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Commons Chamber

Volume 220: debated on Monday 30 July 1928

House of Commons

Monday, July 30, 1928

The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.

Private Business

Blackpool Improvement Bill [ Lords ],

Read the Third time, and passed, with Amendments.

Cleveland and Durham County Electric Power Bill [ Lords ] ( King's Consent Signified );

Bill read the Third time, and passed, with Amendments.

North Metropolitan Electric Power Supply (Consolidation) Bill [ Lords ],

Poole Corporation Bill [ Lords ],

Weald Electricity Supply Bill [ Lords ],

Read the Third time, and passed, with Amendments.

DAGENHAM URBAN DISTRICT COUNCIL BILL [Lords],

As amended, considered:——

Ordered, That Standing Orders 223 and 243 be suspended, and that the Bill be now read the Third time.—[ The Chairman of Ways and Means. ]

King's Consent Signified; Bill read the Third time, and passed, with Amendments.

MORECAMBE CORPORATION BILL [Lords],

Ordered, That, in the case of the Morecambe Corporation Bill [ Lords ], Standing Orders 84, 214, 215 and 239 be suspended, and that the Bill be now taken into consideration provided amended prints shall have been previously deposited.—[ The Chairman of Ways and Means. ]

Bill, as amended, considered accordingly.

Ordered, That Standing Orders 223 and 243 be suspended, and that the Bill be now read the Third time.—[ The Chairman of Ways and Means. ]

King's Consent Signified; Bill read the Third time, and passed, with Amendments.

Oral Answers to Questions

India

Films

asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether the Report has been received from the committee appointed by the Governor-General in Council to consider the matter of the production and exhibition of cinematograph films in India; and can he give the House particulars?

The Report of the Indian Cinematograph Committee is now in the hands of the Government of India. Pending the publication of the Report which is anticipated very shortly, I regret that I am unable to give any particulars of the Committee's recommendations, but as soon as copies of the Report are received from India, I will place one in the Library.

Can the Noble Lord say whether any correspondence has passed between the home Government and the Government of India asking them to put into effect the provisions of the Cinematograph Films Act which was passed last year?

The hon. Member merely asked me about the Report, and I have indicated that it is not possible to make any statement about the Report until it has been published in India.

Disturbances, Calcutta

asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether the views of the Government of India and the Government of Bengal have been received regarding the firing which took place on the railway strikers in Calcutta on the 28th March last; and is he now in a position to make a statement on the subject?

No, Sir. I am not in a position to make any statement pending the disposal of the prosecution of one of the strike leaders on a charge of perjury and bringing a false case in connection with the incidents of 28th March.

If I put down a question for Thursday next, will the Noble Lord be able to answer my question?

No, Sir. I have no control over the time taken by judicial proceedings. They may take months. As the hon. Gentleman and the House will realise, it would be very improper for a Government Report on this question to be published until the action in a Court of Justice arising out of it has been disposed of.

Mudidih Colliery, Jhairia (Accident)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether he has now received a Report of the inquiry into the cause of the accident which occurred at the Mudidih Colliery, Jhairia coalfield, India, in April, 1928; and, if so, will he make it available to Members in the Library?

The cause of the accident was the unexpected collapse of a pillar adjacent to pillars which were being extracted in the ordinary course of mining. The surface consequently subsided to a depth of about 10 feet and some miners' dwellings collapsed; 1 man, 1 woman and 4 children were killed; 3 men were seriously injured, and 34 men, 1 woman and 2 children were slightly injured. The Report on an inquiry made by the Additional Deputy Commissioner, Dhanbaid, has been presented to the Local Government but has not yet been received by my Noble Friend nor by the Government of India.

Will the Noble Lord expedite the Report in order that Members of the House can see for themselves and ascertain the real cause of this accident?

I am not prepared to expedite the Report, which will be sent in the ordinary course of events. There will be no delay after the Government of India have come to their decision.

Is the Noble Lord not aware that it appears to be the policy of the Government of India to delay these things? As this matter is of urgent importance to British miners and miners in every other country, will he see that justice is done?

The hon. Member is quite inaccurate in saying that the policy of the Government is to delay these matters. They are dealt with as expeditiously as possible, and the Reports as soon as they are received here, if the information is desired by the House, are given accordingly.

Is the Noble Lord aware that this accident occurred on the 9th April, an inquiry was held in May, and now nearly three months have gone by?

Perhaps the hon. Member is unaware of the fact that India is situated by mail some 16 days from this country. The local Governments have to send the Report to the Government of India, and that in itself takes three days; so that the matter cannot be dealt with on the basis of time in the way in which the question suggests.

asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether he is aware that the General Secretary of the Indian Colliery Employés Union was refused permission by the colliery management to visit the place of the accident which occurred at the Mudidih colliery, Jhairia coalfield, in April of this year; and will he take the necessary steps to empower any duly accredited official of this union to visit the place of any fatal accident in or about the coal mines on future occasions?

The Secretary of the union referred to inspected the surface collapse and the wrecked dwellings on the day following the accident. On asking to go underground he was told that the colliery agent was reluctant to allow outsiders to enter the working until he had made a personal inspection. My Noble Friend does not propose to suggest to the Indian authorities that they should take action of the kind suggested in the last part of the question.

Is the Noble Lord aware that this gentleman is the General Secretary of the only miners union in Northern India, that he asked permission to visit the place of the accident and was refused; is that not contrary to the under- standing of the Indian Mines Act, 1923; and is this man not entitled, as a representative of the miners, to inspect the colliery under the Act of 1923?

The hon. Member cannot have heard my answer to his question. I said:

"The secretary of the union referred to inspected the surface collapse and the wrecked dwellings on the day following the accident."

Is the Noble Lord not aware that this accident was a subsidence due to nothing on the surface, but was all underground, and was not this man, as the sole representative of the miners concerned and their dependants, entitled to go underground to see for himself what had happened?

No, Sir. I do not think he was no entitled until the mine had been inspected by the proper authorities.

I beg to give notice that, in view of the unsatisfactory nature of the reply which has been given by the Noble Lord, I shall raise this subject on the Motion for the Adjournment on Friday next.

Women (Employment Underground)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether he is aware that the Government of India have decided to prohibit the employment of all women underground in all mineral-ore mines as from 1st April, 1929; that the prohibition of the employment of women underground in all coal mines is to be limited to a progressive decrease of 10 per cent. each year, so that all women will not be excluded from all coal mines until 1st April, 1939; and will he state what are the reasons for this differentiation, in view of the fact that coal mines are more dangerous and unhealthy to work in than other mines?

The Government of India have published for criticism draft Regulations, under which the employment of women in mines underground would be prohibited in the chief coalfields and in the Punjab salt mines by progressive stages as stated in the question, and forthwith as from 1st April, 1929, in other mines. It is regarded as essential that the prohibition in the chief coalfields should be gradual in its operation, as the summary exclusion of women would result in a very serious dislocation of the industry and its enforcement would arouse the maximum of opposition and might make the reform completely impracticable. If the hon. Member so desires I shall be glad to furnish him with a copy of a communique issued by the Government of India on the subject.

Is the Noble Lord aware of the fact that under the Indian Mines Act of 1923 the Government of India is empowered by Regulations to abolish the employment of women underground in coalmines forthwith if they so desire; that five years have elapsed since that Act was passed, and that under the policy adopted by the Government another 10 years will elapse before women are forbidden from working underground in coalmines in India; and, in view of the fact that India is the brightest jewel in the British Crown, is it not high time that this abolition should take place?

Is it not the case that in other parts of India women have been successfully excluded from working in mines?

Yes, Sir; and I am glad to have the hon. Member's question, because it puts the matter in rather a different light. It is a fact that by progressive stages it is hoped to prohibit the employment of women underground.

Railway Accident, Dankani

asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether he is now in a position to make any statement regarding the accident on the East Indian Railway at Dankani recently; what were the total casualities in this disaster; and whether he has called for a report by cable?

I have received telegraphic reports from the Government of India, from which it appears that the Senior Government Inspector's report now received by the Government of India confirms the opinion previously given by him, and his finding is that the derailment was caused by the malicious removal of rails by persons unknown. The final casualty list is as follows: 18 Indian passengers and European driver killed outright; seriously injured, eight, of whom two have subsequently died in hospital; slightly injured, 27. Many passengers are said to have run away from the scene of the accident, and there may have been some slightly injured amongst them. The reward offered for information leading up to the detection and conviction of the perpetrators has been raised to Rs.30,000. Four arrests are now understood to have been made. The Government of Bengal has instituted prosecutions against the editor, printer, and publisher of "Forward" in respect of the publication of the letter published in the issue of the 13th instant, in which some of the Government railway staff who went to the scene of the accident are alleged to have killed the injured, and the Government of India have ordered the prosecution of the "Pioneer" by the East Indian Railway for reproducing the same letter. Two libel suits also have been filed by the agent and other railway officers against the "Forward" Publishing Company and the editor and printer of "Forward." The first is on account of "Forward's" remarks in the issue of the 10th July, in which it was alleged that the accident was caused by bad upkeep of the track. The second suit is on account of the letter already referred to.

Is it the Indian "Forward" to which the Noble Lord is referring?

Ryots (Indebtedness)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for India what is the estimated percentage of ryots who are in debt to moneylenders in British India and in the Bardoli Taluka, respectively?

Estimates of the percentage of indebtedness covering various areas have been made from time to time, but I am not aware of any estimate covering the whole of British India. As regards the Bardoli Taluka, I have no information.

Is it not the case that quite a good percentage of the ryots in the Bardoli Taluka are in debt to moneylenders, and, in those circumstances, is it not very desirable that more sympathetic methods of making assessments should be adopted?

I do not think that the last part of the hon. Member's question has any relevance to the first part. I agree that probably a number of these people are in debt to moneylenders, but in every constituency in this country there are probably people who are in debt to moneylenders, and that has nothing to do with the question of paying rates and taxes.

Is it not the case that in this country the people generally have access to remedies?

Have the Government of India recently promoted any legislation to protect the peasants of India against the notorious action of moneylenders?

Industrial Disputes

asked the Under-Secretary of State for India how many industrial disputes have occurred in India from 1st January, 1928, up to date; how many of them are still in progress; on how many occasions has a breach of the peace taken place; on how many occasions were armed forces used against the workers; what have been the total casualties in dead and wounded among the workers; and what casualties, if any, have occurred among the police or military forces employed?

According to such information as is available, there were in the whole of India 85 disputes between 1st January and 28th June, 1928. A large number of these were strikes of a trivial nature and of short duration. Six of a more serious character are still in progress. My Noble Friend has not the material for an answer to the third part of the question. As regards the fourth, fifth and sixth parts, seven more serious cases of rioting have been reported to him and resulted, so far as he is aware, in 55 police being injured and in four other persons being killed and 54 injured. Malicious derailment of trains in the South Indian Railway strike has also resulted, according to reports so far received, in two persons being killed and 37 injured. This is in addition to the recent derailment on the East Indian Railway, which involved casualties dealt with in the reply to-day to the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull (Lieut. - Commander Kenworthy).

In any circumstances, did the Government find whether the strikers were armed at all, and, if they were not armed, is it the policy of the Government to attack and shoot unarmed people?

Detenus, Bengal

asked the Under-Secretary of State for India if, before the House rises for the recess, he proposes to make any statement regarding the release of the prisoners who still remain in gaol, or under other forms of restraint, under the provisions of the Bengal Criminal Ordinance Act?

Can the noble Lord say whether the representations which were made to him recently by a deputation from the Labour party have yet produced any reply from India?

I think that the hon. Member should put down a question on that point. He will recollect, as he was present at the deputation, that the representations were not made to me, but to my right hon. Friend, and he will not only have heard but will have received the typewritten report of what occurred at the deputation.

Railway Strike, Madras

asked the Under-Secretary of State for India the latest information concerning the labour dispute and disturbance connected with the strikes; the total of persons killed or injured, separating Europeans from Indians, since the dispute started; and whether there is a possibility of bringing the dispute to an end?

I presume the hon. Member is referring to the strike on the South Indian Railway. So far as my Noble Friend is aware from the reports received, trains have been derailed by malicious obstruction and damage to the track on four occasions, resulting in two persons being killed and 37, including passengers and loyal railway servants, being injured. In four disturbances nine police were injured, two rioters were killed and 14 injured, and a mob injured and attempted to lynch an engine driver who was rescued by the police. The reports do not state how many of the persons killed and injured are Europeans or Indians. As regards the last part of the question, I have no information later than that given in reply to the hon. Member on 23rd July.

Assessment Revision, Bombay

asked the Under-Secretary of State for India the terms on which the peasants of Bardoli offered to abandon their policy of passive resistance; and the reason why these terms were rejected by the Government of India?

So far as I am aware, the peasants of Bardoli themselves have been given little or no opportunity by their self-constituted leaders to negotiate. The chief demands which have been made by the latter were acceptance by the revenue authorities of land revenue at the old rate of assessment pending a reopening of the whole of the re-settlement by a non-official inquiry. The reason why the Bombay Government declined to consider such proposals was sufficiently clearly explained in the Governor's speech of 23rd July, a report of which I circulated in the OFFICIAL REPORT of that date.

Having regard to the fact that the peasants of Bardoli have no means of getting adjustments made by representative assemblies, is it not reasonable that they should offer to accept the findings of an independent committee so long as the status quo is given to them?

I think that the hon. Member is anticipating his next question, which deals with this very point.

asked the Under-Secretary of State for India if he is aware that the peasants of Bardoli have no means of redress, through representative institutions, in regard to their land-tax assessment; and will the Government of, India consider providing such means?

I do not know exactly what the hon. Member has in mind, but the Bardoli settlement was made the occasion for moving a vote of censure in the Bombay Legislative Council in March last, and the motion was lost by 44 votes to 35.

Is it not the case that the peasants in Bardoli, or in any part of India, have no means through repre- sentative institutions of dealing with these questions of assessment of their rates or taxation?

They have the right of making representations through their representatives in the Council.

Is it not the fact that the peasants concerned in all parts of India have no redress at all against the assessment once it has been fixed by the executive officers? Is it not the case that it is an executive order, and that these people have no means of showing their resentment other than this means of passive resistance?

They have the right, through their representatives in the local Legislative Council, to make representations on the subject. [ Interruption. ] The matter, as I have already explained, was discussed in the Bombay Legislative Council, and a motion of censure upon the Government was lost.

Is the Noble Lord aware that none of these peasants have the franchise, and that, therefore, they have no direct voice in selecting the members of the Legislative Assembly, so that they have no representatives?

I should be very unwilling to accept the hon. Gentleman's statement that none of the people concerned in this passive resistance movement have the franchise; I am sure that a great many have the franchise. The hon. Gentleman is clearly not aware of the situation. His Excellency the Governor of Bombay has made a statement in which he has promised that, if these people will pay their assessment, which is legally due from them, he will cause an inquiry to be held into the whole question of the justice or otherwise of past assessments.

That does not answer my question. May I again ask the Noble Lord, it is or is it not a fact that at least the vast majority of these peasants have no voice in the franchise to return members to the Legislative Assembly for the Bombay Presidency? Answer that question!

Is it not the case that, even if they have the franchise, they have no power to deal with the question of assessments?

Cinematograph Films Act (Colonies)

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies which of the Colonies have introduced legislation that will give effect to the Clauses contained in the Cinematograph Films Act, 1927?

No Colony has yet introduced legislation that will give effect to the Clauses contained in the Cinematograph Films Act, 1927. My right hon. Friend is in correspondence with the Governors of a number of Colonies on this subject.

Is it not the fact that several Colonies promised to introduce legislation giving effect to the Bill, and will the right hon. Gentleman endeavour to see that that promise is carried out?

I cannot recollect any promise. I know that a good many Colonial Governments have this matter under consideration, but it is a case of adapting the provisions of an Act applying to this country to local circumstances.

Were not the House of Commons and the Committee that had the Bill before them informed that the Colonies were only waiting for the Bill to be passed in order to introduce similar legislation?

Palestine (Prisoners)

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies what is the number of political prisoners at present in gaol in Palestine, the offences for which they are incarcerated, the duration of the individual sentences, the number of political prisoners awaiting trial, and the number of deportations arising out of political offences that have taken place during the past 12 months?

As the law in Palestine does not recognise any distinction between political and other prisoners, it is not possible to furnish the information for which the hon. Member has asked.

Unemployment

Migration (Training Schemes)

asked the Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs what action the Overseas Settlement Committee is taking upon the suggestions contained in the Report of the Industrial Transference Board affecting Empire migration?

I have been asked to reply to this question. As indicated by the Prime Minister and the Chancellor of the Exchequer during the Debate on the 24th instant, a substantial expansion of the system of preliminary training and testing in this country, which has proved itself a success in enabling non-agricultural workers, including miners, to qualify for assisted passages and land schemes, is in contemplation. We propose, as soon as the necessary arrangements can be made, to open two further training camps under the Ministry of Labour on the lines of those already in operation at Brandon and Claydon. We also hope to secure the provision of training facilities on a larger scale than hitherto by voluntary societies and municipal authorities, and Lord Lovat, the Chairman of the Oversea Settlement Committee, has already consulted the leading voluntary societies with a view to obtaining more extensive cooperation on their part. These training schemes will be dealt with outside the Empire Settlement Act, so as to enable the Government to contribute a larger proportion of the total cost than that prescribed in the Act, and also to enable family allowances to be paid to the dependents of married men during training. Further, schemes to enable migrants to make a career for themselves on the land, whether in the shape of rural housing schemes, of advances to those who have made good as land workers, or of land settlement schemes on a larger scale, are matters for negotiation with the Dominion authorities concerned, and will be actively taken up with them by Lord Lovat, who is leaving in the next few days for Canada, Australia and New Zealand. At the same time, in order to stimulate the normal flow of unassisted migration, as recommended, not only by the Industrial Transference Board, but also by the Canadian Parliamentary Committee, which recently urged that an effort should be made to secure a reduction in the ordinary Atlantic Ocean rate to £10, we propose to enter into negotiations with the shipping companies with a view to ascertaining what it may be possible to do in this direction. The question of the regulations and procedure affecting the admission of migrants into the Dominions, which was also discussed in the Report of the Industrial Transference Board, is, of course, one entirely within the competence of the Dominion Governments concerned. The possibility of their simplification or better adaptation to local conditions on this side is, however, a matter which, in so far as practical difficulties or inconveniences have arisen, or may arise, we shall discuss with the Dominion Governments with a view to seeing how far any modifications may commend themselves to them.

Can the right hon. Gentleman give any estimate of the normal cost of sending out a family after training to Canada?

Is it not a fact that assisted passages to Australia and New Zealand have been suspended, and, if they were renewed, could not there be effectual migration without any more difficulty?

Could the right hon. Gentleman give an estimate of the young men who will be trained at the new training camps?

No, but I presume they will be on the same sort of scale and lines as at the existing one.

What is going to become of the hundred odd thousand whose names are down to go to Canada?

Exchange Building, Glasgow

asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Home Department, as representing the First Commissioner of Works, when it is proposed to start building operations with the new Exchange in Glasgow?

I have been asked to reply. The negotiations with the Government Departments concerned have not yet been completed. Until detailed plans of the accommodation to be provided have been finally approved, and tenders obtained, it will not be possible to specify a date on which building operations will commence.

Can the hon. and gallant Gentleman give us any idea when this building is to be commenced?

That has been the answer for months. I do not want to know whether inquiries will be made, but when the building is going to start. Will the hon. and gallant Gentleman find out?

Part-Time Employment

asked the Minister of Labour whether, in order to encourage private individuals in the country to provide work, he will reconsider the advisability of having the Regulations governing part-time employment made more widely known and framed in such language as to be more easily understood by the unemployed and potential employers, that men in receipt of unemployment benefit can be offered and can accept work for one, two, or three days in any week without forfeiting the unemployment benefit for the remaining days of the week?

I am afraid that I cannot add anything to the answer given by my right hon. Friend on 21st June.

Will the Minister re consider this matter? If he will do as is suggested in the question, it will help to make a response to the appeal made by the Prime Minister to the House last week.

My right hon. Friend will consider anything that will make that appeal more efficacious, but I fail to see that anything can be done on the lines suggested by the hon. Member.

Will the hon. Member allow me to state how it could make all the difference in the world?

Yes, Sir, I shall be very glad to hear what the hon. Member has to say.

Is the hon. Member aware that the method, especially in the cotton district, of splitting short time is working out very unfavourably to the men in this respect, and will he consider some modification of the matter?

I am not aware of that fact, but I will discuss the matter with the hon. Member if he has any suggestion to make.

Does the hon. Member understand the point that I am raising? Does he know that, in cases where there are two days' work only in a week, it is very often a question of one day on the Tuesday and one day on the Friday, and that that means that the men are done completely out of unemployment insurance benefit?

I am perfectly well aware of that point, but I am not sure that this is a matter with which we can deal. It is rather a matter between the employers and the employés, but I am quite willing to discuss the point with the hon. Member.

Is it not possible to modify the Regulation so that whichever two days are worked they may count?

I am not prepared to discuss that matter, in answer to a question. I am not sure that we could do anything without altering the law.

Building Industry, Glasgow

asked the Minister of Labour the total number of unemployed persons in the building industry in Glasgow and the trades they belong to, and the figures for the same date last year?

As the reply includes a number of figures, I will, with the hon. Member's permission, circulate a statement in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Will the hon. Member be good enough to furnish the total number of workers?

The total on the 25th June, 1928, was 2,179 and on the 20th June, 1927, the number was 1,740.

Following is the statement:

NUMBERS OF INSURED PERSONS classified as belonging to the Building Industry recorded as unemployed in the Glasgow area at 25th June, 1928 and 20th June, 1927.

Occupation.

Numbers recorded as unemployed at—

25th June, 1928.

20th June, 1927.

Carpenters

93

55

Bricklayers

34

18

Masons

71

61

Slaters

22

10

Plasterers

15

21

Painters

134

75

Plumbers

182

160

Labourers to above

794

645

All other occupations

834

695

Total

2,179 *

1,740†

* Including 19 insured persons temporarily stopped from the service of their employers. Including 19 insured persons temporarily stopped from the service of their employers.

† Including 15 insured persons temporarily stopped from the service of their employers.

Distressed Mining Areas (Boys)

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Labour the districts to which the 700 boys were transferred by his Department for placing in employment up to 14th July?

The list of these districts is rather long, and with the hon. Member's permission I will arrange for it to be circulated in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Following is the list:

The districts to which boys from the distressed mining areas have been transferred are:

South-Eastern Division.

London (various districts including the City and West End but generally excluding the East End).

Bexhill.

New Malden.

Bromley.

Peacehaven.

Carshalton.

Redhill.

Clacton.

Rickmansworth.

Eastbourne.

Seaford.

Esher.

Slough.

Felixstowe.

St. Leonard's.

Harefield.

Southend.

Guildford.

Surbiton.

Hastings.

Thames Ditton

Kingston.

Weybridge.

Leatherhead.

Worthing.

Luton.

Walton-on-Sea.

Hersham.

Watford.

Norwich.

South-Western Division.

Barnstaple.

Bournemouth.

Cornwall (including Redruth, New-quay, St. Ives, etc.)

Cowes.

Reading.

Exeter.

Torquay.

Oxford.

Weston-super-Mare.

Plymouth.

poole.

Midlands Division.

Ashbourne.

Newark.

Birmingham.

Northampton.

Central Leicester shire.

Oldbury.

Redditch.

Derby.

Shrewsbury.

Droitwich.

Stafford.

Kettering.

Warwickshire.

Leicester.

Wellingborough.

Loughborough.

Willenhall.

Lutterworth.

Wolverhampton.

North-Eastern Division.

Boston (Wood-hall Spa).

Liversedge.

Mexborough.

Bradford.

Morley.

Dewsbury.

Otley.

Doncaster.

Scarborough.

Gainsborough.

Shipley.

Grantham.

Sowerby Bridge.

Grimsby.

Harrogate.

Stanningley.

Huddersfield.

Sunderland.

Keighley.

Todmorden.

Leeds.

Wallsend.

North-Western Division.

Altrincham.

Bollington.

Buxton.

Rural Districts in Cheshire.

Ellesmere Port.

Kendal.

Rural Districts in Lancashire.

Macclesfield.

Rochdale.

Scotland Division.

Peebles.

Millport.

Pitlochry.

Wales Division.

Aberystwyth.

Rhos-on-Sea.

Llandudno.

Wrexham.

Miners

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he can give any estimate of the number of unemployed miners who will become employed as a result of freight relief on 1st December, 1928?

I have been asked to reply. I do not think that any useful purpose would be served by attempting to make an estimate of the advantage which reduced railway freights on coal are likely to confer upon employment. It is sufficient to point out that the proposal to bring these lower charges into force before the 1st October, 1929, was urged upon the Government in the interests of employment by representatives both of employers and workmen in the mining industry.

Trade and Commerce

Dominion and Colonial Contracts

asked the Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department whether, in relation to the recent order for locomotives, etc., placed in Germany there was a fair wages clause in the contract; and, if not, will he make representations to the South African and other Dominion Governments with a view to an arrangement whereby British industry will more largely share in such work required by the Dominions and the Colonies?

I presume the hon. Member has in mind a contract for seven locomotives which was recently placed with Honamag (Hannoversche Maschinenbau A.G.) by the Union Government. I understand that, according to the conditions which govern stores contracts for the South African railways and harbours, the fair wages clause, which constitutes one of the conditions of tender, does not apply to work carried out elsewhere than in South Africa itself, and that this is the position in regard to this particular contract. The conditions of such contracts, so far as the Dominions are concerned, are entirely a matter for the respective Governments, and while I am in complete sympathy with the hon. Member's desire that industry in this country should share as largely as possible in work of this kind, I am doubtful whether representations on the specific point mentioned in the question would help to achieve the object which he has in view.

Is it not a fact that the Dominions give us a wider preference than we give them?

Is the hon. Gentleman not aware that, in British Government contracts for places abroad, the fair wages clause is not inserted?

That does not alter the fact that we cannot interfere with contracts which are placed by our Dominions.

British Herrings (Import Duties, Poland)

asked the Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department whether he has been successful in his efforts to induce the Polish Government to lower the duty upon imported British-cured herrings; and, if not, what steps he now proposes to take in the matter?

His Majesty's Government have not yet succeeded in inducing the Polish Government to reduce the duty on British-cured herrings, but the question of further representations is now being considered.

Is this a question of retaliation in consequence of our taxing goods coming in to this country?

China

British Relations

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether the Chinese Nationalist Government made any approaches to His Majesty's Government last spring with a view to an understanding or agreement; and, if so, what form did the suggestions take and what answer was returned on behalf of His Majesty's Government?

No such approaches were made by the Nationalist authorities, with the possible exception of the conversations between Sir M. Lampson and the Minister for Foreign Affairs, on the subject of the settlement of the Nanking incident, regarding which I would refer the hon. and gallant Member to my reply to the hon. Member for Pontypridd on 4th April last.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he has had any opportunity of discussing Sino-British relations with the representatives of the Nanking Government who recently visited this country, and whether he can make any statement; and if he can indicate the policy of His Majesty's Government towards the question of the recognition of the Nanking Government, the settlement of the Nanking incident, and recent declarations regarding the independence of Manchuria?

I received a call from Mr. Hu Han-min on 18th July, and from Mr. Sun Fo, accompanied by Mr. Hu Han-min on 23rd July. I had friendly conversations of a general nature with these gentlemen regarding the situation in China and Sino-British relations. As regards the latter part of his question, I would refer the hon. Member to the various statements that have recently been made on these subjects in reply to questions in this House—notably my reply to the hon. Member's question regarding Manchuria on 12th July, and my reply to the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull on 18th July on the subject of our relations with the Nanking authorities. I hope that the Nationalist authorities will now settle the Nanking incident.

In view of the importance of these two questions to British trade in the Far East, will the Minister be prepared to deal with this more fully in the Debate to-day?

I do not think that I can say much more than I have already indicated to the House at this stage.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he is aware that the Nationalist Minister for Foreign Affairs, Dr. C. T. Wang, in a recent interview with the American Consul-General at Shanghai, Mr. E. S. Cunningham, expressed the hope that, as the Nationalist Government has established the capital of China at Nanking, the American Government would shortly instruct its diplomatic representative to proceed to Nanking to facilitate various negotiations; whether there is reason to believe that America is ready to recognise the Nanking Government as the central Government of China without waiting for other Powers to do so; and whether he will concert with the Government of the United States with a view to the simultaneous recognition of the Nanking Government by Britain and America, and by such other States as may be disposed to grant recognition?

I have no information regarding an interview between Dr. Wang and Mr. Cunningham, but on the 25th July the United States Minister at Peking signed with Mr. T. V. Soong, the Nationalist Finance Minister, a treaty granting China full tariff autonomy as from 1st January, 1929, subject to national and most-favoured-nation treatment to Americans. I am advised that the signature of this treaty is tantamount to recognition of the Nationalist Government by the Government of the United States of America. As the United States Government have already acted without consultation with other Powers, it is impossible for those Powers to concert with them measures for simultaneous recognition.

Is it not the case that the American Note does not, in fact, go as far as the Christmas Memorandum, and does the right hon. Gentleman not think that we ought to take the lead in reorganising our policy in the Far East?

I have no particular anxiety to take the lead, as the hon. Member says, to try and get ahead of anyone else. We have stated the lines of our policy, and, when the Nanking episode is settled, we shall be willing to proceed on those lines.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he has any information with regard to the American Note sent to the Chinese Nationalist Government offering to begin negotiations for a new series of treaties and the withdrawal of the additional American troops sent last year; whether His Majesty's Government was invited by the American Government to join with it in these negotiations; and what steps he is taking to impress on the Chinese people the friendly attitude of His Majesty's Government?

With the hon. and gallant Member's permission I will circulate in the OFFICIAL REPORT the text of the Note from the United States Secretary of State which was addressed to the Nationalist Minister for Foreign Affairs on the 25th July. The text of this Note was communicated officially to His Majesty's representative at Washington, but His Majesty's Government were not invited to participate in the negotiations. As regards the last part of the hon. and gallant Member's question, I may say that, in our conversations with various' Nationalist leaders, every opportunity is taken both by His Majesty's Minister at Peking and by myself to assure them of the friendly attitude of His Majesty's Government. I have reason to believe that the attitude and policy of His Majesty's Government, especially since the publication of our Memorandum in December, 1926, are now becoming increasingly appreciated both by the Chinese people and by the Nationalist authorities.

If the position is this, that pending a settlement of the Nanking dispute we are withholding recognition from the Nationalist Government, should we not have a better chance of settling the Nanking claims by recognising the Nationalist Government?

The hon. and gallant Member is always inclined to think that his own Government is in the wrong.

The hon. and gallant Member will observe that the Nanking Government settled the Nanking incident with the Government of the United States before the United States proceeded further.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that I was making no sort of insinuation. I was making what I thought was a helpful suggestion. [HON. MEMBERS: "0h!"] Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that at the present moment we have been made to look rather childish over this whole business, and, as usual, have backed the wrong horse?

The hon. and gallant Member does not seem to realise that there are 39 more questions on the Paper.

"Events in China have moved with great rapidity during the past few months. The American Government and people have continuously observed them with deep and sympathetic interest. Early in the year the American Minister to China made a trip through the Yangtse Valley region and while in Shanghai he exchanged on 30th March, 1928, with the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Nationalist Government a note in settlement of the unfortunate Nanking incident of 24th March, 1927. In pursuance of the terms therein agreed upon a SinoAmerican Joint Commission has been entrusted with the appraisal of the damages suffered by American nationals during that occurrence.

On 27th January, 1927, I made a statement of the position of the United States towards China. To it I have often subsequently had occasion to refer in reaffirmation of the position of this Government. I stated therein that the United States was then, and from the moment of the negotiation of the Washington Treaty had been prepared to enter into negotiations with any Government of China or delegates who could represent or speak for China not only for putting into force the surtaxes of the Washington Treaty but for restoring to China complete tariff autonomy. Ever since the American Government has watched with increasing interest developments pointing towards the co-ordination of the different factions in China and the establishment of a Government with which the United States could enter into negotiations. Informed through Press despatches and through official reports which have from time to time been released to the Press, the American people also have observed with eager interest these developments.

In a note addressed by the United States Minister in China to the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Nationalist Government at Nanking on 30th March of the present year in reply to the suggestion of the latter concerning the revision of existing treaties reference was made to the sympathy felt by the Government and people of the United States with the desire of the Chinese people to develop a sound national life of their own and to realise their aspirations for sovereignty, so far as possible unrestricted by obligations of an exceptional character, and it was stated that the United States Government looked forward to the hope that there might be developed an administration so far representative of the Chinese people as to be capable of assuring the actual fulfilment of any obligations which China would of necessity have for its part to assume for the incident to readjust treaty relations.

In a communication addressed to me under the date of 11th July, 1928, Mr. Chao Chu-wu informs me that the Nationalist Government has decided to appoint plenipotentiary delegates for the purpose of treaty negotiations and that he is instructed to request that the United States Government likewise appoint delegates for that purpose.

The goodwill of the United States towards China is proverbial and the American Government and people welcome every advance made by the Chinese in the direction of unity, peace and progress. We do not believe in interference in their internal affairs. We ask of them only that which we look for from every nation with which we maintain friendly intercourse, specificially, proper and adequate protection of United States citizens, their property and their lawful rights, and in general, treatment in no way discriminatory as compared with the treatment accorded to interests of nationals of any other country.

With a deep realisation of the nature of the tremendous difficulties confronting the Chinese nation, I am impelled to affirm my belief that a new unification of China is in process of emerging from the chaos of civil war and turmoil which has distressed that country for many years. Certainly this is the hope of the people of the United States.

As an earnest of my belief and conviction that the welfare of all peoples concerned will be promoted by the creation in China of a responsible authority which will undertake to speak to and for the nation I am happy now to is that the United States Government is ready to begin at once through the United States Minister in China negotiations with properly accredited representatives whom the Nationalist Government may appoint in reference to tariff provisions of the treaties between the United States and China with a view to concluding a new treaty in which it may be expected that full expression will be given reciprocally to the principle of national tariff autonomy and to the principle that the commerce of each contracting party shall enjoy in the ports and territories of the other treatment in no way discriminatory as compared with the treatment accorded to the commerce of any other country."

Nanking Outrages (British Claims)

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs what is the present position of the negotiations with the Nanking Government for the settlement of the claims of His Majesty's Government arising out of the Nanking incident; and will he take steps to expedite such negotiations with a view to arriving at a settlement at an early date?

The Nanking Government have recently again approached His Majesty's Consul-Generals at Shanghai and Nanking on the subject, and every effort is being made to arrive at a satisfactory settlement.

Have we anyone on the spot at Nanking who is empowered to negotiate?

I do not think the Consul-General is at this moment at Nanking, for reasons I have given to the House, but negotiations have been taking place quite recently, and, indeed, are going on now, between the Consul-General and the Nationalist authorities.

United States Liquor Laws (British Vessels, Bahamian Waters)

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he is aware that American coastguard cutters have frequently during the past few months interfered with British vessels in and near the waters of the Bahama Islands, and that such interference has caused much resentment among the inhabitants of those islands; and whether such interference has been made the subject of diplomatic representations to the United States Government?

I am aware that the activities of United States Coastguard cutters engaged in combating the illicit liquor trade in the vicinity of the Bahamas have from time to time given rise to incidents which have reacted unfavourably upon public opinion and resulted in complaints from inhabitants of the Colony. Whenever such complaints have come to the notice of His Majesty's Government or His Majesty's Embassy at Washington, they have been carefully investigated, and, when the circumstances have been found to warrant it, appropriate action has been taken for the protection of British interests.

I may add that in two instances recently (once in reply to representations and once on their own initiative) the United States Government have expressed regret to His Majesty's Government for the seizures by United States revenue forces of suspected liquor smuggling vessels in Bahamian waters, have released the arrested vessels and their crews, and have undertaken to do all in their power to prevent similar cases in the future. In the first of these cases, the United, States Government also undertook to consider disciplinary action against the Coastguard officer concerned, while in the second the officers and crew of the revenue cutter that effected the seizure were placed under arrest as soon as the superior authorities learnt of their actions in British waters. From the assurances that have been received from the United States Government I am confident that they desire to co-operate with His Majesty's Government in preventing embarrassing incidents.

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether all this trouble could not be avoided by the Bahama Government trying on their part to prevent this traffic and not conniving at this insidious rum running?

No, Sir, the hon. and gallant Gentleman is making a most unfounded statement. The British Government and the Bahama Government have gone out of their way to stop this sort of thing, and I am glad to think that the United States Government recognise that in certain cases their officers have exceeded what was legitimate interference.

Did not the right hon. Gentleman himself say that these were illicit rum runners?

Yes, Sir, but that does not justify action within the Bahamian waters by United States cutters.

Does not the seizure of such ships outside the recognised limits constitute piracy?

No, Sir. There is a special arrangement made between His Majesty's Government and the Government of the United States in order to help the Government of the United States in dealing with this traffic.

New York Bank (British Deposits, Russia)

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether his attention has been called to the case of Mr. William Southam and of other British subjects, mostly workers, who deposited roubles with the branches of the National City Bank of New York in Petrograd and Moscow in 1917, and who, in spite of many reclamations, have been unable to recover these deposits; if he is aware that the parent bank in New York guaranteed itself responsible for the deposits to be returned in Tsarist roubles or their value in dollars; that an American court gave a decision recently in a similar case brought by the Bank of the United States against the National City Bank of New York, and the bank was ordered to repay, with interest at the rate of exchange prevailing on 1st September, 1918; and if he will state whether he can see his way clear to make representations to the Government of the United States with a view to satisfying the claims of these British subjects?

My information is confined to the memorandum which the hon. Member was good enough to leave with me in April, 1925. If the hon. Member will give me particulars of the American decision which he men- tions I shall be glad to examine the matter further, but in any case there is no ground for diplomatic representations until the claimants have exhausted their remedy in the Courts.

As soon as that has been done and a final decision has been arrived at, and if British subjects are not in a position to get justice done, will the right hon. Gentleman use his good offices to see that all British subjects do get justice?

I cannot answer about a hypothetical circumstance. The claimants must exhaust their remedies in the Courts first of all. Of course, all this unhappy business arises out of the action of the Soviet Government on the seizing of private property in Russia.

Is it not a fact that this New York bank has a branch in Petrograd and promised certain conditions to investors which would be in accordance with the rules of that time, and is it not a fact that they have failed to carry out their obligations as per their promise in 1917?

I think that the hon. Member is assuming as a fact some particulars which the bank dispute, and in any case the remedy of the people who feel themselves aggrieved is in the Courts, and it is not proper to make diplomatic representations to a Government when the claimants have not used their remedies in the Courts.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that most of the transactions complained of took place before August, 1917, and before the Soviet revolution?

Great Britain and United States (Visas)

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether, for the purpose of increasing the number of Transatlantic visitors to this country, he will consider taking up with the authorities in the United States the suggestion of foregoing mutually the amount paid upon the visas of British and American tourists in each country, respectively?

The fees at present levied for British visas granted to United States citizens correspond to those charged for United States visas granted to British subjects. As long as the visa itself is retained, His Majesty's Government feel obliged to collect the appropriate visas fees in respect of the services rendered in granting the visa, but they are prepared to reduce the fees to those recommended by the Paris Passport Conference, 1920, whenever the United States are prepared on their part to introduce those fees for all British subjects, whether immigrants or non-immigrants.

Do I take it that the right hon. Gentleman will consider sympathetically anything that comes from Washington in this regard?

On the lines which I have indicated in my question. America has not been willing hitherto to include all immigrants.

Outlawry of War

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether, having regard to the fact that the treaty outlawing war as an instrument of national policy is shortly to be signed in Paris, he will consider making representations to the United States Government recommending that an invitation be sent to the Russian Government to give its adhesion to the treaty, in order that no great Power may be excluded?

I do not think that any suggestions are called for from us. The issue of invitations would seem to be a matter for the United States Government in consultation, no doubt, with the French Government, since the signature is to take place in Paris.

If the United States Government propose that an invitation be given to the Russian Government, will the right hon. Gentleman support that proposal?

Aviation

Air Services (African Dependencies)

asked the Secretary of State for Air what civil flying services, if any, are regularly operating in the African dependencies of the Crown independently from, or in connection with, services operating in the Union of South Africa; what further extensions are contemplated; and what amount he expects to pay as subsidies during the coming financial year?

No civil flying services are as yet in regular operation in any of the British African dependencies. Proposals for a regular service between Egypt and East Africa, with a possible extension southwards, have been submitted as the outcome of the experimental service between Khartum and Kisumu and are now under consideration by the Colonial Office in conjunction with the Air Ministry. No proposals have as yet been formulated for the financial assistance of this service from Air Votes during the coming financial year.

Aerodrome, Hamble

asked the Secretary of State for Air whether his attention has been drawn to a petition presented by residents at Hamble with respect to accidents which have occurred in that village owing to experimental and instructional machines taking off and landing incessantly, and passing over dwelling-houses at a height of from 10 to 20 feet; whether he is aware that residents at the village end of this Southampton airport are being compelled to erect high flagstaffs to keep aeroplanes away from their houses; and whether he will take whatever steps are necessary to ensure that the northern end of the aerodrome field will be made fit for use without delay and thus minimise the risk to people living in the vicinity?

As regards the first and second parts of the question, such a petition has been received and considered. No accident, however, has been notified to me as having occurred in Ramble in connection with the taking off or landing of experimental or instructional machines. As regards the last part of the question, the aerodrome is leased by an aircraft company, who are licensees of it under the regulations. Their attention and that of other users has been drawn to the complaints received, and I have been informed that every possible endeavour is made to avoid giving ground for complaint. I understand that the northern portion of the aerodrome is only fit for use as an emergency landing ground, but that the company hope before long to be in a position to improve the surface in order that their flying activities may as far as possible be confined to that portion.

Seeing that this is the second complaint of this nature to which I have called his attention during the past few weeks, will the right hon. Gentleman present a return showing the number of complaints that are being made in regard to this sort of thing?

I should not think that it was necessary to present a return of that kind. I am afraid that these modern methods of traffic always do create noise, and I am sorry that it is so, but, on the whole, the public have borne with it very patiently.

Housing (Rural Workers) Act

asked the Minister of Health if he can give any explanation why, out of 1,072 applications for assistance under the Housing (Rural Workers) Act, 1926, only 334, up to 31st March, 1928, were promised assistance; and why, of those 334 applicants, only 220 accepted the assistance offered?

According to the returns furnished by local authorities showing progress up to the 31st March last under the Act in question assistance had been promised in respect of 334 dwellings, applications had been refused after consideration of the proposals of the local authorities in respect of 256 dwellings, and the balance, viz., 482, were presumably still under consideration at that date. Of the 334 dwellings in respect of which assistance had been promised the position at the 31st March was that work was either in progress or had been completed on 220 dwellings; in the case of the remaining 114 the work had not been commenced, but I am not aware that the assistance promised had not been accepted.

Can the right hon. Gentleman state whether in each case these houses are being occupied by rural workers?

I think they will have to be occupied by rural workers under the Act.

Public Health (Traffic Noises)

asked the Minister of Health whether he has received a copy of the resolution passed by the annual conference of the British Medical Association, held at Cardiff on 24th July, with reference to the effect of noise on public health; and whether he is prepared to appoint a commission to inquire into the matter with a view to giving local authorities effective powers for dealing with this menace?

No, Sir. I have not received the resolution referred to. I am not at present in a position to add anything to the statement of my right hon. Friend, the Home Secretary, in answer to a question on this subject on Thursday last.

Poor Law Relief, West Ham

asked the Minister of Health if he is aware that the relieving officers under the control of the West Ham Poor Law Commissioners have been instructed to make inquiries from the employers of sons and daughters of persons applying for outdoor relief as to the amount of wages paid, and that in one or two cases employés have been dismissed because the employers resented having to give such information; and if he will give instructions that such inquiries are not to be made?

The reply to the first part of the question is in the affirmative and to the second and third in the negative. It is obviously the duty of the guardians to verify, through their officers, the statements of the earnings of persons applying for relief, or liable for the support of persons applying for relief.

Does not the right hon. Gentleman think that this method of ascertaining the wages of the employés has a detrimental effect, because, if the board of guardians are not satisfied that the person in question is not telling the truth, they apply to the employer, and that causes a good deal of suspicion and the result in some cases is that they are discharged.

I have not heard of any such cases, and perhaps the hon. Member can suggest a better way.

Fighting Services (Estimates, 1929)

asked the Prime Minister if he will, in order to mark the importance and significance of the matter, cause a special instruction to be sent to each of the three fighting services Departments as to the need for taking the Kellogg Peace Pact into consideration as a new factor in the question of national security?

The significance of any international development of first-rate importance, such as the proposed Treaty for the Renunciation of War, is automatically brought to the notice of the Service Departments and the Committee of Imperial Defence in the survey of the international situation which, as mentioned in my statement of the 27th March, 1928, is prepared by the Foreign Office every year. In any event hardly any question of policy affecting the fighting services can be discussed without reference to an international event of this magnitude, and the Service Departments are already fully aware of its importance.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say what reductions will be made in the Estimates for next year?

Rating Relief (Memorandum)

asked the Minister of Health whether he is now able to state when the memorandum prepared in his Department, entitled The Case for Rating Relief and Revision of the Grants System, will be circulated to Members of the House?

I am arranging for further copies to be made. I hope to be able to supply them by next Wednesday.

Government Departments

Ministry of Health

asked the Minister of Health whether officers of his Department are entitled to stay at institutions maintained by public funds; and, if so, whether such officers are also entitled to receive the usual travelling and subsistence allowances from his Department in respect of such visits?

The answer to the first question is in the negative and the second question accordingly does not arise.

Welsh Board of Health

asked the Minister of Health from what body of the Civil Service he received representations in favour of the course he has adopted in the reorganisation of the Welsh Board of Health; what numerical support the representations carry; whether he is aware that the general body of the branch have no knowledge of the letter, although sent in their name; and will he investigate the source from which the support of the new arrangements came?

Representations in favour of the course adopted were received verbally, and not in writing, through the Executive Officers' Association. I have not received any written communication from the general body of the Branch. While I have no precise knowledge as to the numerical support these representations carry I have no reason to doubt the representative character of this Association. The answer to the latter part of the question is in the negative.

asked the Minister of Health if the reason for the change in the composition of the promotion board in the office of the Welsh Board of Health is due to the alleged internal difficulties; and whether he has received complaints with regard to the action of the promotion board in recommending promotions?

The answer to both questions is that troubles in regard to promotion have been, part of the internal difficulties of the past and that the change in question seems to me the best way of securing a better position in the future.

Royal Navy

Fuel

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty the number of ships in the British Navy which can use oil or coal alternatively; whether any or all of these ships are using oil when they might be using coal; and whether, in view of the situation in the coal industry, he will give instructions that in any case where the alternative is possible coal shall be used during the present national crisis?

I would refer the hon. Member to the reply given to my hon. Friend the Member for Frome (Mr. Geoffrey Peto) on the 18th July (OFFICIAL REPORT, column 393). No vessels in the British Navy are fitted to make use of coal or oil as completely alternative fuels. A few coal-burning ships require, however, to use a small proportion of oil fuel when developing full power, and, subject to the exigencies of the Service, the use of the latter fuel is restricted to such occasions and to the very small expenditure essential for the necessary training of the personnel. The boilers of these vessels are not fitted to burn oil alone.

Have the Admiralty seriously considered testing the value or otherwise of pulverised coal as fuel, by using some of their obsolete vessels for experimental purposes?

We have already signified our willingness to lend vessels for that purpose.

Rosyth Dockyard

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty whether he is aware that ships are leaving Rosyth Dockyard for other places for scraping and repairing whilst there are several hundred ex-dockyard workmen unemployed in Rosyth and adjoining districts; and whether he will make arrangements for some of this work to be given to these men?

I regret that as Rosyth Dockyard has been reduced to a care and maintenance basis, it is not practicable to re-open the yard in order that repair work on ships may be undertaken.

May I ask if these ships which are being sent away from Rosyth for repair and cleaning are being sent to dockyards or to private yards?

Post Office

Savings Bank (Cheques)

asked the Postmaster-General whether he has received the Report of the Committee of the Post Office Advisory Council on the subject of cheque facilities for Post Office Savings Bank depositors; and whether he proposes to make a statement on the subject during the present Session?

The Report referred to has been laid as Command Paper 3151, and is now under consideration, but I am not in a position to make any announcement on policy before the Recess.

Coal Industry (Piecework Rates)

asked the Secretary for Mines the alterations that have taken place in piecework rates since 1926 in South Wales, Durham, Lancashire and Scotland, the dates of such reductions, and the original dates of those rates so reduced; and the reductions which have taken place on yardage and day-wage rates during the same period and for the same districts?

I have no record of such alterations, which are matters of arrangement between the owners and workmen at the individual pits.

No, Sir. I think the hon. Member will realise that it is quite impossible. The arrangements are different in each individual pit, and in some cases, even in different seams in the same pit.

If the Secretary for Mines will make inquiries I think he will find that, as far as South Wales is concerned, all this information is filed in the offices of the coal owners in Cardiff.

There are piecework rates for general grades of labour in each coalfield. Could not they be supplied?

The collection of these figures would involve a great amount of work, and would not justify the expense.

Enemy Property (Administration)

asked the President of the Board of Trade if he is aware that, prior to the transfer of the duties of custodian of enemy property from the Public Trustee to the Controller of the Clearing Office (Enemy Debts), half the commission on certain sales was returned by the brokers and placed to the credit of public funds; and, if so, has this method been continued since the transfer to the Enemy Debts Department?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. The question whether the practice of sharing commission with the brokers should be followed by the Clearing Office was considered early in 1923, and it was decided not to adopt it.

May I ask whether the decision not to follow out the practice that was adopted by the Public Trustee is the result of a Report of a Commission or a decision by someone in the Department?

Naval and Military Pensions

asked the Minister of Pensions what is the standard of need set up by his Department for the parent of a deceased ex-service man when applying for a need pension; and what is considered a reasonable income?

Subject to the terms of the Warrant, the grant of a pension of this class is determined, following the recommendations of the Select Committee on Pensions, primarily by reference to the reasonable expectation of support which, in the circumstances, the deceased son might have been expected to contribute had he survived, regard being had also for this purpose to the appropriate share of support attributable to other members of the family. Where the existence of need is ascertained, pension may be awarded within a maximum potential means limit of 25s. a week in the case of one parent and 35s. a week in the case of two, according to the circumstances of the case.

Education

Choice of Employment

asked the President of the Board of Education how many local education authorities have made arrangements, as education authorities, to assist children under the Choice of Employment Act?

111 local education authorities exercise powers in regard to choice of employment in virtue of Section 107 of the Education Act, 1921, which took the place of the Education (Choice of Employment) Act, 1910.

Is it correct to say that the Ministry of Labour encourages local authorities to exercise these functions?

South Downs (Motor Racing Track)

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he is aware that a scheme is on foot to construct a motor racing track on a portion of the South Downs; and whether he will introduce legislation empowering his Department to restrain the establishment in a purely rural district of any such undertaking likely to impair the amenities of the countryside?

I have been asked to reply. I am aware of the scheme alluded to in the question, but I am not sure what further consents, if any, may be necessary before it could be put into operation. In any case I could not undertake to introduce legislation which would throw upon my Department instead of upon the local authority the responsibility for preserving rural amenities. Town planning authorities already have considerable powers to take measures for preserving amenities.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the agitation against this proposal is in the hands of people who, although guided by the best of motives, are absolutely ignorant of the true facts of the case, and that this proposed site is not on the open Downs but on a poor farming area in the valley and will not interfere with anybody?

Betting Duty

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether a bookmaker is required to take out a licence in respect of every clerk employed by him or only by such clerks as exercise managerial functions?

The decision in the case which came before a King's Bench Divisional Court last week confirmed the practice of the Commissioners of Customs and Excise in the matter of bookmakers' certificates. This practice is set out in their Notice No. 129, dated 11th October, 1926, of which I am sending my hon. Friend a copy. Persons employed by or under the direction of bookmakers in a merely subordinate and mechanical capacity are not required to take out certificates, but persons occupying positions of charge, such as responsible managers of branch offices and the like, do require them.

Business of the House

May I ask for what purpose the Government intend to postpone the Eleven o'Clock Rule to-night?

We do not propose to take anything other than Lords Amendments to the Bills on the Order Paper, and any other Amendments which may come down.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say what is to be the future of the Third Order on the Paper, the Superannuation (Diplomatic Service) Bill? Does he really intend to proceed with that Measure this Session?

We are rather working from day to day, but, as far as to-day is concerned, that Order is not affected.

Motion made, and Question put,

"That this day, notwithstanding anything in Standing Order No. 15, Business other than Business of Supply may be taken before Eleven of the clock, and that the Proceedings on Government Business be exempted at this day's Sitting from the provisions of the Standing Order (Sittings of the House)."—[ The Prime Minister. ]

The House divided: Ayes, 178; Noes, 83.

Division No. 348]

AYES.

[3. 48 p.m.

Acland-Troyte, Lieut.-Colonel

Erskine, James Malcolm Monteith

Loder, J. de V.

Agg-Gardner, Rt. Hon. Sir James T.

Evans, Captain A. (Cardiff, South)

Looker, Herbert William

Ainsworth, Lieut.-Col. Charles

Everard, W. Lindsay

Lowe, Sir Francis William

Albery, Irving James

Falle, Sir Bertram G.

Luce, Maj.-Gen. Sir Richard Harman

Alexander, E. E. (Leyton)

Falls, Sir Charles F.

Lumley, L. R.

Allen, Sir J. Sandeman.

Fanshawe, Captain G. D.

MacAndrew, Major Charles Glen

Applin, Colonel R. V. K.

Fermoy, Lord

Macdonald, Capt. P. D. (I. of W.)

Ashley, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Wilfrid W.

Fielden, E. B.

McLean, Major A.

Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

Ford, Sir P. J.

Macnaghten, Hon. Sir Malcolm

Balniel, Lord

Foster, Sir Harry S.

Macquisten, F. A.

Barclay-Harvey, C. M.

Fraser, Captain Ian

MacRobert, Alexander M.

Barnett, Major Sir Richard

Ganzoni, Sir John

Makins, Brigadier-General E.

Bellairs, Commander Carlyon

Gates, Percy

Malone, Major P. B.

Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake)

Gault, Lieut.-Col. Andrew Hamilton

Margesson, Captain D.

Bentinck, Lord Henry Cavendish-

Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John

Marriott, Sir J. A. R.

Bethel, A.

Goff, Sir Park

Meller, R. J

Betterton, Henry B.

Grace, John

Meyer, Sir Frank

Bird, E. R. (Yorks, W. R., Skipton)

Grattan-Doyle, Sir N.

Mitchell, W. Foot (Saffron Walden)

Boothby, R. J. G.

Greenwood, Rt. Hn. Sir H.(W'th's'w, E)

Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham)

Bourne, Captain Robert Croft

Gretton, Colonel Rt. Hon. John

Moles, Rt. Hon. Thomas

Bowater, Col. Sir T. Vansittart

Grotrian, H. Brent

Monsell, Eyres, Com. Rt. Hon. B. M.

Bowyer, Captain G. E. W.

Guinness, Rt. Hon. Walter E.

Moore, Lieut.-Colonel T. C. R. (Ayr)

Boyd-Carpenter, Major Sir A. B.

Gunston, Captain D. W.

Nelson, Sir Frank

Brittain, Sir Harry

Hacking, Douglas H.

Nield, Rt. Hon. Sir Herbert

Brocklebank, C. E. R.

Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich)

Nuttall, Ellis

Brooke, Brigadier-General C. R. I.

Hanbury, C.

O'Neill, Major Rt. Hon. Hugh

Brown, Brig.-Gen. H.C. (Berks, Newb'y)

Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry

Ormsby-Gore, Rt. Hon. William

Butler, Sir Geoffrey

Hartington, Marquess of

Penny, Frederick George

Campbell, E. T.

Harvey, G. (Lambeth, Kennington)

Perkins, Colonel B. K.

Cazalet, Captain Victor A.

Headlam, Lieut.-Colonel C. M.

Pilditch, Sir Philip

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Sir Evelyn (Aston)

Henn, Sir Sydney H.

Pownall, Sir Assheton

Chamberlain, Rt.Hn.Sir J.A.(Birm., W.)

Hoare, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir S. J. G.

Rawson, Sir Cooper

Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Ladywood)

Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard

Reid, Capt. Cunningham (Warrington)

Charteris, Brigadier-General J.

Hope, Capt. A. O. J. (Warw'k, Nun.)

Rhys, Hon. C. A. U.

Clarry, Reginald George

Hopkins, J. W. W

Richardson, Sir P. W. (Sur'y, Ch'ts'y)

Cobb, Sir Cyril

Hopkinson, Sir A. (Eng. Universities)

Rodd, Rt. Hon. Sir James Rennell

Cohen, Major J. Brunel

Hudson, Capt. A. U. M. (Hackney, N.)

Ruggles-Brise, Lieut.-Colonel E. A.

Couper, J. B.

Hudson, R. S. (Cumb'l'nd, Whiteh'n)

Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth)

Croft, Brigadier-General Sir H.

Hurd, Percy A.

Salmon, Major I.

Crooke, J. Smedley (Deritend)

Iveagh, Countess of

Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham)

Crookshank, Col. C. de W. (Berwick)

Jackson, Sir H. (Wandsworth, Cen'l)

Sandeman, N. Stewart

Crookshank, Cpt.H.(Lindsey, Gainsbro)

James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert

Savery, S. S.

Cunliffe, Sir Herbert

Joynson-Hicks, Rt. Hon. Sir William

Sheffield, Sir Berkeley

Curzon, Captain Viscount

Kindersley, Major G. M.

Smith, Louis W. (Sheffield, Hallam)

Davies, Maj. Geo. F. (Somerset, Yeovil)

King, Commodore Henry Douglas

Smith, R. W. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, C.)

Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.)

Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement

Smithers, Waldron

Dean, Arthur Wellesley

Knox, Sir Alfred

Somerville, A. A. (Windsor)

Drewe, C.

Lamb, J. Q.

Southby, Commander A. R. J.

Eden, Captain Anthony

Lister, Cunliffe, Rt. Hon. Sir Philip

Sprot, Sir Alexander

Edmondson, Major A. J.

Locker-Lampson, Rt. Hon. Godfrey

Stanley, Lieut.-Colonel Rt. Hon. G. F.

Erskine, Lord (Somerset, Weston-s.-M.)

Locker-Lampson, Com.O. (Handsw'th)

Stanley, Lord (Fyide)

Steel, Major Samuel Strang

Ward Lt.-Col. A. L. (Kingston-on-Hull)

Wolmer, Viscount

Storry-Deans, R.

Warner, Brigadier-General W. W.

Womersley, W. J.

Styles, Captain H. Walter

Warrender, Sir Victor

Wood, E. (Chest'r, Stalyb'dge & Hyde)

Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser

Watson, Rt. Hon. W, (Carlisle)

Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L.

Templeton, W. P.

Wells, S. R.

Yerburgh, Major Robert D. T.

Thom, Lt.-Col. J. G. (Dumbarton)

Williams, Com. C. (Devon, Torquay)

Thomson, Rt. Hon. Sir W. Mitchell-

Williams, Herbert G. (Reading)

TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—

Tinne, J. A.

Winby, Colonel L. P.

Major Sir George Hennessy and

Titchfield, Major the Marquess of

Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George

Major Sir William Cope.

Wallace, Captain D. E.

Winterton, Rt. Hon. Earl

NOES.

Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock)

Griffith, F. Kingsley

Potts, John S.

Alexander, A. V. (Sheffield, Hillsbro')

Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool)

Saklatvala, Shapurji

Ammon, Charles George

Groves, T.

Scrymgeour, E.

Baker, J. (Wolverhampton, Bilston)

Hall, F. (York, W.R., Normanton)

Shiels, Dr. Drummond

Baker, Walter

Hardie, George D.

Short, Alfred (Wednesbury)

Barnes, A.

Harris, Percy A.

Smith, Ben (Bermondsey, Rotherhithe)

Barr, J.

Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (Burnley)

Smith, H. B. Lees (Keighley)

Batey, Joseph

Henderson, T. (Glasgow)

Snell, Harry

Broad, F. A.

Hirst, G. H.

Stewart, J. (St. Rollox)

Brown, Ernest (Leith)

Hirst, W. (Bradford, South)

Strauss, E. A.

Buchanan, G.

Hutchison, Sir Robert (Montrose)

Thomas, Sir Robert John (Anglesey)

Buxton, Rt. Hon. Noel

John, William (Rhondda, West)

Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plalstow)

Charleton, H. C.

Johnston, Thomas (Dundee)

Thurtle, Ernest

Cluse, W. S.

Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown)

Tinker, John Joseph

Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R.

Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd)

Tomlinson, R. P.

Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities)

Jones, W. N. (Carmarthen)

Trevelyan, Rt. Hon. C. P.

Crawfurd, H. E.

Kelly, W. T.

Viant, S. P.

Dalton, Hugh

Kennedy, T.

Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda)

Day, Harry

Kenworthy, Lt.-Com. Hon. Joseph M.

Wellock, Wilfred

Dennison, R

Lansbury, George

Wilkinson, Ellen C.

Duncan, C.

Lee, F.

Williams, David (Swansea, East)

Dunnico, H.

Lunn, William

Williams, Dr. J. H. (Lianelly)

Garro-Jones, Captain G. M.

Mackinder, W.

Windsor, Walter

George, Rt. Hon. David Lloyd

MacLaren, Andrew

Wright, W.

Gillett, George M.

Malone, C. L'Estrange (N'thampton)

Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

Gosling, Harry

Montague, Frederick

Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton)

Naylor, T. E.

TELLERS FOR THE NOES —

Graham, Rt. Hon. Wm. (Edin., Cent.)

Oliver, George Harold

Mr. Whiteley and Mr. Charles

Greenwood, A. (Nelson and Colne)

Ponsonby, Arthur

Edwards.

Agricultural Credits (Scotland) Bill,

"to secure in Scotland, by means of the formation of a company and the assistance thereof out of public funds, the making of loans for agricultural purposes on favourable terms and to facilitate the borrowing of money by cooperative agricultural societies in Scotland, and for purposes connected therewith," presented by Secretary Sir John Gilmour; supported by the Lord Advocate, the Solicitor-General for Scotland, and Major Elliot; to be read a Second time To-morrow, and to be printed. [Bill 196.]

Message from the Lords

That they have agreed to,—

Ministry of Health Provisional Order (Godalming Extension) Bill,

Wolverhampton Corporation Bill,

Coventry Corporation Bill,

Rotherham Corporation Bill, with Amendments.

Bognor Urban District Council Bill,

That they have come to the following Resolution, namely,

"That the promoters of the Bill have leave to suspend any further proceedings thereon, in order to proceed with the Bill, if they shall think fit, in the next Session of Parliament, provided that notice of their intention to do so be lodged in the Private Bill Office not later than three o'clock on the day prior to the close of the present Session, and that all fees due thereon up to that period be paid;

That such Bill shall be deposited in the Private Bill Office not later than three o'clock on or before the third day on which the House shall sit after the next meeting of Parliament, with a declaration annexed thereto, signed by the agent, stating that the Bill is the same in every respect as the Bill at the last stage of the proceedings thereon in this House in the present Session;

That the proceedings on such Bill shall be pro forma only in regard to every stage through which the same shall have passed in the present Session, and no new fees be charged in regard to such stages;

That the Standing Orders by which the proceedings on Bills are regulated shall not apply to such Bill in regard to any of the stages through which the same shall have passed during the present Session;

That all petitions presented in the present Session against the Bill shall stand referred to the Committee on the same Bill in the next Session of Parliament."

Ministry of Health Provisional Order (Godalming Extension) Bill

Lords Amendments to be considered To-morrow.

Orders of the Day

Supply

[18TH ALLOTTED DAY.]

Considered in Committee.

[Mr. JAMES HOPE in the Chair.]

Civil Estimates, 1928

Class II

Foreign Office

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a sum, not exceeding £116,700, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1929 for the Salaries and Expenses of the Department of His Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs."—[Note.—£90,000 has been voted on account.]

We have taken this opportunity of asking that the Foreign Office Vote shall be taken in order to give the right hon. Gentleman, the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, an occasion, which I have no doubt he will welcome, of saying something to us about what is known as the Kellogg Pact, to which he gave his adherence in a letter to the American Chargé d'Affaires on 18th July last. But before proceeding with that I want to address to the right hon. Gentleman one or two of what the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy) would call helpful suggestions. During Question Time to-day the right hon. Gentleman here and there, and only of course dealing with more or less local and partial matters, made reference to conditions in China. I would like to direct his attention and that of the Committee to the fact that during the last six weeks or two months the daily newspapers have been singularly free from any reference to events in China. That indicates, of course, that affairs there are settling down and are becoming more or less normal.

We should be glad if the right hon. Gentleman would tell us whether His Majesty's Government either have made or contemplate making any movement in order to regularise the situation in the Far East, whether by calling a conference of the Great Powers or by making some recognition of what is the de facto Government at Peking to-day. I do not think that the situation is quite met by the phrase which the right hon. Gentleman used earlier in the afternoon, when he said that we have made our position clear, and presumably it is now for someone else to approach us. My right hon. Friend the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) reminds me that there is also the question of the British troops, who are still in the Far East. We on these benches, it will be remembered, gave whole-hearted support to the Government in their decision to send troops and ships to protect British interests, but I am perfectly sure that the hon. Gentlemen who applaud that statement, will also agree that there is no need to keep those troops and ships longer than is necessary for the purpose for which they were sent.

4.0 p.m.

British troops or British ships in a foreign country or any troops in a foreign country, must always be a source of difficulty if there is no real need of their presence, and I say that not only in regard to the interests of the British troops but in the interest of British trade, which is very considerable in the Far East, and which has suffered very much in the disturbances of the last three, four or five years. I think we are entitled to know something from the right hon. Gentleman as to what are the Government proposals, if any, in this matter, and may I say to the right hon. Gentleman that our attitude in raising this question is not necessarily severely critical. It is more like the attitude of the hon. and gallant Member for Bournemouth (Sir H. Croft) towards this Government. It is not intended to be critical, but is intended to help the Government towards taking proper decisions on matters of public policy. Certainly from these benches we would urge the right hon. Gentleman even to go as far as to do something so foreign to his nature as to take the initiative in this matter, and to see if something practical cannot be done to regularise the position, and to make it possible for British trade to resume its full flow.

Then there is the question of Egypt. I shall have to return later to the question of Egypt when I deal with matters of fact, but I do think we are also entitled to know what the view of the Government is with regard to events in Egypt. I seem to remember a. statement by the right hon. Gentleman some weeks ago that it was through no action of the Government at home or the British representatives in Egypt that recent events there took place. We should like an assurance as to that.

Will the hon. Gentleman say what further assurance he wants than the plain statement I made to the House?

As far as I remember, the right hon. Gentleman made two statements, or rather the same statement in answer to two specific questions at Question time. He did not make it in the course of debate, but in answer to two specific questions. I am not going to charge my memory at the moment with the exact questions, but they were specific questions, and all I am asking from the right hon. Gentleman to-day is a very brief—if he likes—but a general survey of the whole events and situation, and the attitude of His Majesty's Government towards those events in Egypt.

Then I come to the question of what is known as the Kellogg Pact, and as there will be one or two very pertinent questions, I think, put to the Government on this subject, I am going to remind the Committee of the relevant dates in this matter, and the right hon. Gentleman will perhaps correct me if I am wrong in any particular. It was in June of last year that the French proposal for a bi-lateral Pact renouncing war was made to the United States of America, and at the very end of the year, on 28th December, the Government of the United States of America made a proposal to the French Government to substitute a multi-lateral Pact for a bi-lateral Pact. Those were the two first main communications. Then between the end of the year and March there was a series of notes exchanged between the French and the United States Government--on 5th January, France to the United States; on 11th January, United States to France; on 21st January, another French Note; on 27th February, another American Note, and, finally, in March of this year, the French Government accepted the proposal of the United States that the Pact should be multilateral and, in the main, accepted the United States interpretation of what that Pact should be. On 13th April, the right hon. Gentleman received from the American Ambassador copies of the communications which had passed between the French and the United States Governments, together with a draft of a, proposed Treaty renouncing war between six of the great Powers which were to be the United States, France, ourselves, Germany, Italy and Japan. It was not till 19th May that he answered that proposal, that is, a period of five or six weeks.

At the moment it would be opportune to ask what the right hon. Gentleman did with regard to this Pact between 13th April and 19th May. On 23rd June the right hon. Gentleman's Note was replied to, and, at the same time, he was given a digest of the speech made by Mr. Kellogg to the American Society of International Law, in the course of which speech Mr. Kellogg answered certain points which had been raised by the French Government, and on 18th July the right hon. Gentleman wrote a reply to that Note, in which he accepted the proposal. We shall all, I suppose, welcome the acceptance of this proposal by the right hon. Gentleman. I think he will do us the credit of acknowledging that on a former occasion, at the conclusion of what was called the Locarno Treaty, he met with nothing but commendations from this side of the House—certainly from these benches—and we shall be glad, of course, if this Pact has been signed, and I have no doubt that credit will be taken by the right hon. Gentleman and by the party opposite for their adherence to this Pact.

Therefore, I think we are entitled to examine exactly what the right hon. Gentleman has done. As I said before, the proposal made to the right hon. Gentleman was on 13th April, and we have had published two white papers, Command No. 3109 and Command No. 3153, which contain a certain amount of information as to the negotiations which led up to the conclusion of this Treaty. But I want to draw the attention of the Committee to one or two rather significant omissions from the White Papers, and to ask the right hon. Gentleman one or two questions, if it is not indiscreet, as to his action with regard to the Treaty. First of all, however, I wish to say that the right hon. Gentleman has never made a secret of the fact that he has a profound admiration for the French nation. He has been at pains to say, on more than one occasion, that not only has he an admiration, but he has an affection for the French people, and I entirely sympathise with him in that. I do not think that his feeling is unique. I think is is very common indeed in this country.

The hon. Member for Peckham (Mr. Dalton) has no right to attempt to interpret other people's feelings. I want to say for my part—and there is no dissent from the right hon. Gentleman—that we, too, feel a profound admiration and affection for the French nation. But that, of course, does not prevent us from asking the right hon. Gentleman to see that the interests of this country are safeguarded. In neither of these White Papers is there any mention of any correspondence between our Government and the French Government with regard to the original proposal made by the French Government, or to the later proposal made by the American Government, and I want to draw the attention, and to rivet the attention, of the Committee for a moment upon this singular fact, that the series of negotiations was begun by a proposal made by the French Government through M. Briand to the American Government for a bi-lateral pact between those two countries, a pact to renounce war as an instrument of policy between their respective nations. Were we consulted before that proposal was made? I should very much like to know from the right hon. Gentleman whether at any time we were consulted with regard to that.

Let me put another question. When the original proposal of the French Government had been answered by a proposal on the part of the American Government that there should be not only a treaty of peace between France and America but that the scope of that treaty should be widened to include all the Great Powers, the French Government made another proposal. In a Note, date 5th January, 1928, contained in the White Paper, the French Ambassador sent his Government's reply to the American Note of 28th December, and it included this passage:

I want to ask the right hon. Gentleman this question, too. Who are the people whom one would imagine it was most important for the right hon. Gentleman to consult? I should have thought our own Dominions. Yet we find that the right hon. Gentleman's reply to the American Ambassador is practically a restatement of the French position. I shall come in a moment to what that position implies, with regard to the reservations made from the pact proposed by the United States. But I am sure the Committee would like some information as to whether in the earlier stages, the moment the proposals were received from America, our Dominions were immediately consulted and whether they were consulted before the right hon. Gentleman consulted the French Government, or whether he consulted the French Government first and the British Dominions afterwards. At any rate, whatever he did, the result was that his letter of 19th May practically reproduced all the reservations which had been made by the French Government and one or two of his own. It is mainly on the reservations which have been made by the right hon. Gentleman, and with the consent of the right hon. Gentleman, that our criticism of his action in this matter lies, and I hope he will be able to give satisfactory replies to the questions which I am addressing to him. At Question Time to-day the right hon. Gentleman was asked, Would he, if a proposal were made that the Russian Government should be asked to sign this Treaty at Paris, support the proposal or not? I think I am in the recollection of the Committee when I say that the right hon. Gentleman's reply was rather curt. He said, "No"—he would not support it, neither would he oppose it. In other words, that indicates a position of aloofness and neutrality. But the right hon. Gentleman's position is not one of neutrality. I refer him to a passage in his note of 19th May: whose inclusion in the Pact might be inconvenient. The right hon. Gentleman can only have meant Russia when he wrote those words and caused those words to be sent. I do not know whether he had any other State in mind, but does he really think that this Pact can be of the slightest use—I will not put it in that way, but does he think it can be of the maximum use, if Russia is excluded from it? It would seem to me, especially in view of what is said by hon. Members opposite from time to time, that if you want to have a Pact to promote peace, one of the most important things to try to secure would be that Russia should be a party to it. But here is the right hon. Gentleman, not in response to a question, not defending a position, but, gratuitously and for the first time on the part of anybody, putting into a note of this kind a statement which can only mean that it would be inconvenient to include Russia. The other Power meant is probably China.

There has been a great deal of discussion as to the position of the Pact, and those who adhere to it vis-à-vis with the Covenant of the League of Nations, the Peace Treaties, the Locarno Treaties and the various agreements entered into by various countries during the War. In recalling the traditional disposition, the known disposition, of the right hon. Gentleman towards what I may call the French point of view, my object was to ask him this question. Does he really believe that it is helping the friendship of this country towards France, always to appear first to adapt the French point of view and then afterwards to be compelled to recede from it? That is what he has done in this case. In the actual Treaty itself, as accepted by the right hon. Gentleman and the Government, the reservations are not contained. They are only contained in the accompanying notes. I would point out that months ago, when the right hon. Gentleman was engaged in bringing about the Locarno Pact, there were other Treaties concluded at Locarno which he deliberately refrained from signing. I want him to tell us whether this Pact, which this country is now to sign, this Pact among six great nations to renounce war as part of their policy towards each other, has excepted from its operations, not only the Locarno Treaty which the right hon. Gentleman signed on behalf of this country, but the other Treaties concluded at the same time with regard to Eastern European questions, which he was careful to refrain from signing. The right hon. Gentleman shakes his head—

I am sorry to interrupt. I shook my head because I was puzzled. I want to know what question the hon. Member desires me to answer. What does he mean by "excluded from the Pact"?

I want to point out to the right hon. Gentleman that there is a little discrepancy even in his own note. If he turns to page 25 of the White Paper he will find this sentence: than many of us hoped and believed it would turn out to be. There is also the question of the Rhineland; how is it affected? May I remind the right hon. Gentleman that the maximum period laid down in the Peace Treaties for the occupation of the Rhineland by British troops was 15 years. That was not fixed as the period but as the maximum period. Now 10 years have passed. The occupation was to go on unless certain obligations were fulfilled by the German Government. Have they not been fulfilled, and would it not be a good thing in the cause of peace if the British troops could be withdrawn before the maximum period fixed in the Peace Treaties?

The Peace Treaties, fortunately, are matters of record. We are arguing a question of fact in this matter, and the Peace Treaties did not contemplate themselves as being permanent in every respect. There was provision for possible alterations, and I venture to say that if this Kellogg Pact had been a divinely inspired treaty it would have been divinely inspired for this reason—that only in some such treaty could you get a peaceful readjustment of the Versailles and Trianon Treaties. This is just the occasion which will make possible a peaceful readjustment of those treaties, and, if the right hon. Gentleman and the signatories are going to exclude all those things which are difficult, then the Pact is worth much less than we were led to believe. Now I wish to ask the right hon. Gentleman about two more reservations—both his own. In his final Note of 18th July this year, accepting the proposal, the right hon. Gentleman said: not?"] Because the whole spirit of international co-operation since the War, the whole basis upon which the League of Nations has been erected, is that, instead of deciding for ourselves, we should submit these questions to the opinion of the tribunal of the world. The very reason why the American Government refused to accept the French proposal that there should be a definition of self-defence inserted in this Pact was, as far as I remember it, in these words, that if you insert a definition of self-defence, then those people who are anxious to make trouble will always be able to shape events to accord with that definition. If it is left to the individuals to make their own definition of what self-defence is, we are back where we were 50, 60 or 70 years ago, or where we were in August, 1914, as an hon. Friend reminds me. It should be made clear, at any rate from these benches, and I hope from the majority of the Members opposite, that we accept the doctrine that we do not leave it to the opinion of each individual nation to decide for itself when it is going to fight in self-defence.

Finally, there is the very remarkable passage contained in the right hon. Gentleman's Note of 19th May, which I am going to read to the Committee, and this is the rock on which this Pact may founder. The right hon. Gentleman says, in the words reproduced on page 25 or Command Paper 3109: we are going to say that every mandated territory which we are administering constitutes such a region, if you remove these too from the operation of this, Pact, where does the value remain in the Treaty? I want to point out to the right hon. Gentleman and to the Committee that, as I said, this may well be the rock on which this Treaty will founder, because that passage has not, passed unobserved.

I was saying just now that it was the right hon. Gentleman's business particularly to safeguard the interests of the British Empire and of this country with regard to foreign affairs. I do not want-him to pay undue attention to foreign. opinion, but I want to remind him that it was left to the United States Government to make this proposal and that in the very country whence these proposals emanated and amongst the very people from whom the idea of the outlawry of war, as it is called, first came, there is to-day very serious perturbation on account of this passage in the right hon. Gentleman's Note. Let me remind him that this Treaty, so far as the United States is concerned, has to be ratified by the Senate and that there is now very considerable disturbance in the United States and very considerable doubt as to whether the Senate will ratify such a Treaty unless that phrase of the right hon. Gentleman's is explained and it is made clear that it is not to be considered of universal application. Treaties are not an end in themselves, and unless a Treaty is followed by something else to implement the design which is contained in the Treaty, it will be ineffective.

I want to remind the Committee that before the War there were Treaties, that nations entered into commitments to do this, that, and the other in certain emergencies, and it was part of their business to make those preparations which would enable them to carry out their obligations—military preparations. Now this is not a Treaty which contemplates military operations under certain circumstances, but a Treaty which refuses to contemplate military operations; and if it was incumbent upon us to make our preparations for war, surely it is incumbent upon us to make our preparations to refuse to contemplate war. We, have had, in the last week or so, two, questions addressed from this side of the House, one to the First Lord of the Admiralty and the other to the Minister for Air, with respect to Estimates, and there was, another question asked of the Prime Minister to-day. The first two questions were answered by the simple statement that it would be premature to discuss the Estimates. The right hon. Gentleman the Prime Minister read a very careful answer to-day, a very careful, non-committal answer, in which he told us—what we all knew—that of course a Pact of this kind would necessarily be brought to the notice of the Cabinet and the Committee of Imperial Defence. That is all that he told us. [An HON. MEMBER: Hear, hear!"] An hon. Member cheers. The First Lord of the Admiralty last week, in answer to a supplementary question, said that the Naval Estimates would be dictated by the security of the country. Is there no security then in this Pact? Is not this Pact to affect the Naval Estimates? Are we to go on without any diminution of our armaments? If a penitent takes the pledge and wears the blue ribbon, but at the same time keeps an assortment of bottles for use in case of emergency, will not everybody suspect that when their back is turned he will go to the cupboard?

Surely, if this Pact is a reality, if it really is putting war further off, if it is bringing the outlawry of war nearer, we are entitled to ask that the Government shall take account of it and of the burden which armaments place upon the people of this and indeed of other countries. If not, what is the value of the Treaty? I would press the right hon. Gentleman to tell us what is the position now with regard to the Preparatory Commission on Disarmament. What is the Government's attitude with regard to the whole question of disarmament in the face of this new move? Here has come—I think it should have come from this country, but it has come from across the Atlantic—an offer which constitutes a new opportunity. The Government owe peace to their people. Let them pay their debt. Here is another opportunity which, if taken in the right way, may take us a step nearer universal peace. There is a French saying that it is only the first step that counts, but in international relations every step counts. Here is another opportunity, and we ask the Government to tell us what use they are going to make of it.

It will be convenient, before the right hon. Gentleman the Foreign Secretary replies, if I say a word or two on behalf of the Labour party about this matter, which undoubtedly is giving rise to very great, though not perhaps extravagant, hope. The preponderating feeling, I think, in our minds is that this Pact is about to be signed probably by most of the great nations of the world, renouncing war as an instrument of national policy. Such a declaration it is quite impossible to belittle. It is entirely novel in this world. It may have enormous ultimate import. We are about to declare that war ought to be a thing of the past, that it is no longer a respected institution and that no nation has a right to resort to it; and that is new, because the Covenant of the League of Nations failed to assert it. The Covenant was imperfect and incomplete. It is quite true that the idea behind the League of Nations was peace, but war was not rebuked and forbidden by it. Indeed, any nation, under the Covenant, may lawfully make war after nine months unless its opponent has accepted the decisions of the Council. Until we see the fruits of this Pact, it would be, of course, premature to say that the outlawry of war is complete, but it is a great stage, because the acceptance of a doctrine by men is the preliminary and necessary first stage to acting on it. It does not follow that they will at once obey all its implications under the stresses of difficulty and temptation, but it is a great stage when men adopt the precepts of a new idea or a new religion; and I say definitely that the thanks of the world are due to M. Briand, who flung out the idea, and to Mr. Kellogg, who has seized upon it and materialised it.

At the same time, I want to say, on behalf of the Labour party, that we feel a regret, which I believe to be very widespread, not only in the political party for which I speak, but among many other citizens of good will, that this Pact was not accepted by the British Government without several of the reservations under which they have accepted it. I do not want to delay long in com- menting upon those reservations, because all of them have been alluded to by the hon. Member for West Waltham-stow (Mr. Crawfurd), who has preceded me, but I would especially mention the reservation with regard to certain regions of the world which constitute a special and vital interest for our peace and safety. I will not read the whole of the phrase, but I want, with regard to that new Monroe doctrine for the British Empire, to say this, first, that the phrase is studiously vague. The Government have not elucidated it. I do not know to what parts of the world the right hon. Gentleman alluded, and it would be well perhaps if he would be a little more categorical. Does he mean Egypt? Does he mean Afghanistan? Does he mean China? Does he mean Mesopotamia? It will be rather awkward. I think he had better be precise, and not merely have this indefinite expandable policy, the import of which we cannot understand unless we know what he really means by it.

We do not want a new Monroe Doctrine of roving application all over the world. What it means is that Great Britain and the British Empire hold themselves free in certain districts of the world, in spite of the Pact, to use force, to make war, and to act as absolute arbiter. It cannot be too plainly stated that this is inconsistent with the international idea, is inconsistent with this Pact denouncing war, and is inconsistent with the principles of the Covenant. Article 11 of the Covenant commences: Pact. It seems to me to be quite obvious that, as the hon. Gentleman the Member for West Walthamstow has said, in this exclusion which the right hon. Gentleman does not insist on, it is true, but which he would rather welcome, Russia is one of the countries which he is contemplating. He uses the phrase:

I do not want to say anything more about the Pact but there are one or two matters about which I want to ask the right hon. Gentleman to say a few words. We are very deeply concerned about the coup d'etat which has occurred in Egypt, and the suspension of Parliamentary government and of the popularly elected Chamber, which has been put into cold storage for three years. The abrogation of representative institutions in Egypt is not a very pleasant event. The Foreign Secretary has adopted a strictly correct attitude; he has washed his hands of the whole matter. Lord Lloyd has said nothing; he is very correct. The question cannot help arising in some of our minds: Would Lord Lloyd have been so aloof if the Egyptian Parliament had proposed to suspend the Khedive? It only shows the difficulty of the position which we are in.

The British Government intervened against the popular Assembly a month or two ago on the off-chance of the legislation of the Assembly being a danger to the foreign population. We quarrelled with them, and we vetoed their legislation. I should think that there was quite as much chance of danger to the foreign population in the abolition of representative institutions and the irritation to the popular element that it is likely to cause, and I want to ask the right hon. Gentleman two questions. What will the position of the British Army be in Cairo if popular disturbances occur in protest against the abrogation of Parliament, and the King asks us to suppress risings in the name of law and order? Will the British Army be used? The other thing is this. The Foreign Secretary lately failed to get an agreement adopted with the Egyptian Government which was dependent upon Parliament. Would he consider himself free to negotiate the same kind of agreement with an irresponsible, absolute Government, which was more complacent, and which was ready to sign away what the Egyptian Parliament thought were rights which ought not to be given away on behalf of Egypt? I want to know whether the right hon. Gentleman would make a treaty of that kind.

There is one other subject to which I wish to refer, and that is China. A new situation has been created by the now obvious supremacy of the Nationalist Government. For some years the great Nationalist movement, which rose with Sun-Yat-Sen and matured in Canton, has moved steadily forward. It has had its checks and reverses and has made its mistakes, but it has gone on steadily, first making itself secure in South China, and then going to the Yangtse and over-spreading North China, until the Peking Government disappeared. The Nanking Government are now in control of all China, except Manchuria and Shantung, and their obstacle is not the Chinese but is Japan, which has expressed its veto against the Nationalist Government going any farther. I want to ask the right hon. Gentleman to be a little more explicit as to what his relations with the Nanking Government are going to be. How soon are we going to recognise the Nanking Government which now rules practically all China, because on their recognition depends whether China really remains an effective part of the League of Nations? On the recognition of the Nanking Government really depends whether the right hon. Gentleman can move a stage farther on the good road down which he began warily to travel a year and a half ago.

After all, why should we not recognise the Nanking Government? The United States has recognised them. Why should not we? I hope that the right hon. Gentleman is on the road to recognition. He said something during Questions about compensation for the Nanking outrages. My impression is that as the American Government have satisfied themselves with regard to their compensation, we ought to be able to satisfy ourselves with regard to ours. I hope that the right hon. Gentleman will be able to assure us, for the sake of the future of our relations with China, that as soon as he gets an understanding with the Nanking Government, he will be able to recognise them, and to begin new negotiations with them on the great outstanding questions which it is necessary that we should have settled between our two countries. I do not think that this Far Eastern question is a subject really unconnected with the Pact abjuring war, which is our principal subject to-day. After all, what happens in the Far East is going to be the test of the sincerity and reality of the Pact, because the great nations will cease to indulge in the use of force in the most inflammable quarters of the world if we are going to have peace. Yesterday, it was our expedition to Shanghai; to-day it is the 30,000 Japanese who are occupying Shantung; and, if there is to be any hope of the new spirit, we have by this Pact and by other means not only to prevent great wars, but to discourage great nations from indulging in the sort of wars to which the great imperialist nations have been too prone.

5.0 p.m.

I think every Member of the House will be glad to have had this opportunity of discussing once more the Kellogg Peace Pact, which has occupied so much attention in every quarter. After all, the public is, perforce, somewhat mystified. We have had so many attempts to reach the long desired goal of disarmament—treaties of mutual assistance, protocols, and the like—each and all failing for various reasons; and then at last has come this pronouncement apparently so clear and so unequivocal, that the members of the public wish to know just exactly where we stand. It seems to me that in passing judgment on Mr. Kellogg's proposals it is possible to fall into two definite errors, and the difficulty is to steer an exact course between them. There is the attitude, very general in some newspapers, of the cynic pure and simple, who says that this is an undertaking not to go to war except when we do go to war, and who says that it is not worth the paper on which it is written. But surely to such a man one can say that it is far better that a nation of the weight and power and wealth of the United States at the present day should have the phrase "Outlawry of war" upon its lips than some of those phrases of its past diplomatic history, like "manifest destiny" or "the big stick." And then there is the other approach, which I venture to submit is equally mischievous, and that is to make too narrow and meticulous an examination of its proposals, to ask just what effect it has or has not upon the treaties which have been signed up to now, and to examine the reservations, as both the former speakers have so ably done, through a microscope, and see how they affect the pronouncement as it reached us from across the Atlantic.

In the history of foreign policy there are utterances to which it is possible to apply that test. During our great struggle with Napoleon, when the second armed neutrality in the year 1800 brought pressure to bear upon us in a certain direction, and in 1801, when we were obliged temporarily to deflect our course from our usual line of policy, you could accurately measure just how much alteration had or had not been effected in the law of blockade or the law of capture at sea; but in this case I submit very respectfully to the House and to the right hon. Gentleman that we are not dealing with any such pronouncement, and that the Kellogg proposal is more in the category of the Monroe doctrine. Great tomes have been written about the Monroe doctrine tracing it from its first negative assertions through the development to which it has been taken, but by far the best thing that was ever said about the Monroe doctrine was said by a great and respected author, Admiral Mahan, when he said that its greatest importance was that it signified a national sensitiveness of a peculiar kind in the American people. I suggest that we should judge the Kellogg Peace Pact not as an accurately drawn and drafted document which must be submitted to every delicate test, but rather as an indication of an opinion or of a certain mood of opinion in those controlling the policies and destinies of the United States at the present time.

After all, as soon as you do put the Kellogg document under the test, doubts immediately arise in one's mind. One has only to open any text book of international law to see a chapter headed "Measures of redress short of war," and the sub-headings in that are ominous and significant, such as "pacific blockade," "retorsion" and "reprisals" or "economic blockades," showing how much can be done, short of war, in the way of procuring the mastery of one State over another. Moreover, it is not so very long ago, less than 150 years, that is was possible to wage hostilities without a declaration of war, and although that was forbidden in the Hague Conference of 1907, many are the decisions of the Hague Conference which have been shattered in the past few years.

It seems to me also that there is another point of view which is not too fanciful or too subtle. Much of the discussion which has arisen on this subject has started from the position that war is a relic of an old, bad age, and that this pronouncement of Mr. Kellogg may possibly sweep it away for ever; but surely that is not historically the case. Was it not the case originally that the monopoly of making war by the State did come as an improvement upon, as a relief from, an earlier period in which licensed or tolerated reprisals between particular interests, mostly commercial, was the rule? Right hon. Gentlemen opposite very often tell us that the great gigantic trusts and interests which are active in the world to-day dominate and twist from their course the policies of Governments. Is there not a possibility that the abjuration by a State of the monopoly right to declare war may possibly leave to the big interests the assumption of that task? When one thinks of the ramifications of some of the oil trusts, of the vast scale in the world on which they work, that does not seem to me altogether a fanciful suggestion. I only bring those two points to the attention of the House with the purpose of showing that it is not by the avenue of detailed points, or legal points, that the Pact should be approached. I rather look upon it as a demonstration of goodwill from those in charge at Washington at the present day, a demonstration of goodwill and peace towards Europe, and I believe that Britishers all over the Empire would do right to regard it as such, and to ask themselves the practical question of how that spirit is being met by our own Foreign Office.

There are one or two questions which have occurred to me which I should like to ask the right hon. Gentleman and his representative. I should like them to define the attitude of the Foreign Office to the United States at the present time. Before the War the number of members of the Foreign Office and of the Diplomatic Service who had had any contact with the United States was very small. For a few years I had the honour and privilege to occupy a volunteer post in the Foreign Office, and I think there were then only two others besides myself who had ever been in the United States, and the head of the United States Department was not one of them. To-day things are much better, of that I am sure, but I should like to ask how much better they are, and what proportion of our Diplomatic Service has had experience in the United States, and whether any steps are being taken to give more members of the Service that experience? The experience of the United States to which I refer is not mere experience in Washington. When I was holding a post under our Government in the United States I remember hearing one who afterwards became a famous foreign diplomat say that ultimately New York opinion did control the opinion of the United States, though the drag might be a long one. That may or may not be the case, and the influences which are centred in New York are very great, but I suggest that that is the view of a propagandist, and it is not propaganda that we want in our relations with the United States at the present time. Our task is rather to understand and to know the United States. If it were a case of propaganda, it might be right to begin with New York, but if we are to know the United States and to understand the forces at work in them, I think we should not begin, but end, with that city.

May I ask for information on one or two other points and make a few humble suggestions? Is it possible to give the staff in the Embassy some experience in different parts of the United States? I know that in 1912 or thereabouts a member of the Foreign Office was sent out on tour to inspect all the consulates in the United States. Has that visit been repeated from this side? If not, can we expect to maintain that touch between the Foreign Office and the Consular Service which is so obviously desirable? Again, there used to be an annual tour by some member of the Embassy round the various Consulates throughout the United States. Is that continued? Would it be possible to post some of the younger secretaries to San Francisco and Chicago for short periods? To the inhabitant of San Francisco the British Consul-General in San Francisco is a far more important person than is the British Ambassador at Washington, and if we could get some of those young men to mix about and to see various aspects of American life, it would equip them for their work as nothing else would do. I remember that in the life of Sir Robert Morier it was said that he had gained immeasurably from his experience of being attached to minor Courts in Germany. Is it not possible, mutatis mutandis, that something of that sort could be done for some of the staff in our Diplomatic Service in the United States?

One other thought. I have been a fairly constant reader of the American Press, and I cannot help feeling that there is less contact and touch between the members of the Government and the American newspaper men in London than there used to be. I quite admit that my experience goes back to the time during the War, or just after the War, when it was obvious that the interest of America in our affairs was peculiarly acute; but it cannot be that the members of the Government have not "got a story," as the Americans say, in the great reconstruction of England which is going on at the present time, and I feel that somehow or other that contact is being lost and that members of the Government are less accessible than they used to be. It was quite common in the old days for members of the Government in charge of great Departments to explain their ideals and the work of their Departments in the American newspapers, when either was like to arouse American interest. Now all this work seems to be done by private individuals, and consequently the old semi-official connection has been to some extent lost. I know that admirable work is being done by news departments of the various Ministries in this respect; but I have had some acouaintance with the members of the Press Club in Washington, where I learned so much about the mechanism of the distribution of news, and consequently I know the value of personal contact between newspaper men on the one hand, and the head of the Government Department on the other hand. This is a process at work very freely in Washington and there is no substitute for it.

Some people say that the Americans are always saying unpleasant things about us and ask why we should not do the same in return? I believe that would be a very shortsighted policy. I think we ought to know the strength and resources of the policy of the United States and it is equally important that Americans should know the policy and the strength and the immeasurable resources of the British Empire. I was reading quite recently that brilliant new history of the United States written by Professor Morrison, late of Oxford, in which he showed how since the foundation of the United States there has always been a party irrevocably hostile to England. I should not be in favour of deflecting the policy of this country in the smallest degree in order to gratify such men. There is a large element in America to whom those views are wholly foreign and who are ready, though Americans, to find their ideals not so very different from our own. All down our history from Lord Shelburne onwards, there have been men on the Treasury Bench who have tried to strengthen the cords which bind us to such men. They have wisely refused to leave them without ammunition in a fight which is as much ours as theirs.

The archangels seem very shy of taking Dart in this Debate. I thought the Foreign Secretary would have been stirred to have said a few words by the speeches which have been made. I notice that the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) has actually left the House. But the angels have spoken, and I also noticed that the hon. Member for Cambridge University (Sir G. Butler) has had the boldness in this Debate to rely upon the writings of a Professor of Oxford. I would like to thank the hon. Member for Cambridge University for the delightful vista which he has outlined of the time when war between Sovereign States being outlawed, great trusts are going to engage in wars of their own. I do not know whether they are going to have armed ships and forces as was the case with the Hudson Bay Company and the old John Company in the East Indies. At any rate, the hon. Member has drawn a most delightful picture and perhaps some of the pugnacious people he has mentioned will join the oil trust army and hire some great open space in Greenland or the Sahara where they can blow each other to pieces under the leadership of the directors of these great combines. It is a most delightful picture, and probably the hon. Member for Cambridge University will be able to offer his services as a diplomatic representative to draw up the peace terms. I am sure the hon. Member will not mind me saying that I think he would perform that task much better than the present Foreign Secretary.

I have been accused of always saying that my own Government are wrong. Mr. Hope, while there is life there is hope, and I would like the right hon. Gentleman to do something right one day. I would like to ask the Foreign Secretary if he is satisfied with the result of the Locarno Pact. By that Pact we guaranteed the frontiers between France and Germany and we got nothing in exchange. Our trade routes received no guarantee under the Locarno Pact, and we still have to keep our army of occupation in the Rhineland and the French Army of Occupation is still there. Is the Foreign Secretary quite satisfied with his Russian policy? The only result of our breaking off relations with Russia and all their melodramatic preliminaries and jazz accompaniments has been a woeful falling off in our trade with Russia which has been snapped up by Germany and the United States of America. No other country has followed our example, and now, in my opinion, the prestige of Russia stands higher than it has ever done before. That prestige ought to stand higher if for no other reason than the heroic efforts made by the Soviet Government and its nationals in rescuing the Italian castaways from the Arctic regions. [ Laughter. ] An hon. Member opposite laughs at that remark; but we looked on idly and did nothing to help.

We backed the wrong horse in China. We thought Chang Tso-lin would win and we withheld our recognition from the Nanking Government until it is now probably too late. In this respect the Americans have been far more successful than we have and they have recognised the Nanking Government, and I am afraid that American merchants will benefit at the expense of our own merchants. A point was raised at Question Time to-day by the hon. Member for Fairfield (Major Cohen) about the friction which had occurred between British vessels and the American coastguard cutters in and near the waters of the Bahama Islands. I am sorry that the Foreign Secretary has gone out of his way to give diplomatic support to this nefarious rum running trade, and the right hon. Gentleman seemed quite indignant when I asked whether the Bahamas Government could not have prevented this traffic. Immense profits are being made not only by private individuals but also by the Bahamas Government itself out of this disgusting and illegal traffic, and I contend that the Foreign Secretary is not doing his duty unless he brings such pressure as he can to bear upon those who are engaged in this disgraceful traffic.

I desire, in conclusion, to refer to the question of Egypt. The right hon. Gentleman has assured us that he had no responsibility for the recent coup d'etat. I do not know if I am in order in saying that it has been stated that the declaration that we have no responsibility for what has happened in Egypt is a polite fiction. Supposing a Soviet Government had been set up in Cairo—and may I say that a Soviet Government can be successful in establishing law and order if the right people are at the head of it—supposing a Soviet Government had been set up in Cairo, we should have suppressed that Government and shot or hanged those who had set it up. Years ago I remember a delightful picture in "Punch" at a time when that great Liberal Minister Mr. Gladstone was in office. A declaration had been made by the Liberal Ministry that as soon as order had been restored in Egypt the British troops would be withdrawn. On board one of our battleships near at hand was the Admiral commanding the squadron and when he was reading out this declaration to His Majesty's marines, in spite of their excellent discipline and steadiness on parade, they had the greatest difficulty in refraining from bursting out into laughter. I think the marines in Alexandria should be informed what the Foreign Secretary has said to the effect that we had no responsibility and we had no previous knowledge of the coup d'etat.

The right hon. Gentleman complains that I think he always does wrong; I ask again: When does he ever do anything right? The delay in his acceptance of the Kellogg Treaty has been dealt with very fully by the hon. Member for West Walthamstow (Mr. Crawfurd), who opened this Debate, and I will only underline one of his remarks. I suppose that the right hon. Gentleman, in the course of his studies since hé assumed his high office, has read the Covenant of the League of Nations. If he has not done so here, he has had to do so, no doubt, in Geneva. May I draw his attention again to Article 12, with which, of course, he must be familiar? Article 12 lays down what is to be done under the Covenant in case of a dispute between two States members. It says:

I agree with the hon. Member for Cambridge University that this Kellogg Pact by itself would be a mere pious declaration. Fortunately, however, this is not the last word. I have given my reasons for thinking that the right hon. Gentleman is very often wrong, but, as I have said, while there is life there is hope, and I suggest that the Kellogg Pactisonly the first of a series of steps which will have to be taken sooner or later if world peace is to be restored. I suggest that what follows afterwards must be something like this. First of all, it is absurd for the present competition in armaments—and I use the phrase "competition in armaments" advisedly—to continue. We must, before 1931, repair the damage which was done at Geneva last year, when the Three-Power Naval Conference broke down. There must, of course, be an understanding in regard to armaments now. The absurd spectacle of these never-ending commissions, and sub-committees, and preparatory committees at Geneva, leading absolutely nowhere, must end. If the Pact really means anything, there must be an agreement to limit armaments to the lowest point necessary for national safety; and to say that our armaments, or those of any of the other great signatory Powers, with the exception of Germany, are reduced to that point, is simply untrue.

Next I think there must be drawn up an international code of peace—an international law of peace instead of an international law of war. The late War made the re-codification of international law absolutely necessary. I am not thinking of the rules of war now, but of the rules of peace, and these need to be drawn up again. Nine-tenths of international law is, of course, concerned with war, and less than one-tenth with peace. We must have an international law of peace, and I am glad to see that this proposal is being made in very influential quarters in America. While we are doing that, we may as well grasp the nettle of international law at sea. Private war goes under the Kellogg Pact, if all the nations keep it, and if the reservations have not stultified it. With private war, private blockade goes, and I think that this matter will have to be studied. I think it would be far better if a Conservative Government could carry out the necessary alterations here. A Conservative Government could regularise the position at sea in accordance with the Kellogg Pact far more easily and safely, from a party political point of view, than either a Liberal or a Labour Government. Lastly, I think it is necessary that some judicial world Court should be established. This will need a great deal of preparation and conversations, and I presume that it will presently be done.

I think that these four steps are absolutely necessary to round off the Kellogg Treaty, and that the Kellogg Treaty is, in fact, only a preliminary treaty. I suggest that these matters will have to be very carefully explored by His Majesty's Government, and I do hope that we shall now begin to take the lead in these matters. The Kellogg proposals might just as well have been called in future by the historians the Chamberlain proposals, and I should have been delighted to congratulate the right hon. Gentleman if he had been able to make them. Last year we proposed from this side of the House that he should suggest to the United States a Treaty outlawing war. His reply was that it was unnecessary, because war was outlawed in our hearts between America and this country. Shortly afterwards the Naval Conference at Geneva broke down, because we could not agree on the number of cruisers that we should have. At that time the right hon. Gentleman could have said, "War is outlawed between our two peoples in our hearts, but let us put that in writing." The right hon. Gentleman has had some experience of business, and I do not think that he would accept a contract from a merchant to deliver goods that he required if the merchant told him that the contract was written in his heart; he would want something in writing on paper. I suggest that he could have done the same thing last year, that he could have had the honour of making this proposal, and that this country could have had the prestige and honour of making it. We can go ahead with the next steps. The Americans have done their part. The proposal has come through Washington, and, presumably, it will be agreed to in Paris. Certain further efforts are required, and I do beg His Majesty's Government to explore the next procedure to be followed. I would respectfully ask the right hon. Gentleman to pay an early visit to the United States. He has been far too much, if he will allow me to say so, on the Continent of Europe, and far too little across the Atlantic, and, with great respect, I suggest that, if he would learn to speak American as well as he speaks French, it would be better for the foreign policy of this country.

I have been wondering what it was that the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy) took exception to in the observation that I made at Question Time. When I said that he found the Government of his own country to be always in the wrong, he grew quite angry, and said that he was making no such suggestion; but, when he had the opportunity, he found it necessary to say that he lived in hope that we should some day do something right, but that he was not able to observe that we had done anything right yet. I would merely point to the state of Europe and the world to-day compared with what it was at the time when we came into office, and say that we can claim to have had a part in the improvement which has taken place. I think it is unfortunate, although it is unavoidable, that Foreign Office Debates roam over so much ground, and that we rarely have a clean discussion on a single subject. Many matters of deep importance have been touched upon to-day, mostly very lightly and superficially, and I am afraid that I must pass as lightly over them as previous speakers have. I think it will be convenient that I should deal with the proposed Treaty for the outlawry of war, as it is called, last, and should first of all clear the ground, if I may use that phrase, on the other subjects which have been mentioned.

As regards the questions put to me by my hon. Friend the Member for Cambridge University (Sir G. Butler), I could not say without notice how many of our diplomats have travelled at one time or another in America, nor do I think it would be a convenient arrangement that members of the staff of the Embassy should be distributed, not at the capital, not at the seat of government, but at a variety of cities in that great country. It was only about a year ago that the Ambassador himself made a considerable tour, in the course of which he was obliged, as most travellers in the United States are obliged, to make not a few speeches. As regards the relations with the American Press here, we have now a well organised Press Department at the Foreign Office, which is always available for purposes of consultation and information to the representatives of the Press of our own country or of any other country, and I myself, in the course of the year, see not a few journalists. Although my principal business is to see members of the diplomatic body, yet I find time, both at Geneva and at home, to have a good many conversations with representatives of the Press. I do not, therefore, think that there is really very much to complain of in regard to that matter, and I am not sure that the United States administration itself is wholly satisfied by the system of official spokesmen, who gave out news or copy once a week, for I think that that practice has been allowed to fall into desuetude. That is all that I want to say, and I think all that I need say, in reference to the observations of my hon. Friend, and I will now turn to one of the major questions, that of China.

I am asked to say something about the present situation. His Majesty's Government issued, in December, 1926, a Memorandum, which was followed by a further Paper issued about a month later, namely, in January, 1927, which indicated the policy that we were prepared to pursue. From those Papers we have never deviated. I said at the time, and I have had occasion to repeat since, that how fast we can go, how far we can go, and by what methods we can move, depends at least as much upon the Chinese as it does upon ourselves. We adhere to the spirit which inspired those two declarations. We have no territorial ambitions in China. We desire friendly relations with the Government of that country. We desire to see the country united and peaceful under a stable administration, and we believe that, when that result is achieved, it cannot fail to serve the interests of peaceful traders like ourselves no less than of the Chinese. I had hoped that some time ago we should have settled with the Nanking authorities the question of the deplorable and lamentable incident which occurred at Nanking, when our Consulate was attacked, two of our citizens were killed and a third has since died, and others were only saved by the intervention of an American vessel and a vessel of His Majesty's Fleet. We were unable to bring our intervention to a successful conclusion with the Nanking Government. However, on failing to secure their terms from us they offered almost immediately the terms I was prepared to accept to the Government of the United States.

I think the first step in our relations with the Nationalist Government must be a settlement of the Nanking incident. All I ask is that, that Government having accepted responsibility for what took place—I do not care to go behind their acceptance of that responsibility: I do not think it necessary or desirable—they should make the settlement as friendly with this friendly Government as they have with the Government of the United States. When they have done that, we can go on to discuss with them the changes that are necessary and take up the question of treaty revision. We are quite prepared to negotiate, for instance, a commercial treaty with them to take the place of the present treaty restricions on their tariff freedom. We are prepared, as their own progress allows, as life and property become secure and as their authority to discharge the ordinary obligations of a civilised power becomes strong enough for the task, to enter into friendly negotiations with them for the transition from the old treaty system to a new system which liberally meets their new aspirations and generously recognises the changed circumstances of the time. I think we have a right to expect, being animated by these liberal sentiments ourselves, that we should meet with an equally friendly attitude on the part of the Chinese Government. Upon one observation of the hon. and gallant Gentleman I feel it necessary to say a word. In his anxiety to prove his thesis that this Government can do no right he said we had backed the wrong horse. His statement is without a shadow of foundation. From first to last we have scrupulously refrained from taking sides with either party in China, and it is just because I have refused to take sides with either party that I have been so much criticised by the hon. and gallant Gentleman. His observation was void of any foundation and wholly mischievous.

We have, as the right hon. Gentleman knows, already very considerably reduced the number of troops there. I think it is probable that there will be a further reduction before very long. I am making some inquiries on the subject. At any rate, we do not desire to keep more troops than are necessary for the protection of our nationals, and we do not desire to keep any troops any longer than is necessary for that purpose. But the right hon. Gentleman will not suppose that everything is quiet in. China at this moment, or that we are certain that the elimination of Peking has at once removed all danger of fresh fighting taking place. There is fighting taking place in the North even now. Places have changed hands once and again within the last week or two, and there are still precautions to be taken if we are to discharge the duty we owe to the British community. I think that answers all that was put to me about China.

Nothing was put to me about Manchuria. I answered about that the other day when the hon. Member put me a question.

We do not recognise Manchuria as anything but a part of China. We recognise that Japan has great interests in Manchuria, which has a great Japanese population, and may well have a certain anxiety as to the protection of those persons. But our interest is a united China under one Government, which can take obligations and keep obligations, and with which we can negotiate a friendly settlement and maintain friendly relations.

As regards Egypt, the hon. and gallant Gentleman was anxious to suggest that my statement in answer to a question the other day was not frank. I rather resent the line he took.

I am glad the hon. and gallant Gentleman now allows me the benefit of misinformation.

I think I was neither misinformed nor did I misinform the House. By the Declaration of 1922, His Majesty's then Government said the constitution of Egypt was a matter for the King and people of Egypt. When the other day His Majesty's Government had to interfere because it was the intention of the then Egyptian Government to pass a law which directly menaced the maintenance of order and security, I repeated that declaration, and when we last had a Debate on foreign affairs the Leader of the party to which the hon. and gallant Gentleman belongs particularly asked me to reaffirm that declaration and to say we were still of opinion that the Constitution was a matter for the King and the people and, to please the right hon. Gentleman, I said a third time what had already been said at least twice on behalf of His Majesty's Government and now, because the results are different from what the hon. and gallant Gentleman expected, and perhaps not what he wanted, I am to go back on the declaration which his Leader forced me to repeat only a week or two ago. What is the policy of the Labour party? Have they any policy except to criticise the Government and find fault with it whatever it does? We remain true to our declaration. That is not to say that, with or without a Constitution, any authority can afford to neglect the reservations we made in 1922. Far from it. Whatever form of Government the Egyptian King and people establish they must take account of those reservations and must give us satisfaction in regard to them until such time, if the time ever comes, when they are prepared to make a Treaty with this country on the only basis on which any responsible Government will ever consent to negotiate.

The Leader of the Opposition is no more willing to abandon our position in Egypt than His Majesty's present advisers. I pay a tribute to the wisdom and soundness of the lines he laid down in his communication to the late Zaghoul Pasha and we ourselves base our action on the policy then pursued by him and carried out—not a party policy but a national policy—throughout our dealings with Egypt. The right hon. Gentleman on the Front bench asked me what we would do in this contingency or in that—hypothetical contingencies which have not yet arisen. I think it would be unwise to answer his question, but I will say this. In the last resort the British troops in Egypt are there to maintain order, and I will also say I do not think the present time opportune for any fresh treaty negotiations. Beyond that I do not think it wise to attempt to foresee the future or to commit His Majesty's Government.

There is one other question that was raised in connection with the American Treaty on the renunciation of war which I would rather deal with apart. It is the question of disarmament. No doubt the signature of the Kellogg Treaty is a new factor to which we must all pay attention and of which we shall take account, but I say I would rather deal with the matter apart from the Kellogg proposal because, whether that treaty was to have been proposed or not, we should still have been struggling to forward the limitation of armaments. The right hon. Gentleman I think, and possibly the hon. Member who opened the Debate also, asked me what was going on in the Preparatory Commission. At the moment the Preparatory Commission on disarmament is not in session, and no definite date has been fixed for its session, but, as has been publicly announced, conversations have been proceeding between ourselves and the French with the hope of reducing the difference between us, indeed in the hope of finding some compromise upon which we could both agree and which we might then submit to other Powers and perhaps, by our proposals, facilitate progress in the Committee. Those conversations have been successful between the French and ourselves and I am about to communicate to the other principal naval Powers the compromise at which we have arrived, with the hope that it may be acceptable to them also, and that thus a great obstacle to progress will have been removed and a step made in advance. Until those proposals have been communicated to the other Governments I do not like to say more about them. I imagine the first serious discussion on them will probably take place in the Disarmament Committee itself.

Do I understand these are purely naval proposals? The right hon. Gentleman spoke of other naval Powers.

Yes. The proposals I want to communicate are dealing with the disagreements that arise in regard to the naval issue, in which, of course, we take a particular interest. We are a very small military Power. Our military forces are very small compared with those of other Powers. Our Navy has always been the principal defence of our country and, therefore, naval questions are the ones that interest us most and it is upon them that we have been seeking to reconcile our differences, and this is the method of making progress.

6.0 p.m.

If I have, as I hope I have, dealt with the various other questions that have been raised in the Debate I now come to the proposed treaty for the renunciation of war as an instrument of national policy. The hon. Member who opened the Debate opened it with great fairness and had evidently given a good deal of attention to the subject, but I hope that it will not be disrespectful to him if I say that I had, more than once, a little difficulty in ascertaining exactly what was the question to which he desired an answer or what was the criticism which he was levying at His Majesty's Government. In his opening phrases he seemed to suggest that we had taken an unconscionable time in replying to the American proposals, but he himself was good enough to supply the date. Mr. Kellogg took six months to reply to M. Briand. I took six weeks to reply to Mr. Kellogg. Mr. Kellogg took six weeks to reply to me and I took between three or four weeks to answer again, to send my final reply to his Government. I do not think that he can base any charges against the Government or against anyone upon the time that was taken. These were important proposals, very important proposals, and the Government were entitled and bound to consider the new proposition made in its bearing on their general position in the world and their general policy, and particularly in its bearing on the obligations which they had already undertaken. We ourselves had two classes of obligations—the obligations which we undertook when we signed the Covenant of the League of Nations. I would like to recall to the memory of the Committee Article 20 of the Covenant which gets, sometimes, less attention than it deserves:

We cannot be asked to act under our Locarno guarantee unless one of the signatories of those Treaties has, in fact, already committed an act of aggression. If it has committed an act of aggression it has broken Mr. Kellogg's Treaty no less than it has broken the Locarno Treaty, and, let me say, no less than it has broken the Covenant of the League of Nations. There is, therefore, no such contradiction as the hon. Member supposes, between the obligations of the Treaty proposed by the Government of the United States and the obligations of the Locarno Powers where they obey those obligations to which we ourselves are parties or the obligation of Germany and Czechoslovakia and Poland respectively, or of France and Czechoslovakia, and Poland respectively. Because the obligation of France towards Poland or of Poland towards France only comes into being when there has already been an act of aggression which itself would be a breach of the American agreements.

The hon. Gentleman wanted to know whether the Dominions were consulted. It is our custom always to inform them of any proposals. There is a very wide communication of confidential Cabinet documents to all the Dominions in these days, in order that they may be fully informed of all that concerns them. We at once communicate in cases of special documents of this kind, and there are such interchanges of views before we take our final decision as to them, and to us, respectively, may seem desirable. The hon. Member can be assured that in this case they were the first recipients of our confidence.

You asked the Dominions before you signed the Kellogg Treaty, and yet you did not ask them before you signed the Locarno Treaty.

As usual we communicated from the first the whole of the proposals with regard to both to the Dominions. In this case they were invited to sign with us. We expressed a hope that they might do so and the United States Government at once agreed and said that they would be very glad to issue invitations to all of them.

We did not press them to do it. They were quite content. [ Interruption. ] That is not what the hon. and gallant Member said before. The hon. and gallant Member said that they were not informed or consulted. He was mistaken. The hon. Gentleman found fault with the wording of my Note with respect to the passage dealing with self-defence. He appeared to think that that was something which I had added, and that it had no parallel in the American Note. Let me call his attention to Command Paper 3153, Document No. 1, in Page 2. At the bottom of the page there is a paragraph in which Mr. Atherton is instructed to call attention to a speech which Mr. Kellogg had made before the American Society of International Law. He quotes from it: if it suggests that there were certain parts of the world in which we too have a Monroe Doctrine, because the integrity and security of those countries are part of the defences of the British Empire? I venture to think that A does no good to put about those exaggerated suspicions, and that it will be much more helpful to say, what is the fact, that our doctrine is exactly comparable to that of the American Government, that it is not a doctrine of aggression, that it is not a desire for territorial expansion, but a pure measure in self-defence necessitated by the geographical position of the Empire.

I hope that it may be my good fortune to go to Paris before the end of the month and to sign, on behalf of this country, the Treaty which the Government of the United States have proposed. I do not think that we can, any of us, say exactly what importance this Treaty will have in the future. It may mean much, very much for the peace of the world. It may mean not much, even very little.

It is, I think, a sign of the times that such a Treaty should have been proposed, and it is a recognition of what is now the attitude of all great countries to war, that such a proposal should be welcomed and that we should all be glad to co-operate. But I am always alarmed when too great expectations are formed lest they should be followed by too great deceptions. Because it is not everything which the imagination can picture or the heart hope for, I do not think that, therefore, it should be supposed that we make no progress. When the hon. Member thinks that the Locarno Treaties have been no good, I differ from him. They have altered the face of Europe. They have brought Germany into friendly relations with her former enemies and have made her a members of the League of Nations. In securing her co-operation there, they have sensibly added to the guarantees for peace. They have sensibly promoted good will and they have sensibly strengthened the League. If I have had any share in that work I am proud of it, and I see no reason to apologise because the hon. Member thought that Locarno was going to create a new heaven and a new earth in four years, and he finds that everything has not yet completely changed.

In the same way with regard to the Kellogg proposal, I do not want great expectations to be followed by great deceptions. It is a recognition of the horror of war, of the fact that war is a thing only to be had recourse to in the last resource, and for self-defence. That is something. How much more it will be will, in my opinion, depend not upon any engagements taken by the United States Government, because I assume that they will take no engagements in advance as to what they would do in a particular emergency in the future; it will depend not upon any engagements they undertake, but on how the rest of the world thinks that the United States are going to judge the action of an aggressor, and whether they are going to help him or hinder him in his aggression. If American opinion ranges itself behind its own treaty, then, indeed, the signature of this treaty will be an additional and most formidable deterrent of war, and it will be an additional and most valuable security for peace. That is what His Majesty's Government hold it will be, and it is in that spirit that we are glad to co-operate with the United States Government in bringing that proposal to fruition.

I should like to make a few remarks arising out of the speech of the Foreign Secretary. I will take what he has said in the order in which he has placed matters before the House. With regard to China, the right hon. Gentleman about two years ago made two definite declarations, very important declarations, with respect to the policy which he proposed to pursue. The first was that His Majesty's Government were fully prepared to revise the whole of the old treaties. They were prepared to do that in a thoroughly friendly spirit and with sympathetic consideration for the claims of China's nationality; but they could not proceed until there was a Government in China with which they could negotiate on behalf of the whole of China. The right hon Gentleman's second declaration was that, owing to the disputes that were taking place at that time in the civil wars between not merely two parties but an infinite variety of war lords, and other organisations, the Government could not interfere and preserve their strict neutrality. At the time I attached very great importance to those two declarations, and on behalf of my friends and myself I not merely gave every support to the right hon. Gentleman in his declarations, but also to the sending of troops to Shanghai on the strength of those declarations.

May I say at once that, having followed very closely the course of the policy pursued by the right hon. Gentleman, I think he has adhered to those two declarations. I do not think that he has in any particular departed from the declarations which he made to the House. He has very faithfully done his very best to carry out both of them, and I cannot recall—here I am in disagreement with my hon. and gallant Friend the member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy)—a single instance where he has intervened on behalf of any one of the contestants as against the other.

If the right hon. Gentleman will be good enough to look at the last Foreign Office Debate, he will see that I gave chapter and verse in regard to very flagrant violations of the declarations.

My hon. and gallant Friend must know how extraordinarily difficult it is in the confusion that has taken place in China during the last two or three years, when our nationals were involved, for the right hon. Gentleman to refrain from taking even stronger action in one or two particulars. I was very much afraid that public opinion might even drive him upon one or two occasions to take a step which, I think, would have been unwise. I think he has displayed very great courage in resisting, I will not say the temptation, because I know that it would not be a temptation, but the impulse which might have driven him on one or two occasions to take sides. I think he has very honourably adhered to the declarations and promises which he made to the House and, therefore, it would be very unfair on my part not to express my opinion upon these subjects.

I want to put two questions in regard to China. I was very delighted to hear the declaration which my right hon. Friend made in regard to Manchuria. It is very difficult to say anything in this House which looks like a criticism of a friendly Power, but it is quite incomprehensible to me why a friendly Power like Japan has taken certain steps with regard to Shantung and Manchuria. They have refused, I understand, to recognise the flag in Manchuria. I hope that that does not mean that there is going to be a practical annexation of that vast territory by Japan. I cannot believe that that is so. It is true, as the right hon. Gentleman says, that there are a great many Japanese there, but they are not many in proportion to the population of Manchuria. He knows very well that there have been very remarkable developments in Manchuria in the last few years. A population of something like 4,000,000 or 5,000,000 has now become a population of nearly 30,000,000, owing to Chinese immigration into that very fertile province. It has become a territory which is a means of settlement for their surplus population. I understand that they are still pouring in by the hundreds of thousands, and in the course of a very few years, if there is no trouble there, we may easily have a population of over 40,000,000 in that rich territory, with infinite possibilities.

I think it will be very hard on China, whose financial difficulties have been increased and intensified very considerably by the devastation of the great civil war which has been prolonged for several years, if she is to be deprived of a province which would be very helpful in the reconstruction of China and in putting it on a sound financial basis. I was very delighted to hear the declaration made by the Foreign Secretary on behalf of this country, that in his judgment and in the judgment of His Majesty's Government, Manchuria is an integral part of China. I therefore assume that in any negotiations which take place the influence of His Majesty's Government will be used to see that the independence of Manchuria is preserved, that it is not torn away from the Chinese Commonwealth and that whatever interests the Japanese may possess there, subject to adequate safeguards being provided for those special interests, the independence of Manchuria will be pre- served, and that it will be regarded as an essential part of the whole of the great Commonwealth of China.

It is too late to put a question to the right hon. Gentleman, but I should like to make one suggestion to him. I hope that we shall not renounce our initiative in respect to China. I think it was the right hon. Gentleman who first took the step of suggesting the revision of the treaties. It was a courageous course to take at the time, because he had no lead, certainly not from any other Power, and our interests in those treaties were much more considerable than those of any other Power. The proposal on our part to renounce special privileges in the interests of the goodwill of those enormous populations was, I think, a very wise, far-seeing and statesmanlike course, and I hope, if the right hon. Gentleman will allow me respectfully to suggest it, that he will not abandon the bold and sagacious initiative which he took. The United States has already made, I think, a communication within the last few weeks indicating that negotiations ought to proceed. I am not sure that they have not initiated some proceedings. At any rate, our interests in those treaties are in some respects greater than theirs. We have a larger number of nationals there, and I am not sure that our trade is not a greater one in China. I hope the right hon. Gentleman will not allow even the Nanking episode to delay his action or to induce him to abandon the strong course which he has taken and which he has preserved in the face of a good many enticements to the contrary. The Nanking episode is an unpleasant one, but I do not think the right hon. Gentleman ought to surrender his initiative until that is settled. I rather gathered from him that he was in a position where he was inclined to say that until the new Governments settled the Nanking business he would not proceed to consider the revision of the treaties.

I have already announced the terms which I am prepared to accept on behalf of the British Government. It was after that that the American Government and the Nanking Government came to a settlement, and I think it is not an unreasonable thing that the Nanking Government should do for another Government which has shown itself very friendly to China, namely, the British Government, what they are prepared to do for the United States.

I am not criticising the demand put forward by the Foreign Secretary in respect to the Nanking outrages; not in the least. I do not think it is unreasonable that we should demand full reparation in respect of those outrages, but I should have thought that it would be possible to do that as part of the negotiations for revision. I do not want that to stand in the way of our being first in handling the situation. I think it would be a mistake if we allowed that to put our Government in a position where the whole conduct of the initiative would pass to another Government, exactly as the initiative in regard to the present Peace Pact has been ours in the third place and not in the first. I hope that that will not happen in regard to China, and I say so for a special reason. My information is—I have a good deal of independent information—that a very great change has taken place in the attitude of the people of China towards ourselves. The attitude a year ago or perhaps later was that there was still a good deal of bitterness towards England and the English, Britain and Britishers, and it was affecting our trade. I am told that there has been a very great change. Unfortunately, the bitterness is passing on to another country, and we should all regret that, but one must rejoice at the fact that there is a very great improvement in the attitude of the average Chinaman towards the Britishers. I want to take advantage of that; so that nothing will he done, not even in a dispute like Nanking, to throw away the great advantage we have secured by adopting so reasonable and bold an attitude with regard to our nationals.

Now I come to the question of the Peace Pact with the United States of America. I need hardly say that I rejoice in the fact that there should be a pact which condemns war, and even the mere declaration in itself has a value. The proof of it is this; that you could not have had a declaration of that kind signed by these Powers before 1914. If anybody had proposed it before 1914 you could not have carried it through. That represents a real change in the attitude of nations towards war as an instrument of policy. All the same, I hope the right hon. Gentleman will take note of some of the criticisms which have been put forward from these benches. I think he was rather disposed to underrate the peril of the particular Clause which sets up a kind of Monroe Doctrine for ourselves. I do not think the opinion of the Secretary of State, Mr. Kellogg, is quite final, because as the right hon. Gentleman knows there have been treaties sanctioned by Secretaries of State which have been thrown out by the Senate. The Senate exercise a very independent jurisdiction on matters of this kind. There is a great deal of misapprehension with regard to the meaning of this Clause, and I do not see why the right hon. Gentleman should not make it quite clear that it does not mean anything of the things about which American opinion is rather apprehensive in regard to us.

It is no use saying it is the same thing as the Monroe Doctrine. The Monroe Doctrine is now a clear, defined doctrine, with a geographical limitation. Everybody knows to what it applies. You really cannot tell to what this Clause applies; and that is the difficulty. It is vague and indefinite, and anybody on the other side of the Atlantic who is prepared to criticise, and there are a few and very powerful persons who are wishful to make difficulties inside the Senate, can conjure all kinds of possibilities as the result of this extremely indefinite and almost obscure Clause. I do not know what the right hon. Gentleman has in mind. I am assuming that Egypt is one of the countries he has in mind. What he has beyond that I do not know; and I have consulted many people who have read this Clause very particularly and I do not know any man who is quite satisfied as to what is the object of the right hon. Gentleman. I suggest to him, in the interests of this Pact, that he should make some inquiries as to what is in the minds of very powerful people on the other side of the Atlantic and ascertain what anxieties and apprehensions they desire to see allayed. I am quite sure he could do so by one clear statement as to what is in his own mind and what the British Government intended to cover by this Clause, otherwise it may lead to very considerable mischief.

The other point is with regard to what we have said on the question of self-defence. It is quite true that the right hon. Gentleman quoted words from Mr. Kellogg's speech which are identical with those in his own document, but Mr. Kellogg was forced to these explanations by the resistance of the European Powers. I think it is unfortunate that they should have been introduced. When you say that the interpretation of self-defence is entirely a matter for the individual country, the result is that you may find certain countries which will give a very wide meaning to the words. As a matter of fact, Germany to-day maintains that her war in 1914 was a war of defence, and, of course, she can point to certain circumstances which give a kind of speciousness to that argument. She could say that Russia was arming on one side, building great railways towards the German frontier and borrowing huge sums of money for that purpose; that France was arming, and that we had entered into a sort of arrangement. That is the case made by Germany, and although I have many times opposed these arguments I am pointing out that countries in a very powerful position, with large armies, with the feeling that they have the command of irresistible forces, give a very free interpretation to the doctrine of self-defence, and it is a great pity that the question of self-defence should not also be included within the purview of those questions which are to be settled by the League of Nations or the arbitration proposals of the Locarno Treaty.

I took a definite line in regard to that. It was supposed to be a war of self-defence on our part, and the Boers said the same thing. You have never had any country which has not claimed that they were acting in self-defence, and I regret very much that Mr. Kellogg was forced out of his first position of having a simple unreserved declaration of the outlawry of war. The moment you get into these reservations you get into a tangle, where each nation will decide for itself. I think the right hon. Gentleman has underestimated the importance of the point made with regard to the Eastern Treaties, or Accords. If he will look not merely at his own document but at the document of the French Ambassador in which he replies to the American Government he will find that they make a distinct exception in favour of all these arrangements with regard to guaranteeing the neutrality of Central Europe. It is no use the right hon. Gentleman saying that there is no difference between that and the Locarno Treaty. There is all the difference in the world. The Treaty which he signed was in respect of frontiers which Germany definitely said she was prepared to accept. She renounced all claims to revision. It was a very clear course. He simply guaranteeed something which Germany herself definitely said she would accept, and she renounced—it was a considerable gesture on her part—all future claims to revision of her western frontier.

That is not the case on the eastern frontier. She definitely stated that she would not renounce her claim. She said she would not resort to war, but that she would simply claim a revision under the Covenant of the League of Nations, and the Covenant of the League of Nations provides machinery for a revision of the Treaties of 1919 and 1920. M. Clemenceau, when he gave the answer of the Great Powers to the German delegates when they complained of the boundaries on the eastern frontier—they made no complaint about the west—said that they had got in the Treaty itself the power to demand future revision. Germany has said that on the west she will make no claim: "We abandon whatever rights we ever had, but on the east we propose to take advantage of the Treaty for the purpose of demanding revision." That is a totally different thing. I do not want to project myself too far into the future, but there is a possibility there which should be taken into account before we accept these reservations. There may be a refusal to accept a decision, and there may be a refusal to accept the arbitration of the League of Nations.

In that case does the right hon. Gentleman mean that we should reserve the right to go to war?

I will tell the right hon. Gentleman if he will allow me to finish. With regard to the western frontier, there is complete acceptance. If there had been no reservations, then war on both sides would have been condemned and arbitration would have been a compulsory process. What have you got Bow? You have a guarantee by the greatest military power in Europe, a practical guarantee, of the status quo on these boundaries. I am pleading for a document without reservations of this kind which would make it impossible for any Great Power to go to war and which would really compel the Powers in Central Europe to send the matter for arbitration to the League of Nations.

I think the right hon. Gentleman really does not know, or has forgotten, what is in the Franco-Polish Treaty. There is no obligation on France to go to the assistance of Poland, or on Poland to go to the assistance of France. It is only in the case when they are acting in self-defence, some other Power having already attacked them. In that case the other Power will have broken the Kellogg Treaty, and there is no contradiction between the Franco-Polish Treaty and the Kellogg Treaty.

I do not want to reply by a tu quoque, but I think it is the right hon. Gentleman who does not understand the position. There is nothing for them to be aggressive about. They are already in possession of the territory. There is no frontier for them to cross, they have got it. This will be a demand on the part of Germany for a revision of the Treaty which gives territory to Poland—I was trying to avoid naming any of these Powers—which she thinks ought not to belong to her, and, therefore, the difficulty is going to arise there when Germany puts forward her demand for a revision of the Treaty. Poland is not going to war for the purpose of invading Germany because she has the territory; and these reservations will add difficulties, in my judgment, to a peaceful settlement of the frontiers as long as there is a guarantee by the greatest military power in Europe that Poland and the other countries will be backed up in the maintenance of the status quo. If the unreserved Kellogg document had passed in its original form the whole situation would have been different, for the simple reason that the guarantee by France contemplates the use of force for the purpose of maintaining the status quo.

For the purpose of resisting aggression. There has to be a previous act of war before that Treaty comes into force.

I have no doubt the right hon. Gentleman reads the criticisms of the French Press, and that is the attitude, undoubtedly, of the whole of the French Press towards this position. They are fighting for the maintenance of the status quo without any revision at all, and the Poles are under the impression that France has guaranteed the status quo, not a right to revision. I think that these reservations will have the effect of strengthening that impression in their minds and will make it difficult in future to remove something which will be a cause of disturbance in Europe until it is settled. That is what I wanted to say with regard to reservations. I deeply regret the reservation with regard to defence, in the form in which it has been accepted by America and emphasised by the right hon. Gentleman—the right of each country to interpret for itself what defence means. The right hon. Gentleman knows perfectly well the view taken by the French with regard to defence. Their view of the moment when they are acting on the defensive is not the time when the German troops—if that were possible—march across the frontier, but when something is done by Germany which they regard as a menace. That is the interpretation which they have always given to it. It is the interpretation which the Prime Minister of France has repeatedly given. That is a very serious thing to face as a reservation to a great document outlawing war. I hope that the mere fact that the nations have signed a document of this kind, saying that war is to be condemned as a national policy, may lead to a gradual alteration in these reservations.

The third reservation that I am sorry that the right hon. Gentleman has insisted on, is with regard to Russia. It is hardly a reservation and is rather an expression of an adverse opinion. I think it is vital, if you are going to condemn war and make war impossible, that somehow or other you should bring Russia within the ambit of some obligation not to make war. You will never get disarmament until you do that. I do not blame the Powers of Central Europe. You have a great army in Russia. I do not know the figures though I have seen them very much quoted. It is said to be an army of over a million, and it will become more and more formidable as the equipment is improved. The equipment was quite inadequate for the invasion of Poland in 1920, when the Russians had no transport, but since then it has improved, and probably it will continue to improve. As long as you have a great potential army of one million, with unlimited reserves, across the frontier, it will be very difficult for Poland to enter into any arrangement with regard to disarmament. If Poland is not disarmed, other countries will say, "We cannot disarm." The disarmament must be a disarmament all round unless one great country like the United States of America or ourselves, by a great gesture says, "We will take the risks." Poland will find it very difficult to take the risk, for the reasons that I have indicated.

The right hon. Gentleman, I always thought, had nothing whatever to do with the expulsion of the Russians from this country, and I should have thought that whatever the Russians were guilty of at that time, what has happened in the course of the last two years has been an ample expression of our disapproval and dissatisfaction and condemnation, and that when there was an opportunity of bringing Russia into a world pact for the denunciation and condemnation of war, it would have been worth while, from the point of view of the peace of the whole world, to bring them in, because this Pact has to be followed by disarmament. These Treaties are all very well. The right hon. Member for Central Newcastle (Mr. Trevelyan) said that the Covenant of the League did not denounce war. As a matter of fact it begins by saying that it is an obligation not to resort to war. You have the Treaty of Locarno, and now you have this Pact. The Treaty has not been followed by the evacuation of the Rhineland. It is true that you have brought Germany into the League of Nations. There is now much greater friendliness between Germany and France, and, as far as public expressions are concerned, quite a kindly feeling between the two countries, and I do not think it altogether hypocritical to say that the peoples want to be at peace with each other. I am certain that is the French Foreign Secretary's desire. That is his temperament. Nevertheless you still have French troops occupying German territory after 10 years of peace. It was not contemplated that they should remain there. The 15 years was a maximum; it was stipulated that if the terms of the Treaty were being complied with, the evacuation should take place before the end of the term. I cannot recall a single clause in the Treaty that has been infringed. I do not believe that a single French statesman claims that the Treaty has been infringed. As far as reparation is concerned, the conditions of the Dawes Agreement have been discharged. German disarmament is complete.

It is no use having these friendly acts if they are to be followed by a continued occupation of the territory of people with whom you have signed treaties of agreement and whom you treat as if they were still a foreign foe. The right hon. Gentleman cannot command disarmament. I do not believe he will get anything out of the Commission of Experts. As far as I have been able to follow these Agreements, there will be merely remissions and concessions here and there. If you are to have disarmament, it ought to be on a great scale. I trust that His Majesty's Government, which has its financial difficulties, will follow up this Pact by a considerable cutting down of armaments, and will take the initiative in that cutting down. That will be a, bigger thing than signing the Pact. It will be giving vitality and reality to the Pact. I hope that the right hon. Gentleman will take the initiative in pressing the French Government to withdraw their troops from the Rhineland, and in pressing his colleagues to agree to a great cut in armaments in this country. If he does that, he will achieve more for peace than he has done in the past.

I agree with the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, that there is nothing so difficult as a Debate on the Foreign Office Vote, because all the sub- jects that are raised over-lap one another and each is of very considerable importance. I will attempt to follow the right hon. Gentleman in the order in which he took his subjects. With regard to China, we regard the right hon. Gentleman's declaration with considerable satisfaction. I understand from what he said that if the Nanking Government were to offer to His Majesty's Government the same terms as they have offered to the United States Government with regard to the Nanking outrage, His Majesty's Government would be prepared to accept those terms. That, I hope, will bring from the Nanking Government the very offer that the right hon. Gentleman suggests. A second declaration that was very satisfactory was with regard to Manchuria. The right hon. Gentleman's declaration was that the present situation in Manchuria was not one in which His Majesty's Government could in any way intervene, but was one in which they regarded Manchuria as part and parcel of China. That gives one to hope that, once the Nanking Government is recognised by His Majesty's Government as well as by other Governments, it will be in a position, should it find itself in difficulties in Manchuria, to bring its grievance before the League of Nations, and allow the League to settle any dispute which may arise between it and Japan.

With regard to Egypt, the subject, I think, has been touched on rather too lightly, because we have in Egypt a situation which is far more serious than the Committee seem to realise. It is very natural, in a Debate like this, in which there are so many important subjects raised, that a question which has only just recently arisen should not receive sufficient attention. I would like to draw attention to what is transpiring in Egypt at the present time. The parliamentary system has been abrogated and the Parliament of Egypt is suspended for three years. In answer to a question the day before yesterday, the Foreign Secretary said that the High Commissioner, Lord Lloyd, was not responsible for tendering any advice on this subject. Our interference is confined to sending warships when the Parliament of Egypt projects laws which we think are likely to cause trouble in Egypt. We do not interfere when an act is committed which is far more likely to cause trouble, and very severe trouble, in Egypt in the near future.

7.0 p.m.

I am not a particular believer in parliamentary institutions of Western growth being transplanted into the East, but one thing I am certain of, and that is that you must either give Egypt a parliament or allow the Egyptians to have an autocracy of their own. To give them a parliament and say that it can be suspended at any time if the King of Egypt so wishes, and that measures can be rejected at any time if His Majesty's Government so wish, is not giving them a fair chance. It is equal to not giving them any power at all. The existence of Egypt's independence does not take in anybody in the world, and our reputation in regard to Egypt and foreign countries is not one of which we need be proud. We have taught the King of Egypt and his council to despise the Egyptian Parliament by our treatment of that Parliament. But what lies at the hack of the whole thing? When the Leader of the Opposition was Foreign Secretary he dealt with the undoubted leader of Egyptian popular opinion, the head of the Wafd, Zaghloul Pasha. Anybody who knows the East knows that the first stage is always for negotiateons to break down. If anybody buys a carpet in the East, the would-be purchaser offers a shilling and the owner of the carpet suggests £1,000. Then they part but come together again on subsequent occasions, and the negotiations very likely end by coming to a reasonable arrangement. When my right hon. Friend negotiated with Zaghloul Pasha it was only the first round. Unfortunately, the Government went out and negotiations could not be continued, but the policy of His Majesty's Government has been ever since to try to break the Wafd. Zaghloul Pasha was the Leader of the House and then Prime Minister, and then came Sarwat Pasha. Negotiations began and a Treaty was concluded.

I always think it a most amazing thing that Lord Lloyd never warned the right hon. Gentleman the Foreign Secretary that Sarwat Pasha would not be able to get his treaty accepted by his Parliament, that Sarwat Pasha was not a Wafdist Minister and that he would go back to Egypt and find they refused to accept it. The Treaty broke down and the Wafd was blamed for the breakdown. Sarwat Pasha disappeared from the scene and Zaghloul Pasha died. The Wafdists elected Nahas Pasha as their leader. He was called to be Prime Minister but his inclinations were too much in the Wafdist direction and contrary to the whole policy of His Majesty's Government. Of course, I quite admit that Lord Lloyd on those particular occasions does not give an actual word of advice that can be quoted from a document, but he is the master influence at the Residency. It is acknowledged on all sides that the idea that Egypt has independence is, really, as everybody knows, a farce, and the influence of the Residency has been used year in and year out to break the Wafd. Nahas Pasha was told because the so-called Coalition between the Wafd and the Liberals had broken down, that he could be no longer Prime Minister. He was prevented from passing into law a Measure which His Majesty's Government considered likely to cause disturbance in Egypt. Incidentally, I might mention that the message read out to this House from Nahas Pasha, which seemed to imply that Nahas Pasha welcomed the sending of the warship as a solution of his difficulties, turned out to mean something different. What he actually did say was nothing of the kind. He welcomed the withdrawal of the warship as having helped to dispose of the difficulties between the two Governments. But Nahas Pasha was too much of a Wafdist turn of mind, and when the Coalition broke down he was dismissed, and now we have got Mahmoud Pasha who has taken it upon himself to advise the King to dissolve Parliament for three years, and to rule without one.

What is the object of that? During the three years a law will be promulgated and Egypt will have elections held under a new electoral law which will be so designed as to prevent, if possible, the Zaghloulists getting a majority in Parliament when it is recalled. That, of course, is quite obviously the object. You may expect the promulgation of this electoral law within the next year or two. I was glad to hear the right hon. Gentleman say that he did not think the occasion opportune for resuming negotiations. I hope he will not think the occasion opportune for resuming negotiations until a free and independent Parliament of Egypt is again in being, because if he does resume negotiations before that time, they are absolutely doomed to failure, and whoever brings them forward will be thrown over by the large majority of people in Egypt who are supporters of the Wafd. I do not see why we should object to the policy of the majority of the country having its say in the Government. I fully admit that the negotiations with any Egyptian Government will be very difficult. We have great responsibility, and we cannot ignore the difficulty. I fully admit all that, but do let us negotiate with the right people representing Egypt, and not with puppets set up by us or by the King of Egypt.

I should like to say a few words on the Kellogg Pact, and express, if I may, my appreciation of the attitude which the right hon. Gentleman has taken in welcoming this Pact and in offering to sign it. I think the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) really seemed to be in a very confused state as to what the Pact was. I think he has not studied it quite sufficiently. I am afraid that has been his habit on more occasions than one. He kept on talking of the reservations as if they were part of what was to be signed, and as if they bound Germany and Poland. In fact, I think there was a confusion in his mind as to what it really meant. This Pact of the renunciation of war—not the denunciation of war merely, of which we have had enough—consists of three clauses, and I do not care about the reservations. I do not want to talk about them. I noticed the right hon. Gentleman deliberately avoided the question asked by the right hon. Member for Central Newcastle-upon-Tyne (Mr. Trevelyan) with regard to this Monroe doctrine reservation. I hope that between now and the signing of the Pact the right hon. Gentleman the Foreign Secretary, Mr. Kellogg, M. Briand, Herr Stresemann and everybody concerned will say no more about it, because their silence really matters a great deal more than enlarging on reservations and building up fresh complications and diplomatic confusion which entirely obscure the real essence of this Pact, which is a declaration on the part of the Government for the first time that they do not intend to use war as an instrument of policy. They are going to be kept to that, not by any signature of any Foreign Secretary, but the sense of honour of the people behind it. I really do not know how the Foreign Secretary thinks the Kellogg Pact advances us at all, because he said we never had used war as an instrument of national policy. I think it was in the very week he sent the warship to Egypt, and, of course, we never have waged a war of aggression, so I am afraid, in the mind of any statesman who holds those views, there seems to be very little value in this Pact.

I build very little faith on statesmen and Governments, but I know there is growing up very rapidly in the people a very strong feeling on this question, and they are going to keep their Governments to their word. It is a very significant fact that this is not just the outcome of M. Briand's idea and Mr. Kellogg's ingenuity. This question has been worked up in the United States for years past, and behind this Kellogg proposal you can see the Borah resolution, which came before the Senate in 1923 and came up in its final form in 1926 before the Senate—the wholesale outlawry of war in all conceivable circumstances. That is what we have to read through the Kellogg proposals as to the American intentions in this matter. In America the whole of public opinion has been worked up, and there is a very strong feeling, as there is in this country, too, though it is often not reflected in this House, and though it is very seldom reflected in the utterances of the Cabinet. I assert that the people are attaching very great importance to these three clauses and are not bothering about any reservation. But I do believe this Pact depends for its importance on what follows. The great test of the sincerity of the Government is going to be in the months that follow the solemn signing of this Pact.

The concluding sentence in the speech of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs seemed to show that he has become a complete convert to my doctrine of disarmament by example, because he pressed the Government to take the initiative in disarmament, and not to wait for all these conferences. If this Pact is not followed by disarmament on the part of this and other countries; if this Pact is not even followed by the withdrawal of our troops and the French and Belgian troops from the Rhineland; if there is going to be no change whatever in the attitude of Governments towards one another in regard to armaments; if we, in this country, are to go on spending £120,000,000 to £130,000,000 on armaments—then people will understand, once and for all, that their Governments have been tricking them, that the whole thing is pure humbug, that there is no real intention behind it, and that these documents are light-heartedly signed, in the hope that for the time being they will appease public opinion.

This is a treaty for the outlawry of war. This is a treaty of peace, easily to be made with those with whom we are on friendly terms—and, thank goodness, we are on friendly terms with most—but the real test is, are we going to change our attitude towards those with whom we are not on friendly terms That is the real test of our intentions. Are we going to take up the regular stiff attitude of saying: "We must wait; they will have to make the first gesture; they must renounce this or that; we cannot alter the present condition of affairs." I believe that if Soviet Russia is invited to sign the Pact the invitation will be accepted very gladly. I do not believe in the menace of Russia as a fighting force in the world, but what I do believe in is the way in which Russia is going to be used by other Powers and pointed to as a menace in order to give them an excuse for arming. That is the trouble. It is not Russia's evil intention; it is our interpretation of Russia's evil intention, which is going to make us and other Powers in Europe continue to arm.

I believe it is most important, at the moment, that Russia should be brought in. I believe the right hon. Gentleman can complete the good work he has begun not by saying, "I do not object," as he said at Question Time to-day, but by saying, "I welcome the Soviet Government joining this Pact," and, in that way, reestablishing relations with them. We cannot leave Russia out in the cold year in and year out for all time. You cannot ignore a country which has one-seventh of the area of the globe. You cannot keep on abusing and insulting a country which has an established Government, however little we may like it, and until that Government is brought in, not only by His Majesty's Government but by the other Governments in Europe—brought into the comity of nations—there will always be danger that these engagements which are entered into are likely to be frustrated by the outbreak of quarrels and conflicts and, possibly, hostilities between this or some other nation and Soviet Russia. But I do not want to end on a critical note. I want to end on a note of congratulation to His Majesty's Government on the fact that, although there may have been delay and although they may have thought it, and rightly thought it, necessary to study this question very closely before committing themselves, the result, anyhow, has been that Great Britain has come in and joined with America, and, by so doing, brought America much more closely into cooperation with all the nations of Europe and the world, and brought nearer the prospect of the United States joining the League of Nations.

My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy) threw down the gauntlet to me a, short time ago by suggesting that, although I was neither an angel or an archangel, I yet might have some observations to make on the position in Egypt. I had not originally intended to speak, because I felt that the replies already given to questions on that subject were sufficient. When, a few weeks ago, the question was raised in this House I remember expressing my satisfaction that, after observing the fortunes of Egypt for some 35 or 40 years, at last, within the last three or four years, I had been able to see that we had a definite policy. I should like to leave the matter there. We have a definite policy confined to certain points, which it is in our interest to insist upon in future. We have in no way intervened in the constitution or formation of the Egyptian Parliament, and, therefore, I think that our best policy would be to leave them to decide their own affairs entirely by themselves.

There were certain passages in the speech to which we have just listened which I regard, for certain reasons, as very unfortunate. There were certain expressions in it which, with my knowledge of Egypt, and of the way in which everything that is said in this House affects the popular mind, and the Press of that country, I cannot but deplore. I cannot understand the use of such expressions as that we have "given Egypt a Constitution." We made a definite arrangement with Egypt by which Egypt was free to choose and did choose her own Constitution entirely by herself, and I do not think it is particularly acceptable to the Egyptians to be told, after that, that we gave them their Constitution. It would have been, perhaps, in our power here, with Egypt developing its own Constitution, to say that we would resign our former intervention and give Egypt a free hand in all these matters.

I was then rather surprised to hear that we had intervened with a warship in defiance of that Constitution. We did nothing of the kind. An explanation has been given as to why we intended to send a ship to Egypt, and why we revoked the decision. I was then surprised to hear that the independence of Egypt was "only a farce." That was not stated in so many words, but, at least, it was suggested very definitely. I cannot imagine any words calculated to have a more unfortunate effect in Egypt, and I speak with a knowledge of eight years in the country. I know the way in which these statements are turned to account by those who sit in wait for observations of that kind in order to create difficulties between the two countries in future. I also heard with surprise and regret the statement that we had insisted upon, or were responsible for, the dismissal of Nahas Pasha, the last Minister of the Wafd. At any rate, that was the impression which I derived from the speech. It is very difficult for me to speak on that subject at all, because the case of Nahas Pasha, as is probably known to all who have followed recent affairs in Egypt, is still sub judice. Therefore, I prefer not to speak about it at all. I can only say that to speak of our being responsible for all these recent acts is placing very unfair difficulties in the way of the new Minister who has just assumed office, who, at any rate, has shown a certain independence and a certain resolution, and who is, I think, entitled to a certain amount of sympathy in the very difficult position in which he finds himself. I will say no more on the subject of Egypt.

The hon. Gentleman referred to me, but he did not answer my question.

The question of the hon. and gallant Member, I understand, was, should we intervene if a Soviet Government were established in Egypt? I do not think I am called upon to answer such a highly improbable question. At any rate, I am not in the responsible position of the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. At best, I could only express an opinion, which I do not think the hon. and gallant Member would much appreciate. I would like, however, to say a few words on the other subject which has formed the staple of the speeches to-day on foreign policy. I refer to the Kellogg proposal, and its universal acceptance. It appears to me to imply, and to have a special value as implying, an international recognition of the fact that a new spirit has come into the world since the great War. As was suggested by the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary of State and by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George), that seems to be the really important thing, because such a declaration as the Kellogg declaration, followed up by a Treaty, would only inspire confidence as to its sincerity, if it was the outcome of a new mentality. I have no doubt that a new mentality exists, and that it is now recognised that the world hereafter has to be taught to think in terms of conciliation, of arbitration, of equity, and not in terms of compulsion.

I was interested to hear the hon. Member for Cambridge University (Sir G. Butler) suggest that we ought to think of what was meant by "renouncing war as an instrument of policy." I have been engaged for some time past in a careful study of the four-volume series of German Diplomatic Documents which have just been translated into English and are now at the disposal of those of our countrymen who are not able to read them in the original. The impression which I have derived from a. careful perusal of this remarkable document is that during the 20 years, from 1871 to 1890, when Germany was largely governed by the personal policy of a very remarkable personality, every diplomatic act was based on the ultimate sanction of war. Alliances, understandings, combinations, were all measured by the amount of military force which they potentially assembled when grouped together. The embarrassments of a nation at a given moment were always regarded as the opportunity of the other. The equity, the justice of the case seemed to play little part, as one reads these documents over again, documents some of which passed through my hands in the old days when I was a very junior member of the Service.

I think, when one reads such documents as these, when one understands how, 50 years ago, practically every diplomatic act was thus based on a calculation of ultimate warfare, we must see that a very great advance has been made in these last few years; and the Kellogg proposals and their acceptance by the nations before whom they have been placed seem to me to mark a very great advance and have our most cordial approval. I do not think the little details into which we have gone to-day are of anything like the importance that has been assumed when weighed against the general principle involved. After all, renunciation of war as a policy that is the important thing. Self-defence is not a policy; it is a necessity in certain cases. The renunciation of war as an instrument of policy is what we welcome and the point on which we may record our gratitude that we are among those nations which have accepted it without equivocation and without reserve.

I am deeply concerned about this momentous issue. The right hon. Gentleman the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs says that this is a sign of the times, and that is about the most that he can make of it. His hopes are directed towards those who are the nationals of the United States of America, and it is well that he should have emphasised the importance of the peoples represented by the Government that has played so important a part in negotiating the Pact; but the same thing applies to our own people, and those reservations, to my mind, are of very great importance. I was somewhat disappointed with the hon. Member for Brightside (Mr. Ponsonby) in his effort to minimise these reservations and to set them aside as of little or no consequence. He says that the great thing is that we are getting a Pact signed for the renunciation of war, and he says, truly, that there is a difference between renunciation and denunciation; but submit that we have not only had a great deal of denunciation of war, but, whenever we are out of war, everybody renounces war as well, so that, if we have reached the stage in our hearts of saying that we denounce war and that we also renounce it, the real question now is whether these reservations do not in themselves prove that the thing is not seriously meant. That is what I fear, and the reservation that gives best proof of my point is that contained in paragraph 11 on page 25 of Command Paper 3109, as follows: into the Agreement, that the whole thing is intended to be a mere scrap of paper. It is a gesture of a type which undoubtedly is strongly imbued with the appalling results of the Great War; and no doubt in America, with the strong propensity of elements there to make provision on a gigantic scale pertaining to her Navy, many of those people have certainly come up strongly to bring forward enough pressure to reduce those demands and to give an impetus to this proposition, in the hope that at any rate it will somewhat alleviate the pressure that is even now growing between the United States of America and ourselves, for reasons that are very well understood.

There are issues that have to be faced. It is not only the question of disarmament which, I submit, ought to be a natural corollary of this Pact. If there is reality behind it, steps should be taken towards disarmament, and there would also require to be the natural accompaniment of arbitration, to determine the points that might arise in conflict between any of the States involved. The feeling of the people in each of the countries concerned is undoubtedly the desire to be free from war, and this agreement is being made, in my view, as a move that will somewhat conciliate that rising public opinion, but what I have to put before the people is to beware of the treachery of these agreements, behind which, as I have shown, there is a definite statement practically refusing to have some other States brought in.

If Russia is involved in that connection—and there is no doubt that Russia is intended—we have to face this, that Russia put forward, on her own account, a provision to abandon war entirely, without any reservation. Naturally enough, many of us quite readily agree that there is a reason for anxiety as to how far Russia really means sincerely to follow up that line, but here is an opportunity to test Russia. On the contrary, the Government, through the Foreign Secretary, in this declaration are freely stating that not only are we inclined to disbelieve in Russia, but it looks very much like our having our own intention of coming into conflict with her. So far as I am concerned, it is not a matter of Russia or any other particular nationality.

If we are saying at that Box, on behalf of the British Government, that we are renouncing war, is it not a solemn thing to contemplate that God Almighty knows whether those who are signing such a document mean what they say? Any one of us here may make our indications of doubt, but with the omniscient One there is no doubt. Are we, or are we not, as a Government and as a Parliament, in approving this Pact, deceiving millions of people, and with the foreknowledge and intent that the thing means absolutely nothing? If that is the position, then the guilty. Government or nation, so far as those who know individually and collectively that such things are involved are concerned, deserve the penalties that will follow any such hypocrisy. We are dealing with momentous issues. A Member of the other House, Lord Halsbury, was describing at considerable length recently, and holding before the country, the awful prospect of what will be involved if another war should take place. He was showing the Members of that House, and through them the country at large, that it means the annihilation of multitudes of our people by the awful agency of the latest ingenuity of war, poison gas. Is this a part of the poisoning system—the papers doctored, plans schemed and carefully drawn up by diplomats, by representatives of nationalities playing, as aforetime, but in the newest and most up-to-date fashion, with the multitudes of people whom they profess to represent? I do not profess, to have any special responsibility here—I am only one of the ordinary Members of the House of Commons—but I feel the responsibility of having, during the course of the War, stood in opposition to the War.

I have heard the right hon. Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) say how it was said that there was an arrangement whereby we should come in, and all that sort of thing, and how he said, "I, of course, answered these things." The only answer to them now is that they were true. We are only now getting to know fully about what did happen during the last War. We are only now getting to know how the multitudes of strugglers, the combatants for an existence in life, have been slaughtered, maimed, broken in health. My God, to me the thing is appalling. If there is an unreality about this business, if it is merely a sign of the times, I submit that this nation, like America, though perhaps not so much, is undoubtedly forgetting things that are eternal. If we lose sight of the things that are eternal, there is no moral force that will stand by the peace Pact. As a matter of fact, we are slaughtering people on the thoroughfares by our motoring system.

The Foreign Secretary cannot be responsible for transport.

There is transport in the military service, and if you have not heard of it, I have. It is intended by the peace Pact to conserve life, and I am surely entitled to take as an illustration the fact that people are being swept into eternity by motor cars. If you are doing these things, what hope is there for the preservation of life by a peace Pact by which it is sought to join the nations together? It is a terrible responsibility for the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs; it is also a great responsibility for those who have not said a word, or tried to say a word about this to-night. It is a dreadful responsibility for every man and woman who is taking things easy in the closing part of the Session. A General Election is a mere bagatelle compared with an appearance before the Bar of God where we have to give an account of our stewardship. I feel the solemnity of this business, and my warning to the people is to beware of the treachery of the financial forces and the powerful interests in those nationalities who are making their own plans for exploitation which involve war.

We have heard a good deal about self-defence to-night, and it is shown in the correspondence which has been quoted. It appears that it is for each nationality to determine the question of self-defence. Did you ever hear of any nation which never went into war except in self-defence? We did in South Africa! I hope for the best, but my fears are that we have been swindled so much in the past that I do not see much chance of regeneration taking place, either in this party or on the other side in the Government. Nor do I anticipate a thoroughgoing stand on the no-more-war principle by any party in House. It is a big job to stand for no more war. It takes conscientious objection to stand for it, and you do not find conscientious objectors in a Government that backs a military system. If the League of Nations and the Church are to stand for the real things, they have got to make sure that this thing is not merely a piece of paper, and public representatives on every hand have to be grappled with in the determination that man was not made to be murdered. "Thou shalt not kill" is the law of the Eternal God, and there is no king in this country or anywhere else who has power to set aside His laws, for which we must give an account at the great Bar of God.

Question put, and agreed to.

Air Estimates, 1928

Civil Aviation

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a sum, not exceeding £415,000, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the expense of Civil Aviation, which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1929."

I feel that the Secretary of State will welcome the fact that this is the third Debate we have had on air matters in the course of the Session. It must show to him the interest that the House has taken in the subject, and the way in which he receives our comments and criticisms invites us to continue that interest. This evening I want to submit to the Minister that, before we separate, he might assist us and assist himself by giving us a fairly full outline of his views and policy of the future in connection with civil aviation. It is then up to us, enthused by his energy, to assist him to get the money, without which he obviously cannot proceed. If we are to help him find the money, we ask him to take us a little more into his confidence and to give us something to talk about. Everybody in the Committee will say at once that the spirit of the Air Ministry has undoubtedly undergone a change. The friendliness with which our comments have been received, and I may almost say the encouraging replies which we have had from the Minister, have gone a long way this year, but when you look at results it is hard for us not to say that there is still very little to show as to what has actually been done.

I have been looking up speeches made by Ministers both in this House and outside since the last Air Debate, and I stumbled across a set of figures of which, I think, the public should take notice, and the Minister should realise that we have taken notice of them. They deal with the expenditure on air matters covering both military and civil aviation. The Minister himself) is forced to admit that in the last three years there was a decrease in the expenditure made by this country in both these branches of nearly 10 per cent. That might not be much by itself, but when you compare it with the increases that have been made on the Continent by much poorer countries than ours, it assumes rather alarming proportions. France has increased her air expenditure by 45 per cent. in the same time; Italy has increased it by 56 per cent.; and 'the United States, which does not concern us so much, by 33 per cent. So far as Germany is concerned, the figures show that she has flown one way or the other 40,000 miles a day, while Great Britain's figure is only 3,000.

It is the relationship between the activities of other countries and ourselves that gives an excuse for pressing the Minister for a more forward policy. The Debate in the House of Lords, I think, caused some alarm, and, when read carefully, remarks such as those made by Lord Halsbury cannot pass without notice. The subject of the rapid convertibility of aeroplanes from commercial machines to military weapons was the subject of the Debate in the other House, and Lord Halsbury, with great courage and great simplicity, made the following statement. He dealt first with phosgene gas and the effect it might have in the London area, and he says in concluding: only a few weeks ago, which frightened me very much. The sentence which frightened me most was the following:

8.0 p.m.

I am not going to deal with the new contract with the Imperial Airways. I welcome anything which is done by way of expansion of this vital form of transport, but it is not enough. The Indian route is only a route; it can only carry people from one place to another. There is no particular competition, as a matter of fact, on that route, and I am certain that in less than six months or a year it will be admirably and punctually carried out by Imperial Airways, but it is only the beginning of our imperial problem. The section to which I will turn next is obviously Africa and I implore the Minister to consider it without delay. It will not wait. The problem of the development of British interests and dependencies in Africa is one that must be tackled at once. I say that because I know that the linking up of the north and the south in that great Continent will very likely be filched from us by other countries. The aerial activities of the Belgians in their enormous Congo territory, I understand from reliable sources, is surprising, and I understand that the possibility of agreement between the French and the Belgians to link up the Mediterranean with Central Africa is being very much talked about. A careful reading of the report of the Tanganyika Concessions Limited shows the connection which is being formed very rapidly between Southern Belgian Congo and the Union of South Africa. The railway which comes up from the south past Broken Hill is turning left, turning away from Nyasaland and Tanganyika, where we are more or less supreme, and turning in the direction of the Belgian Congo.

Notice taken that 40 Members were not present; Committee counted, and 40 Members being present—

I was trying to impress upon the Secretary of State certain fears which I have in connection with the Cape to Cairo transit route and also to point out how necessary it is that we should tackle this problem as quickly as possible. I indicated certain rumours I had heard of a Franco-Belgian attempt to get into touch ultimately with the Union of South Africa, but, apart from the very obvious alternative of coming down the east side of Tanganyika, which naturally we should all desire, as linking up the all-red route we have talked about for so many years, I want to submit to the Minister this consideration when he is comparing the difference between the importance of the Indian link he is forming and the link which I am imploring him to take into early consideration. On the Indian route, we pass over territories which we cannot develop. In the other case, we are passing all along the route over territories and tracts of country of immense potential value, to say the least of it.

The resources of Africa are just beginning to be appreciated. It is the air which has opened them up. Only in the last four or five years districts have been opened up which were quite inaccessible even in the days of war, when I was there myself. The opening up of every hundred miles of Africa is adding to the potential revenues of the district, and, incidentally, in the long run is of value to the Empire as a whole. By air settlers secure rapid communication with other centres, and have the opportunity not only of getting together and conferring on matters of importance but of obtaining the seeds and samples which they need in the course of a few days, as compared with months otherwise. The value and the riches of the country over which these lines would pass is testified by people who are in authority and ought to know. I will not say more because I have not lately been there, but I hope this winter to have the opportunity of travelling over the routes, quite well knewn now, where other people have been, and when the Debate comes on next year I may be able to speak with a little more authority on this aspect of the subject.

I have one or two words to say on the subject of subsidies. I know the difficulties with which the Secretary of State is faced in the matter of subsidies. There is a prejudice in the country, not confined to any particular party, against State subsidies. The subsidy system has been tried in the case of oil and dyes, and a few other things, but when it came to subsidies for air lines I know what difficulties the Secretary of State had with the House of Commons. I think the more we discuss this in the light of the necessity for rapid action, the more we shall get supporters to the vital necessity of breaking the back of the difficulties, and nobody can break the back of them except the State. If we daily and dawdle and wait for commercial competition to develop the Empire by air, we shall not keep pace with the rapid movements in progress in other parts of the world. Other countries less prosperous than ours have thought fit to supply large subsidies to their aerial transit companies, and I think they are reaping the reward already. A few weeks ago I returned from Germany, the second time I have been there this year to study civil aviation. I found that their summer programme consisted of flights by 225 planes. I succeeded in getting planes to almost every place to which I wanted to go, and almost at any time, and the skill with which that service is being handled is remarkable. Of course I know as well as everybody else that it depends upon the enormous subsidy which the services get from the Government.

I hope the Secretary of State for Air will not be afraid of pressing the Treasury to help him now. I believe that if he were to ask the House what their view was as regards the finance of the matter they would support him. I know he could get a good deal of encouragement from outside, and certainly from the party to which I belong, in dealing with this matter. We had a Debate a few days ago about the pathetic situation of the unemployed in this country. We heard of schemes for dealing with the situation, and of how money should be found to start this and that undertaking with a view to re-employing these unfortunate people. The figures used in that connection were gigantic. The financial assistance to lower the freights on railways runs into millions, and the general rating relief scheme, for which the public has to pay through the Petrol Duty, runs into £20,000,000, if not £30,000,000. Would it not be worth while for the Government to consider whether a small portion of that money might not be allotted to the development of air routes, which most assuredly will bring back value a hundredfold, spread over a period of 50 years? Apart from giving employment to a vast number of people connected with the trade, it would undoubtedly bring a hundredfold return in years to come. There are important industries engaged in the manufacture of aircraft. The production of aircraft has a highly-skilled mechanical side to it, and if we do not keep the industry alive we may be sadly in need of it if ever trouble comes. The personnel are really valuable people, not casual labourers. Every man in these great works abroad and at home is a highly skilled technician. A very little money will go a very long way in stimulating this industry. Not only will it stimulate an industry without which the country may not be able to live at all, but it will develop the air routes and I think the development of the African routes in particular will return unexampled value in relation to the sums involved.

The right hon. and gallant Member for North Bristol (Captain Guest) always makes a very good speech on the Air Estimates, and with a great deal of what he has said I find myself in agreement, but I venture to point out that comparisons between the position of flying in Germany and in this country are misleading. There are three factors in Germany which do not exist here. In the first place Germany is a large Continental country, whereas we are a comparatively small island, and there is a large demand for home flying in Germany which never can exist in this country. It is not likely that we shall ever have flying services over a very large part of England, Scotland or Wales, and it looks as though most of our flying will be confined to the 60 miles between Croydon and the coast. A second thing which differentiates Germany from us is that a large number of the industrial towns of Germany give subsidies, in addition to the Government subsidy, in order to encourage aeroplanes to land in their areas. That is very patriotic and very good business, but there would not be very much advantage to towns in this country to follow that example. The third point of difference is that we are the only country which looks to commercial flying to pay for itself. All the other countries, and certainly Germany, are spending very large sums of money and making a very great show, whereas we are spending our money with a view to establishing services which will ultimately pay.

I agree that India is not the only part of the Empire, but if we can establish a commercial air service to India and make it pay without a subsidy it will be the biggest advance in flying we had achieved. Of all long-distance flights, I think that to India is the most likely to pay, because there is a very large traffic both in passengers and mails between India and Europe, and a large number of people would go by air. I do not think the African venture could be developed at once, because I do not think any Government would spend the money, and I would prefer to see the money devoted to a really good service to India, which I think will pay for itself very soon. As regards the Cape to Cairo project, no doubt an air service would give a stimulus to trade, but the traffic we want to stimulate in those parts of the world is not the traffic that would go by air, it is the heavy goods traffic which must go either by sea or by rail. In that part of the world there is not the same passenger and mail traffic as there is to India.

The right hon. Gentleman complained of the scarcity of pilots, but that, again, is a question of money. We can get just as many pilots as we can pay for. We have to make up our minds whether we are looking to the service to pay for itself eventually, or whether we are not. If the service is to pay, we shall get only the number of pilots we need at the time, but if we regard the service as one to provide a reserve of pilots for war, as some Continental countries do, then we must take a quite different course. I believe we are right in treating these as commercial services and not as training services for a reserve of war pilots. I should like to see something done in regard to the manufacture of aeroplanes. At present, the Government are the main consumers. Imperial Airways are small consumers, and their orders for commercial aircraft do not really matter to any manufacturing firm in this country, because they are so few that they do not make much difference. Of course, this reacts very much on the price which we have to pay for our big machines. With reference to the Junker machine, in spite of all the difficulties, Herr Junker has started the manufacture of these machines for the world, and he is still selling them. While ours are very good, they are at the same time very dear, and they take a long time to build.

I think the Government ought to do something which would make the manufacture of aeroplanes cheaper, and increase their number. We certainly possess highly technical and skilled men who are unequalled in their work. I have flown in aeroplanes belonging to many European companies, and I still think that our own aeroplanes are steadier and safer than any in the world. Of course, I know that, when you talk about subsidies, you cannot subsidise unless you have some demand for the output. I do not see why in the great increased demand for aeroplanes all over the world we should not play an important part in their manufacture in this country. Of course, we need not look to Imperial Airways and our own flying services as our only model. I wonder whether some efficient scheme for the manufacture of aeroplanes could be brought about by Govern- ment assistance. I believe there is a demand now for aeroplanes, and I am certain that it will increase in the near future. I am afraid that foreign manufacturers are meeting that demand more than our own manufacturers. I think some financial assistance might be given by the Government, and in that way we could encourage in this country the manufacture of aeroplanes which I believe in a very short time would become self-supporting.

I want to pay a tribute to our aeroplane manufacturers and engineers, and, above all, to our pilots, I believe that the Air Minister is going on right lines. The right hon. Gentleman has always kept the commercial factor in view, and he has always looked to the ultimate possibility of a service paying for itself. A goad many of us thought that that state of affairs would have come about sooner than it has done, but it will come, and I am confident that we shall be the first country to run a self-supporting commercial air service.

My right hon. Friend the Member for North Bristol (Captain Guest) began his speech by saying how much he appreciated the opportunity for having a Debate this evening upon the Air Estimates, and I should like to add to that my own appreciation. I believe that if anybody would work out the Parliamentary time spent upon the various subjects discussed in this House it would reveal some incongruities, and I am certain that events will justify every hour which has been spent on the subject which is engaging our attention this evening. Little has been said about the progress of civil aviation in the last few years, and I think we should bear in mind that we are only discussing the growth of about 10 years. I have here one or two figures dealing with this subject, and it is a fact that the growth to which I have referred can only be measured by concrete figures. I will give the figures dealing with the growth of civil aviation between the period 1920 and 1927. Working out the commercial routes, I find that they were four times as long in 1927 as in 1920. The total mileage flown was ten times as long in 1927 as in 1920. The number of passengers who landed at Croydon Aerodrome in 1927 was four times as many as in 1920. I think those figures show that the growth has been very large, and in several minor spheres that growth has been even more significant. It is a fact that more than half the letters sent from the great Moroccan Empire to France are sent by air mails, and a rather significant fact is that, if you compare the insurance rates of goods sent from this country to the Continent, those rates are lower on goods sent by air than by the usual transport service by land and water.

The growth has been extremely great during the last few years, and I think it is our duty to ask ourselves what share Britain is securing in this enormous growth. I feel sure that the figures which I am gong to quote will not satisfy even the most complacent Members of this House that we are getting anything like our share of this vast development. I am now speaking of commercial air routes. We have 37,000 miles of European commercial air routes on which commercial machines are operating, and it is interesting to observe in what proportions they are held. Germany has 14,000 miles, France 9,000, and Great Britain less than 1,000 miles of those routes. Even if we add the great Cairo to Basra route we have only 2,500 miles as compared with 9,000 miles held by France and 14,000 miles held by Germany. I think that is a very unsatisfactory comparison. I will now compare the number of miles flown. Statistics show that 20,000,000 miles were flown by commercial aeroplanes in 1927. British machines operating from Great Britain flew only 880,000 miles, which is a very small proportion of the total I have mentioned. One more figure I will give shows that the average distance flown by the German commercial fleet per day is 40,000, while that flown by the fleet of the Imperial Airways is 3,000 miles a day.

Those are hard, stubborn figures. They show that Great Britain is not only not securing her proper place, but is a third or fourth-rate Power in civil aviation. She is not first, or second, or third, but seventh in the development of commercial aviation in Europe to-day, and even a small country like Holland, with far less resources even than we in these poverty-stricken days possess, is ahead of us in the commercial development of her country. I would like to ask the Committee to cast their minds back to two years ago, when the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary of State for Air produced a very important publication. In that book, "The Approach towards a System of Imperial Communication," he indulged in many bold prognostications. It is full of hopeful predictions, but hardly any of them has been fulfilled in that time. I am not going to say anything about the development of airships, because I think that that would be too unkind. Everything that was said about airships in that book has been completely falsified—

or, at any rate, has not been fulfilled. I hope I am not doing the right hon. Gentleman an injustice, because I am only seeking to be fair to him, and, as we are dealing with civil aviation, I will confine myself to aeroplanes. There was foretold the great Cairo-Karachi route, but that has not materialised. It has gone as far as Basra. but one country after another, at one moment Persia, at another moment some other country, puts up come sort of diplomatic difficulty, and the route has not in fact been instituted between Cairo and Karachi. Then it was supposed to have gone on to Australia. The right hon. Gentleman asked several questions, and painted a very hopeful and, I believe, very sound picture of the possibilities of carrying this route on to Australia, but it has not proceeded beyond Basra. Then, on one page, 700 or 800 words are devoted to the ideal circumstances for the development of an air route in British Guiana, and, indeed, anyone who knows anything about civil aviation and who studies that country must realise that, there the circumstances are ideal. I will not go into them tonight, because there will not be time, but I want to point out that nothing has been done in any of these countries.

My right hon. Friend the Member for North Bristol referred with great force to the development of civil aviation in Africa, and, indeed, that is the most important, as it is the blackest, spot in the development of civil aviation to-day. We have been discussing for years the development of the Cape-to-Cairo route. The circumstances are favourable, but other nations are stepping in before us. Only the other day I read in the paper an authoritative communication from South-West Africa, which showed that the Germans were establishing a route from Walvis Bay to Windoek, on the road to Johannesburg, with the intention of carrying on the service to Johannesburg. That is a very important air route, with very fine possibilities. The Belgians are also preparing a service from Lake Albert down their own frontier to Elizabethville, and, as they have already a service in regular operation across the Congo, it is easy to see that the dream of a British Cape-to-Cairo route will prove to be an empty thing, because these other nations are getting in first. Only three months ago I paid a visit to West Africa, and travelled up to Northern Nigeria. There I found that an aerodrome had been built at considerable expense, and, as I walked over it in the torrid heat of the day, I was thinking of the right hon. Gentleman, because that aerodrome, so far from being kept in good order, was being allowed to degenerate into primeval bush, and was not even being kept up, though it had been built at enormous expense. I will not, however, dwell upon that; I only want to point out that the prophecies of the right hon. Gentleman in this fine work have not been fulfilled. In it he wrote:

I think it is time to ask why it is that Great Britain, which has undoubtedly played a leading part in world development in every sphere in years gone by, is failing to hold her own in the sphere of civil aviation. A few years ago, in 1923, we set up a great monopolistic company called Imperial Airways. We placed at its head a body of directors, some of whom had had business experience and some of whom had not, but nearly all of whom had this in common, that they had given very little evidence of understanding the problems of civil aviation. We are the only first-class country in the world, with the exception of Germany, which has placed the development of its civil aviation under one company, and the results in Germany are not comparable, because in that country there is no Royal Air Force, and the whole of the national resources are diverted into the development of civil aviation. Taking that into account, we are the only country which has allowed its civil aviation to rest on the initiative and enterprise of a monopoly.

How was it that this country, which has always shown itself to be averse from monopolistic enterprises, tolerated the establishment of that monopoly in civil aviation? We did so because we thought that under a unity of control they would expand their services, or, even if they did not expand them, would at least concentrate efficiently on the lucrative services of Europe; or, even at the very worst, would run their services economically, and save this country, in the difficult times through which it was and is passing, from being called upon to contribute excessive sums for civil air development. What is the position as regards each of those hopes? In the first place, since 1923 no single new European service has been started; and, worse than that, several European services have been closed down. The service from Manchester to Croydon, which ran in 1923, before Imperial Airways was inaugurated, no longer runs. Neither does the service from London to Amsterdam, nor the service between Amsterdam, Hamburg, and Berlin. It is perfectly clear, therefore, that in Europe we are not expanding, but are cutting down. I noticed, when reading the Report on the Progress of Civil Aviation in 1927, a slip indicating errata, and, as it is very illuminating, I will read it. It is as follows:

Thre was one other reason why we entrusted the development of civil aviation to them. We thought, maybe, they would do something to improve the types of aeroplanes, and thus hasten the day when the only real solution of civil aviation would come. What have they done in that direction? Far be it from me to decry the types of British machines which are flying so reliably from Croydon to the Continent, but I wonder whether hon. Members know that many of these machines are six years old. Machines and engines are in service on the Continental services which are six years old. That does not speak for very rapid development in a science where developments are moving swiftly every day. What have they done to develop all-metal machines, without which Great Britain can never proceed to the development of her Imperial tropical airways?

Only the other day, I asked the Secretary of State a question about slotted wings, the latest and perhaps one of the most important developments in recent years for the safety of passengers. The right hon. Gentleman told me with some force that when you are dealing with services which have had very few accidents, it is not quite so urgent to change the design of the machine and incorporate all the latest safety devices as it might be in the Royal Air Force, where it is already changing. That appears to me to be not quite a tenable argument, because a man does not stop the insurance on his house if he has not had a fire for some years and, as a matter of fact, there was an accident to an Imperial Airways machine a few weeks ago which would not have occurred if it had been fitted with a slotted wing, It was due to a stall which, if the machine had been fitted with the latest safety device, which has been available for some time, would have enabled the pilot to get into control before the machine hit the ground. Therefore, Imperial Airways is not doing very much to satisfy the fourth of the reasons why we entrusted to it the monopolistic development or civil aviation.

Before I leave this part of the subject, I want to refer to the question of flying boats. We are a maritime nation. If we are going to develop, we must develop as much by flying boats as in any other way. Nothing whatever has been done to develop flying boats by Imperial Airways. We have only one small, irregular service from Southampton to the Channel Islands. What has been done in Germany? I have particulars of two German types of machine. I have no doubt the right hon. Gentleman has heard about them. One is the Romar type, with a span of 121 feet and a total horse-power of 2,400. The other is the Dornier Giant flying boat with 12 May-bath engines and a total horse-power of 4,800. The last is a very significant development, for this reason. The subsidy to Imperial Airways has been altered to depend on horse-power miles. That is to say that horse-power enters into calculation for the purpose of the subsidy as much as the distance flown. Did the right hon. Gentleman take into account the vast development of horse-power in the next 10 years during which that subsidy will operate? Does he realise that if we produce in Great Britain machines such as are being introduced and are running in Germany now with 4,800 horse-power in the aggregate, Imperial Airways will earn the whole of their subsidy by flying every other day to Paris and hack with one machine? Under the monopolistic development of Imperial Airways, British civil aviation is characterised by the abandonment of air routes, negligible Imperial expansion, no flying boat services, except the very minor service from Southampton to the Channel Islands once a week, no night flying, and failure even in the concentrated lucrative areas of London to the Continent.

How does that compare with what is being done by foreign countries? France is knocking at the door of Baghdad and having a Far Eastern Service, Belgium is knocking at the door of South Africa and superseding us on our Cape to Cairo route, Germany is inaugurating a route across to South America and is building flying boats for a trans-Atlantic Service, and Belgium and France are working together to secure the whole control of the air routes through Africa, and in that I have no doubt, unless something definite is done, they will be successful. What are the proposals of the Secretary of State to meet this serious situation? I suggest that something should be done at once. If every other possibility is exhausted, it may he necessary to divert funds from the Navy or even from the Royal Air Force. I know it will be plausibly argued that those Forces are sufficiently weak as it is, but there is this difference between the Navy and the Air Force and civil aviation, that they are designed to meet an attack which may not materialise for many years, whereas, in the sphere of civil aviation, our machines are being overwhelmingly superseded and forestalled in every part of the world. These are painful facts, but they are looking at us coldly and stubbornly, and I am sure the right hon. Gentleman does not expect to alter them by looking away from them. I hope he will take a new focus and look at this thing in its right perspective. In the past Great Britain's development has been moulded by the great force of character and energy of her people guided by the wisest of Governments. In the next five or 10 years is going to be decided the relative place of each nation in the civil aviation of the world.

We shall hear probably that the present is not quite an appropriate time to tackle the matter. We shall hear "not now." But in this case "not now" will very soon become "never," and it will be too late. If we adopt a policy of bold administration, we shall be able to secure for ourselves a position in the air such as our forefathers secured for us on the seven seas. When two or three hundred years ago our people were struggling for a proper place in the development of the Colonial Empire, and for maritime supremacy, it was very difficult for them to understand the importance of their enterprise to those who came after them, and so I suggest that we are in danger of failing to realise the importance of the development of civil aviation now to the future of this country. In five or 10, or at the most 50 years, it is certain that there are going to be revolutionary changes. Already you can find people who say that the battleship and the cruiser, with the vast expenditure upon them, are obsolete. I do not myself quite share that view, but I do feel that in five or 10 years' time the airman will be the master of the sailor, and when that day comes our maritime supremacy will certainly be part of the pomp of yesterday. I want to appeal to the right hon. Gentleman, in conclusion, to do something right away and to make dead certain that, however swift and however unexpected to the doubters, the development of civil aviation is going to be, in the next few years, such that the people of Great Britain will hold a place worthy of their great past.

Again, I think, we owe a debt of gratitude to the Liberal party for allowing us to discuss a subject which, somehow or other, is squeezed out by the time allotted in this House. The right hon. and gallant Gentleman the Member for North Bristol (Captain Guest), the ex-Secretary of State for Air, has shown himself a great friend of aviation, not only from the debating side but from the practical side. As the Committee know, he does an enormous amount of work as the commander of a reserve air squadron. But it seemed to me that the Debate might have been arranged better from a debating point of view than what we have seen. The hon. and gallant Gentleman the Member for Hackney, South (Captain Garro-Jones) who has just delivered a very powerful speech, was really directing his arguments against Imperial Airways, and an ex-director of Imperial Airways, unfortunately, had spoken before him. I am not going to take on the responsibility of answering for Imperial Airways, but I believe that if there were another director in the House he would answer word for word what the hon. and gallant Gentleman has put to him; but the mantle of the Board will fall, no doubt, upon the Secretary of State. The right hon. and gallant Gentleman the Member for North Bristol asked the Secretary of State whether to-night he would, so to speak, let himself go and say what he would do if he had the money. That would be a very amusing evening and it would be very pleasant, I think, for many of us to know what is in his mind, because the Air Ministry is a young Ministry and Ministries are withstood with a definite measure of success by the Treasury according to their age limit. The way that the Admiralty can almost overrule the Treasury shows that the Treasury have a respect for age in a Department. It would be a great opportunity for the Secretary of State to get away from the hide-bound Estimates of the past sanctioned by the Treasury and let himself go to-night.

In these Debates, and in the whole of aviation, it seems to me, we have a sort of handicap. Just as protection is a handicap to the Conservative party, so the question of war always butts into a discussion on civil aviation. I know many potential friends of aviation in. this country who would help to provide facilities in the provinces, give prize money for races and all that sort of thing, but somebody always puts his foot in it and says, "Oh, look what a fine training this will be for war." I do wish that we could divorce these two things from one another—the development of real civil aviation from the development of military aviation. Even when you see the great films that are being shown in London to-day—"Wings" and another one—you never get the future of aviation from the point of view of what it is going to do for the world for good. You see nothing but destruction and the war side. Until we can get that out of our minds, we are not really going to get support for civil aviation in this country from the mass of the people. There should be a perfectly clear line between these two things. It is for that reason I regret that the right hon. Gentleman the Member for North Bristol put up that old argument, that we have to get a certain amount of civil aviation because we want to support the military machine *during time of war. If we can get rid of that and can see this thing developed from the point of view of our country and Empire, with nothing to do with war, I think that we should have much more assistance to the movement.

The hon. and gallant Gentleman who has just spoken has put up, and I congratulate him, a very powerful attack against our development of civil aviation, but he must remember this, that just as I think—and I have his approval—that civil aviation should be kept apart from the military side, yet the so-called civil aviation on the Continent is intimately wrapped up with the military side. It is all very well to blame us for not having done as well as they do abroad, but, still, I must say that in this country there is a clearcut line between actual civil aviation and military aviation. Some of the pesudo-commercial machines one sees flying in France and other countries will convince anybody of any technical knowledge that these routes are being run simply and practically to exercise military machines rather than to develop the real civil side.

There is only this word in conclusion which I should like to remark and it is, that nobody has paid tribute to this country for the astonishing lead we have taken with the light aeroplane. I refer to what is usually known as the Moth type, though that is actually a trade name. In the international competitions abroad we can hold our own and even beat everybody, as we did the other day, but it seems to me that that is a side of aviation which wants developing. I congratulate my right hon. Friend upon what he has done, because it is by the creation of flying clubs and that type of aviation in this country that that particular side has gone along with great success, and much better in this than in any other country. Of course, the scope with regard to those who are likely to get light aeroplanes is somewhat limited. It is limited to the young man who likes to fly for flying's sake, and has a certain amount of money. You can get a certain number of people to fly, but under these conditions you are not going to get a great many. Until you can get some sore of organisation and an interlocking between aerodromes up and down the country so as to make that type of aeroplane useful its use is not going to spread in the way it ought to spread. I myself know that if a Moth which only costs about £500, would really do me some service instead of just allowing me to get the fresh air, I would be an owner to-morrow. I can assure the Committee that there are hundreds like me. We do not want to go up in order to get fresh air, but we want to see this type of aviation become useful. As soon as it is seen in such a light, I believe that that type of aeroplane will go ahead.

In that connection, there is no doubt, as has been said, that this country is a bad country for flying, because means of communication are highly developed, fields are small and the weather bad. Everything is against it, but there is no greater source of help than aviation in our Dominions and in our Colonies. It is the spread of a small type of aeroplane owned by the pioneers in these countries which would really start, I believe, a demand. Everybody would own one of these small machines and their possibilities would be so realised by the community in the district that people would practically have to own an aeroplane as at present they have to own a car. I know the question of a subsidy is a very difficult one for a Government faced with financial troubles but I believe that when you are thinking about air routes and air lines, one is rather too prone to make them, as the Chancellor of the Exchequer said, fly by themselves. There can be no doubt an air route in many parts of the world introduces an element to the place that cannot be introduced in any other way.

It is not a question so much of making a route pay, but it is a question of making the area that is served by the air route habitable for the European. There are many places up and down the British Empire which are not inhabited to-day by white families of our own countrymen because there is no communication with the outer world. A man would not think of taking his family there; he would not risk taking his children there because you cannot get a doctor and you are miles away from civilisation. If we could by air routes bring civilisation to these unpopulated places, we should quickly have colonies springing up in various parts of the Empire. People are only kept from going there at the present time because there are no means of communication. The aeroplane brings communication to them. I am certain that many colonies would spring up, and many successful small communities if a cheap air service could be established. Although this Parliament may not be prepared to vote further special subsidies for that purpose, I think we ought to expect help from many of our Dominions and Colonies overseas.

Hon. Members on both sides of the Committee will join with me in saying how much we regret the untimely death of our colleague the late Member for Aberdeen, North (Mr. Rose) and his absence from this Debate. He always intervened in these Debates with an interesting contribution. He had devoted a great deal of study to this subject, and his speeches were not lacking in the humour of his land, and we shall miss his contributions in future very much. This has been a very useful Debate. I regret that there are not more members of the Government present to take an interest in this most important question of civil aviation. I base my few observations on the Report of the progress of civil aviation which has just been published by the Air Ministry. It is a most disappointing document. It contains the most alarming figures. I do not wish to burden the Committee with figures, but there are some tables in the Report which call for same explanation by the Secretary of State for Air.

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I turn first to page 40. Here the tables show in a perfectly clear manner that we are gradually losing our hold on commercial aviation. One table is rather misleading, unless we examine it very closely. The top part of the table relating to the progress in 1927 is printed from January on to December, whereas the progress of the years 1919 to 1926 is turned upside down, and unless one is very careful when running one's eyes down the table, one may think that the progress has gone on continuously from 1919 to 1926. It has been exactly the opposite. In 1919, the percentage of British flights to the Continent, the chief flights carried out from Great Britain to the Continent, was 88 per cent. That came down in 1921 to 29 per cent., a very bad year. In 1922 it was 59 per cent., in 1923 it was 58 per cent., in 1925 it was 55 per cent., in 1926 it was 52 per cent. and last year it was below 50 per cent., namely, 43 per cent. So that of the flights radiating from London to the different parts of the Continent, British aircraft only contributed 43 per cent. or, roughly speaking, less than half the number of flights in 1927 in commercial aviation.

Compare that with the corresponding progress which has been made in Germany. If we turn to page 75 we see that in 1926 the number of passengers carried in Germany was 84,594 and last year the number had been very nearly doubled, having reached 151,091. The proportion of goods and mails carried increased in similar ratio, while the subsidy had only increased from £762,000 to the equivalent of £1,079,000. The progress in Germany compared with this country is shown by the fact that the number of passengers carried in Germany last year amounted to one-seventh of the total number of first-class passengers carried on the Reichsbahn. The German civil aeroplanes, that is, commercial, peace aeroplanes, flew in 1927 as much as we have flown in Great Britain in the whole period since 1919. They flew in 1927 6,189,000 miles, which is more than we have flown in this country since we started civil aviation in 1919. These figures show in a very alarming manner the progress that has been made by Germany, a country which we depleted and disarmed in the War.

I should like the Secretary of State for Air to give us his views of these disparaging results. The Germans are also progressing in technique and construction. One hon. Member has told us of the gigantic new machines which are being built, with 12 engines, such large machines that it is possible to stand upright in the camber of the wings, and which are able to carry enormous loads of passengers and mails. I am wondering whether our lack of progress is at all due to the shortage of money devoted to the technical and experimental side of the Air Ministry. I am not at all sure that if more money were devoted to experiments in these new types of machines and in encouraging aircraft manufacturers to try out new designs for commercial purposes as opposed to war purposes, that civil aviation would not be greatly encouraged. I drew attention to this point in the early part of the Session in connection with the Air Vote for technical machines, when only one machine out of fourteen was a purely commercial aeroplane. One of the real reasons why Germany is going ahead and why this country is backward is the difference in policy. The Germans devote their subsidies to making the German people air-minded; making the people in Germany accustomed to fly when they want, to go from one place to another; to understand that flying is comfortable and quite safe. I believe that the German latest Lu ft Hansa machines are far better than any British machines in regard to comfort, while the G.31 Yunker is only designed to carry 12 passengers. There is far more space in these machines. They are provided for night flying, and fitted on similar lines to the sleeping cars of the United States railways. They have developed comfort for passengers and are progressing in night flying to a much greater extent than we in this country. That is the real difference between the policy of the Ministry for Air and the policy of the Germans.

Our air policy is to make civil aviation, as the Chancellor of the Exchequer said, fly by itself, and the result is that it does not fly at all. In order to encourage civil aviation you must get the people to use it, and when you have encouraged a large proportion of the people to use air transport then you can consider making it a commercial and paying proposition. When I asked the Secretary of State for Air to compare the civil air routes in this country with those in Germany he said that in Germany they were approximately 3,500 miles, but that there were no comparable figures in regard to Great Britain. There are no figures in this country because the only routes which are being flown are those portions of the continental routes which start from London and cross the Channel. I should like to give one example of a country in which civil aviation is being conducted very satisfactorily, and as far as I know without any subsidy. I should like to know whether the Secretary of State has gone into the organisation in this country. I am referring to Colombia, which he mentions in his Report. I wish that Report had given more details. I have ascertained a few more statistics about the progress which has been made in that country. The company referred to is the S.C.A.D.T.A., and last year they paid a dividend of 16 per cent. and distributed a bonus of 200,000 dollars. I understand that this company has never received any subsidy, that they started with a very small capital of a few hundred thousand dollars, and that they are now paying a dividend. They started with a weekly service from Barranquilla to Bogota, a distance of 485 miles and they are now running a daily service with seaplanes. In 1920 they started a weekly service and carried 12 passengers with an air mileage of 2,688, but in 1927 they carried 2,667 passengers with an air mileage of 327,645 miles.

The moral I want to draw is that there is plenty of scope for internal work in this country between England and Scotland and England and Ireland, and England and Wales, and between the great manufacturing towns in the North and South. I suggest that it is worth doing even if it requires a little more subsidy to make it pay, because it has the advantage of increasing the air-mindedness of the people. As one immediate proposition I would suggest that instead of running a flying boat service from Southampton to the Channel Islands, that the Secretary for Air would be well advised to run that service between Liverpool and Belfast. There is a tremendous amount of traffic there. I wanted to go to Belfast this week and could not get a single berth on any steamer. The few aeroplanes which are now running between Souhampton and the Channel Islands could be fully occupied on that route, would encounter much better weather and would pay much better than the service to the Channel Islands. Another suggestion I would make is that the right hon. Gentleman might get into consultation with the big railway groups and discuss the question of air transport. The people who are really going to be concerned with air transport in the future are the railway companies.

The right hon. Gentleman will be well aware of the difficulties which have arisen due to the development of the motor bus services. We have spent a great deal of time in legislating in order to prevent competition between the motor buses and railways, but in a few years we shall have the same competition between the air services and the railway companies and, therefore, the best thing the Secretary of State for Air can do now is to have a talk with the directors of the big railway companies to see whether something may be developed on these lines. It has been found a, suitable and efficient organisation in Germany, where there is the closest cooperation between the large air services and, the German semi-State railways. In fact, if you take your ticket by air they have a working agreement by which your luggage goes by train without having to take a railway ticket. I could give other examples, but if the railway services and the air services are to be dovetailed together, as they should be, the Secretary of State should consult with the railway companies on the question of developing our internal air service. Let me give a comparison of the costs as between rail and air transport on some of the long-distance lines in Germany. Between Berlin and Munich the fare by air, and that is the most expensive express route, is 85 marks, while the first-class fare by the super-express train, the most expensive first-class fare, is 83 marks. Between Berlin and Breslau the fare by air is 42 marks, and by express train the first-class fare is 42.40 marks. To Vienna it is 135 marks compared with 85 marks. It must be remembered that these fares by air include sleeping berths when the flying is by night, whereas on the train service you have to pay the sleeping car fare in addition. It shows that there is great scope for the internal development of air routes, and I think the Secretary of State should consider diverting this seaplane route to some more profitable route, and should also consult with the railway companies.

Really, the most useful development of civil aviation lies in the long-distance routes abroad. The routes in this country are largely of propaganda value in increasing the air mindedness of the people. The real value is in the long-distance route. I have always considered the air route between London and Paris as of very little utility. I should never go to Paris by air when I can go by train. The saving in time is really negligible. It is the long-distance routes which should be encouraged. They have not been encouraged. The Post Office has not encouraged them by any mail contract, nor have they issued any special postage stamps, which would have been a great incentive. The cost would not have been very considerable. There has been no attempt by Imperial Airways to issue any time-table for the Continent. I called at the offices a few weeks ago in order to find a connection between Imperial Airways and the great German routes on the Continent. The only timetable that I could get was one printed in a foreign language, which I had to get translated. I believe that private enterprise has now produced an aerial A.B.C., and to some extent rectified that omission.

The Minister will probably say, "What about our air route to India?" I have been trying to get out of the Secretary for Air some idea as to whether he is going to adhere to his original estimate that the India air service will commence operations on April Fool's day, 1929. The Committee ought to have a few more details about this contract with Imperial Airways. First of all, I have been try-to find out what aeroplanes are to be used on this flight. As far as I know, no aeroplanes are yet on order to carry out the weekly service which the Air Minister thinks is to be put into opera-on 1st April of next year. As the large Arguses or other three-engine machines take at least seven to nine months months to build, it is already too late to hope that they will be built in time for 1st April next. In the White Paper which was issued it was stated that two—only two—experimental Calcutta flying boats are to be handed over to Imperial Airways. No one imagines that these two boats will maintain the weekly service each way to India; that would be too ridiculous. I should like to know exactly what part of the route is to be flown by these two Calcutta boats. I presume they will take some part of the route?

I hope that the Minister will tell us something more about the India route, what machines are on order, and how he anticipates that the route will start on 1st April, 1929. This is a very urgent question. There are already two air routes which nearly reach to India. There are competing with this country two commercial routes which have already got a, start, and we shall have to compete with them if Imperial Airways is to become a commercial proposition. There is the German route through Berlin and Moscow, and down through the Caucusus to Teheran. There is the French route to the Balkans and Constantinople and Angora, and going on through Syria. No doubt that will be extended. I believe there is another company formed, called the Oriental Air Line, a French company which is going via Naples and Athens. Here I would make a suggestion to the Minister. The French company is a combination of the Messageries Maritimes, the Suez Canal Co., the P.L.M. Railway Co., and the Banque Indo-Chine.

I have shown by quotations from the Minister's own report how we are dropping behind steadily in commercial aviation, and I think we are entitled to ask one question. Has Imperial Airways a definite monopoly of the Ministry? Is that policy to continue for ever, or are the Government going to encourage some other undertaking? Are the Government committed for any period to the monopoly of one particular company, or do they not think that the time has come when an alternative suggestion should be considered. I think we have justification in criticising the progress of British civil aviation. Is the difficulty due to technical questions? I think that to some extent it is. The Minister ought to encourage the civil commercial side of aviation and devote more money to the experimental building of large commercial aircraft. That side is very important if we are to compete with large German aircraft. I know that the difficulty is the provision of money, and here I would make one suggestion. On former occasions I have referred to airships. I believe that the Minister ought to go into the whole question of the lighter-than-air craft which are now being built. The time is long overdue when they ought to have reached maturity. I rather hesitate, after reading the book of the hon. and gallant Member for Hertford (Rear-Admiral Sueter) in criticising anything new or scientific. The old people at the Admiralty who 15 years ago criticised aeroplanes were shown to be wrong by the hon. and gallant Member for Hertford, so I rather hesitate to step in and say that airships are no good. But I do say that unless you have an unlimited amount of money you will not be able to run a practical airship service between this country and India, and unless you can spend £10,000,000 or £15,000,000 on lighter-than-air ships, you may as well cut them out and spend the few millions that you have on heavier-than-air craft, which you know will fly, and with which you know—with the spending of a few hundreds of thousands of pounds—you could put a service to India into operation.

There is the question of the money. I am not going to suggest that it should be taken from the Air Service wholly—from the fighting side—although that might well be. The £115,000,000 which we are spending on the defence Votes as a whole ought to be reconsidered, especially in the light of the Kellogg Pact, and the money should be devoted to civil aviation. I would urge this one point: we have had a great discussion this afternoon on the proposed Kellogg Pact with America. We have talked about disarmament, about the nations renouncing war as an instrument of national policy. We have got to do that. These two questions are very closely connected. We have to work up a spirit of friendship between the different nations of the world, until man looks upon man and nation upon nation across the frontiers of the world, not as potential enemies, but as members of one great family. I believe that in order to achieve that, you will find that aircraft will be a very beneficial instrument of peace. That is one other reason why I have no hesitation in speaking on this question to-night.

I would like to join with other speakers in paying a well deserved tribute to the Air Minister. Everyone knows not only the amount of energy that he puts into his work, but the great courtesy that he shows to Members of this House who are interested in the air service. The hon. and gallant Member for Hackney, South (Captain Garro-Jones) seemed rather disappointed that the Minister was not a visionary. It is just because he is not a visionary that I have risen to make an appeal to him to do something more to help civil aviation at home. I agree with a great deal that has been said on this subject. I do not want to decry for a single moment the efforts that are being made either in Europe or on the way to India or Africa or indeed in any other part of the world. Where you can develop an air service, it is all for the good of this country, and for the good of humanity as a whole. But we are too apt to forget our own local affairs and to look after the affairs of people abroad. I suggest to the Air Minister that there is something practical that he can do at home to help civil aviation.

Take, for example, the air route which has been referred to by the hon. Member who has just spoken. You could start at Southampton, taking London, Manchester and Liverpool on your route, and go from there to Belfast or, if you wanted to go further North still, you could go as far as Glasgow, and from there to Belfast. If the right hon. Gentleman would only look into this, he would see that such a service could be established at a very small cost to the nation. It is possible a subsidy would be necessary at the beginning, but I believe there is sufficient local traffic to make the service a success, and a success at a very early date. Take the mail service alone. Southampton is now a great port at which the mails for America are embarked and disembarked. If you use that port and use aeroplanes for carrying your mail service, think of the advantage it would be to business people north of London, in Manchester, in Liverpool and in Belfast, which does a very large trade with the United States. I suggest to the right hon. Gentleman that here at his own door is something, which does not require a visionary or someone who is looking into some clime far away, but which is a practical scheme lying to his hand, a scheme which he might put into operation without much trouble.

I can speak for Belfast—but I am sure the same thing applies to Manchester and Liverpool—and we are anxious and ready to give the Air Minister every assistance and every help in the development of that service. Indeed, in the last few minutes the right hon. and gallant Member for North Bristol (Captain Guest), whose interest in all matters relating to the air service is well known, has put into my hands a telegram he has received from the Right Hon. Sir William Turner, the Lord Mayor of Belfast.

It is, indeed, an amazing thing that in the twentieth century it should be necessary for an hon. Member to stand up in the House and plead for a service between this country and Belfast. In any other European country such an appeal would be entirely unnecessary. It is almost inconceivable that there is no internal service whatever in these Islands, and it is noteworthy that our imperial services leave a great deal to be desired—in fact, they are practically non-existent. For that reason every speaker in this Debate has complained about the inefficiency of our commercial services. What is the reason for that inefficiency? It is not far to seek. Flying, like broadcasting, the two most important scientific industries in the country, are in the hands of a monopoly. Imperial Airways is the creation of the present Minister, and it is not difficult to understand why he is so well disposed towards it, and why no other enterprise can get any sort of encouragement whatever. In the last four years £700,000 has been spent on Imperial Airways and another £2,000,000 has to be spent upon it in the next ten years. What have they done for the money? They have two petty, miserable little services, one between London and Paris, and another between London and Cologne. That is all they have done for the money. What is the rest of their record? They have 20 machines, all of them obsolescent, if not obsolete. The money that this country has paid every year to the company would have completely refurnished and paid for the whole of the aeroplanes which they now possess. It is a monstrous thing in these hard times that the people in this country should be taxed in order to pay for an incompetent monopoly.

The principle of the thing is wrong. It hampers construction. If you have only one customer to whom to submit your plans and designs, what encouragement have you to show enterprise and ingenuity? The system leads rather to intrigue and corruption than to enterprise. Just think of the effect upon the pilot. If he loses his job with Imperial Airways, where else is he to go. If any employé gets at loggerheads with this particular company, his whole career is ruined. Competition is of the very essence of growth and development in a young industry of this kind. Monopoly might be justifiable in an old-established service, but what you want here is ability, knowledge, enterprise and experience. Sir Alan Cobham did a very creditable voyage in Africa. What is the point of allowing him to go to Africa? Presumably when he came back he made a report. I venture to say that, if he came to the right hon. Gentleman and said, "I have first-hand knowledge and experience and, unlike Imperial Airways, I have done some pioneering. Here are my proposals for a service between the Cape and Cairo," the right hon. Gentleman would have replied, "It is only to Imperial Airways that I give my money."

It is not only that the sum of money that we give is insufficient, but we give it only to one company. That is why we are lagging behind. It is time someone censured the right hon. Gentleman. He sits there quite satisfied in his own complacency with his own Department. It is true he makes a great speech. He made a great speech two years ago to the Imperial Conference, and held out a vision of an Empire bound together, each part within two weeks of any other. He said it was within an ace of being fulfilled. That was two years ago. Why has it not been fulfilled? Because of this stupid and unjustifiable monopoly which he has to bolster up because he started it. I say we should let the whole thing fall to the ground, and get a move on for the first time since the War. When Sir Alan Cobham landed at Plymouth, he landed in a town full of Elizabethan adventure. We had hopes there that we would be able to place some of our men in work in undertaking construction for the Air Ministry, but there is no chance of that while this monopoly lasts. We had hopes that some of our sons, the Drakes and Raleighs of the air era, would be able to show a little initiative in pioneering and enterprise, but there is no hope for them. Unless they get the right side of Imperial Airways, they cannot possibly get a chance.

We had a hope that our men of genius would be encouraged to submit designs. The hon. and gallant Gentleman the Member for Chatham (Lieut.-Colonel Moore-Brabazon) said that we had excelled in this country in regard to the Moth aeroplane. Why? Because Imperial Airways have had nothing to do with it. I want an assurance from the right hon. Gentleman that anybody with push and go with ideas and enterprise, who comes to him and says, "I am prepared on behalf of the British Empire to link this place and that, or do this and that," will not be sent by him to Imperial Airways, where he will get nothing but the boot, but that he will get some of the money which the right hon. Gentleman gets out of the taxpayer. Unless the right hon. Gentleman breaks down this monopoly he is not fit to hold the place which he now holds.

My hon. Friend the Member for Devonport (Mr. Hore-Belisha) made a great appeal on behalf of his two sons Drake and Raleigh. I am bound to say that with few exceptions I agree with many of the things that have been said this evening. There has been almost universal agreement among Members of all parties on this question of civil aviation. We finished the War with, I think, the finest pilots, the finest machines, and the finest engines in the world, but we have dropped back badly in the matter of civil aviation ever since. The question is, what is the reason for that lack of progress? We had some interesting figures from the hon. and gallant Member for South Hackney (Captain Garro-Jones) in reference to what is being done by the other nations of Europe. Those figures I shall not repeat, but I may add a very interesting comparison to show what is being done by one of our friendly rivals in civil aviation, namely, the great country of Germany. In 1923, German civil aeroplanes carried 8,000 passengers. Last year that figure had gone up to the enormous total of 100,000 passengers. We send out many of our comrades to different parts of the Empire as delegations, and splendid work they do in that way, but I should like to see a large number of the Members of this House go out to Germany in the next Recess and see something of the work which is being carried out in the Tempelhofer field in Berlin. There they will get a first-hand idea of what it is possible to accomplish inside 10 years in the development of this amazing new method of transport.

My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Ripon (Major Hills) said he thought we were wise in going slowly in this matter until this country made civil aviation pay its way. I disagree with him in that view. I think we shall find that before civil aviation in this country has begun to pay its way—and I sincerely hope that will be in the immediate future—there is one other country which is before us, namely, the United States. The United States, like ourselves, were somewhat slow in getting off in regard to this new form of transport, but, thanks to the method which they have of hustling once they take hold of a project, they are now going ahead very rapidly indeed. Between Portland, Oregon and Portland, Maine, some 31,000 miles are being flown each day, and route after route is being opened and some of these routes are lighted at night. I was in New York three or four months ago, and I was perfectly amazed at the advance that had taken place in civil aviation since my previous visit three or four years ago. Anyone who is interested in seeing how America is advancing in this respect should read the leading paper on air matters published in New York. A glance through one number of it conveys surprising information on this subject.

The question is for us not only what we are going to do, but when we are going to do it. Are we going to do something before it is too late? I agree with the compliments which have been paid to the Secretary of State for Air. He has shown keenness and intense personal pluck and has given the lead to every other Air Minister in the world. He has blazed the trail, but, unfortunately, the trail has not been followed. What keeps us back in this matter I do not know. If it is the Treasury, I hope the right hon. Gentleman will shake up the Treasury as they well deserved to be shaken. In my humble opinion, it is false economy not to develop a great Imperial business asset, in an Empire like ours, and I am sorry there is no representative of the Treasury present on whom one could drive home that point. I wish the right hon. Gentleman could take a party of Members of Parliament to see what is being done in Berlin, and it would be a good thing if, in addition to his Parliamentary colleagues, he could take some of the officials of the Treasury to see the machines leaving Berlin for 70 different points every day.

In the different parts of the Empire excellent work is being done. Each unit of the Dominions is going ahead inside its own ring fence, but we are not linking up the Dominions. We have heard a great deal about Imperial Airways, Limited. I do not go as far as the hon. Member for Devonport in criticising them. I think the work of the Imperial Airways is excellent as far as it goes, but it does not go far enough. Their organisation is first-rate and the whole outfit at Croydon is first-rate. With the exception of the Templehofer Aerodrome it is as good as any I know, but there is enormous room for parallel development in other parts of the Empire.

There is also room for development inside these islands. I was very glad to hear the suggestion put forward by my hon. Friend the Member for West Belfast (Sir R. Lynn). Personally I do not know that I believe much in the development of flying inside these islands—that is from the aeroplane point of view. We have the best internal rail- ways and roads in the world and our distances are short. But I think there is a good deal to be done in this respect from the point of view of the flying-boat, not only between Belfast and Liverpool but also between Belfast and Glasgow. I do not see why, from what some of us regard as the finest county in the world—Yorkshire—and from the great port of Hull, a flying boat service should not also be run and made to pay handsomely between Hull and Hamburg and, if necessary, also between Hull and Esbjerg in Denmark, and between Hull and Amsterdam. An enormous number of passengers and a great quantity of valuable freight would, I believe in a very short time be carried from Hull, which is the key port of that part of England facing East, across to the other side of the North Sea.

Two years ago the Secretary of State for Air made a most interesting speech on the Air Estimates when an Empire air policy was announced. He also made the very interesting speech already referred to, in which he said that there was to-day no technical or operational reason why, by aeroplane or airship, London should not be brought within a fortnight of the farthest cities and territories of the Empire. We all agreed with that but what has been done in the last two years in that respect? We are all agreed that it is desirable to get money for civil airways in any way we fairly can and we all endorse what the right hon. Gentleman said when he suggested that we should try to redress the balance by insisting on aeroplanes being used, not only for the purposes of destruction, but also for the objects of peace and good will. Let us do our best to see that there is no longer any delay in starting the pursuit of those objects.

Two years ago on the Air Estimates, I put forward a suggestion which was endorsed by the right hon. Gentleman, and, after all, what we want are practical suggestions. I suggested that, in addition to the work, and the excellent work in its way, which Imperial Airways are carrying out, there was room in this Empire for parallel developments, the development of different schools of thought—not to tie men down to one control or to one line of imagination. I know every single island of which I am speaking, and I am certain that there is, and has been for the past two years, a splendid opening for a flying boat service in the huge are of islands forming the West Indies, which connect up from British Guiana, through the Bahamas, at the other end of the arc with Florida—the nearest connection by flying boat between North and South America. They enjoy an. excellent climate, there are no fogs, and there is no earthly reason why that service should not be run quite regularly. The average distance between these islands, I believe I am right in saying, is not more than 50 miles. It would bring them together as a unit under the British Crown as no other means of transport could possibly do; it would link up the North and South American Continents as nothing else could do; and it would bring, from the point of view of those who want to catch the boats from New York and to send their letters to New York from South America, a whole heap of business to those who were running this service.

After I made that suggestion, the Minister was good enough to say that it would be carefully considered. I have received between that time and this dozens of letters from every one of those islands, from the West Indian Committee, and from other great bodies which take an interest in that part of the world, endorsing that suggestion to the full. Let us have a practical point or two out tonight. Cannot the right hon. Gentleman hold out some hope that at any rate we shall not have another two years before this suggestion is again discussed here? Is there any earthly reason why this should not be put into operation, if it is worth while, in the immediate future? If we do not undertake this task, others will, and I am certain that it will be a lucrative task. I learned only the other day in New York that Uncle Sam has his eye on this route, and I do not blame him, but if we hesitate in running this flying boat service and in linking up these West Indian Islands, and we leave it for another two years, it will not be run under the Union Jack.

We have had put up to-night another possible parallel development, and that is the amazing development under the Union Jack of our finest possible All Red Route, the All Red Route not only across but around Africa. We have had report after report from one of the very finest and most intrepid of our pioneers, Sir Alan Cobham, who has surveyed every section of that country. He has come back, I believe, with proposals—whether or not he has laid them before the right hon. Gentleman I do not know—and surely in no shape or form would it clash with Imperial Airways to back up another concern, backed by British capital and under British control, to bring together, to loop together, one of the very finest sections of territory under the British Crown, the largest ring fence constituency that we can possibly get hold of, 6,000 miles from north to south, and British all the way. I beg the right hon. Gentleman to consider that question fairly soon, because if we leave it, we may have that route also covered and intersected by other friendly nations, who, quite legitimately, will attempt to run their aeroplanes over it. France, Belgium and Spain are all making in that direction, and unless we take the job in hand, they will get ahead of us. We are being beaten—there is no doubt about it—by many another nation on the Continent and by the great United States of America. It is a perfect farce at this time of day for us to possess so few machines as compared with both France and Germany. I beg the Air Minister to persuade those responsible, for I do not think he is responsible for this holdup, to see that we are put in our right place in the air in the near future.

I apologise for speaking twice in one day, but I was not responsible for two such important subjects being put down for one day by my hon. Friends below the Gangway. The hon. Member for Acton (Sir H. Brittain) must be careful, or he will have his whip taken away if he makes speeches like that which we have just heard, because I could not have done it more vigorously or wholeheartedly myself. If a full House had heard his speech, I believe it would have meant the fall of the Government, and that we would have had to form the Government from this side. I want to draw attention to one or two points very briefly, and I would like to ask the right hon. Gentleman the Air Minister very seriously to consider them. He knows that I approach the matter in a most friendly way. I want to help civil aviation, and I believe that he has done his best. If I may touch on a personal point, I think a certain lady—he knows whom I mean—has set a splendid example to British aviation all over the world by her wonderful and courageous conduct. I would like to say that, because I may have certain criticisms to make, but there is no personal attack on the right hon. baronet in what I am going to say.

First of all, we have admittedly very superior aviation material turned out by our manufacturers. Why is it that at the Paris Aviation Exhibition this year everyone remarked on the fact that the only British exhibit, beside a Jaguar engine, was one aeroplane, a Bristol fighter? No passenger-carrying machine, no Moth, of which we heard so much from the hon. and gallant Member for Chatham (Lieut.-Colonel Moore-Brabazon), but simply one Bristol fighter in this international exhibition that drew people interested in aviation from all over the world. That shows a lack of management on the part of the Department of Civil Aviation. We have had excuses from the right hon. Gentleman about the difficulties of flying over Persia, but I want to support what other hon. Members have said, especially the hon. Member for Acton, to the effect that there are no political difficulties in the way of flying between Cairo and the Cape, and that the quickening of mail communications and the carriage of business documents, contracts, blue prints, and specifications would help our trade enormously.

In fact, the quickening of communications by means of flying within the Empire, from a business point of view, apart altogether from the political point of view, should surely commend itself to hon. Members opposite. They always at election times talk about being great Imperialists. They say we, on these benches, do not care anything about the Empire. It is all nonsense. We are the practical Imperialists, and they only talk about it to get votes. There is no excuse for having been so slow in getting on with the extension of the air mails to Africa, and if the route between Bagdad and Karachi has been delayed by difficulties in Persia—and my last informations is that the difficulties remain and have not been removed, which is very serious—we ought, at any rate, to have completed the next link from India, over Borneo to Australia, because my informa- tion is that the Dutch themselves will shortly undertake this flight, and then once more we shall be left stranded. An hon. Member spoke of the French getting ahead of us on the Indian route. The Dutch will probably get ahead of us on the Australian route, and we cannot blame them. If we delay longer, other nations will do what we should be doing.

Coming nearer home, I hope the hon. Member for Gorbals (Mr. Buchanan) will forgive me touching on this, but we have a difficulty at present with the MacBrayne Company for the mail traffic between the Western islands and highlands of Scotland. I know that beautiful part of Scotland, with its lochs and bays and islands, and it is admirably suited for a flying-boat service. There ought to be a flying-boat service all up and down the Outer and Inner Hebrides and the Western islands and highlands of Scotland. The road and the rail communications there are very bad, and the hydroplane would be of immense advantage in developing the economic side of the highlands, and the sporting side, and the tourist side. You could twist the tail of the MacBrayne's by developing an air service, or even by the threat of doing so, though I hope an actual airplane and seaplane service will be developed there for the good of Scotland and of British aviation. The hon. Gentleman the Member for Acton mentioned Hull and flying from there to the Continent. He knows that Hull is the nearest point to Northern Europe. The Minister of Air, when I asked him what he is doing to develop aerodromes nearer our great cities, said that he could not do anything, and asked why I did not tell the people of Hull to develop an aerodrome. I never interfere with municipal affairs, but, as a matter of act, we have a magnificent floating aerodrome for aeroplanes in the Humber. An excellent flying-boat service could be developed from there to Hamburg, as the hon. Member for Acton said. I had it in my notes, and I am glad that he said it first.

May I ask the Minister if he is developing any system of subsidies for aeroplanes suitable for the country in time of emergency? We cannot get away from the military atmosphere of civil aviation. Has he considered the paying of a subsidy for suitable machines, pilots and material in the same way as the Army subsidises six-wheeled lorries, and used to subsidise, and may do still, suitable horses for cavalry? I once drew a couple of those subsidies. The Admiralty does it for mail steamers, and why should not a subsidy be paid for suitable private aeroplanes that could be used for certain purposes in time of emergency or war? That would be a far better expenditure of money than many purposes for which money is spent by the Air Ministry.

The real trouble, I am afraid—and it is no use our mincing words—is that a thorough change is needed in the Air Ministry. I began by saying that this is not a personal attack on the Air Minister, and I do not want to transgress the Rules of the House, but I want to say that certain of the senior people of the Air Ministry, including the head, have earned their retirement. We are making far too slow progress in civil aviation, and a change in personnel is needed. I am certain that the right hon. Gentleman and the Under-Secretary have done their best, and I know that the Chief Whip and the Government generally are just as anxious as their colleagues to see civil aviation progress. Something hangs it up. What is it? I say that you should look to the personnel of the Air Ministry. I apologise for making an attack on civil servants, but it is necessary to have a change in the higher personnel of the Air Ministry, for until that is done this matter will not progress.

We are grateful to the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Bristol North (Captain Guest) for his interesting speech, and also to the hon. and gallant Member for South Hackney (Captain Garro-Jones) who raised very important points. They have taken most of my speech from me, but I should like to mention one point that the hon. and gallant Member for Ripon (Major Hills) made. He said that we ought to try and find markets for our commercial machines. How are we to find those markets? I submit to the Air Minister that he ought to support a great air exhibition in this country next year. If he would do that it would help the industry enormously, and I suggest that he should go to the Treasury and ask for £20,000 or so for an air exhibit- tion next year in this country. We ought to have the leading people connected with air from all parts of the world over here; they would give orders for machines and engines and so on and it would help our industry considerably. When all the leading airmen and those connected with the air industry of the Empire are here, I submit that the Air Minister ought to hold an imperial air conference and thrash out all those points that have been brought forward in the Debate to-day. One Member asked why the air routes to British Guiana are not developed; another wants an air service in the West Indies; and yet another mentions an all-red air route in Africa; and then the Singapore air undertaking has been suggested. If there were an air conference, all these points could be thrashed out and our air policy could be based upon the discussions.

10.0 p.m.

The right hon. Gentleman will say to me: "What about the money for subsidy. They are preparing the Air Estimates, the Navy Estimates, and the Army Estimates now, and I remember that, when we had a Debate on the Ministry of Defence, the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George), who knows more about these things than anybody else, said that all these Ministries fought for their share of the loot. I submit to the Air Minister that he does not put up a big enough fight, because for the last two years he has had only one-seventh of the loot. If he had only been here this evening and heard the Debate on foreign affairs, and on the Kellogg proposal to outlaw war, he would have said to himself: "I really cannot allow the Admiralty to get away with so much of the loot." I submit that the time has come when the Admiralty should be made to disgorge. At the present moment, under the Washington Treaty, we are allowed 20 battleships, and the First Lord of the Admiralty, in answer to a question which I put to him, said that the "Nelson" and "Rodney" cost £500,000 a year in upkeep, and some of the older battleships cost anything from £300,000 to £400,000 a year in upkeep.

It is difficult to see what is exactly the relation between this and civil aviation.

I will give it to you, Mr. Hope, if you will allow me to develop my argument. Half-a-million pounds a year goes for the upkeep of the "Nelson" and the "Rodney," and £300,000 or £400,000 for the older battleships, and some are refitting and are not in full commission. The total cost is £7,000,000 a year in upkeep. I submit that, after these Kellogg proposals, we ought to reduce the battleships in commission.

It might equally be said that we ought to convert the debt to a 3 per cent. basis and save money there. If that were allowed, it might be possible on this Vote to explore all the possibilities of saving.

I only want to develop ray argument, and say that when the attention of the whole world is directed to disarmament, some of that money should be used to develop civil aviation. Some of that money ought to be used to reduce taxation, and some of it given to the Air Ministry to develop these air routes. He could easily have £1,000,000 or £2,000,000 of the £7,000,000, and the defence of the country would not be jeopardised by reducing the number of battleships.

I bow to the ruling of the Chair, but I am pointing out how money could be saved by putting out of commission battleships which have no potential value at all.

The hon. and gallant Member said he was bowing to the Chair, but I see no sign of his obeisance. He is perfectly in order in saying that more money should be spent on civil aviation, but when it comes to saying how that money should be found he really must stop. He must leave it to the Treasury to find the money.

Of course, I bow to your ruling, Mr. Chairman, but I am trying to show where the money should be obtained, in order to help the Air Minister in his difficult task. We are all now looking to the United States, who have been talking so much about the reduction of armaments, to make a practical gesture and scrap the battleship fleet.

I hope the hon. Member is not trifling with the Committee. It is quite apparent that the Air Minister cannot scrap battleships; and still less can he induce the United States Government to do so.

I am very sorry, but I am only trying to point out how he could get a bigger share of the loot for air purposes. But I will leave that for the moment, and I will come back to the remarks of my hon. and gallant Friend the Member far Northampton (Mr. Malone). He said he was rather in favour of stopping the big airship experiment and using the money for civil aviation. I would remind him that that experiment was brought forward by his own party when they were in office, and I think it was a wise move on Lord Thomson's part to carry it out. It is worthy of big brained men, and we ought to support it as much as we can. We ought not to crab the experiment whilst it is in progress. We do not know how these airships will work out. People are beginning to talk about airships voyaging right round the world. I would appeal to those who are criticising airships to let the whole experiment be first carried through.

I am sure the hon. and gallant Member does not want to misinterpret me. I said that with the limited amount of money available it would be better to devote it to a service which you know will do well—with the heavier-than-air type of aircraft—than to put your limited amount of money into a service you cannot afford to keep up. If we are to run a regular service of airships we shall want tens of millions.

I did not wish to misinterpret the hon. and gallant Member, but I do ask everybody not to crab this great experiment, and I hope the Air Minister will see it to a successful conclusion.

On other occasions when this topic has been debated the arguments of the enthusiasts have been found to be in large measure mutually destructive, and the impression which has probably been left on many minds is that commercial aviation is not a commercial proposition. The plain fact is that people are no more ready to travel by aeroplane than they are by submarine, so long as safer and more attractive means are available. The hon. Member for Devonport (Mr. Hore-Belisha) bewailed the fact that the subsidy at present paid to Imperial Airways is the means of preventing more enterprising promoters coming into the field. I am not sure whether he suggests that if Imperial Airways did not have the advantage of the subsidy the other enterprising people would be able to carry on and do the work. If that be the case, the sooner we save this money the better. I have complained before that the money granted as a subsidy to civil aviation does not yield any public benefit. We hear to-night that it is of no use to the industry, because those who get the subsidy do not spend it on new machines. We know also that the machines maintained by them are of no use whatever for national defence. I do not know whether it is still the fact, but it was until recently, that pilots engaged in those services are not available in a national emergency, being under no obligation to serve the State. Seeing that it is impossible, as it is commercially and economically, to maintain civil air services within these islands, it follows that if they are to be maintained efficiently for Imperial purposes overseas they can only be so maintained under the direct administration and control of the Air Ministry.

I have not risen to prolong the Debate, but only to point out that it has been overwhelmingly proved to-night, as it has been in previous years, that the grant of money in aid of civil aviation is sheer waste, that it produces no results, and is of no public advantage whatever. That money would be far better spent in the maintenance of more cruisers, or far better spent in augmenting the directly administered and controlled services of the Air Ministry, and I hope that my right hon. Friend, so far from being persuaded to squander more money on civil aviation, will concentrate his available funds on the services essential for aerial defence. My hon. Friend the Member for Acton (Sir H. Brittain) talked about giving a vigorous shake-out to the Treasury. Many hon. Members would be glad to do that, but for reasons which it would be out of order to discuss to-night. So long as civil aviation is the subject of so much debate and disagreement as it is at the present time it is obvous that no real progress is going to be made, and I appeal to my right hon. Friend, so far as it is necessary to create and maintain Imperial connections by air, that this should be done under the strict supervision and control of the Air Ministry.

After your ruling, Mr. Chairman, and in the absence of the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the First Lord of the Admiralty, I must not follow my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Hertford (Rear-Admiral Sueter) in the interesting line of thought he has put before the Committee, but I can at least comfort myself with this feeling, that, although he may not have delivered the whole of his speech, we can continue the study of his train of thought in the very excellent book which he has published recently. The right hon. and gallant Member for North Bristol (Captain Guest) has once again raised a number of interesting questions connected with the air. He is as well qualified to speak as any hon. or right hon. Member in the House. Since he left the Air Ministry he has continued to take a close interest in air questions, and the Committee will have noticed with interest and satisfaction the part he took in the organisation of the great flight carried out by Miss Earhart and Mr. Stultz from the United States to these shores. I am obliged to the right hon. and gallant Gentleman and the other hon. Members who have taken part in this Debate for giving me an opportunity of discussing certain question of great importance in the field of civil aviation.

The right hon. and gallant Member for North Bristol invited me to give to the House an outline of the objects which the Government have in view in the development of civil flying. So far as I can I will respond to the right hon. Gentleman's invitation. Speaking generally, we have three main objectives in mind. We have three aims that we are trying to achieve. In the first place, we are trying to devise for the country a knowledge of air questions and a general interest in flying. Secondly, we are trying to make civil air lines economically self-supporting, and I shall say a word or two in that connection in greater detail in a moment. Thirdly, we are trying to develop Imperial air communica- tion not only in the sense of actually developing air lines, but also in the wider sense of making civil aeroplanes useful for making life and intercourse better, easier, and pleasanter in the remoter parts of the Empire.

Let me now say a word or two about each of these matters. Let me begin with the first one, the aim of making the country generally better instructed upon air questions, making our citizens more capable of forming sound judgments upon air questions, and making people more directly interested in flying. I have been connected with the Air Ministry for five years, and I may say, in passing, that I am becoming an exceptional example of Departmental longlevity. I am very conscious of the many deficiencies that are obvious during that period, but I say without fear of contradiction that, comparing the state of affairs to-day with the state of affairs five years ago, the country is much more keenly air-minded than it was then. The Air Ministry, while it has been by no means solely responsible, has done a good deal to achieve that result.

To-night I shall not be able to elaborate all the details, but I will take up the point made by the hon. Member for Chatham (Lieut.-Colonel MooreBrabazon) who mentioned what had been done by the creation of the Light Aeroplane Club during the last two or three years. The Light Aeroplane Club is a British creation. We developed it in the Air Ministry three or four years ago, and I am glad to think, looking back, that it was a senior officer on the military side of aviation who had most to do with the institution of these clubs. I was the Minister at that time, and had some share in starting them. I believe that, when we come to compare the state of affairs to-day with what it was four or five years ago, we can say confidently that these clubs, started in many of the great centres of population in the country, have done more to stimulate interest in air questions than anything else. It may interest the Committee to have a few particulars of the growth of these clubs during the last two years. They have only been in existence for about two years, yet to-day they have a total membership of 2,744. They have on their books 315 licensed pilots, and of these 206 pilots have qualified on club aircraft. In the year 1927, the members of these clubs flew no less than 6,158 hours. The first six months of 1928 show that this figure of 6,158 hours will be greatly exceeded this year.

Further, they have created a demand for light aeroplanes, and it is satisfactory to know that there has been an increase in the sale of light aeroplanes, not only in this country but in the Dominions and over the whole world. Their members have been flying, not only over these shores, but many of them have been making adventurous journeys even to such distant parts as Australia and South Africa, and only to-day I notice from an evening paper that one of their members has started a new flight to Australia. The result of the movement has been that during the last two or three years the number of civilian pilots has greatly increased. In the first six months of this year, 191 new certificates have been issued by the Air Ministry, and the number of civilian machines in private ownership has increased to a corresponding degree. I quote these particulars to show that the Air Ministry has tried with some success to disseminate a knowledge of civilian flying in our great cities, and to encourage civilian men, and civilian women as well—for there are many women members of these clubs—actually to learn to fly. In view of that progress during the last two or three years, I think that we need not paint the picture quite as blackly as it has been painted by one or two hon. Members this evening.

I come now to the second objective of the civil aviation policy of the Government. Our aim is to make civil flying economically self-supporting. I do not go so far as to say that the only thing that matters in connection with civil flying is to make it self-supporting. I can conceive of civil flying being extremely valuable as a means of developing the distant parts of the Empire, and I can conceive of its being extremely valuable, say, for purposes of air surveys or for the purpose of humanising life in remote parts of the Empire, even though it were never self-supporting. At the same time, the more I am in touch with civil flying, the more certain I am that, in the interest of civil flying itself, it is essential that at some time or other it should be free of Government subsidies. As soon as you bring into the question considerations of subsidies, you are immediately surrounded with problems of control, with regulations of every kind, with questions such as have been raised this evening as to what is to be the company to which this subsidy should be given. I am quite certain that the country that can first make its civil air line economically self-supporting, that can make civil aviation pay, will be the country that will have the greatest future in the field of civil aviation.

The test is not the test of the actual number of miles being flown by this or that country at present. There must be all the difference in the world between flying over a route, say, once a week or once a day, between flying with a highly up-to-date powerful machine or with a single seater military machine. The test is inadequate. The real test to take is, is your policy of civil aviation likely to help civil aviation to develop, likely to produce up-to-date machines, and likely to put civil aviation into a position where it will not want Government subsidies at all.

One or two hon. Members have given the impression that we are making no progress at all, that our policy is wrong, and that, on the whole, we are going back rather than going forward. Let me test a contention of that kind with the actual facts that have emerged during the last two or three years. I take the experience of the last three years, and I apply to it two or three definite tests. I say, first of all, are the traffics carried by British lines increasing, and, secondly, are the working expenses of the Imperial Airways Co. tending to come down; that is to say, are its machines in actual operation becoming more economical? Let me give the Committee one or two statistics in answer to these questions. I take, first of all, the traffic, and I find that during the last three years the tonnage carried by the Imperial Airways Co. has risen by 66.3 per cent., as compared with the tonnage carried by its predecessors in the three years prior to its formation. If I look to the load factor carried by Imperial Airways machines, I find it has risen from 60.23 per cent. to 66.27 per cent. Any hon. Members who understand transport questions will agree that a load factor of 66.27 per cent. is very high, far higher indeed than the load factor in either railways or shipping. Then I come to the traffic statistics in the latest service which we have starter, the service between Cairo and Basra, and I find there that in the course of a single 12 months the letters carried have risen actually seven times—from 856 lbs. to 5,560 lbs., in the course of 12 months on a new service, running for the most part over uninhabited tracts of country. When I come to the very important question of economy of working costs—

Will the right hon. Gentleman be good enough to make a comparison or to check our comparisons with foreign countries and their rate of increase?

I have not got all the figures here, but I can tell the hon. and gallant Member that the three years figures compare most favourably with the figures probably of every country. I know that one or two hon. Members have alluded to the fact that the percentage of passengers carried by British machines has tended to go down. I think that that is so. I think that that is bound to happen for this reason, that so many new lines are being started, that countries are now starting air lines that did not possess air lines two or three years gao. I do not think, however comprehensively our civil aviation may be organised, we can hope to retain something like 75 per cent. of all the passengers carried between London and the capitals of Europe. I can say to the hon. and gallant Member that these figures of increases which I have given compare very favourably with the figures of other countries. But when I come to the question of expense, I can go further. I can say definitely that our cost of operation is tending to go down at a much quicker rate than the cost of operation in foreign countries. Here is an example of what I mean. The prime cost operation of the type of machine used by Imperial Airways in 1924 was 4s. 3d. per ton mile. The prime cost operation by the new Imperial Airways machines is now approximately 1s. 10d. per mile. That is to say that in the course of a little more than three years there has been a reduction from 4s. 3d. per ton mile to 1s. 10d. per ton mile.

Again, improvements in engine inspectional organisation resulted in similar increases in the mileage flown by aircraft during the period between their over- hauls. For instance, in 1924 the Imperial Airways aircraft flew 20,000 to 30,000 miles between overhauls. To-day the figure is between 35,000 and 50,000 miles—a very significant improvement. If I come to the question of engines—and here the hon and gallant Member for Acton (Sir H. Brittain) must hide his blushes under his pocket handkerchief—the average hours between overhaul of the Lion engines in 1924 was 159 hours. In 1925 the average rose to about 210 hours, in 1926 to about 250 hours, and in 1927 the figure stood at about 285 hours. Anyone who knows about the technical side of aviation will realise at once what a saving on working costs it means when you can run these many more miles between the overhaul of the engines. I could quote other instances to prove the truth of what I say. The fact, for instance, that insurance premiums are steadily falling upon civil aircraft. In 1924 the premium paid by the Imperial Airways machines was as high as 20 per cent. It has now fallen even in the worse conditions to less than 10 per cent., and in the most favourable conditions there are considerably better rates still.

I have given the Committee these facts to refute the criticisms that have been made in the course of this Debate and to show the Committee that British civil aviation has been making quite definite progress during the last three years, and that it is totally incorrect to say that it has been stagnating or that it has actually been going back. We are apt to underrate our own affairs, but I would suggest to hon. Members, if they think that I am biased in what I am saying, to look at the appreciations that have recently been made of civil aviation in this country by many foreign experts. For instance, by what is known as the Guggenheim Trust in the United States of America, a trust formed for encouraging civil aviation over the face of the world. In the periodical of that Trust, it will be found that British civil aviation, so far from being held up for criticism, is held up as an object of admiration.

I think the right hon. Gentleman is rather over- stating the case, if I may say so respectfully. Was it not in the direction of reliability of service that British civil aviation was held up to admiration?

No, Sir. It was far wider that that. It covered, no doubt, the matter of reliability, but it was rather in the matter of policy generally, viewed from the standpoint I have just described, namely, that we are getting nearer to making civil aviation an economic proposition than any other country. The Committee may rest assured that, although there is still a great deal to be done, we have made very definite progress during the last three or four years. Our safety record, and the safety record is what counts most of all, is better than the record of any other country. Three million miles have been flown without a serious accident to either pilots or passengers. Our machines will compare with the machines of any other country, and we have now, after our experience of the last three or four years, got data upon which we can base the confident feeling that we are on the high road towards making civil aviation self-supporting, and freeing it from the encumbrances of Government subsidy.

I do not want to be misunderstood. I have made this answer to the criticisms that have been expressed in the course of this Debate. But the last thing in the world that I wish to be, or to appear to be, is complacent and self-satisfied. I am just as anxious as any hon. Member in this House to see a much greater and much quicker development of civil aviation in the next 10 years than we have seen in the last 10 years. I have been criticised to-night for going slowly with the development of the long-distance Imperial Air routes. That has not been my fault. Take the case of the London to India route. There, if I had been a free agent, we should have had that route in actual operation months ago, and the only reason that it is not in operation to-day is due to the difficulties that have arisen between one or two foreign countries. There was the difficulty with the Persian Government over the right to fly over the Persian section.

There is no question to which I have given more constant care than this during the last 12 months, and although I never wish to be sanguine until an agreement is actually made we are at present in constant conversation with the representatives of the Persian Government and I see no reason to withdraw the statement I made to the hon. Member for Northampton (Mr. Malone) when I said that I hoped the route to be started at the scheduled time next April. Only in the last two days I have had the privilege of discussing this question with the very distinguished statesman Prince Teymourtache, who is in London at the moment, and I should be disappointed if the route is not started on the scheduled date. I think we shall be able to arrive at an arrangement which will be equally satisfactory to the Persian and British Governments. There is a second great Imperial air route to which several hon. Members have referred, and that is the all-red route to the Cape. There again, I wish as keenly as any hon. Member to see that route in actual operation. I started with the India route. We had not the money to spend on all the big air routes at the same time, and it is better, in a service so new as flying, to proceed stage by stage and not attempt to do too much at once

But once I have the route to India started, my principal attention will be devoted to the Cape Town route. I have asked Sir Alan Cobham, who has recently returned from a very valuable flight through and around Africa, to put before me detailed proposals, and I am also in close touch with the Colonial Office and the various Governments concerned on the route. As soon as I have the data I hope, before the end of this Parliament, to see whether we cannot make a start with that great Imperial air route. An hon. Member has asked me whether in dealing with the African question, I would consider proposals from other companies beside Imperial Airways. Speaking generally, I believe as long as the Government is giving a subsidy to civil aviation it is better to give it to one company rather than to a number. We have had experience of a subsidy to a single company and also to a number of small companies, and we found that when we were subsidising a number of small companies all that we were doing was to subsidise the overhead costs of a number of companies competing with each other, and the result was not to develop civil aviation as we desired. The progress has been quicker under a single company than it would have been under a number of small companies, which was the case before Imperial Airways came into being. Naturally, however, I am prepared to consider the best proposals from whatever source they come.

I think that the best course is for the various interests concerned to get together and put up a concerted proposal. But, as I say, I am prepared to consider the best proposal, from whatever source it may come, and I shall then see whether I can obtain the necessary subsidy to help to start a line of this kind. But I must make one reservation. A line of that kind is in a sense Imperial, but in another sense it is African. The Government are directly interested, as are the Governments along the route, and I think it would be a very unwise policy for any Secretary of State for Air to adopt, to carry the chief burden of a route the main benefits of which, it may be, accrue to the Governments through which the service actually passes. I must, therefore, say quite clearly that if at any time in the future the British taxpayer is called upon to pay a subsidy to a line of that kind, the Governments served along the routes must do their full share, and they must only come down on the British taxpayer to make up the deficiency—I hope it may be a small deficiency—between the amount that the Governments put up and the amount needed to start the line.

I think the hon. Member will agree when I say that there is not very much spare cash available in Mesopotamia now, but perhaps at some time in the future we shall be able to get a subsidy from Iraq as well. Then there is the other side of the development of Imperial air routes, to which I would make a passing allusion. It would not be in order for me to go into any detail upon our airship programme, as the airship Vote is a separate Vote. None the less our airship programme is an integral part of civil aviation policy. If the experiments succeed, we believe that we shall have gone very far to solve the problem of long distance, non-stop Imperial routes. We shall have the incidental advantage of avoiding the type of difficulty that has held up so many aeroplane routes in the world—the political difficulty; that is to say, the right of landing in some foreign country. I, therefore, regard the money that we are spending on our airship programme as in the main money spent upon a great experiment in the formation of long distance Imperial air routes.

Without my going into detail I think hon. Members would like to know that, so far as I can see, the programme is developing not unsatisfactorily, that the two airships will be ready for flight at very much the dates that I have given previously in this House, and that as soon as they have done their home trials here, we shall start trials to more distant places, whether it be across the Atlantic or whether it be to Egypt and the Far East, and I hope that, say in a year's time, we shall have before us data that will greatly help us in organising the long distance, non-stop, civil air rotes between London and the most distant capitals of the Empire.

One or two hon. Members have asked me about other Imperial air routes. I was asked about air routes in the West Indies. I should like to see an air service started in the West Indies, but I must point out that the expenditure for a service of that kind should fall mainly upon the West Indian Governments. We are prepared to take a share in the formation of Imperial routes to London, but I think other issues arise when it comes to the question of subsidising a route between one West Indian island and another. I say that, not because I am unsympathetic to a service of that kind, but because I have to do what I can to safeguard the British taxpayers' interests. I hope I have said enough to show the Committee that, although we have not made all the progress which I should desire to see during the last few years, at any rate, we have laid the foundations of greater progress in the future.

As to the Western Isles, I called the attention of the Chairman of the Committee to the possibility of using flying boats. I am hot sure whether the Committee has reported yet. I should like to see an experiment of that kind tried, but obviously the Committee has got to decide what is the best form of transport at the moment. As regards Belfast, the hon. Member for West Belfast (Sir R. Lynn) said that a flying-boat service between Belfast and Southampton would greatly help to expedite the mails and intercourse generally between Ireland, America, and England. I note what he said about the help that Belfast was ready to give to a service of that kind. I should be very glad to look into definite proposals, without, of course, giving any pledge, but I think that as a proposal of that kind would obviously be beneficial to Ulster as well as to this country, we could quite reasonably expect some financial assistance from Belfast and the Government of Northern Ireland.

Would the right hon. Gentleman be prepared to make a firm offer on that basis?

I think it is better that I should see the proposals in detail and the help that the Government of Northern Ireland is prepared to give. I should be quite prepared to put the proposals before the Imperial Airways Company, or whatever might be the suitable organisation to undertake the work.

As to the Western Isles, does the right hon. Gentleman remember that when the route was first started from Cairo to Bagdad, it was done by the Royal Air Force machines? Why should not Royal Air Force seaplanes make an experimental service, say, during August, in the Western Isles of Scotland? Perhaps he put that to the Committee.

I did not. I am not sure whether it is wise to use a fighting service on work of this kind. The whole movement, at any rate, at Geneva and the League of Nations is to differentiate between military and civil flying. Although I should be the last person in the world to deny that civil aviation might be of great help in time of emergency, I think the wise policy is really to keep civil and military aviation separate, and to try to develop your civil machines on civil lines, and not to try to run a civil service with military machines, that because they are military machines are more expensive to run and less suitable.

I have attempted to explain to the Committee the three objectives which we have tried to achieve, first of all, a more air-minded country; secondly, a self-supporting civil aviation; and thirdly, a better system of Imperial air routes. The trouble has been that during the last three or four years, the Air Ministry and successive Secretaries of State, have had thrown at their heads almost every conceivable flying problem. There we were after the War, with the urgent need for creating a peace-time Air Force, building up a reserve, forming squadrons for home defence, developing once again an airship policy and constructing barracks for the men of the Force—because at the end of the War we had no permanent buildings for the Force at all. We had to provide buildings also in connection with our civil flying. We had to spend a great sum on the equipment and organisation of the Croydon Aerodrome. All these problems came upon us in the space of two or three years, and at a time when money was very short in the country we had to find large sums to meet urgent demands. Looking back on that time, I, personally, would have liked to have seen larger sums of money devoted to civil aviation but we have not done so badly. We have a civil flying line which is the envy of other countries. We have a remarkable record of reliability. We are now, I am glad to think, going to emerge upon a period of definitely greater activity. We have data now upon which we can base our plans for further progress.

The Agreement, the heads of which I recently signed with the Imperial Airways Company, is based upon data that we have got from the experience of the last three or four years. In a sentence or two, I can tell the Committee the main principles upon which it has been drawn up. The first is concentration upon long-distance Imperial lines, rather than short-distance European lines. Past experience shows that there is much greater progress to be achieved with long-distance lines, say to India, than there is in short-distance lines where competition is very keen between London and the capitals of Europe. Secondly, and this is a very important point in the new Agreement, we have made a stipulation for ensuring that the company should have an obsolescence provision, under which its machines will be declared obsolete at a much quicker rate than heretofore. We have now got to the point when we think we can see clearly, that, with possibly two or three more changes from the present types to more up-to-date types, the machines will be covering expenses and civil aviation will be actually self-supporting. I therefore attach very great importance to the Clause that we have put into the Agreement that ensures a quicker rate of obsolescence than the rate that has been in existence during the last three or four years. I hope that this Agreement is going to be the beginning of very great progress.

It being Eleven of the Clock, the Chairman left the Chair to make his report to the House.

Resolution to be reported To-morrow.

Committee report Progress; to sit Again To-morrow.

Reorganisation of Offices (Scotland) Bill

Order read for Consideration of Lords Amendment.

Motion made, and Question, "That the Lords Amendment be now considered," put, and agreed to.—[ Sir J. Gilmour. ]

Lords Amendment considered accordingly.

CLAUSE 5.—(Keeper of the Registers and Records of Scotland.)

Lords Amendment:

In line 32, leave out "after consultation with," and insert "with the consent of."

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."

I am prepared to accept this Amendment, which hardly alters the wording, but makes more clear than it did originally that in place of consultation with it shall be with the consent of the Lord President.

Question put, and agreed to.

Easter Bill

Order read for Consideration of Lords Amendment.

Motion made, and Question, "That the Lords Amendment be now considered," put, and agreed to.—[ Captain Bourne. ]

Lords Amendment considered accordingly.

CLAUSE 2.—(Short title, commencement, and extent.)

Lords Amendment:

Leave out from the word "by" in line 14 to the end of line 15, and insert "any Church or other Christian body."

I beg to move, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."

This is really a drafting Amendment, made to an Amendment, which I accepted on the Report stage, moved by the hon. and learned Member for South-East Leeds (Sir H. Slesser).

Question put, and agreed to.

The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.

Adjournment

Resolved, "That this House do now adjourn."—[ Captain Viscount Curzon. ]

Adjourned accordingly at Four Minutes after Eleven o'Clock.