:I have to acquaint the House that the House has been to the House of Peers by the desire of the Lords Commissioners appointed under the Great Seal for the holding of this present Parliament, and the Lord High Chancellor, being one of the said Commissioners, read His Majesty's Most Gracious Speech to both Houses of Parliament, under His Majesty's Command, of which I have for greater accuracy obtained a copy, and which is as followeth:

My Lords and Members of the House of Commons,

While I regret that it is not possible to address you in person, I thank Almighty God that I can look forward with confidence to that complete restoration of health, for which the prayers of My people throughout the Empire, with a sympathy and affection which call forth My deepest gratitude, were offered during the months of My long and serious illness.

My relations with foreign Powers continue to be friendly.

The independent financial experts appointed to draw up proposals for a complete and definitive settlement of the German reparation problem have presented a unanimous report which is at present being considered by My Government in preparation for a Conference of representatives of the Governments concerned. A settlement of this problem will enable the occupying Powers to proceed with the evacuation of the Rhineland.

Conversations have commenced with the Ambassador of the United States of America on the subject of naval disarmament, in consequence of which it is the earnest hope of My Government to ensure, in co-operation with My Governments in the Dominions, the Government of India and the Governments of foreign Powers, an early reduction of armaments throughout the world.

My Government consider that the time has come to submit to judicial settlement, international disputes in which the parties are in conflict as to their respective rights. For this purpose they are now consulting with My Governments in the Dominions and the Government of India regarding the signing of the Optional Clause embodied in the statute of the Permanent Court of International Justice.

My Government are examining the conditions under which diplomatic relations with the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics may be resumed and are in communication with My Governments in the Dominions and the Government of India on the subject.

Members of the House of Commons,

Estimates for the public service will be laid before you.

My Lords and Members of the House of Commons,

It will be the foremost endeavour of My Ministers to deal effectively with the continuing evil of unemployment.

Schemes are being prepared for the improvement of the means of transport, for the stimulation of the depressed export trades, for the economic development of My Overseas Dependencies, for the improvement of the condition of agriculture, for the encouragement of the fishing industry, and for the improvement of the facilities for the marketing of farm and fishery outputs. In co-operation with My Governments in the Dominions measures are being considered with the object of providing greater opportunities for overseas migration.

My Government have under consideration the question of the reorganisation of the coal industry including hours and other factors and of the ownership of the minerals. Proposals to this end will be submitted in due course.

Inquiries will be undertaken immediately into the condition of the iron and steel and the cotton industries in order to discover means for co-operating with them to improve their position in the markets of the world.

Bills will be laid before you for amending and consolidating the existing factory legislation, and for giving effect to the obligations entered into in Washington in 1919.

My Ministers propose to introduce legislation to promote an extensive policy of slum clearance and to make further provision for housing in urban and rural areas.

My Ministers have decided that the time has come to investigate the whole field of legislation relating to the sale and supply of intoxicating liquor arid on their recommendation I propose to appoint at an early date Commissioners for this purpose.

My Ministers are engaged on a general survey of the various National Insurance and Pensions schemes. Meanwhile a Bill is being prepared to amend the Widows', Orphans' and Old Age Contributory Pensions Act, 1925, so as to modify the conditions applicable to certain pensions, and to make some increase in the classes of persons entitled to them.

A measure will be introduced to remedy the situation created by the Trade Disputes and Trade Unions Act, 1927.

At the recent General Election an extended franchise placed in the hands of the whole of My people of adult years the grave responsibility for guarding the well-being of this nation as a constitutional democracy, and My Government propose to institute an examination of the experiences of the election so that the working of the law relating to parliamentary elections may be brought into conformity with the new conditions.

Your labours upon these and all other matters I humbly commend to the blessing of Almighty God.

:I beg to move,

The recovery of His Majesty the King from his serious and protracted illness is a subject for general rejoicing. The chief outcome of that period of national anxiety is that his people know him better because of that human sympathy with suffering which, happily, knows no barrier of class or status, and which unites in one family the most illustrious with the humblest citizen of this realm. It was my privilege to be in America during some of the most anxious weeks of His Majesty's sickness, and the quick sympathy and anxiety of the American people were scarcely less marked than in our own land. It may be that they then first realised what to us was a well-established experience, that in addition to being the ruler and Sovereign Head of this State of England, His Majesty King George V is, by his own keen desire and great example, the friend and chief servant of his people.

Looking at this House in this new Parliament, may I be permitted to say that we must all regret the loss of old colleagues; we greet the return of some who have been absent for a time, and we welcome many who come here for the first time. The House will wish to them, without any distinction of party, happiness in their work and useful service to the State. I cannot deny myself the privilege of saying that, in my humble judgment, the House has improved in appearance. I think it looks better in every way, and, viewing it from the opposite benches, must be positively refreshing. That is a subject that I may leave without further comment.

The Speech from the Throne indicates to our great satisfaction the possibility of an early recall of British troops from the Rhineland, and the restoration to a people with whom we have been at peace for more than 10 years of a dearly beloved territory so richly associated with all the romance and glamour of German history. When that ideal is achieved, the satisfaction in our country will be almost as great as in Germany itself. The Speech from the Throne offers us many good things, but we must not assume that everything is included therein. I hope the Prime Minister will be able to keep his promise to let the Parliamentary curfew ring at a decent hour, and that we shall stop trying to do the nation's business under physical conditions which make good work impossible.

The Speech from the Throne deals with the question of unemployment, which it places very prominently before our consideration. The problem of unemployment is so urgent, so baffling, so menacing to the happiness of our people and to the welfare of the State as to call for the combined good will and corporate effort of the whole of this House. No question of party welfare ought for an hour to take precedence of that common obligation. If we can conquer unemployment—and I for one shall never believe that it is impossible —we ought to concentrate to that end all the human qualities that this House possesses. This thorn in our side must somehow be removed; I feel that there must be a refuge from it somewhere, and that if we approach our task with courage, with hope, and with grim determination, a way of escape from it-will be revealed to us. I see around me men and women with knowledge and experience, of proved capacity and good will and the desire to help, and, if all that human energy and quality were pooled for this matter, I think we should find a way to deal with this great question. Will the House allow me a personal word? I have walked the streets unemployed, heart-broken, and footsore, and, although I have now forgotten the hungry days and the physical privations involved, the spiritual depression and moral agony of it all remain indelibly written upon my memory. It is written that the punishment for man's first sin was that by the sweat of his brow should he eat bread. At this hour that which was intended as a punishment and a curse for wrong doing would be welcomed as a too long delayed blessing in more than a million British homes.

Closely related, perhaps inseparably associated, with this question of unemployment, is that of Empire organisation and of development. In this matter, our national vision is lamentably behind both our opportunities and our needs. I have paid long and diligent attention to this matter, and no people at any time have had a richer opportunity of doing a thing which was essentially right in itself and which at the same time would confer benefits upon the British commonwealth of nations. This vast estate of Empire cries aloud to us for development, but the opportunity will not wait for ever. Opportunity has a way of knocking once at the door, and, if it remains closed, of passing on and not returning. May I say one word on the Colonies, first of all. The subject peoples of the British Empire are becoming increasingly aware of their position in the human family, and they are not satisfied with it. They are asking with increasing emphasis for the protection of this House against ruthless exploitation, for the protection of their tribal land, for some education, and for some participation in the shaping of their own destinies. Those things represent a moral responsibility which this Parliament can neither delegate nor ignore. From the Dominion side of it, there is an urgent and practical aspect touching very closely the question of our unemployed. The trade record between ourselves and the various parts of the Empire is wonderful in itself, and perhaps the brightest thing in a somewhat sombre outlook. Then, there is the possibility of men of our race finding opportunities of building new homes for themselves and their families in various parts of the Empire. I have always intensely disliked the word " emigration," and I wish it could be superseded. I have never felt very happy about advocating the emigration of other people, but I believe, if anyone wants to take a man's chance under conditions which offer him a better outlook for his life, every possible assistance should be given him by the British Parliament. All I ask, in thinking of this question of Empire development, is that we should remember that the British Isles are also a portion of the British Empire.

The last point that I will deal with is the relations of this country with the other nations of the earth. In this matter, the Speech from the Throne raises very high hopes, and it seeks to apply a principle which will be 'applicable throughout the world, and to all nations. To put first things first, it rightly draws our attention to the fact that conversations have already been begun with the United States of America with the intention of arriving at a peaceful conclusion. Nothing would be more welcome to the people of both countries than that their common genius should be pooled for the purpose of arriving at an abiding and blessed peace. The American people are in great part our own kinsmen. Their roots are very deeply set in our national soil. They belong to our civilisation and are very conscious of it. Their claims in this respect have been put into imperishable words by one of the most lovable of the New England poets: and ours, and we look with pride on their young and well-used strength. Enlightened people of both nations desire no greater blessing in their time than that henceforth the broad Atlantic should be no longer a barrier but a bridge, no longer a sea of possible strife and trouble, but a free ferry of the free peoples of a world at peace.

:I beg to second the Motion which my hon. Friend has moved in such happy language. I think that if it were necessary to assure the large number of new Members who are here to-day of the kindly reception which a new Member receives, they would gather that from the very kindly way in which several of the references in the Speech from the Throne were received. I remember very well some years ago, on the occasion of a Municipal Sunday in Sheffield, a comment being made upon a somewhat eloquent sermon that had been preached in regard to municipal affairs. One of the councilors observed, in somewhat broad Sheffield language, which I will not attempt to repeat here to-day, that " it was all very well, but the things which had been proposed, right as they were, could not be carried out." I think that in regard to any proposals for improvements of any kind and in any field, the same comment has been and will continually be made, whatever the suggested changes may be. I can well believe that when, nearly 80 years ago, in this House my grandfather proposed that the amount of fresh air should be very considerably increased, he was met by a somewhat similar remark, namely, " it was all very well, but it could not be done." Although that may have been the comment of every First Commissioner of Works to whom such a suggestion has been made, I think that it would greatly benefit not only those of us who sit on the Floor of the House, but those in the higher regions of the House, if a somewhat similar suggestion could be made to the First Commissioner.

It may be remarked that while the King's Speech is not very long, it is certainly very comprehensive, and, from the way in which it was received, we may take it for granted that there may be a good deal of complaint not only of what is not contained in it, but a good deal of complaint also as to what is contained in it. In that way it will provide ample opportunity for criticism and for amendment, but it will probably leave the House in much the same form as it was introduced. There is one subject in it, however much we may disagree upon others, in regard to which there will be common agreement, that is, the greater prospect of world peace. When we are thinking of that prospect and of the history of the movement for arbitration and disarmament, we do well to pay tribute to the 50 or so men who, on the outbreak of the Franco-Prussian War, met here in London and formed what was known as the Workmen's Peace Association in which they very strongly appealed that this country should maintain an attitude of strict neutrality. If I may, I will read an extract from their declaration. It was to this effect:

We welcome, too—many of us at all events—the prospective resumption of diplomatic relations with the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. The schemes to which reference has been made are prepared, we may say, with the aim of improving, stimulating, encouraging and co-operating in directions which are essential to the restoration of the prosperity which we all desire. The inquiries which are suggested into the condition of the staple industries of this country are to be enquiries directed to- wards finding in what ways we can cooperate so as to help the restoration of those industries to the position which we desire them to occupy. As far PS factory legislation is concerned, that matter, as those of us who were in the last Parliament will remember, had a large measure of general support, and we may hope to see that put into operation. The obligations of the Washington Convention have been discussed here repeatedly. Effect is to be given to them, and it will probably remove a great deal of the feeling which exists among other peoples in regard to our lack of support in this matter.

As far as regards the clearance of the slums, and the provision of more housing accommodation in the various areas of the country, the proposals which are to be made will probably meet with a considerable measure of agreement. The proposal to appoint a Royal Commission to investigate the whole field of legislation relating to the sale and supply of intoxicating liquor has created a good deal of interest and some amusement in the House, but there can be no question whatever that a very large number of those who are most concerned with the national welfare will welcome the appointment of that Commission.

None of us can really be satisfied with the present state of affairs in the coal industry. Re-organisation is under consideration, and the statement in regard to that must give hope to those sadly depressed areas whose plight has called forth such a very widespread expression of sympathy. The programme which is indicated in the King's Speech is a very far-reaching one, designed to lighten the terrible burden of unemployment to which my hon. Friend has so feelingly referred. But it is not so much a question of programmes and policies, as the spirit of understanding in which our various problems have to be faced. All of us remember that when His Royal Highness, the Prince of Wales visited the distressed areas in the north, he expressed very serious concern about the state of affairs. He did more than express concern; he introduced what I think we all felt was an intensely human touch. What he did and said aroused a very great deal more anxiety in the country in regard to the position in the coalfields than previously existed. I think we may say that what he said in effect was: " I want to understand. I want to see everything; I want to be a real help to those people who are in such dire distress and need." It was not only that anxiety was created ail over the country, but the very fact of his visit and the impression which it made upon him quickened the conviction that there was need in all directions for more and better understanding in the varied relationships both at home and abroad.

Upon that better understanding our prosperity at home and abroad largely depends. There can be no question that the lack of it, whether it be between individuals or communities, whether it be in industry or between the homeland and any part of the Empire, or in the wider field of the world, is a greater cause than any other of troubles, difficulties and anxieties. We cannot as a new House devote ourselves to a nobler task, nor to one which will more thoroughly strengthen the bonds of Empire and improve our relations and our respect in the whole world, than to try to create that spirit of international understanding of which we have seen something already in the conversations which have taken place with the Ambassador of the United States of America. In that way we shall do much towards strengthening and helping not only our Empire overseas but our home interests as well, and we shall gain the respect and sympathy of the whole world and be able, I hope, to take our place in leading it to a future far better than the past.

:Whatever developments may arise in the progress of a Session, we always begin in this House with these delightful and old world courtesies of the moving and the seconding of the Address to the Throne and the congratulations from both the Leader of the Opposition and the Leader of the House to those who have essayed that most difficult task. After a tolerably long experience of this House, I am always filled afresh with wonder at the beginning of each Session as to the never-ceasing supply of admirable speakers coming from the Back Benches to undertake that task. I should like to offer my wholehearted congratulations to two old Members of the House, the hon. Member for East Woolwich (Mr. Snell) and the hon. Member for Attercliffe (Mr. C. Wilson) who have performed the task with such distinction and charm this afternoon. The hon. Member for East Woolwich, I noticed, said that it required rather an effort to present the subject of his speech in a non-controversial style and with an absence of vituperation. I can assure him that many of his friends would have found it far more difficult. I hope he will not think it an impertinence on my part to say that we all appreciated to the full the ideals and aspirations which were so conspicuous in his speech, because we believe, on this side of the House, that what he said was merely the index of what he really feels.

I was interested in the one excursion he made into the artistic territory. He said that from the artistic point of view he preferred the appearance of this House to the last one. Of course, that is a matter of taste. It may well be that, belonging to a party which, at any rate, prides itself on being more progressive than ours, he is looking through the spectacles of the new art rather than the traditions of the old. We were thankful that the hon. Member was able to allude to one particular subject which is mentioned in the King's Speech, the restoration to health of our Sovereign. We all remember the shadow under which this House met last January, and we are thankful that to-day we meet in that respect, at least, under much happier auspices.

With regard to the Speech itself, we shall be able to get more into detail when right hon. and hon. Members have spoken from the Government Bench. My duty at the moment is rather to make certain inquiries in regard to parts of the Speech which seem to require further elucidation, and to offer one or two criticisms, first of all with regard to the opening paragraphs that deal with matters affecting foreign policy, as I understand the Prime Minister will be an early speaker. I have three questions to ask the right hon. Gentleman on those points, information on which will be of value to the House. With regard to the report of the financial experts who have been dealing with the German debt, 'I want to know if the proposals as approved by the Government will be submitted to Parliament before a final decision is taken. Respecting the Optional Clause, I want to know whether it is the intention of the Government at present, if they have made up their minds, to sign that Clause with or without reservation, and, if with reservations, what those reservations are. As regards the paragraph about the Government of Russia, I should like to know whether the Prime Minister adheres to the statement of principle as to relations with Russia which he laid down in his Note on the Zinovieff letter. All these subjects will lend themselves to interesting debate, and the House must be in possession of more information about them.

With regard to the paragraph about America, I have seen statements in the Press that the Prime Minister is contemplating a visit to that country. It would be of interest to the House to know whether that is in his mind, and whether he proposes to seek His Majesty's permission to pay that visit. A visit of that nature is absolutely right. I have spoken more than once on the question of American relations. I have regretted, and I have always felt that both countries have suffered from it, that there has been such an absence of personal intercourse between statesmen of the United States of America and statesmen of Great Britain. I regard the increasing personal intercourse of statesmen in Europe as a matter of the first importance. I do not believe that such progress as has been made in Europe since the War would have been possible had it not been for the frequent meetings of statesmen of different countries.

That has not been the case with America. With America we have only been able to correspond by means of despatches. Despatches are very unsatisfactory methods of communication. They are necessary at times, but, human nature being what it is, there is a temptation in setting your case in writing often to set it in a way that you could avoid if you were doing it in conversation, where the shades of expression and voice are heard, and where you can immediately correct a misunderstanding. The Constitution of the United States of America prevents the President from paying a visit to this country. Therefore, if personal communication is to be held it is for us to move. I have, of course, no knowledge of what may be in the Prime Minister's mind, but I am con- vinced that such a visit will be welcomed in America. I hope that neither he nor the country will expect too much from one visit. I hope that he will not attempt to do too much on the occasion of his first visit. The important thing is to get into personal touch and to have personal conversation, so that the right hon. Gentleman and the President of the United States of America may each realise what kind of man the other is, get each other's viewpoint, and get to understand it in such a way that future correspondence, instead of causing difficulties or friction, may pass with ease and lead to results. So much for America.

When I leave the first part of the Speech and come to the multifarious paragraphs which follow, I confess that the general impression left on my mind is that the whole lot of them might have been put into one paragraph: "My Ministers are going to think." [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear! "] I am glad that I am interpreting the intentions of the Government, and I welcome the enthusiasm with which the intentions of the Government Front Bench are received by those sitting behind them. That really adds colour to another thought that came to me. In reading paragraph by paragraph, the words of an old friend of mine, and I am sure an old friend of the Prime Minister, the famous Jack Bunsby, came to my mind:

Everyone who has had any experience at home of agreements in industry knows how often serious difficulties arise between the parties concerned owing to the-interpretation of words agreed upon by both sides. If that be so where a common tongue is employed among people of the same race, how much greater is the danger of differences of interpretation between two different countries, who speak two- different languages? It behaves the Government of this country, to whatever party they belong, in the making of international agreements to be perfectly convinced that under no circumstances can their own people suffer in the industries of this country by the interpretation that may be placed, on, or the action that may be taken under, those regulations in a foreign country. At the moment, that is all that I wish to say on the subject of the Washington. Convention.

There are one or two points in connection with industry on which I should like to ask questions. Of course, we are all of us in full agreement with the paragraphs about dealing or attempting to deal with unemployment, the improvement of transport trade, and all the rest of it. We are all agreed on that; there can be no doubt about it. But if there is one thing that industry at any time, and particularly at the present time, demands for any progress, it is certainty —certainty as to what is going to happen. A good many years ago, at the time when the controversy between Protection and Free Trade raged at its bitterest, 20 years ago or more, I remember Sir Alfred Mond, in that rather blunt way of his, speaking on Free Trade, of which at that time he was perhaps the greatest exponent, and saying, what was perfectly true, and he said it as a free trader: the time being in that industry,, and, therefore, it is a perfectly natural thing that people engaged in industry should want to know as soon as possible where they stand lest the uncertainty of the position should lead to that want of confidence which, in itself, is a parent of unemployment.

4.0 p.m.

I have one or two more things to say before I sit down. This King's Speech is a long one, and it contains an enormous number of subjects. It will probably be impossible to debate much in the near future many of the matters contained in the Speech; in some cases we must wait until the proposals of the Government are ripe, but I assume from the length of the Speech that it is not proposed to fulfil the whole of this Speech before we separate in July, and I imagine that it will be difficult to complete the work adumbrated —to use a popular, but hideous word—by Christmas. Therefore, I am driven to the conclusion, doubtless the Prime Minister will tell me whether my conclusion is right, that it is meant to provide sustenance for us until October of next year. If that be so, then I say this that that is a considerably longer time than a normal King's Speech provides for. There is another circumstance. The Government, after all, is a minority Government.

:So was your' s.

:That does not affect this position. The Government is a minority Government and, therefore, the House of Commons as a whole has its rights. It has a right to be heard, and I do not feel that the House in the circumstances ought to surrender control of this King's Speech until the Government, after due consideration, consent later on to give us Borne days in lieu of a second King's Speech to debate the many questions that must arise out of this Speech. I suggest that the most convenient time would be when we reassemble in January, by which time we shall begin to see the fair forms into which these rudimentary promises shape themselves. Then, I think, the time may be ripe for some very interesting discussions.

There are difficulties, of course, as we have seen in this House before, in a Government carrying on when it has not control in all circumstances of a majority of the whole House, and I say this to-day, that so far as we are concerned we shall have no desire to offer fractious opposition. We intend to assist His Majesty's Government being carried on, but, of course, it means a certain amount of self-control on both sides. Time alone will show how far either of us is able to exercise it, but let us never forget this, that there are questions of grave difficulty facing this country not only at home but abroad, and, however much we may dispute among ourselves at home, it is essential for our country, and essential for the Empire, that we face the world as a united Parliament. It is beyond the power of any Government in the position of the Government opposite—and the House alone has the power to help the Government—to obtain some settlement of the most difficult question of all which lies before us, and that is the questions which will have to be dealt with when the Report of the Indian Statutory Commission is laid before Parliament. For that, we shall want the best work this House can give; that more than anything else we shall have to face will be the supreme, the acid, and ultimate test of how fit we are for the democratic conditions under which we work.

:It is always a very happy thing that this Debate should be preluded by congratulations offered to the Mover and Seconder of the Address, and I quite agree with the Leader of the Opposition that those who have moved and seconded the Address to-day are specially worthy of the maintenance of these traditional congratulations. The Leader of the Opposition seemed to be perfectly certain that the genial and charming references of the hon. Member for East Woolwich (Mr. Snell) to the appearance of the House applied to us. I was not so sure 'about it. He offered his bouquet with such a delightful deftness of hand that I was not at all certain whether he really mean those sitting behind the Prime Minister or those sitting behind the Leader of the Opposition. In any event, the delightfully deft sentences to which we have listened, but which never concealed the serious substance of thought and intention behind them, were a great delight to the whole House. The first paragraph of the Gracious Speech moves us all to united thankfulness. The recovery of the King so that he was able to undertake yesterday what must have been a very trying journey is a matter upon which the whole nation congratulates itself, and we hope that he is now so very far on the highway to complete recovery that his benign reign will extend for many years to come.

When we leave these subjects of common congratulation and come to the controversial parts of the Speech, I know perfectly well the truth of what the Leader of the Opposition has just said about the position of the Government. The difference between himself and myself is very simple. He had a minority of votes 'at the last election but one; I had a minority at the last election, but he, with his minority of votes had a majority of Members in this House, whereas my minority of votes is more accurately represented in the minority of Members behind me. That is the difference. I know perfectly well that we are, as we were in 1924, if a combination was made against us, in 'a minority, but I would say this to the Leader of the Opposition, that that is no reason why the ordinary procedure of settling in an amicable way, as we have always done, whether we are in a minority or a majority, the opportunities for discussing subjects should be departed from. It will be our care now, as it has always been the care of all Governments, when representations are made to us by responsible leaders of other parties for opportunities to. discuss subjects of great interest to this House or of great import to the nation, to see that such opportunities are given; and such opportunities would be given by me were I at the head of 'a majority or were I, as I am on this occasion, at the head of only a minority. The Leader of the Opposition need not be in any doubt at all about our desire to give him every possible opportunity to discuss the business we are doing and the business we have done.

I want to say something else. It is not because I happen to be at the head of a minority that I say this; the thought must be occurring to the minds of everyone who is aware of the very serious problems that this country has to face, problems at home and problems abroad. I wonder how far it is possible, without in any way abandoning any of our party positions, without in any way surrendering any item of our party principles, to consider ourselves more as a Council of State and less as arrayed regiments facing each other in battle? The condition of the House at the present moment invites us to make these reflections and, so far as we are concerned, co-operation will be welcomed —it applies to a majority as much as to a minority Government—so that by putting our ideas into a common pool we can bring out from that common pool legislation and administration that will be of substantial benefit for the nation as a whole.

The Government exists to deal with two dominating concerns. The first is unemployment and social benefit, and the next is peace, secured by the cordial cooperation of the nations of the world. Essential to the first is a sound policy which will stimulate trade, which will raise the standard of living of the great mass of our people and produce confidence that fair play is being done all round, upon which alone industrial peace can rest. Essential to the second is a better understanding with America. The right hon. Gentleman has put a question to me and I shall be much obliged if he will allow me to take it away with me and postpone my answer. I say this, and I say it with all my heart, that I associate myself absolutely with what he has said about the great desirability of personal conference between those who bear the burden of State and those with whom they come into contact. But perhaps, if the right hon. Gentleman will allow me, I will communicate with him when I am in a position to make a definite statement as to what arrangements have been made.

So far as America is concerned, conversations have already been started. They are purely of a preliminary and exploratory character. All our past experience shows how necessary that is if we are to succeed in an object which I am certain is common to America and to ourselves. The relations which have been growing up recently between the two countries, which ought to be co-operators in all the good causes of the world, have not been too happy. Both of us are aware of that, and both are determined to do everything possible to change it. I can assure the House and the country that no time is being lost in dealing with modes of action, and such matters as the order in which we are to discuss the various problems are also being dealt with. The Pact of Peace, known as the Kellogg Pact, has been signed by practically all the nations of the world, and the Government are anxious to build upon it a disarmament policy which will recognise that Pact as a living and controlling influence upon international policy.

Further, I ought to say here, so that there will be no misunderstanding or mistake about it, that both Governments will seek at once the co-operation of the other great naval Powers, especially so soon as the negotiation stage proper has been reached. It is well known, however, that a preliminary understanding between America and ourselves is necessary if success is to crown our efforts. Those are the ideas with which we are beginning our work.

I will make another point clear, on account of certain remarks that I have seen on the subject—that the Chairman of the Preparatory Commission on Disarmament set up by the League of Nations asked that such conversation should be held between the naval Powers, and we are undertaking our work in the hope that it will be a contribution to the solution of the problems engaging the attention of that Commission.

As regards reparations, and other questions, the Leader of the Opposition asked about opportunities for discussion. The late Chancellor of the Exchequer made a reply to a similar question on the same subject. He said that " whatever was the constitutionally proper course would be taken." I am sure that I shall receive his support if, in the interests of the House of Commons I take up the same position. But, again, I think the House ought to understand exactly what is before it. Just as in 1924, the Government have to consider their attitude to an important Report on Reparations by an expert Committee, and to-day, as then, attached to negotiations on finance will be questions of territorial occupation. On the latter, the Gracious Speech makes our position clear. As regards the former, the document is one of great complexity and requires much explanation. We have had an interview with the British experts, to whom I offer our most sincere thanks. Their labours were of the most trying character. They had to accept compromises which they did not altogether like, but they did their best to secure our interests.

Three Departments of State are deeply involved—the Treasury, the Foreign Office, and the Board of Trade. At the moment, they are examining "he Report with the greatest care, in preparation for the conference of Governments which must soon be held. The immediate questions which are to be settled are the date and place of the Conference—we have suggested London—the procedure, and the main points which will have to be raised at the Conference. Upon these, we can make no definite statements as yet, as they are still being considered. But I promise myself, pledge myself right up to the hilt, that every constitutional method that is proper will be followed in order to communicate, as fully as was promised by the late Chancellor of the Exchequer, the situation.

The House must not forget that the publication of this Report means that the Dawes plan cannot remain in force much longer, and that some new agreement must be reached; and, in reaching that agreement, I hope every one will under stand that, however the negotiations may go, the great generosity of this country in relation to its Allies in the War, after the War, can be questioned by no one; nor can its meticulous rectitude in fulfilling its bargains and obligations be doubted. I often feel that that is not recognised as it should be. We are bearing burdens which, in strict rectitude and in relation to the capacity of others, ought not to have been imposed upon us. We shall go back on none of our con tracts [ Interruption. ] No one ever said it. We shall go back on none of our contracts; no one said that we would. I regret that there should be any doubt cast on any side of the House as to that statement being representative of all parties in this House. But we shall, in future arrangements, not forget that the just business interests of our nation cannot be sacrificed.

In the course of his speech, the Leader of the Opposition referred to India. There is no mention made of India in the Gracious Speech from the Throne, because the exploration is still going on. When this House made its obligation to advance—I quote from the preamble of the Reform Act of 1919—

The Commission has paid its second visit to India

:Russia?

:As I assume the right hon. Gentleman knows perfectly well, the conditions remain. Those conditions are laid down in a published despatch. Everyone who has read the despatch knows what they are. My colleagues know, my opponents know, and the representatives of Soviet Russia know. We stand by them; of course, we do. As to the Optional Clause, that will be dealt with in due course, when a report will be presented to the House. As the Gracious Speech says, we are still in communication with the Governments of the Dominions, and it is obvious that, until we have come to an agreement with them, it would be improper to publish Papers. But if Papers are asked for when they are ready to be published, we shall certainly consider publication.

On home affairs, the Leader of the Opposition was good enough to say that he would sum up the whole of the proposals by saying, "My Ministers intend, or are going, to think." Well, I wish our predecessors had done the same thing. After all, really, thinking is not such a bad thing. The Leader of the Opposition has confessed that it strikes him as being an extraordinary thing, or, apparently, as he meant to imply, a foolish thing. [HON. MEMBERS: " No! "] Well, that is an explanation. Certainly, we are going to think. We are going to think of objective realities, and we are going to apply to them our minds—what we have got. [ Laughter. ] In that respect, we are in exactly the same unfortunate position as hon. Members opposite. Certainly, we are going to think over these problems, and as a result of the exploration, and of the inquiries, the work of application is to take place and legislation is to be produced and administration is to be advanced on the lines indicated in the Gracious Speech.

There is one thing which I would like to say in that connection. When people say that traders, and those engaged in industry should be doubtful, should be uncertain, as some newspapers have been doing their best recently to do, it may be a very good partisan weapon against us, but it is a very bad service indeed to the nation. So far as we are concerned, we have already begun to get into consultation with the leaders of the most important trades, so as to get the facts, to get their minds and to apply our views to them. If that be the process of thinking, then, I submit that process will do more than tongue can tell to remove from our path some of the most unfortunate obstacles that have been lying there for years past. We have our financial position, our industrial equipment, and our skill to maintain, but, may I appeal to the whole House, to remember that we have to maintain something else, and that is the psychology of confidence and adventure, so that work can be done with hearty goodwill.

We shall encourage in every way we can—it may be, even by covering by guarantees—the scrapping of the old and the effete in our industry, to produce real hearty work, so that not only the working classes, but everybody else who has an income, will have to earn it before he gets it. I know that is a statement of a general position, but, unless the general position is very well understood the application of details to it is not going to be very profitable. We must assume, in all our transactions of national industry, that the condition of our people and their assurance that they are being fairly dealt with are essential elements in industrial co-operative peace and national prosperity. That is the policy that the Government will pursue in that respect.

My right hon. Friend the Lord Privy Seal, on whose shoulders a specially heavy task lies at the present moment, will have to concern himself with the manifold troubles that attend the handling of the unemployed problem. He will address himself to the House to-morrow on that subject, and will explain the policy that is being developed, so I shall leave that to him. The Leader of the Opposition put a question to me about Safeguarding. On that, we have been thinking. We came into possession of a report on the wool industry. We propose to publish that report. We are not going to put it into operation, and we are prepared, if the Opposition like to challenge our decision, to give them their opportunity to discuss it as soon as the White Paper is out. We also came into possession of what are known as the White Paper conditions under which Safeguarding inquiries may be set up. We propose to treat that as a dead letter.

There are certain questions connected with this controversy of Safeguarding, which are really Budget concerns, and Budget policy is announced only once a year. If any hon. Member really imagines that six months or five months or one month before the opening of the Budget the Chancellor of the Exchequer would be foolish enough to tell the world what is going to be in his budget, then it is perfectly amazing. Budget policy will be dealt with by the Chancellor when he opens the next Budget. With regard to the existing Safeguarding Duties, that are purely Safeguarding—that are strictly speaking and properly Safeguarding—we have consistently opposed their imposition and made it abundantly clear that we should reserve the right to remove them when the practical opportunity arose. Opposition to protective Duties has just been overwhelmingly expressed by the electorate. It must therefore be understood that we should in no case renew those Duties, should they remain in operation until the statutory periods expire, and we reserve the right to repeal them at earlier dates, if it appears practicable and desirable to do so. We realise the inconvenience which changes of tariff policy inflict on the trades concerned, and, in coming to a conclusion upon this matter, we must have regard to this consideration and also to the revenue aspects of the question.

Regarding coal, which is one of the great problems we have to face, the conditions in the coalfield remain a cause of anxiety and of danger. There can be no security, peace, or prosperity there unless the workers feel that they are regarded as something more human than mere implements of production. The general conception underlying the coal policy of our predecessors, and the legislative changes as to hours for which they were responsible, have failed to produce the economic results which they expected and have received the most emphatic condemnation of the mining constituencies. The industry has not been encouraged to organise itself efficiently, either on its productive or its marketing side. To this, the Government cannot be indifferent. The industry's state of disorganisation calls forth the surprise of observers who compare it with other industries, or with the coal industry in some of those countries which have become our keenest competitors at the same time that they have 'been reducing hours and increasing wages.

For one reason or another the industry, while in the forefront of importance to the country, is one of the most backward in organisation. The imposition of the lengthened day and the circumstances in which it was done has left the question of hours as a grievance of which every candidate who fought a mining constituency is well aware. Dealing with this cannot be long delayed. Whatever is done in this industry must take into account its nature, and the severity of the competitive struggle in which it has to engage in the markets of the world. If it is assisted, as in 1925, the assistance is wasted by internal competition. If it is left to its own free will, there will be no peace at all. If improvements are imposed upon it, it pleads that its*position is too delicate to bear them. Changes must certainly be considered in relation to their consequences on the industry, and we are consulting with the representatives of 'all the interests concerned with a view to producing measures that will not be merely temporary and patchwork, but which, we hope, will put the industry on an up-to-date and efficient footing, especially as regards co-ordination of pits, selling agencies, use of coal, the ownership and control of the mineral, and the length of hours of the workmen. Meanwhile, the paragraph in the King's Speech indicates the proposals which the Government will advance without unnecessary delay.

I must say a word or two regarding two other things. First as to inquiries. We shall inquire into cotton, and we shall inquire into steel, and the committee dealing with the latter is very nearly ready for announcement. I hope in a few days the names will be announced. The other paragraphs relating to the Washington Convention, housing, slums, and so on will be discussed when the appropriate time comes.

There is just one other thing I should like to say, and it is with reference to the paragraph on elections. It is purposely put in a general and comprehensive form. There is one very serious thing for this country, and I hope all parties see it. In the old days, when revolutions broke out Crowns fell, but in recent years modern revolution brings down democracy. That is a situation which everyone who cares fundamentally and rationally for the institutions of this country must regard as a very serious phenomenon in modern revolutionary results. We nail our colours to the mast. Quite clearly, we stand for constitutional democracy as the best method of national government and the best method of expressing the will of the mass of the people. Our safeguards have been set up, and one of the safeguards is excess of expenditure.

There is, in certain respects, a question as to the things on which money can legitimately be spent. Some of these things, in themselves, are really not at all wrong. They are only made wrong by the Corrupt Practices Act in order to limit the gross amount of money that may be spent in each constituency during the course of an election. We have gone further. We have actually put a limitation upon it. There were certain things at the last election, which, owing, I think, to the mistakes of those who were responsible for them, had very little effect, but which, whether legally right or not, were violations of the spirit and intention of the law. I think the developments may have been inevitable. The accumulation of huge central funds had to have an outlet somewhere. [ Interruption. ] It is always a pleasant experience to hear Satan reproving sin. The accumulation of huge central funds is bound to have an outlet. Those letters which were circulated in the City by well-known City men, pleading for the raising of funds to help the Tory party, came certainly within the letter of the law—I am in favour of the application of the law, but I want to have a law that is fair to everyone—and with reference to the publication of those enormous bills from one end of the country to another— I do not quite know how the expenditure has been apportioned yet—and the use of money in order to relay speeches to 20 or 30 constituencies, I really cannot help feeling that that must make hon. Members opposite shake their heads in doubt as to whether the development is a good one and whether, if it is allowed to continue, it will be for the security and safety and the democratic confidence of the ordinary elector.

That is one point. Then there is the other point, the representative results of elections, the representative results of voting. I think that upon that there is a very great deal of doubt. There are the rival plans of a second ballot, an alternative vote, and proportional representation, and there is another group. There is a group who consider that, after all, an election really does not begin and end by an accurate mathematical representation in this House of the bodies of electors who have grouped themselves to put their ballot papers in the ballot boxes. One view of government is the static view, where we are an exact replica, on a very small scale, of the millions of electors. That is one view, the static view. But the other view is that the real, final purpose of an election is to elect a Government, and I use the word rather apart from electing merely a House of Commons. That is another view, and all these views must be considered in order to find out exactly where we are. But, so far as the importance of the exploration is concerned—

:That subject would be included?

:Certainly.

:You never thought of it before.

:I do not know to whom that remark was made, but it has been thought about a very long time ago, and one of the things that would facilitate the investigations of the Committee on the subject is the very considerable literature to which, I am afraid, some of us have been guilty of making contributions. The subject undoubtedly is a very important one, and the terms of reference will be agreed terms.

:Will the question of University representation be included?

:The whole question will be included. The whole field will be included. The paragraph in the Gracious Speech is wide and general and a sort of adumbration of the terms of reference. We may ask the Committee to report in sections.

:I do not know whether the Government have come to any conclusion on this subject. If they have not, probably they will inform us later on of the kind of tribunal which they propose to set up. Will it be what is known as Mr. Speaker's Committee— that was the tribunal to which similar subjects were referred, I forget whether it was in 1917 or 1918—or will it be a Committee of this House?

:I cannot say that we have finally made up our minds, but we have considered it. [An HON. MEMBER: "You are thinking"]. Cer- tainly we are thinking, and we shall continue to think. We have gone very well into it. We have considered the Speaker's Conference, but that rather limits certain matters of a rather wider political significance. If my right hon. Friend would communicate with me, I should be very glad to discuss it with him. We have thought of the Speaker's Conference, but, if you look at the terms of reference and the subjects that have been referred to Speaker's Conferences, you will find, I think, that no such subject as, say, the application of the Corrupt Practices Act has been referred to such a conference. We have been thinking, you see, and we know exactly the difficulties in the way of setting up such a Committee.

This is the start of the Session, and I end on the same note as I began. I should like you to consider that our work should be very largely—I know it is impossible to do it altogether—done in the spirit of consultation and as little as possible in the spirit of rivals fighting; and I believe the House will find that that will be imposed upon it unless those who decline to work in that way are prepared to make all work absolutely impossible, because we recognise quite frankly—and no one needs to remind us of the fact—that behind us here there is only a minority of the House if the other sections combine to defeat us.

Motion made, and Question, "That the Debate be now adjourned," put, and agreed to.—[ Mr. Kennedy ].

Debate to be resumed To-morrow.