Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.) Williams, T. (York, Don Valley) Gibbins, Joseph Murnin, H. Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe) Gillett, George M. Naylor, T. E. Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow) Gosling, Harry Oliver, George Harold Windsor, Walter Graham, Rt. Hon. Wm. (Edin., Cent.) Owen, Major G. Wright, W. Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne) Palln, John Henry Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan) Paling, W. Griffith, F. Kingsley Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Pethick-Lawrence, F. W. Major Hills and Sir Basil Peto. Groves, T. Potts, John S.
The next Amendment that I was going to call is in the name of the hon. Member for Gorton (Mr. Compton)—in page 2, to leave out from the word "seal," in line 19, to the end of the Sub-section—but I understand that the next Amendment on the Paper, in the name of the Home Secretary, is designed to meet the very point raised by that Amendment. Perhaps the hon. Member would agree to take the Home Secretary's Amendment instead.
On behalf of my hon. Friend, we will agree to take that course.
I beg to move, in page 2, to leave out from the word "acquire," in line 20, to the end of the Sub-section, and to insert instead thereof the words:
"and hold such land on or adjacent to a racecourse as may be reasonably required for the purpose of operating a totalisator thereon and such land as may be reasonably required for the offices of the Board, and may sell or lease any land held by them which is not required for the aforesaid purposes."
The House will remember that on the last occasion it was suggested that the powers of the Bill would enable the Board to set up a racecourse and buy enough land to establish a racecourse on their own. I expressed an opinion then on that point, and in order that there shall be no possibility of anything of the kind taking place, I am moving this Amendment, which confines the right of the Board to acquire only such land as shall be reasonably required for the purpose of operating a totalisator, and for erecting offices of the Board.
Amendment agreed to.
I beg to move, in page 2, line 22, after the word "Chairman," to insert the words:
"(who shall be a person having no interest in the Jockey Club or the National Hunt Committee, or any racecourse)."
I beg to second the Amendment.
I am unable to accept this Amendment, in the same way as when the Jockey Club tried to fetter my discretion in regard to the appointment of chairman, I objected upstairs. I do not think that it is right that the discretion of the Secretary of State should be modified one way or another.
That is very suspicious, and I hope that the House will vote against the Home Secretary.
Question put, "That those words be there inserted in the Bill."
The House divided: Ayes, 133; Noes, 220.
Division No. 301.] AYES. [10.44 p.m. Adamson, Rt. Hon. W. (Fife, West) Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil) Purcell, A. A. Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock) Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland) Rees, Sir Beddoe Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro) Hardie, George D Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Ammon, Charles George Hayday, Arthur Riley, Ben Attlee, Clement Richard Hayes, John Henry Roberts, Rt. Hon. F. O.(W. Bromwich) Baker, J. (Wolverhampton, Bliston) Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (Burnley) Robinson, Sir T. (Lancs, Stretford) Baker, Walter Hills, Major John Waller Robinson, W. C (Yorks, W. R., Elland) Barr, J. Hirst, G. H. Runciman, Hilda (Cornwall, St. Ives) Batey, Joseph Hirst, W. (Bradford, South) Sakiatvala, Shapurji Bondfield, Margaret Hudson, J. H. (Huddersfield) Salter, Dr. Alfred Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath) Scrymgeour, E. Briant, Frank John, William (Rhondda, West) Scurr, John Broad, F. A. Johnston, Thomas (Dundee) Sexton, James Bromfield, William Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Shaw, Rt. Hon. Thomas (Preston) Brown, Ernest (Leith) Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Slivertown) Slesser, Sir Henry H. Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly) Smith, Ben (Bermondsey, Rotherhithe) Burton, Colonel H. W. Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd) Smith, Rennie (Penistone) Buxton, Rt. Hon. Noel Kelly, W. T. Snell, Harry Charleton, H. C. Kennedy, T. Snowden, Rt. Hon. Philip Cluse, W. S. Kenworthy, Lt.-Com. Hon. Joseph M. Stamford, T. W. Compton, Joseph Kirkwood, D. Stewart, J. (St. Rollox) Connolly, M. Lansbury, George Sullivan, J. Cove, W. G. Lawson, John James Sutton, J. E. Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities) Lee, F. Thurtle, Ernest Crawfurd, H. E. Longbottom, A. W. Tinne, J. A. Crooke, J. Smedley (Derltend) Lowth T Townend, A. E. Dalton, Hugh Lunn, William Viant, S. P Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton) MacDonald, Rt. Hon. J. R. (Aberavon) Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline) Dennison. R. Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan) Watts-Morgan. Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda) Duncan, C. Malone, C. L'Estrange (N'thampton) Wellock, Wilfred England, Colonel A. Mitchell, E. Rosslyn (Paisley) Westwood, J. Evans, Capt. Ernest (Welsh Univer.) Montague, Frederick Wheatley, Rt. Hon. J. Forrest, W. Morris, R. H. Wilkinson, Ellen C. Gardner, J. P. Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.) Williams, A. M. (Cornwall, Northern) Garro-Jones, Captain G. M. Murnin, H. Williams, Com. C. (Devon, Torquay) Gibbins, Joseph Naylor, T. E. Williams, C. P. (Denbigh, Wrexham) Gillett, George M. Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Williams, David (Swansea, E.) Gosling, Harry Oliver, George Harold Williams, T. (York, Don Valley) Graham, Rt. Hon. Wm. (Edin., Cent.) Owen, Major G. Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffs) Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne) Palin, John Henry Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow) Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan) Paling, W. Windsor, Walter Griffith, F. Kingsley Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Wright, W. Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Pethick Lawrence, F. W. Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Groves, T. Peto, Sir Basil E. (Devon, Barnstaple) Grundy, T. W. Potts, John S. TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Mr. T. Henderson and Mr. Whiteley
NOES. Acland-Troyte, Lieut.-Colonel Alexander, Sir Wm. (Glasgow, Cent'l) Applin, Colonel R. V. K. Ainsworth, Lieut.-Col. Charles Allen, Sir J. Sandeman Ashley, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Wilfrid W. Alexander, E. E. (Leyton) Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S. Atholl, Duchess of Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Frece, Sir Waiter de Neville, Sir Reginald J. Balniel, Lord Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Newton, Sir D. G. C. (Cambridge) Barclay-Harvey, C. M. Ganzoni, Sir John Nicholson, O. (Westminster) Barnett, Major Sir Richard Gates, Percy. Nield, Rt. Hon. Sir Herbert Beamish, Rear-Admiral T. P. H. Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John Nuttall, Ellis Bellairs, Commander Cariyon Glyn, Major R. G. C. O'Connor, T. J. (Bedford, Luton) Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Gower, Sir Robert O'Neill, Major Rt. Hon. Hugh Bennett, A. J. Grace, John Oman, Sir Charles William C. Betterton, Henry B. Graham, Fergus (Cumberland, N.) Pennefather, Sir John Bevan, S. J. Grattan-Doyle, Sir N. Penny, Frederick George Birchall, Major J. Dearman Greaves-Lord, Sir Walter Percy, Lord Eustaco (Hastings) Bird, E. R. (Yorks, W. R., Skipton) Greene, W. P. Crawford Perkins, Colonel E. K. Blundell, F. N. Gretton, Colonel Rt. Hon. John Peto, G. (Somerset, Frome) Boothby, R. J. G. Grotrian, H. Brent Power, Sir John Cecil Bourne, Captain Robert Croft. Guinness, Rt. Hon. Walter E. Pownall, Sir Assheton Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W. Gunston, Captain D. W. Preston, William Braithwaite, Major A. N. Hacking, Douglas H. Price, Major C. W. M. Brassey, Sir Leonard Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Raine, Sir Walter Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive Hamilton, Sir George Rhys, Hon. C. A. U. Briggs, J. Harold Hammersiey, S. S. Richardson, Sir P. W. (Sur'y, Ch'ts'y) Briscoe, Richard George Hanbury, C. Roberts, Sir Samuel (Hereford) Brocklebank, C. E. R. Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Rodd, Rt. Hon. Sir James Rennell Brooke, Brigadier-General C. R. I. Hartington, Marquess of Ropner, Major L Broun-Lindsay, Major H. Harvey, Major S. E. (Devon, Totnes) Ruggles-Brise, Lieut.-Colonel E. A. Brown, Col. D. C. (N'th'l'd., Hexham) Headlam, Lieut.-Colonel C. M. Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth) Brown, Brig.-Gen. H. C. (Berks, Newb'y) Henderson, Capt. R. R. (Oxf'd, Henley) Salmon, Major I. Buchan, John Henderson, Lieut.-Col. Sir Vivian Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Bullock. Captain M. Hennessy, Major Sir G. R. J. Sandeman, N. Stewart Burman, J. B. Hilton, Cecil Sanders, Sir Robert A. Cadogan, Major Hon. Edward Hohler, Sir Gerald Fitzroy Sanderson, Sir Frank Campbell, E. T. Holt, Captain H. P. Sandon, Lord Carver, Major W. H. Hope, Sir Harry (Forfar) Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Cassels, J. D. Hopkins, J. W. W. Savery, S. S. Cautley, Sir Henry S. Hopkinson. Sir A. (Eng. Universities) Sheffield, Sir Berkeley Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City) Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Shepperson, E. W. Cayzer, Maj. Sir Herbt. R.(Prtsmth.S.) Howard-Bury, Colonel C. K. Sianey, Major P. Kenyon Cazalet, Captain Victor A. Hudson. Capt. A. U. M. (Hackney, N.) Smith, R. W. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, C.) Cecil. Rt. Hon. Sir Evelyn (Aston) Hume, Sir G. H. Smith-Carington, Neville W. Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton Hunter-Weston, Lt.-Gen. Sir Aylmer Smithers, Waldron Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood) Hurd, Percy A. Somerville, A. A. (Windsor) Christie, J. A. Iliffe, Sir Edward M. Sprat, Sir Alexander Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston Spencer Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H. Stanley, Lieut.-Colonel Rt. Hon. G. F. Cobb. Sir Cyril lveagh, Countess of Stanley, Lord (Fylde) Cochrane, Commander Hon. A. D. Jackson, Sir H. (Wandsworth, Cen'l) Stanley, Hon. O. F. G. (Westm'eland) Cohen, Major J. Brunel Jephcott, A. R. Stuart, Hon. J. (Moray and Nairn) Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Jones, Sir G. W. H. (Stoke New'gton) Styles, Captain H. Walter Conway, Sir W. Martin Joynson-Hicks, Rt. Hon. Sir William Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Cooper, A. Duff Kennedy, A. R. (Preston) Sugden, Sir Wilfrid Cope. Major Sir William Kindersiey, Major G. M. Thom, Lt.-Col. J. G. (Dumbarton) Couper, J. B. Knox, Sir Alfred Thomson, Rt. Hon. Sir W. Mitchell- Courtauld, Major J. S. Lamb, J. Q. Titchfield, Major the Marquess of Craig, Sir Ernest (Chester, Crewe) Lloyd, Cyril E. (Dudley) Ward, Lt.-Col. A.L. (Kingston-on Hull) Croft, Brigadier-General Sir H. Looker, Herbert William Warner, Brigadier-General W W. Crookshank, Col. C. de W. (Berwick) Lougher, Lewis Warrender, Sir Victor Crookshank, Cpt. H. (Lindsey, Gainsbro) Luce, Maj.-Gen. Sir Richard Harman Waterhouse, Captain Charles Dalkeith, Earl of MacAndrew, Major Charles Glen Watson, Rt. Hon. W. (Carlisle) Davies, Maj. Geo. F. (Somerset, Yeovil) MacIntyre, Ian Watts, Sir Thomas Davies, Dr. Vernon Macmillan, Captain H. Wayland, Sir William A. Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) MacRobert, Alexander M Williams, Herbert G. (Reading) Dawson, Sir Philip Maitland, A. (Kent, Faversham) Wilson, Sir C. H. (Leeds, Central) Dean, Arthur Wellesley Manningham-Buller, Sir Mervyn Wilson, R. R. (Stafford, Lichfield) Drewe, C. Margesson, Captain D. Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George Edmondson, Major A. J. Marriott, Sir J. A. R. Wolmer, Viscount Erskine, Lord (Somerset, Weston-s-M.) Mason, Colonel Glyn K. Wood, E. (Chest'r, Stalyb'dge & Hyde) Evans, Captain A. (Cardiff, South) Meller, R. J. Wood, Rt. Hon. Sir Kingsley Everard, W. Lindsay Merriman, Sir F. Boyd Woodcock, Colonel H. C. Fairfax, Captain J. G. Meyer, Sir Frank Yerburgh, Major Robert D. T. Falle, Sir Bertram G. Mitchell, S. (Lanark, Lanark) Fermoy, Lord Mitchell, W. Foot (Saffron Walden) TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Flelden, E. B Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham) Captain Viscount Curzon and Captain Wallace. Forestier-Walker, Sir L. Monsell, Eyres, Com. Rt. Hon. B. M. Fraser, Captain Ian Moore, Sir Newton J.
I beg to move, in page 2, line 22, to leave out the words "Secretary of State for the Home Department" and to insert instead thereof the words "Chancellor of the Exchequer."
The effect of this Amendment is to alter Sub-section (3), wherein it states that submit to him a few suggestions upon which during the whole of this Debate it has been wellnigh impossible to get information. What is the estimated amount that is expected to flow through these machines in consequence of racecourse betting? The Chancellor must have something in his mind upon this point, because in his statement to-day he promised that if this Bill became an Act he would be able to revise his Betting Duty.
Personally, at the outset I was opposed to the Chancellor having anything to do with the Board of Control at all, but now that that has passed the House it seems to me more appropriate that the Chancellor should have the appointment of the chairman, because I think most Members of the House will agree that this Bill, which was once a private Member's Bill, is now the Chancellor's pet scheme, and money is the one great essential involved in it. That being so, I think the Chancellor's selection would be the best person to preside over the proceedings of the board. It has been variously estimated, judged from experience, that were these machines operating you might expect, on a 2 per cent. basis, something like from £250,000 to £300,000 to be the Chancellor's portion from the tax, and that somewhere between £700,000 and £800,000 might be looked upon as representing the difference under the present suggestion of an 8 per cent. deduction from all moneys passing through the machine. I would like to know from the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether his estimate coincides in any way with the estimate based upon experience with the totalisator in other places. If that be so it constitutes an added reason why the Chancellor of the Exchequer should have the appointment of the Chairman. We know what the experience was in Brisbane, where it was found that the deductions did not accrue in sufficient volume to permit of the finances of the companies running these machines; as much as 17 per cent. had to be charged and finally the company went bankrupt. If the Government takes part in transactions of that kind then I think the Treasury may be called upon to come to this House to make good any deficiency on the operations of these machines.
If the Government are likely to find themselves compelled to increase the percentage or come to the Treasury for a subsidy in order that these machines shall continue to run, it is just as well that the Chancellor of the Exchequer should be in direct contact with this Board through its Chairman in order that he may be in close touch with all the financial transactions concerning the companies which own the machines, the purchase of the machines, and the allocation of the profits from the machine in order to see that sufficient reserve is always retained to ensure that the Treasury shall not be confronted with a deficit. It would be a very alarming state of things if rating had to be subsidised in order to maintain the Control Board out of State funds in consequence of the 2 per cent. deducted through the machine not being sufficient. I suppose the deduction will now be reduced to 1 per cent., and that will leave very little revenue. It is for these reasons that I hope the right hon. Gentleman in charge of this Bill will be able to see his way to accept this Amendment. I feel sure that if the Chancellor of the Exchequer consulted his own wishes he would like to discard the responsible position of having to select the chairman from names submitted to him by the various interested parties. All these reasons make it necessary that the Treasury, at all events, shall not only have its representatives on the Board of Control but it must retain the sole appointment of the Chairman in order to see that the financial arrangements are such that the Government and the country will be secure against any deficit accruing.
I beg to second the Amendment. I think we were right in fixing the paternity of this proposal on the Chancellor of the Exchequer. It marks a stage in the downward course of the Home Secretary starting with the Kitcat Club; then as an accessory after the fact in regard to the Betting Duty; and now in the case of the totalisator.
I should like to say quite frankly that I entirely disagree with this Amendment, for the following reason. I think that the Home Secretary is a much more suitable Minister to deal with a question of the kind to which the Chancellor of the Ex- chequer was apparently referring to-day when he said that this Bill would lead to a reduction of rascality. I do not know exactly where the rascality occurs, but I gather that it is pretty well mixed among all sections of those who attend racecourses on certain occasions. At any rate, I think that on the whole the Home Secretary, with the various forces and methods that he has at his disposal, would probably be rather better able to deal with it than the Chancellor of the Exchequer. I hope that the Government will oppose the Amendment, and I shall certainly have the greatest pleasure in supporting the view that this matter should be dealt with by the Home Secretary rather than by the Chancellor of the Exchequer.
The proposal here is that the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and not the Home Secretary, should appoint the chairman of the Board, but, if I may say so, the speech of the hon. Member who moved the Amendment bore no relevance at all to
that question. He raised various questions of money and finance, which I do not propose to go into, as the sole question is whether the appointment had better be in the hands of the Home Secretary or of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The Government are of opinion that it is better that it should be in the hands of the Home Secretary, and, very humbly and with great respect, I agree with that opinion.
Before the House proceeds to a Division, I should like to ask the Home Secretary whether, in the event of the appointment of the chairman being left in the hands of the Secretary of State, he will give the House any guarantee that he will not go to the Army to make the appointment, and that the person appointed will be under 66 years of age?
Question put, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Bill."
The House divided: Ayes, 222; Noes, 118.
Division No. 302.] AYES. [11.4 p.m. Acland-Troyte, Lieut.-Colonel Cayzer, Maj. Sir Herbt. R. (Prtsmth. S.) Glyn, Major R. G. C. Agg-Gardner, Rt. Hon. Sir James T. Cazalet, Captain Victor A Gower, Sir Robert Ainsworth, Lieut.-Col. Charles Cecil, Rt. Hon. Sir Evelyn (Aston) Grace, John Alexander, E. E. (Leyton) Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton Graham, Fergus (Cumberland, N.) Alexander. Sir Wm. (Glasgow, Cent'l) Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood) Grattan-Doyle, Sir N. Allen, Sir J. Sandeman Christie, J. A. Greaves-Lord, Sir Walter Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S. Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston Spencer Greene, W. P. Crawford Applin, Colonel R. V. K. Cobb, Sir Cyril Gretton, Colonel Rt. Hon. John Ashley, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Wilfrid W. Cochrane, Commander Hon. A. D. Griffith, F. Kingsley Atholl, Duchess of Cohen, Major J. Brunel Grotrian, H. Brent. Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Guinness, Rt. Hon. Walter E. Balnlel, Lord Conway, Sir W. Martin Gunston, Captain D. W. Barclay-Harvey, C. M. Cooper, A. Duff Hacking, Douglas H. Barnett, Major Sir Richard Cope, Major Sir William Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Beamish, Rear-Admiral T. P. H. Couper, J. B. Hall, Capt. W. D'A. (Brecon & Rad.) Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Courtauld, Major J. S. Hamilton, Sir George Bennett, A. J. Craig, Sir Ernest (Chester, Crewe) Hammersley, S. S. Betterton, Henry B. Croft, Brigadier-General Sir H. Hanbury, C. Bevan, S. J. Crookshank, Col. C. de W. (Berwick) Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Birchall, Major J. Dearman Crookshank, Cpt. H .(Lindsey, Gainsbro) Hartington, Marquess of Blundell, F. N. Dalkeith, Earl of Harvey, Major S. E. (Devon, Totnes) Boothby, R. J. G. Davies, Mal. Geo. F. (Somerset, Yeovll) Headlam, Lieut.-Colonel C. M. Bourne, Captain Robert Croft Davies, Dr. Vernon Henderson, Capt. R. R. (Oxf'd, Henley) Bowyer, Capt. G. E. W. Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) Henderson, Lieut.-Col. Sir Vivian Braithwaite, Major A. N. Dawson, Sir Philip Henn, Sir Sydney H. Brassey, Sir Leonard Dean, Arthur Wellesley Hennessy, Major Sir G. R. J. Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive Drewe, C. Hills, Major John Waller Briggs, J. Harold Edmonson, Major A. J. Hilton, Cecil Briscoe, Richard George Erskine, Lord (Somerset, Weston-s.-M.) Hohler, Sir Gerald Fitzroy Brocklebank, C. E. R. Evans, Captain A. (Cardiff, South) Holt, Captain H. P. Brooke, Brigadier-General C. R. I. Everard, W. Lindsay Hope, Sir Harry (Forfar) Broun-Lindsay, Major H. Fairfax, Captain J. G. Hopkins, J. W. W. Brown, Col. D. C. (N'th'l'd., Hexham) Falle, Sir Bertram G. Hopkinson, Sir A. (Eng. Universities) Brown, Brig.-Gen. H .C.(Berks, Newb'y) Fermoy, Lord Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Brown, Ernest (Leith) Flelden, E. B. Howard-Bury, Colonel C. K. Bullock, Captain M. Forrest, W. Hudson, Capt. A. U. M. (Hackney, N.) Burman, J. B. Fraser, Captain Ian Hume, Sir G. H. Campbell, E. T. Frece, Sir Walter de Hurd, Percy A. Carver, Major W. H. Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Iliffe, Sir Edward M Cassels, J. D. Ganzonl, Sir John Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H. Cautley, Sir Henry S. Gates, Percy Iveagh, Countess of Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City) Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John Jackson, Sir H. (Wandsworth, Cen'l) Jephcott, A. R. O'Neill, Major Rt. Hon. Hugh Smithers, Waldron Jones, Sir G. W. H. (Stoke New'gton) Oman, Sir Charles William C. Somerville, A. A. (Windsor) Joynson-Hicks, Rt. Hon. Sir William Ormsby-Gore, Rt. Hon. William Sprot, Sir Alexander Kennedy, A. R. (Preston) Pennefather, Sir John Stanley, Lieut.-Colonel Rt. Hon. G. F. Kindersley, Major G. M. Penny, Frederick George Stanley, Lord (Fylde) Knox, Sir Alfred Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Stanley, Hon. O. F. G. (Westm'eland) Lamb, J. Q. Perkins, Colonel E. K. Stuart, Hon. J. (Moray and Nairn) Looker, Herbert William Peto, G. (Somerset, Frome) Styles, Captain H. Walter Lougher, Lewis Pownall, Sir Assheton Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Luce, Maj.-Gen. Sir Richard Harman Preston, William Thom, Lt..Col. J. G. (Dumbarton) Lumley, L. R. Price, Major C. W. M. Thomson, Rt. Hon. Sir W. Mitchell- MacAndrew, Major Charles Glen Raise, Sir Walter Titchfield, Major the Marquess of MacIntyre, Ian Rhys, Hon. C. A. U. Ward, Lt., Col. A. L. (Kingston-on-Hull) Macmillan, Captain H. Richardson, Sir P. W. (Sur'y, Ch'ts'y) Warner, Brigadier-General W. W. MacRobert, Alexander M. Roberts, Sir Samuel (Hereford) Warrender, Sir Victor Maitland, A. (Kent, Faversham) Rodd, Rt. Hon. Sir James Rennell Waterhouse, Captain Charles Manningham-Buller, Sir Mervyn Ropner, Major L. Watson, Rt. Hon. W. (Carlisle) Margesson, Captain D. Ruggles-Brise, Lieut.-Colonel E. A. Watts Sir Thomas Marriott, Sir J. A. R. Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth) Wayland, Sir William A. Mason, Colonel Glyn K. Salmon, Major I. Williams, A. M. (Cornwall, Northern) Meller, R. J. Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Williams, Com. C. (Devon, Torquay) Merriman, Sir F. Boyd Sandeman, N. Stewart Williams, C. P. (Denbigh, Wrexham) Meyer. Sir Frank Sanders, Sir Robert A. Williams, Herbert G. (Reading) Mitchell, S. (Lanark, Lanark) Sanderson, Sir Frank Wilson, Sir C. H. (Leeds, Central) Mitchell, W. Foot (Saffron Walden) Sandon, Lord Wilson, R. R. (Stafford, Lichfield) Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham) Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George Monsell, Eyres, Com. Rt. Hon. B. M. Savery, S. S. Wolmer, Viscount Moore, Sir Newton J Sheffield, Sir Berkeley Wood, E. (Chest'r, Stalyb'dge & Hyde) Newton, Sir D. G. C. (Cambridge) Shepperson, E. W. Wood, Rt. Hon. Sir Kingsley Nicholson, O. (Westminster) Skelton, A. N. Woodcock, Colonel H. C. Nield, Rt. Hon. Sir Herbert Slaney, Major P. Kenyon Nuttali, Ellis Smith. R. W. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, C.) TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— O'Connor, T. J. (Bedford, Luton) Smith-Carington, Neville W. Captain Viscount Curzon and Captain Wallace.
NOES. Adamson, Rt. Hon. W. (Fife, West) Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvll) Peto, Sir Basil E. (Devon, Barnstaple) Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock) Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland) Potts, John S. Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro') Hardie, George D. Richardson, R. (Houghton.le-Spring) Ammon, Charles George Hayday, Arthur Riley, Ben Baker, J. (Wolverhampton, Bilston) Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (Burnley) Roberts, Rt. Hon. F. O.(W. Bromwich) Barnes, A. Henderson, T. (Glasgow) Robinson, Sir T (Lanc., Stretford) Barr, J. Hirst, G. H. Robinson, W. C. (Yorks, R., Elland) Batey, Joseph Hirst, W. (Bradford, South) Runciman, Hilda (Cornwall, St. Ives) Bondfield, Margaret Hudson, J. H. (Huddersfield) Salter, Dr. Alfred Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Chants W. Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath) Scurr, John Briant, Frank John, William (Rhondda, West) Sexton, James Broad, F. A. Johnston, Thomas (Dundee) Shaw, Rt. Hon. Thomas (Preston) Bromfield, William Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Slesser, Sir Henry H. Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Slivertown) Smith. Ben (Bermondsey, Rotherhithe) Burton, Colonel H. W. Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly) Smith, Rennie (Penistone) Charleton, H. C. Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd) Snell, Harry Cluse, W. S. Kelly, W. T. Snowden, Rt. Hon. Philip Compton, Joseph Kennedy, T. Stamford, T. W. Connolly, M. Kenworthy, Lt.-Com. Hon. Joseph M. Stewart, J (St. Rollox) Cove, W. G. Kirkwood, D. Sullivan, J. Cowan. D. M. (Scottish Universities) Lansbury, George Sutton, J. E. Crawfurd, H. E. Lawrence, Susan Thurtle, Ernest Crooke, J. Smedley (Deritend) Lawson, John James Towneed, A. E. Dalton, Hugh Lee, F. Viant, S. P. Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton) Longbottom, A. W. Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline) Dennison, R. Lunn, William Watts-Morgan. Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda) Duncan, C. MacDonald, Rt. Hon. J. R. (Aberavon) Wellock, Wilfred England, Colonel A. Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan) Westwood, J. Evans, Capt. Ernest (Welsh Univer.) Malone, C. L'Estrange (N'thampton) Wheatley, Rt. Hon. J. Gardner, J. P. Mitchell, E. Rosslyn (Paisley) Whiteley, W. Garro-Jones, Captain G. M. Montague, Frederick Wilkinson, Ellen C. Gibbins, Joseph Morris, R. H. Williams, David (Swansea, East) Gillett, George M. Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.) Williams, T. (York, Don Valley) Gosling, Harry Murnin, H. Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe) Graham, Rt. Hon. Wm. (Edin., Cent.) Naylor, T. E. Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow) Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne) Oliver, George Harold Windsor, Walter Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan) Owen, Major G. Wright, W. Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Palin, John Henry Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Groves, T. Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Grundy, T. W. Pethick-Lawrence, F. W. TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Mr. Hayes and Mr. Paling.
I beg to move, in page 2, line 39, at the end, to insert the words,
"and may pay to him and the other members of the Board any travelling and other expenses reasonably incurred by them as such members."
I can see no reason why members of the Board who may have to travel up and down the country should not be allowed reasonable travelling expenses.
Surely we are entitled to know whether the Government have formed any estimate of the cost and out of what fund the money is to come.
This has nothing to do with the Government at all. The money will come out of the fund of the totalisator.
Surely the Government have got some estimate as to the cost The Government have already shown that they have no confidence in the Chancellor of the Exchequer and that they prefer the Home Secretary. The House is entitled to know whether the Government have made up their minds as to the cost of these travelling expenses.
Question put, "That those words be there inserted in the Bill."
The House divided: Ayes, 213; Noes, 115.
Division No. 303.] AYES. [11.14 p.m. Acland-Troyte, Lieut.-Colonel Dalkeith, Earl of Jones, Sir G. W. H. (Stoke New'gton) Agg-Gardner, Rt. Hon. Sir James T. Davies, Maj. Geo. F. (Somerset, Yeovil) Joynson-Hicks, Rt. Hon. Sir William Alexander, E. E. (Leyton) Davies, Dr. Vernon Kennedy, A. R. (Preston) Alexander, Sir Wm. (Glasgow, Cent'l) Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) Kindersley, Major G. M. Allen, Sir J. Sandeman Dawson, Sir Philip King, Commodore Henry Douglas Amery, Rt. Hon. Leopold C. M. S. Dean, Arthur Wellesley Knox, Sir Alfred Applin, Colonel R. V. K. Drewe, C. Lamb, J. Q. Apsley, Lord Edmondson, Major A. J. Looker, Herbert William Ashley, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Wilfrid W. Erskine, Lord (Somerset, Weston-s.-M.) Laugher, Lewis Atholl, Duchess of Evans, Captain A. (Cardiff, South) Luce, Major-Gen. Sir Richard Harman Bainiel, Lord Everard, W. Lindsay Lumley, L. R. Barclay-Harvey, C. M. Fairfax, Captain J. G. MacIntyre, Ian Barnett, Major Sir Richard Falle, Sir Bertram G. Macmillan, Captain H. Beamish, Rear-Admiral T. P. H. Fermoy, Lord MacRobert, Alexander M. Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Flelden, E. B. Maitland, A. (Kent, Faversham) Bennett, A. J. Fraser, Captain Ian Manningham-Buller, Sir Mervyn Betterton, Henry B. Frece, Sir Walter de Margesson, Captain D. Bevan, S. J. Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Marriott, Sir J. A. R. Birchall, Major J. Dearman Ganzoni, Sir John Mason, Colonel Glyn K. Blundell, F. N. Gates, Percy Meller, R. J. Boothby, R. J. G. Gilmour. Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John Merriman, Sir F. Boyd Bourne, Captain Robert Croft Glyn, Major R. G. C. Meyer, Sir Frank Bowyer, Captain G. E. W. Gower, Sir Robert Mitchell, S. (Lanark, Lanark) Braithwaite, Major A. N. Grace, John Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham) Brassey, Sir Leonard Graham, Fergus (Cumberland, N.) Monsell, Eyres, Com. Rt. Hon. B. M. Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive Grattan-Doyle, Sir N. Moore, Sir Newton J. Briggs, J. Harold Greaves-Lord, Sir Walter Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Briscoe, Richard George Greene, W. P. Crawford Neville, Sir Reginald J. Brocklebank, C. E. R. Gretton, Colonel Rt. Hon. John Newton, Sir D. G. C. (Cambridge) Brooke, Brigadier-General C. R. I. Grotrian, H. Brent Nicholson, O. (Westminster) Broun-Lindsay, Major H. Guinness, Rt. Hon. Walter E. Nuttall, Ellis Brown, Col. D. C. (N'th'l'd., Hexham) Gunston, Captain D. W. O'Connor, T. J. (Bedford, Luton) Brown, Brig.-Gen. H. C.(Berks, Newb'y) Hacking, Douglas H. O'Neill, Major Rt. Hon. Hugh Bullock, Captain M. Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Oman, Sir Charles William C. Burman, J. B. Hall, Capt. W. D'A. (Brecon & Rad.) Ormsby-Gore, Rt. Hon. William Campbell. E. T. Hamilton, Sir George Pennefather, Sir John Carver, Major W. H. Hammersley, S. S. Penny, Frederick George Cassels, J. D. Hanbury, C. Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Cautley, Sir Henry S. Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Peto, Sir Basil E. (Devon, Barnstaple) Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City) Hartington, Marquess of Peto, G. (Somerset, Frome) Cayzer, Maj. Sir Herbt. R. (Prtsmth, S.) Harvey, Major S. E. (Devon, Totnes) Pownall, Sir Assheton Cazalet, Captain Victor A. Headlam, Lieut.-Colonel C. M. Preston, William Cecil, Rt. Hon. Sir Evelyn (Aston) Henderson, Gapt. R. R.(Oxf'd, Henley) Price, Major C. W. M. Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton Henderson, Lieut.-Col. Sir Vivian Rains, Sir Walter Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood) Henn, Sir Sydney H. Rhys, Hon. C. A. U. Christie, J. A. Hills, Major John Waller Richardson, Sir P. W. (Sur'y, Ch'ts'y) Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston Spencer Hilton, Cecil Roberts, Sir Samuel (Hereford) Cobb, Sir Cyril Holt, Capt. H. P. Rodd, Rt. Hon. Sir James Renneil Cochrane, Commander Hon. A. D. Hope, Sir Harry (Forfar) Ropner, Major L. Cohen, Major J. Brunel Hopkins, J. W. W. Ruggles-Brise, Lieut.-Colonel E. A. Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Hopkinson, Sir A. (Eng. Universities) Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth) Conway, Sir W. Martin Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Salmon, Major I. Cooper, A. Duff Howard-Bury, Colonel C. K. Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Couper, J. B. Hudson, Capt. A. U. M. (Hackney, N.) Sandeman, N. Stewart Courtauld, Major J. S. Hurd, Percy A. Sanders, Sir Robert A. Craig, Sir Ernest (Chester, Crewe) Iliffe, Sir Edward M. Sanderson, Sir Frank Croft, Brigadier-General Sir H. Inskip, Sir Thomas Walker H. Sandon, Lord Crookshank, Col. C. de W. (Berwick) Iveagh, Countess of Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Crookshank, Cpt. H. (Lindsey, Gainsbro) Jackson, Sir H. (Wandsworth, Cen'l) Savery, S. S. Curzon, Captain Viscount Jephcott, A. R. Sheffield, Sir Berkeley Shepperson, E. W. Styles, Captain H. W. Williams, A. M. (Cornwall, Northern) Skelton, A. N. Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Williams, Com. C. (Devon, Torquay) Slaney, Major P. Kenyon Thom, Lt.-Col. J. G. (Dumbarton) Williams, Herbert G. (Reading) Smith, R. W. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, C.) Titchfield, Major the M arquess of Wilson, Sir C. H. (Leeds, Central) Smith-Carington, Neville W. Wallace, Captain D. E. Wilson, R. R. (Stafford, Lichfield) Smithers, Waldron Ward, Lt.-Col. A. L. (Kingston-on-Hull) Wolmer, Viscount Somerville, A. A. (Windsor) Warner, Brigadier-General W. W. Wood, E. (Chest'r, Stalyb'ge & Hyde) Sprot, Sir Alexander Warrender, Sir Victor Wood, Rt. Hon. Sir Kingsley Stanley, Lieut.-Colonel Rt. Hon. G. F. Waterhouse, Captain Charles Woodcock, Colonel H. C. Stanley, Lord (Fylde) Watson, Rt. Hon. W. (Carlisle) Stanley, Hon. O. F. G. (Westm'eland) Watts, Sir Thomas TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Stuart, Hon. J. (Moray and Nairn) Wayland, Sir William A. Major Sir George Hennessy and Major Sir William Cope.
NOES. Adamson, Rt. Hon. W. (File, West) Grundy. T. W. Pethick-Lawrence, F. W. Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock) Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil) Potts, John S. Alexander, A. V (Sheffield, Hillsbro') Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Shetland) Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Ammon, Charles George Hardie, George D. Riley, Ben Baker, J. (Wolverhampton, Billiton) Hayday, Arthur Roberts, Rt. Hon. F. O.(W. Bromwich) Barnes. A. Henderson, Right Hon. A. (Burnley) Robinson, Sir T. (Lanes, Stretford) Barr, J. Henderson, T. (Glasgow) Robinson, W. C. (Yorks, W. R., Elland) Batey, Joseph Hirst. G. H. Runciman, Hilda (Cornwall, St. Ives) Bondfield, Margaret Hirst, W. (Bradford, South) Salter, Dr. Alfred Briant, Frank Hudson, J. H. (Huddersfield) Sexton, James Broad. F. A Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath) Shaw, Rt. Hon. Thomas (Preston) Bromfield, William John, William (Rhondda, West) Slesser, Sir Henry H. Brown, Ernest (Leith) Johnston, Thomas (Dundee) Smith, Ben (Bermondsey, Rotherhithe) Brown. James (Ayr and Bute) Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Smith, Rennie (Penistone) Burton, Colonel H. W. Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown) Snell, Harry Charleton, H. C. Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly) Snowden, Rt. Hon. Philip Cluse, W. S. Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd) Stamford, T. W. Compton, Joseph Kelly, W. T. Stewart, J. (St. Rollox) Connolly, M. Kennedy, T. Sullivan, J. Cove, W. G. Kenworthy, Lt.-Com. Hon. Joseph M. Sutton, J. E. Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities) Kirkwood, D. Thurtle, Ernest Crawfurd, H. E. Lawrence, Susan Tovvnend, A. E. Dalton. Hugh Lawson, John James Viant, S. P. Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton) Lee, F. Watson. W. M. (Dunfermline) Dennison, R. Longbottom, A. W. Watts-Morgan. Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda) Duncan, C. Lunn, William Wellock, Wilfred England, Colonel A. MacDonald, Rt. Hon. J. R.(Aberavon) Westwood, J. Evans, Capt. Ernest (Welsh Univer.) Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan) Wheatley, Rt. Hon. J. Forrest. W. Malone, C. L'Estrange (N'thampton) Whiteley, W. Gardner, J. P. Mitchell, E. Rosslyn (Paisley) Williams, C. P. (Denbigh, Wrexham) Garro-Jones, Captain G. M. Montague, Frederick Williams, David (Swansea, East) Gibbins, Joseph Morris, R. H. Williams, T. (York, Don Valley) Gillett. George M. Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.) Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow) Gosling, Harry Murnin, H. Windsor, Walter Greenwood. A. (Nelson and Colne) Naylor, T. E. Wright, W. Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan) Oliver, George Harold Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Griffith, F. Kingsley Owen, Major G. Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Palin, John Henry TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Groves, T. Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Mr. Hayes and Mr. Paling.
Motion made, and Question, "That further Consideration of the Bill, as amended, be now adjourned," put, and agreed to.—[ Commander Eyres Mansell. ]
Bill, as amended ( in the Standing Committee ), to be further considered To-morrow.
Naval Prize Bill
Order for Second Reading read.
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read a Second time."—[ Lieut.-Colonel Headlam. ]
I hope the Government are not going to press the Second Reading of the Bill now. It was only printed yesterday. There has been no opportunity of studying the Bill or putting down any Amendments to it, and I think it is an abuse of the Rules of the House to take it now. I would point out that we were expecting a late sitting to-night on the Racecourse Betting Bill, and I think that a Bill which affects the whole of the Navy ought not to be taken at this hour. The Government ought to be satisfied with getting as far as they have got to-night. I hope that the Parliamentary Secretary to the Treasury will put off the Second Reading until a more convenient time.
I would point out that we cannot put down any Amendments to the Bill until it has been given a Second Reading. There is no question of principle against the Bill. It is very desirable that the Second Reading should be taken, in order that we may discuss any point of difference in detail in Committee.
Does this mean that we are only taking the Second Reading now, and not the Committee stage?
Yes.
Question put, and agreed to.
Bill read a Second time.
Bill committed to a Committee of the Whole House for To-morrow.—[ Commander Eyres Mansell. ]
Navy and Army Expenditure, 1926–27
Considered in Committee.
[Mr. JAMES HOPE in the Chair.]
I. Whereas it appears by the Navy Appropriation Account for the year ended the 31st day of March, 1927, that the aggregate
SCHEDULE. No. of Vote Navy Services, 1926–27, Votes. Deficits. Surpluses. Excesses of actual over estimated gross Expenditure. Deficiencies of actual as compared with estimated Receipts. Surpluses of estimated over actual gross Expenditure. Surpluses of actual as compared with estimated Receipts. £ s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d. 1 Wages, etc., of Officers, Seamen, Boys, and Royal Marines, and Civilians employed on Fleet Services. — 8,450 14 7 403,772 17 9 — 2 Victualling and Clothing — 26,768 5 3 213,121 19 2 — 3 Medical Establishments and Services. — — 8,706 17 11 9,273 14 3 4 Fleet Air Arm — — — — 5 Educational Services 6,737 12 4 — — 9,501 12 8 6 Scientific Services — — 40,338 11 1 1,122 5 2 7 Royal Naval Reserves — 270 9 7 1,011 13 10 — 8 Shipbuilding, Repairs, Maintenance, etc.: Sec. 1. Personnel 22,139 3 2 — — 21,387 6 4 Sec. 2. Matériel — — 42,301 6 3 15,758 3 4 Sec. 3. Contract Work — — 120,257 7 0 31,769 11 3 9 Naval Armaments 43,388 18 10 115,247 18 9 — — 10 Works, Buildings, and Repairs. — — 240,791 4 8 26,068 5 2 11 Miscellaneous Effective Services. — — 38,021 0 6 3,009 13 0 12 Admiralty Office — — 13,832 9 2 2,528 2 2 13 Non-Effective Services(Naval and Marine), Officers. 63,564 2 2 — — 8,744 19 1 14 Non-Effective Services(Naval and Marine), Men. — — 32,417 3 8 27,843 6 1 15 Civil Superannuation, Compensation Allowances, and Gratuities. 44,711 10 4 160 19 7 — — — Balances irrecoverable and Claims abandoned. 23,002 3 4 — — — 203,543 10 2 150,898 7 9 1,154,572 11 0 157,006 18 6 Total Deficits £354,441 17 11 Total Surpluses £1,311,579 9 6 Net Surplus £957,137 11 7
expenditure on Navy Services has not exceeded the aggregate sums appropriated for those Services, and that, as shown in the Schedule hereto appended, the net surplus of the Exchequer Grants for Navy Services over the net expenditure is £957,137 11s. 7d., namely:
£ s. d. Total Surpluses 1,311,579 9 6 Total Deficits 354,441 17 11 Net Surplus £957,137 11 7
And whereas the Lords Commissioners of His Majesty's Treasury have temporarily authorised the application of so much of the said total surpluses on certain Grants for Navy Services as is necessary to make good the said total deficits on other Grants for Navy Services.
Resolved,
1. "That the application of such sums be sanctioned."—[ Mr. A. M. Samuel. ]
II. Whereas it appears by the Army Appropriation Account for the year ended the 31st day of March, 1927, that the aggregate expenditure on Army Services has not exceeded the aggregate sums appropriated for those Services, and that as shown in of the Exchequer Grants for Army Services over the net expenditure is £202,374 17s. 5d., namely:
£ s. d. Total Surpluses 1,505,579 3 11 Total Deficits 1,303,204 6 6 Net Surplus £202,374 17 5
SCHEDULE. No. of Vote. Army Services, 1926–27. Votes. Deficits. Surpluses. Excesses of actual over estimated gross Expenditure. Deficiencies of actual as compared with estimated Receipts. Surpluses of estimated over actual gross Expenditure. Surpluses of actual as compared with estimated Receipts. £ s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d. 1 Pay, etc., of the Army — 443,322 9 4 271,064 12 10 — 2 Territorial Army and Reserve Forces. — — 357,145 10 0 30,513 5 2 3 Medical Services 9,923 14 4 — — 2,587 2 11 4 Educational Establishments — — 32,064 16 6 2,295 3 2 5 Quartering and Movements — 113,954 13 6 276,407 2 2 — 6 Supplies, Road Transport, and Remounts. 51,737 14 5 — — 12,130 6 2 7 Clothing 163,120 15 5 222 2 4 — — 8 General Stores 962 8 3 163,115 14 10 — — 9 Warlike and Engineer Technical Stores. — 9,546 6 6 26,305 19 2 — 10 Works, Buildings, and Lands 69,983 11 9 — — 24,123 8 3 11 Miscellaneous Effective Services. — 190,035 10 10 316,605 2 0 — 12 War Office — 1,485 5 6 11,740 7 8 — 13 Half-Pay, Retired Pay, and other Non-effective Charges for Officers. — — 86,887 12 6 48,676 1 11 14 Pensions and other Non-effective Charges for Warrant Officers, Non-commissioned Officers, Men, and others. 33,314 11 9 35,008 5 5 — — 15 Civil Superannuation, Compensation, and Gratuities. — 51 17 10 7,032 13 6 — — Balances Irrecoverable 17,419 4 6 — — — 346,462 0 5 956,742 6 1 1,385,253 16 4 120,325 7 7 Total Deficits £1,303,204 6 6 Total Surpluses £1:,505,579 3 11 Net Surplus £202,374 17 5
Resolutions to be reported To-morrow.
And whereas the Lords Commissioners of His Majesty's Treasury have temporarily authorised the application of so much of the said total surpluses on certain Grants for Army Services as is necessary to make good the said total deficits on other grants for Army Services.
Resolved,
2. "That the application of such sums be sanctioned."—[ Mr. A. M. Samuel. ]
Straits Settlements and Johore Territorial Waters (Agreement) Bill [Lords]
Considered in Committee.
[Mr. JAMES HOPE in the Chair.]
CLAUSE 1.—(Approval of Agreement.)
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Clause stand part of the Bill."
This Clause reads:
But just across the way there will be this island, which will be under the jurisdiction of the Sultan of Johore and some enterprising people, perhaps not unconnected with the totalisator which we have been discussing, might start a casino. There would be no control over such places and our men might be lured there to consume bad liquor and lose their money in gambling. Have we any assurance that these islands which arc so close to this future great naval base will not be used for such purposes? We had a question on this subject only a couple of days ago, and it was admitted that there had been scandals arising out of the maladministration of certain territories of Johore in connection with this very vice of gambling. Therefore, we ought to be assured that these islands are going to be properly administered.
The hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy) is evidently very ill-informed as to the character of the administration of the State of Johore, and some of his remarks are very offensive, not merely to the Sultan of Johore, but to his chief Ministers and to his native and European advisers there, and are singularly ill-timed. It is true that in the old days there was some gambling, but no more than that which took place in any of the other islands there. That was done away with some time ago, and when I was there recently the complaint of the Sultan was that there was more gambling going on in Singapore than there had ever been in Johore. Be that as it may, and I do not know whether it is so or not, I can assure the hon. and gallant Member that there is no chance of these small and uninhabited islands some way up the coast being used for any purpose of the kind he describes. The relations between the State of Johore and the British Government are regulated by treaty, whereby in everything except matters of religion and Malayan customs, the Sultan accepts the advice of the British High Commissioner through his chief adviser. Though Johore is an independent sovereign State in status, it is a protected State under a treaty alliance, and the provisions of that treaty really give us ultimate control of the administration in the State of Johore. The largest of these small islands is only 26 acres, and this arrangement is being made, partly for police reasons and partly because one of these islands is useful to the State of Johore in its development. This island contains road material, and, as the State of Johore is very prosperous and progressive, the road material is required there. I hope the hon. and gallant Member will be satisfied with this reply. I think I have answered all the questions that has been raised, and I hope that the House will now proceed with the Bill, without casting any aspersions on the State of Johore or its administration, so that we may ratify this agreement.
I think that the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy) rather misunderstood the question the other day. At any rate we were very dissatisfied with the reply. I think it is only fair to the Sultan of Johore to say that the reverse is true of his position, and that he is likely to oppose any gambling in his State rather than to encourage it. The Under-Secretary will bear me out when I say that at a public meeting in Singapore, at which he was present, the Sultan of Johore charged the Straits Settlements Government with encouraging gambling, and he has since been supported by the public Press and by public representatives throughout the Malay Peninsula in his attack upon the laxity of the Straits Settlements Government in that matter. Therefore, it is only fair to this Sovereign to say that he is setting an excellent example not only to the Straits Settlements Government but to the Government in this House.
I have no desire to cast aspersions on the Government of Johore.
I wish the hon. and gallant Gentleman would not do it then.
The right hon. Gentleman might let me finish my sentence. I thought that the present Government in this House rather approved of gambling from what we have heard this evening. But in regard to the gambling hells out there—
I deny altogether that there are gambling hells.
The right hon. Gentleman had better come off the high horse at once, because it is notorious that in the East there are, perhaps owing to the social conditions, certain places that are tolerated by the British Government which are scandalous to us and to our administration. Do not let us hear too much of that from the right hon. Gentleman. I did not ask him to take this Bill at this time, and I do not care how long we discuss the matter as long as we can get the facts. I rose to say this, and I should already have resumed my seat if the right hon. Gentleman had recovered from the curries which he has eaten in that part of the world and had not been quite so testy. I am not making any aspersions on the administration of Johore.
You did.
I say that in a territory under our administration we should put these places out of bounds. The Sultan of Johore, with the best will in the world, cannot altogether stamp out gambling places in his territory. I am satisfied with the explanation that has been given, and I am delighted to hear that it is an aspersion to say that this Government encourage gambling, although that remark comes from even the most junior member of the Government.
Question put, and agreed to.
Clause 2 ( Short title ) ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Schedule agreed to.
Bill reported, without Amendment; read the Third time, and passed without Amendment.
The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.
It being after Half-past Eleven o'Clock, Mr. SPEAKER adjourned the How, without Question put, pursuant to the Standing Order.
Adjourned at Nineteen Minutes before Twelve o'Clock.