House of Commons
Tuesday, November 19, 1929
The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.
Oral Answers to Questions
Scotland
Housing (Plumbing Costs)
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland whether he has inquired into the operations of an organisation of master plumbers in Scotland which have the effect of maintaining high prices against State-aided house building and other building schemes; and what steps, if any, he proposes to take in the matter?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. My right hon. Friend has, however, no statutory power to intervene, but consideration is being given to the question of obtaining such power.
Is not the Scottish Office taking steps to publish what they do know and to show that something is being done in the matter?
The last part of the reply indicates that my right hon. Friend is looking into the matter.
Agricultural Credits
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland if he will put into active operation the provisions of the Agricultural Credits (Scotland) Act, 1929, in view of the fact that many tenants have already purchased their farms on the faith of this scheme?
I would refer the right hon. Member to my replies to the hon. Member for Forfar (Sir H. Hope) and the hon. and gallant Member for Caithness and Sutherland (Sir A. Sinclair) on the 5th and 12th November respectively.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether his Department is doing anything to expedite the policy under the scheme?
My Department is in active negotiations, but I am not in a position to give the result.
When will the right hon. Gentleman be in a position to make a statement, because a great many of the men have taken over their land on the faith of this scheme?
Without admitting that they have taken over their land on the basis of the scheme, I may say that we are in active negotiations regarding the matter, and I will make a statement as soon as possible.
Agricultural Policy
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland when he proposes to make a statement on the Government's agricultural policy?
I must refer the hon. and gallant Member to the statement made by the Prime Minister on this subject on 7th November in reply to a question by the hon. Member for the Eye Division (Mr. Granville).
Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether or not we are going to get a statement on this important subject of the Government's agricultural policy in Scotland before Christmas? May I press as to whether we can have a statement on that subject?
May I ask when we shall have a statement on the agricultural policy of the Government for England?
I have nothing to add to the reply which I have given.
I must press for an answer. We want one answer, and that is as to whether we are going to have a statement, not from the Prime Minister, but from the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary of State for Scotland?
Can we have a Committee to consider this question and to help the Government to make up their mind?
The hon. Baronet the Member for Caithness and Sutherland (Sir A. Sinclair), in his question, asks for a statement of the Government's agricultural policy.
I have asked when the Secretary of State for Scotland is going to make a statement on the Government's agricultural policy.
I would ask the hon. and gallant Member to put that question upon the Order Paper.
The question on the Order Paper asks when the Secretary of State for Scotland proposes to make a statement on the Government's agricultural policy.
Fishing Industry
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland whether, seeing that a new inquiry into the fishing industry has now been appointed, the Government is yet prepared to put into full effect the unanimous recommendations, which were generally welcomed by the fishing industry in Scotland, of Lord Mackenzie's Fishing Committee?
My attitude towards the recommendations of the Trawling (Scotland) Committee is not affected by the appointment of the new Committee of Inquiry. The recommendations which are still outstanding will continue to receive my attention as circumstances permit.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether he is, before Christmas, going to put into operation any of the recommendations which are receiving his consideration?
The hon. and gallant Member will have his opportunity tomorrow night in the course of debate.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether his consideration of this matter is active consideration or merely consideration.
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland whether he has yet been able to arrange for the issue of credit to fishermen who desire this for the purpose of replacement of gear, boat repairs, and such things; and, if so, can he say on what terms this credit can be obtained?
There has been no general demand from fishermen for credits from Government funds for the purposes referred to, and the question of instituting a scheme for the provision of such credits has therefore not arisen.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that not only is there a demand from the East Coast fishermen, but there is a special demand from the fishermen of Arbroath for credit which, under an Act of Parliament, is or should be available to fishermen; and is the right hon. Gentleman aware that, in answer to a question which I put to him a month ago, he said that this question was under consideration. Will the right hon. Gentleman see that the Act of Parliament is carried out and that this fund is available for those who want it?
My hon. and gallant Friend does not seem to be aware that when I held this same office in 1924 I made available a sum of £150,000 for fishermen, and only £5,439 of that amount was taken up.
Is the right hon. Gentleman not aware that it was because of the conditions he attached to that grant that no further applications were made?
The right hon. Member must have discovered that recently, because he and his fellow Members from the Highlands very warmly commended me for that action.
May I ask whether my right hon. Friend does not recollect that, when we warmly commended him, as we are always delighted to do, and we are glad to see him answering questions to-day, we did not then understand the conditions which he attached to the grant. And may I ask whether his own colleagues in this House were not the first to deprecate the conditions which he attached to the grant?
My right hon. Friend's memory must be at fault, because, when I announced that £150,000 would be available for this purpose, I, at the same time, specifically outlined all the conditions; and the only Member in the House who was really doubtful about them at the time was my hon. Friend the present Under-Secretary of State.
Will the right hon. Gentleman refresh his memory before he speaks about all the Highland Members by looking up the OFFICIAL REPORT for my speech?
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland whether he is now in a position to give full information as to the results of the disaster to the herring drifter fleet in East Anglia and what action the Government proposes to take to deal with the situation?
As I explained yesterday in my reply to a question on this subject by the hon. Member for Eastern Aberdeen (Mr. Boothby), I hope to be in a position to give substantially complete information to the House tomorrow. As I then stated a National Fund has been launched after personal communication with the Lords Provost and with the wholehearted aid of the Press through which I am hopeful the necessary funds will be secured to assist the fishermen to overcome their difficulties.
Will the right hon. Gentleman see that the distressed fishermen in Campbeltown, where 50 per cent. of the population are unemployed, and Tarbert get some benefit out of this fund?
I have had an opportunity of discussing this matter with a deputation from Campbeltown, and the question is under consideration.
May we take it that the possibility of a Government contribution to this fund is not altogether ruled out?
Answer!
The right hon. Gentleman said that he was going to make a statement to-morrow.
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland whether he is now in a position to make a statement regarding the debts of the Scottish fishing harbours; and what, if any, remissions of debt the Government proposes to make?
I must refer the hon. Member to my reply of 12th November to the hon. Member for Caithness and Sutherland (Sir A. Sinclair). I can assure him that there will be no avoidable delay in dealing with the matter.
Would it not be possible for the hon. Gentleman to provide figures which will be available for the Debate on the fishing industry to-morrow, and, in view of the importance of this matter, can he undertake that an answer will be given in the course of that Debate?
I could not give that undertaking. This matter will require some investigation before the figures are available, but I will look into the point raised by the hon. Member, and see if any figures can be made available.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that, in order to help to deal with unemployment, these harbour authorities are being encouraged to enter upon new works of construction, and that they cannot do so until this matter is adjusted; and is it not the case, therefore, that delay is holding up the solution of the unemployment question in these areas?
There will not be any avoidable delay.
When the hon. Gentleman has collected the information, and when the Government have decided on what they are going to do, will he issue a White Paper?
I could not promise that, but, if the hon. Member puts down a question for this day fortnight, I hope to be in a position then to give him an answer.
Land Drainage
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland whether, having regard to the importance of giving farmers time to lay their plans for drainage before the land which is being prepared for the turnip crop is ploughed and to give their orders for tiles in good time, he is yet in a position to announce the terms of the Government's land drainage scheme for the coming year; and whether, in future years, he will be able to arrange that the Government scheme with regard to drainage should be announced at or about harvest time, in order to give farmers and manufacturers of tiles the longest possible warning?
I am not yet in a position to make an announcement regarding a scheme for the coming year. The suggestion contained in the second part of the question has been noted, and I hope it may be possible to give effect to it in the future.
"In the future!" In view of the importance of shortening the period between the announcement of the scheme and the final dressing of the land for next year's crop, will the right hon. Gentleman hasten as much as possible his pronouncement?
I am as aware as the hon. and gallant Member of the importance of this matter, and I can assure him that there will be no delay as far as I am concerned.
Is not the right hon. Gentleman aware that his party pledged the Government during the last election to deal with this problem of drainage immediately on their return?
May I remind the right hon. Gentleman that I introduced a Land Drainage Bill yesterday?
Crops (Damage by Deer)
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland if he is aware that at this time of the year deer in the Highlands raid holdings and destroy the crops; and whether he will approach proprietors of deer forests and/or take such other steps as are necessary to prevent such destruction?
I am aware that in winter damage is caused by deer to crops in certain parts of the Highlands. With regard to the second part of the question, a conference of the agricultural interests concerned met in Edinburgh on 5th December, 1928, when special measures for the destruction of surplus deer were agreed upon. A further conference will be held early next month to discuss reports on the results of last season's operations, and to consider what future measures should be taken for the same purpose. I am hopeful of beneficial results from this meeting.
Will the right hon. Gentleman advise the owners to shoot the leaders once or twice in the year? The others would not then invade the property.
Who are the leaders?
There might be a difference of opinion as to who were the leaders.
Will the right hon. Gentleman consider the advisability of abolishing deer forests entirely?
Roads, Isle of Harris
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland if he will make provision for the construction of roads suitable for vehicular traffic, and not footpaths, to connect the holdings to be established at Luskentyre, Isle of Harris, with the nearest main road; and whether he will provide the same facilities for the conveyance of necessities for the homes and holdings already established and which are to be established under land settlement schemes?
I am informed that there is already in existence a road, suitable for vehicular traffic, leading from the main road to the lodge at Luskentyre. It is proposed to connect the holdings to be established there with this estate road, but until the holdings have been laid out and house sites selected I cannot commit myself further than to say that the access provided in each case will be adequate and suitable to the holding. With regard to the second part of the question, such facilities are provided as are practicable having regard to the circumstances of the case.
While the hon. Gentleman is considering putting roads down in Luskentyre, will he put down necessary roads in Jura and those parts of the West Highlands which are settled?
Does not the right hon. Gentleman realise that improved roads are urgently necessary in Harris and that money would be much better spent in that way than in putting down holdings in entirely unsuitable ground like Luskentyre?
May I ask if the previous Secretary of State for Scotland had not 4½ years in which to carry out these improvements?
Does the right hon. Gentleman consider that a footpath which extends for five miles, in some cases, is a good road leading to the main road?
As a general rule, no. In answer to the hon. Baronet the Member for Aberdeen, South (Sir F. Thomson), I may say that I have realised for a long time that Highland roads require attention. As to the responsibility for them, I have been giving the matter attention. Evidently, the hon. Member for South Aberdeen has just discovered that the Highland roads need attention.
School-Leaving Age
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland whether, in view of the opposition of the people in the rural districts of Scotland to the raising of the school age to 15 years, he will before the date is fixed have a vote or referendum of the people taken in one or more of the Scottish counties?
No, Sir. There is no provision in Section 14 or in Section 33 (2) of the Education (Scotland) Act, 1918, for the taking of such a vote or referendum.
Will the right hon. Gentleman take other means to find out what public opinion is?
The opinion of the whole of Scotland was taken during the General Election, and there will be a further opportunity of taking the opinion of this House during the Debate on the subject.
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland whether, in view of the fact that his circular to the 'Scottish education authorities asking for information as to the additional staffing and accommodation required is of such recent date, and of the large amount of reorganisation necessary if the older children in more than half of the schools in Scotland are to adequately benefit by the raising of the school age, he will give an assurance that the appointed day for raising the school age will not be fixed until the English Bill has been passed into law?
The answer is in the affirmative.
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland if he is satisfied that the code for the regulation of primary schools in Scotland contains sufficiently detailed guidance as to the varied curricula which will be required for the children between the ages of 12 and 15 when the school age is raised; and, if not, will he say what steps he is taking to ensure that this matter receives the fullest consideration?
The answer to the first part of the question is broadly in the affirmative. My right hon. Friend does not think that the problem of the curriculum for post-qualifying children in advanced divisions will be made materially different by the raising of the school age. Having regard to the value of variety in the courses and suitability to local conditions, it is desirable to allow education authorities a considerable amount of freedom in framing educational schemes. It must be remembered that each scheme is considered and approved by His Majesty's Inspector of Schools, and in this process detailed consideration can be given to the particular circumstances of each area. The Department are, however, fully aware of the great importance of the question raised by the Noble Lady, and they already have it under careful consideration.
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland whether, in view of the fact that Scottish education authorities receive no grant for building or equipment, that such grants form part of the grant system in England and Wales, and that the building grant is being largely increased in respect of building carried out between now and 1st April, 1931, and that the provision of much additional accommodation and equipment for practical instruction is likely to be necessary in connection with the raising of the school age, he will amend the grant system in such a way as to give financial assistance both for building and such equipment?
The grants paid in England and Wales in respect of buildings and equipment are already taken into account in calculating the Exchequer contribution to the Education (Scotland) Fund. A due proportion of the increased grants for these purposes will accrue to the Fund in future and will go to augment the sum available for distribution to education authorities in Scotland. As at present advised my right hon. Friend does not consider that any amendment in this respect is necessary in the grant system, which secures an equitable distribution of the total grant amongst the authorities. The whole matter is, however, being carefully considered in connection with the framing of the grant regulations for the year 1930–31, and the views of the education authorities will be ascertained in accordance with the usual practice.
Will the Undersecretary of State for Scotland ask his right hon. Friend to bear in mind that, though additional money will come into the Scottish Education Fund as a result of these increased building grants to the education authorities in England and Wales in the course of next year, the allocation of that additional money need not follow the expenditure that will be necessary by individual authorities on building, and would it not therefore be extremely difficult to ensure justice in the distribution of the addition money unless£[HON. MEMBERS: "Speech!"]
Is my hon. Friend aware of the fact that, if there was any attempt to amend the present system of the payment of grants to Scotland, for which the noble Lady herself was partly responsible for five years, along with myself on the particular Committee£[HON. MEMBERS: "Speech!"]
The first supplementary question was quite long enough.
Highland Cattle (Prices)
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland, if he is aware of the serious economic position of the crofting community caused inter alia by the low prices obtained for Highland cattle in the Western Isles, and of the desire on the part of the crofters to have more cross-bred cattle, which bring better prices; and whether he will inquire into this problem, with a view to ascertaining the causes which have produced the present conditions and taking the necessary steps to effect a remedy?
I am aware that several crofting communities in the Western Isles desire to be supplied by the Department of Agriculture for Scotland, under their scheme for the improvement of cattle breeding, with bulls of other than the Highland breed, and that good cross-bred cattle generally command higher prices than those of pure Highland breed. The matter is being carefully investigated at the present time.
Education (Rhum)
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland how many children of school age there are in the island of Rhum; how many schools there are; whether the accommodation is equal to the demand; and whether the standard of education compares with that of the mainland?
The answer to the first part of the question is three and to the second one. The school, which has accommodation for 24 pupils, is in charge of a certificated teacher and the reports of His Majesty's Inspectors as to the instruction given have been satisfactory. It may be taken that the standard of education is not inferior to that of similar schools on the mainland.
May I ask whether the new spelling of this island has been adopted to meet the susceptibilities of teetotalers?
Will the Under-Secretary tell me the salary of the teacher?
I could not answer that question without notice.
Illegal Trawling
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland whether, in view of the long-standing complaints of fishermen in Scotland against illegal trawling and the present depressed condition of the fishing industry, alleged to be partly due to such trawling, he is prepared to place more vessels in Scottish fishing waters to prevent illegal trawling; and, if not, whether he can state what steps he is taking or considering to cope with this grievance?
As I stated in my reply to the hon. and learned Member for Perth (Mr. Skelton) on Tuesday last, I have the whole question of the proper protection of fishing interests in Scotland under consideration. My hon. Friend must not, however, assume that illegal trawling is to any material extent responsible for such depression as exists in the fishing industry.
Has the right hon. Gentleman consulted with any of the representatives of the fishing industry in Scotland and heard their complaints with regard to the illegal trawling that is going on?
I had an opportunity of spending nearly two months of the Recess in these fishing communities and of discussing with them all their difficulties.
Did not the right hon. Gentleman receive during these discussions many evidences of the strong feeling, especially on the North and East coasts, in regard to illegal trawling?
May I ask whether he did not also have many evidences of the great depredations in the Highland lochs for which these trawlers are responsible?
May I ask how many convictions for illegal trawling have been secured in the last 12 months?
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland the number of cases of illegal trawling in which proceedings have been taken during the present year; the number of convictions obtained; and the amount of the penalties imposed in each case?
The number of prosecutions for illegal trawling during the current year to date is 11, in respect of which 10 convictions have been obtained, one charge being found not proven. In six cases the maximum penalty of £100 was imposed, and fines of £70, £50, £25 and £3 respectively, were imposed in the remaining four cases.
In view of the prevalence of this practice, is the right hon. Gentleman not prepared to put into effect the recommendations of Lord Mackenzie's Committee, which dealt very fully with the matter and which he has promised for some time past to consider? Is the time not ready for immediate action in the matter?
I have already replied to that point on an earlier question.
Small Holdings, Rhum
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland how much land of the Island of Rhum is available for small holdings; whether it is his intention to schedule any for such purpose; and, if so, how many acres?
I am not aware how much land in the Island of Rhum is available for small holdings as the Department of Agriculture for Scotland have received only one application for a holding on this island, but I am having the position further investigated.
May I ask how the number of small holdings in Rhum compares with the number of holdings in the adjoining Island of Eigg?
I have just informed the House that I have only received one application for a holding in the Island of Rhum.
Has the right hon. Gentleman received any application for a holding in Eigg?
Poor Relief
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland when his letter was sent out to the parish councils regarding the allowances paid to the able-bodied poor; and if he intends to add to that letter by advising that during the winter months an allowance might be made of coal and the allowance for children increased?
My right hon. Friend's attention was called to the matter referred to in the first part of the question as a result of a conference held in Glasgow on the 18th October. He at once instituted inquiries into the position, and as a result communicated with the parish councils on the 4th November. As regards the second part of the question, my right hon. Friend has no statutory power to issue a general recommendation. I would remind my hon. Friend that the amount and nature of the relief to be granted is a matter for the parish council to decide, having regard to the circumstances of each particular case.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that his predecessor issued a circular asking the parish councils to pay a reduced scale of relief; and if the previous Government could recommend a reduction, surely it is not impossible for the Labour Government to recommend an increase?
The point to which my hon. Friend refers arises in these circumstances as I understand it. The parish councils were seeking powers to borrow money from the Public Works Loans Board, and it was at that time that the Board of Health indicated that it would only give its consent upon the terms to which the hon. Member refers.
I do not want to press the hon. Member, but, seeing that the facts given in the answer are all wrong about the dates, I give notice that I will call attention to this matter upon the Adjournment.
Can the hon. Gentleman indicate when the able-bodied unemployed are likely to be made a national charge as that would obviously facilitate the work of the parish councils?
That point does not arise on the question.
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland if his Department are aware that at present large numbers of persons, particularly children, are suffering from under-nourishment in parts of Scotland; that in Glasgow in particular certain medical authorities have called attention to this; and if it is his intention to take any immediate action to remedy the position?
The answer to the first two parts of the question is in the negative. If my hon. Friend will furnish my right hon. Friend with particulars of specific instances where it is alleged that there is suffering from under-nourishment, immediate inquiries will be made.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that I informed his right hon. Friend before the Adjournment for the holidays that in Govan large numbers of poor people were suffering from undernourishment, and I am now asking him if anything has been done? Is the hon. Gentleman also aware that he himself admitted, at this conference that 2s. was insufficient to feed a child and, in view of these facts, why has not action been taken in the matter?
With regard to the second part of the supplementary question, the hon. Member's statement is quite true, and, as a result of that fact, we have sent a Circular Letter to the parish councils concerned intimating that, as far as this Government is concerned, we would not prohibit the payment of more than 2s. for a child.
Is this another broken pledge?
Caravan Dwellers (Glasgow)
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland if he is aware that the Glasgow Corporation has bought the ground at Vinegar Hall, Gallowgate, which is at present occupied by caravans and caravan dwellers; and whether steps will be taken to provide suitable accommodation for those caravan dwellers elsewhere?
My right hon. Friend is informed that the Parks Department of Glasgow Corporation have bought the ground referred to by my hon. Friend, for the purpose of making a children's playground, and that they will obtain possession of the ground at Whit Sunday next. As regards the second part of the question, the corporation are under no legal obligation to provide another site for the caravan dwellers who will require to remove, and my right hon. Friend has no powers to intervene in the matter.
Will the hon. Member himself take steps, or approach the corporation, to have some provision made for these people? Although there is no legal obligation, is there not a moral obligation to see that these people are housed?
My right hon. Friend will consider whether we can bring to bear any powers of persuasion in the matter, but we certainly have no legal power.
Is Vinegar Hall, Gallowgate, the headquarters of the Clydeside group?
Business Premises, Glasgow (Extension)
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland if he is aware that recently the Glasgow Corporation, on the recommendation of the Committee of Health, the medical officer of health, and the divisional sanitary inspector, refused a licence for an extension of premises at 75, Croft Street, Glasgow, for the businesses of tallow melter, bone boiler, and manure manufacturer; that, on appeal to the Department of Health, this decision was overturned; whether he can state on what grounds this decision of the local authority was overturned, in view of the fact that the corporation have cleared out and are in the course of clearing out slum dwellings under slum clearance schemes for the purpose of improving the district and making it more healthy for the inhabitants to live in, that the effect of the applicant's alterations would be almost to double the size of their works, that the corporation have acquired ground for a children's playground in the immediate vicinity, and that there are 15 other offensive trades being carried on in the neighbourhood; and whether he will reconsider his decision on this matter?
My right hon. Friend is aware that the Committee of Health of the Corporation of Glasgow refused an application for consent to an extension of the premises referred to and that the Department of Health for Scotland, after a public inquiry had been held by their chief engineer and one of their medical officers, sustained an appeal by the applicant against this decision. These officers had before them the considerations referred to by my hon. Friend, but they considered that the situation was quite suitable for the proposed extension of the premises and that the process and plant to be adopted were sufficient to prevent either nuisance or annoyance. My right hon. Friend is, however, considering whether or not it is desirable that the decisions of local authorities in questions of this nature should be final.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the infant mortality rate in that ward is one of the highest in Glasgow, and that there is intense indignation among the people in the district at the action of the Department?
The hon. Member is correct in stating that there is a high infant mortality, but my right hon. Friend is considering whether or not it is desirable that the decisions of local authorities in questions of this nature should be final and not subject to review.
Was the decision given at the inquiry final, or has the Secretary of State power to alter the decision of the persons who inquired?
No; I understand that that decision is final.
Agricultural Holdings
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland the number of holdings in Scotland of an extent of between 50 and 100 acres; the number of rentals of between £50 and £100; and the total acreages of these two classes respectively?
The number of agricultural holdings exceeding 50 acres of land under crops and permanent grass and not exceeding 100 acres, as returned in 1928, was 10,202. The acreage included in each group of holdings was last ascertained in 1925, when the number between 50 and 100 acres was 10,185 and the total area of land under crops and grass included in them was 753,857 acres. Particulars based on limits of rental are not available and could only be obtained by laborious inquiry.
Sugar-Beet Cultivation
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland the number of acres which have been laid down in sugar-beet in Scotland during each of the past three years and during the present year, giving the figures separately for each county; and the amount of beet contracted for delivery to the beet-sugar factory at Cupar, Fife, each year during the same period?
As the reply involves a table of figures, I propose, with the hon. and learned Member's permission, to circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
Is the right hon. Gentleman not prepared to inform the House now as to whether the amount of acreage under beet has not very substantially decreased during recent years, and is it not the case that that is due to the dissatisfaction which prevails in Scotland with regard to the terms which are being offered?
Following is the reply:
(1) Acreage under sugar-beet in each county of Scotland in the years 1926, 1927, 1928 and 1929, as returned to the Department of Agriculture for Scotland:—
County. 1926. 1927. 1928. 1929. Acres. Acres. Acres. Acres. Aberdeen 149 366 42 2 Angus 227 777 112 53 Argyll 75 180 — — Ayr 668 760 — 1 Banff 23 77 12 5 Berwick 109 504 125 30 Bute 7 — — — Caithness 1 1 — — Clackmannan 17 37 — — Dumbarton 11 2 — — Dumfries 6 7 — — East Lothian 163 1,130 445 54 Fife 1,178 3,819 1,230 379 Inverness — — — — Kincardine 95 258 34 3 Kinross 32 68 — — Kirkcudbright 4 15 1 — Lanark 12 20 1 — Midlothian 112 383 48 11 Moray 112 267 68 11 Nairn 3 27 10 — Orkney — — — — Peebles — — — — Perth 237 674 132 34 Renfrew 4 5 — — Ross and Cromarty. 68 167 — — Roxburgh 97 253 27 4 Selkirk 1 3 — — Shetland — — — — Stirling 55 107 — — Sutherland — — — — Westlothian 27 147 11 — Wigtown 156 298 15 26 Scotland 3,649 10,352 2,313 613 * * Subject to revision. Subject to revision.
(2) The acreage contracted for delivery to the Sugar Beet Factory at Cupar, Fife, in each year is as follows:—
Acres. 1926 2,687 1927 9,011 1928 2,339 1929 612
Irish Immigration
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland whether the Committee which is considering the question of Irish immigration into Scotland has yet made a Report?
I have appointed no Committee to consider this question. As the hon. Member is aware, the removal to Ireland of Irish-born persons who become chargeable to the poor rates in Scotland has been the subject of negotiations with His Majesty's Government in the Irish Free State, and these negotiations are still continuing.
Can the hon. Gentleman say what objections there are to Irish people emigrating to Scotland?
Is it the intention of the Government to institute an inquiry into this question, or to deal with it in any way, or are they going to allow this immigration to continue?
Why not?
Is the right hon. Gentleman not aware that the objection to the Irish coming into Scotland is what is known in currency matters as Gresham's Law, namely, that bad money drives out good money?
Rivers Pollution (Committee)
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland the names of the members of the special committee which is at present investigating the question of rivers pollution, the date of their appointment, the scope of the reference to the committee, and when he expects to receive their report?
In view of the length of the reply, I propose, with the concurrence of my hon. and learned Friend, to circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
Can the right hon. Gentleman not answer the last part of the question and say, as there is a Committee sitting, whether in this important matter he expects to get a reply or a report from this Committee?
Following is the reply:
The Scottish Advisory Committee on Rivers Pollution Prevention, which was appointed on the 29th March, 1928, consists of the following gentlemen, namely:
Sir John R. Findlay, Bt., K.B.E. (Chairman);
Colonel J. J. George, V.D., T.D., D.L., and
Robert Bryce Walker, Esq., representing County Councils;
Wallace Fairweather, Esq., D.L., and W. E. Whyte, Esq., O.B.E., representing District Committees;
Sir Henry S. Keith and
A. Balfour Gray, Esq., representing burghs;
W. Douglas Johnston, Esq., O.B.E., representing District Salmon Fishery Boards;
John Stirling, Esq., M.B.E., representing Angling Associations;
Colonel J. M. B. Scott, T.D. (Federation of British Industries) and
James H. Fisher, Esq. (Calico Printers Association) representing manufacturing interests; and
J. J. Bell-Irving, Esq., representing landed interests.
In addition, the Committee is assisted by officials of the Department of Health for Scotland, the Department of Agriculture for Scotland, and the Fishery Board for Scotland, who act as assessors.
The Committee was appointed to consider and from time to time to report to the Department of Health for Scotland on the position in regard to the pollution of rivers and streams (including estuaries) in Scotland, and any legislative, administrative or other measures that they consider desirable for reducing such pollution.
As regards the last part of the question, the Committee have received evidence as to the condition of the River Tweed and its tributaries, and the Rivers North and South ask (Midlothian). It is understood that reports on these rivers will be received at an early date and that the Committee propose to proceed with the investigation of the conditions on other rivers.
Unemployment
Local Authorities Schemes
asked the Lord Privy Seal whether, as a condition of a grant from public funds to public authorities, he will lay down that public authorities must afford an opportunity to the steel work industries to submit tenders for bridges and other constructional steel work?
Yes, Sir.
Will this undertaking be insisted upon from every municipal authority in the country, especially in view of the importance of the fact that this is the first concrete suggestion coming from the Government party that work should be given instead of charity?
Will this undertaking be immediately put into practice, or will it be delayed?
asked the Lord Privy Seal the number of local authorities with an unemployment rate of less than six per cent. who have failed to submit schemes to the Unemployment Grants Committee which would also relieve unemployment in the distressed areas?
This information is not at present available. The hon. Member will remember that in the debate on the 4th November certain final improvements and modifications in the terms of grant were announced. These are being communicated by the Unemployment Grants Committee this week in a circular to all local authorities and my right hon. Friend the Minister of Labour will then approach local authorities who have not yet taken advantage of the grants offered. I may add that the response so far has been encouraging.
Statistics
asked the Lord Privy Seal the number of schemes to date suggested by local authorities which he has approved, and the number of men that it is anticipated will be provided with work this winter through these particular schemes?
asked the Lord Privy Seal whether he can give an estimate of the additional number of men he will place in employment before Christmas?
I would refer my hon. Friends to the White Paper, which I hope to lay shortly.
Will the right hon. Gentleman say when he hopes to be able to lay that White Paper, and whether it will contain not merely the number of claims the Government have sanctioned, but also the amount of the grants and guarantees and the conditions attached to them?
The whole of the information will be laid in the White Paper. So far as the date is concerned, I hope that it will be within the next fortnight.
asked the Lord Privy Seal if he is now in a position to state to the House the number of persons employed last week and in May of this year by each of the local authorities participating in the £11,000,000 of expenditure approved by the Unemployment Grants Committee; and will he give these figures for the local authorities of Birmingham, Newport, the Mersey, Durham, and Bristol, respectively?
I regret that this information is not at present available.
Does the right hon. Gentleman's Department make any effort to trace the success that attends their efforts in finding employment?
No one knows better than the right hon. Gentleman, from his experience as a Minister, that a Minister has to depend upon the local authorities to give effect to the schemes which he sanctions.
When grants are made to local authorities and private concerns, is any stipulation made as to how many people they are to employ?
Is it not a fact that when the local authorities—
Sir Kingsley Wood.
asked the Lord Privy Seal the estimated number of men and women, respectively, for whom direct employment will be found during the next six months as a result of the Government's new unemployment schemes; and how many men and women have been so employed up to the last convenient date?
The White Paper, which I hope to lay shortly, will give the fullest information in my possession. I regret that I am not in a position to give separate figures for men and women.
Is it not a fact that in the motor car industry alone more people have been employed in two years than the right hon. Gentleman can employ under the whole of this scheme?
British Coal and Steel (Canada)
asked the Lord Privy Seal if he is yet in a position to make a statement on any completed plan for the increased sale of British coal in Canada?
I have had a number of further consultations with the coal and Shipping interests concerned in this matter, which, as my hon. Friend will realise, raises a number of questions requiring careful and detailed consideration. I am not in a position at the moment to make any further statement.
When will the right hon. Gentleman be in a position to make a statement in this important subject, which is looked forward to very much by the business interests concerned?
No one should know better that the hon. Member that, if the business interests concerned desire no public discussion while they are conducting negotiations, it is far better for me to comply with their request.
Does the right hon. Gentleman consider that the new proposals for lessening the hours of work for miners will help to increase the output?
asked the Lord Privy Seal how soon, approximately, the arrangement which he has completed for the sale of British steel in Canada will become operative; and if an estimate has been prepared of the probable sales during the coming 12 months?
The hon. Member is under some misapprehension. I brought to the notice of the steel industry opportunities for exports to Canada which I had discussed with Canadian interests. The steel industry is engaged in following up these opportunities, and I am hopeful that substantial orders will be arranged, but it is clearly impossible for me at this stage to estimate the probable sales during the next 12 months.
Yes, but does not the Lord Privy Seal think that if steel were safeguarded in this country—
Oh!
Colliery Slag Heaps (Removal)
asked the Lord Privy Seal if he is aware that in many of the coalfields of this country heaps of colliery debris have accumulated and correspondingly there are land depressions owing to mining subsidence; and will he consider in his unemployment schemes the removal of them as a means of levelling up the land and finding useful employment?
If any proposals of the nature referred to by my hon. Friend are put forward by local authorities under the Development (Loans Guarantees and Grants) Act, they will receive full consideration.
Does not my right hon. Friend think that this matter is big enough for his Department to take charge of it and to survey these heaps and see what can be done?
My hon. Friend may not be aware that considerable investigation in connection with the possibilities raised in the question has already taken place, and that a number of local authorities have made proposals and that offers of grants have been made.
Will that be referred to in the White Paper which is to be issued in the next fortnight?
If there is Government money going to this scheme, obviously it will be referred to.
Land Work (Training)
asked the Lord Privy Seal if he will consider the training of men and women for the land in Britain instead of training and sending them to Canada?
I am already examining with the Departments concerned the question whether men can be trained for the land in this country with a reasonable prospect of their obtaining suitable employment at the end of their course. Meanwhile, I am satisfied that training for employment in this country and the training of men for Canada can be regarded as independent questions and are not necessarily in conflict.
May I ask whether in regard to this country the right hon. Gentleman's inquiries also included the question of land settlement?
Oh yes. There is considerable data at our disposal with regard to the cost of land settlement.
Does the right hon. Gentleman realise that, until something is done for agriculture, it will be futile—[ Interruption ].
Telegraph Poles (Steel and Cement)
asked the Lord Privy Seal whether he has yet received the Report from the Post Office with regard to the possible use of steel, steel and concrete, or concrete telegraph poles; and, is so, what is the nature of the Report?
I am still considering, in consultation with the Post Office and other authorities, whether it is possible to use steel, steel and concrete, or concrete poles in substitution for wooden telegraph poles.
Will that be English concrete and English steel?
I would hardly consider it worth while paying much attention to the substitution of foreign wood for foreign steel or concrete.
Has the right hon. Gentleman gone into the cost of using a greater supply of English-grown poles?
I have not, but I am sure that the Noble Lord did when he was at the Post Office.
May I ask my right hon. Friend if he is still a Free Trader?
Brecon and Radnor
asked the Lord Privy Seal the number of unemployed in the counties of Brecon and Radnor; what relief schemes are in operation in these areas; to what extent the Government are affording assistance; and the number of men that will be found work, and for what period, by these schemes?
As the answer is a long one and involves a number of figures, I will with my hon. Friend's permission circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
Following is the answer:
The numbers of unemployed in the counties of Brecon and Radnor on the 11th November were:
Brecon 1,987 Radnor 91
The county council of Brecon have submitted a five years' programme of works on classified roads and bridges, which the Ministry of Transport is prepared to approve; but agreement has not yet been reached with the county council as to the terms respecting the recruitment of labour upon which the schemes will be assisted by grants from the Road Fund.
The county council of Radnor have decided to submit a five years' programme of works on classified roads and bridges, and the terms of assistance which will be given to these schemes have been agreed. The terms are: a grant of 15 per cent. in addition to the normal in return for the employment of 50 per cent. transferred labour. The details of the programme are now under discussion with the county council.
Flannel Mills, Velindre
asked the Lord Privy Seal if he will take some steps to re-start the flannel mills at Velindre, Carmarthenshire; and will he receive a deputation of millowners and workpeople?
I am only very generally acquainted with the circumstances of the area referred to. If my hon. Friend will send me particulars I shall be glad to discuss the matter with him.
Relief Schemes (Expenditure)
asked the Lord Privy Seal, in view of the fact that an expenditure of £1,000,000 on unemployment relief schemes provides a year's work directly and indirectly in the production and preparation of materials for only 4,000 persons, and that an average weekly wage of 48s. to each of these accounts for only about £500,000, if he has taken any steps to ascertain what becomes of the other £500,000?
As the reply is a long one and involves figures, I will, with my right hon. Friend's permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that on a scheme of £200,000 of road making in Monmouthshire the county council has been—[ Interruption. ]
Following is the reply:
The figure of 4,000 men which I gave to my right hon. Friend on the 12th November represents a moderate estimate of the men whose wages cost can be properly regarded as chargeable either in whole or in greater part to every million pounds worth of work assisted under the existing schemes. I cannot accept the estimate that the average weekly wages for the men thus directly and indirectly employed is as suggested by my right hon. Friend. The remainder of the expenditure represents the prime cost of materials, cost of transportation, charges for the acquisition of land and ordinary overhead charges, and it also obviously includes a sum which will vary with each scheme and which it is not possible to estimate, representing wages and salaries of men only part of whose employment is in connection with the work on the State-aided schemes.
Railway Schemes
asked the Lord Privy Seal the number of persons employed by the Great Western Railway Company, the London, Midland and Scottish Railway Company, and the Metropolitan Railway Company, respectively, before the expenditure of £7,000,000, divided among them, was approved by Sir Arthur Duckham's Committee; and the number employed by each of them last week or on the latest date for which the information can be obtained?
Apart from the annual census of railway employé's no complete record of the number of persons employed by the companies is available. I would point out, however, that in any case the schemes referred to will involve employment on the part of private firms to whom orders will be given for steel and other materials. Some of these orders have been given and others will be given very shortly, but no records are available from which to calculate the number of extra persons to whom employment will thus be given.
Will not the right hon. Gentleman take the House into his confidence as to the number of extra unemployed labourers who will be employed as the result of this effort?
Canada (Minister's Visit)
asked the Lord Privy Seal how many orders were secured by him in Canada during his visit to that Dominion; and if he can indicate the nature of the goods ordered?
I went to Canada as a Minister of the Crown with the object of stimulating the interest of the Dominion generally in an expansion of trade with this country.
Are we to understand from that reply that the right hon. Gentleman was not able to do anything in Canada?
Russia (British Relations)
asked the Prime Minister whether he has consulted the Dominion Governments with regard to the publication of the correspondence which has passed concerning the resumption of diplomatic relations with the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics; and will he publish the correspondence as a White Paper as soon as possible?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative. As regards the second part of the question, I have nothing to add to replies which have already been given as to the general principles applicable to the publication of correspondence of the class to which this belongs.
Is not the right hon. Gentleman aware that on 11th July he raised our hopes by saying that the question of publishing would be considered, and that the Government could not publish the correspondence without first consulting the Dominions?
That is perfectly true; the question of publishing was considered, and this is the result.
In reply to a question which I asked on this very subject the other day, did not the right hon. Gentleman say that he could not publish it, and can he give to the House the reason why this information—the correspondence that has passed between this country and the Dominions—cannot be published?
Do the Dominion Governments object to publication, or will they be free to publish if they desire to do so?
I cannot say anything regarding the second part of the question, but, regarding the first part, this correspondence belongs to a class about which a practice has been applied by every Government, and I hope that it will continue to be applied.
Does not the right hon. Gentleman consider that free and frank correspondence on important matters with the Dominions would not be possible if the correspondence were published?
Land Values (Taxation)
asked the Prime Minister if he has received a resolution from Tyldesley Urban District Council asking him if the time is opportune for the taxing of land values; and, if so, will the Government introduce legislation to effect this?
I would refer my hon. Friend to the answer I gave to the hon. Member for East Wolverhampton (Mr. Mander) on the 11th July, of which I am sending him a copy.
Government (Adverse Votes)
asked the Prime Minister if he will state the attitude of the Government towards the possible adverse votes in this House other than those expressly made votes of confidence?
It is impossible to answer a question which proceeds so much on unlikely events. But the situation is similar in some respects to that which obtained in 1924. On that occasion, I explained my attitude, distinguishing carefully between issues on unimportant matters and substantial issues. My observations will be found in the OFFICIAL REPORT of the 12th February, 1924, columns 749–750.
Imported Agricultural Produce
asked the Prime Minister whether, in the interests of British agriculture, the Government is prepared to consider a system whereby agricultural produce imported into this country, and sold at a price below that of production but protected by a bounty on sales granted by the Government of its country of origin, should be subject to a registration fee equal in amount to the said bounty?
The hon. and gallant Member's proposal would involve a tax of imported foodstuffs, which is contrary not only to the policy of this Government, but as far as I know to the policy of any alternative Government. I am therefore unable to adopt it.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that it is not a question of a tax, but merely of bringing the price of bounty-fed agricultural produce to the world price, and that is not a tax?
Government Departments (New Buildings)
asked the Prime Minister whether it is proposed to erect additional offices for the Civil Service on land adjoining the Horse Guards Avenue; and, if so, whether, before operations are sanctioned, this House will be given an opportunity of discussing the utility of the huge expenditure involved?
The question of the erection of a building to house departmental staffs on the Whitehall Gardens Montagu House site is at present under consideration, but no decision has yet been reached in the matter.
Is it correct that the cost of this building scheme will run into millions of pounds? Seeing the grievous need of public money for more pressing matters, will my right hon. Friend represent to the Leader of the House the propriety of giving us an opportunity of discussing this huge expenditure?
Will the Government also take into account the enormous waste represented by the unfruitful use of those sites at the present time with the out-of-date and wasteful buildings which are on them?
The Government will take all relevant matters into consideration. In answer to my hon. Friend the Member for South Nottingham (Mr. Knight) I can say that if it is ultimately decided to go on with this scheme the House will have a full opportunity to discuss the matter on the Estimates of Public Buildings.
What Department is it proposed to put there?
Oh, a large number of Departments, which are at present scattered all over the West End of London.
Shipbuilding Industry
Financial Assistance (Foreign Countries)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer in which of the following countries financial assistance approximating to that known as trade facilities or export credits is available for the shipbuilding industry; Northern Ireland, Denmark, and Sweden?
The British Export Credits scheme extends to Northern Ireland, and there is also a scheme analogous to Trade Facilities provided by the Northern Ireland Government. With regard to similar facilities in Denmark and Sweden, I have no precise information with regard to the position at the present time; but I understand that an Export Credits scheme available for shipbuilding is in operation in Denmark, while in Sweden a scheme of this kind previously available ceased to operate some two years ago.
Dispute (Conference)
( by Private Notice ) asked the Minister of Labour what efforts she is making to settle the dispute affecting the shipyard joiners; and whether she is aware that notices terminate on Saturday next?
The situation has been discussed with representatives of the employers and of the union, and a joint conference of the parties, presided over by a representative of the Ministry, is being held this afternoon. I am sure the whole House will hope that it will be a successful conference.
This has been going on for months, and I want to know why there has been this delay? Shipyard joiners all over Britain are threatened with a lock-out because the Belfast shipyard joiners are on strike and the British shipyard joiners refuse to work overtime. I want to know why the right hon. Lady did not take immediate action?
I am sure the House will agree that it was wiser under the circumstances to leave the matter where it is.
Finance and Industry (Committee)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he will extend the investigations of the Macmillan Committee on banking and finance so as to include within its terms of reference an examination of the best methods of transforming the Bank of England from a private profit-making corporation to a nationalised institution, and the desirability of maintaining the gold standard on its present basis?
I see no reason to extend the Committee's terms of reference. They are already wide enough to enable the Committee to consider all matters concerned with banking, finance and credit.
Are we to understand that the terms of reference of this Committee do not include the problems of the constitution of the Bank of England or the gold standard?
It will be for the Committee to construe their terms of reference, and I have no doubt at all that they will consider anything that can help them to come to a conclusion on the matter referred to them.
Would the right hon. Gentleman say whether he intended their terms of reference to include these points?
As I have said before, I drafted the terms of reference in the widest possible way, and I must leave it to the Committee to interpret those terms of reference.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that he has put Free Traders and no others on the Committee? It is composed entirely of Free Traders.
I did not inquire into the fiscal views of the gentlemen whom I appointed, and I tried to find the very best men available. If it be the fact that every member of the Committee is a Free Trader, it shows that it is only among those who are Free Traders that we are able to find the best men.
Does the right hon. Gentleman intend to carry out the pledge on page 26 of "Labour and the Nation"?
Palestine (Disturbances)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer the estimated cost to the Treasury of the measures undertaken by the Government following on the recent disturbances in Palestine?
The estimated cost of the measures in question that has been defrayed from British funds up to date is approximately £34,000. This does not include any expenditure met from Palestine funds, or the value of British stores issued from stock. No decision has yet been reached as to the ultimate incidence of charge of this expenditure.
Arising out of the reply, may I ask the Chancellor of the Exchequer to what extent these disturbances in Palestine were the result of Soviet propaganda?
Questions to Ministers
On a point of Order, Mr. Speaker. May I draw your attention to the fact that we have reached only Question 52, and not got to the Questions of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and may I ask whether next Tuesday we can have the Scottish Questions put at the end of Questions?
On that point of Order. May I also point out to you that, owing to the inquisitiveness, the pertinacity and the loquacity of the Scottish Members, business has been interrupted to-day, and suggest that Scottish Questions should in future be put in the place which they usually occupied before the alteration was made?
May I ask for your guidance, Sir, as to how, under these circumstances, I can put down a question to the Post Office with any chance of having it answered?
May I, through you, Mr. Speaker, suggest to the hon. Members that the best way to get plenty of time for Questions by English Members is to give Scotland home rule?
In reply to the points of order which have been put to me, I would remind hon. Members, who have complained that we are only a short way down the list of questions, that the circumstances to-day have been rather unusual. To-day, the floodgates of Scottish inquiries have been unloosed, but no doubt the tide will recede on future occasions.
British Troops, Cairo
The following question stood upon the Order Paper in the name of Mr. HOPKIN:
105. To ask the Secretary of State for War if his attention has been called to the unsatisfactory quarters and unsatisfactory position as a barracks of the Citadel, Cairo; is he aware that crime increases immediately troops are sent there, that it is near the Dead City, and that there is very limited ground for recreation; and what steps he proposes to close down these barracks?
I want to call your attention, Mr. Speaker, to a question on the Order Paper which has not been reached. It is Question 105. There seems to me in the third line to be a very unfair and uncalled for imputation upon the British Army. I wish to know whether you have any power which you can exercise to see that that question in its present form should not be entered in the OFFICIAL REPORT or on the records of the House?
I will consider that question.
I put down Question 105, and I wish to ask you, Mr. Speaker, whether it is possible for me to have an opportunity to explain why I put it down?
I have already said that I will consider that question.
Business of the House
Ordered,
"That the Proceedings on the Widows', Orphans', and Old Age Contributory Pensions Bill be exempted, at this day's Sitting, from the provisions of the Standing Order (Sittings of the House.)"—[ The Prime Minister. ]
Poor Prisoners' Defence Bill
Reported, without Amendment, from Standing Committee B.
Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 74.]
Minutes of the Proceedings of the Standing Committee to be printed.
Bill, not amended (in the Standing Committee), to be taken into consideration upon Monday next.
Orders of the Day
Widows', Orphans' and Old Age Contributory Pensions Bill
As amended, considered.
NEW CLAUSE.—(Amendment of ss. 9 and 15 and First Schedule of principal Act.)
As from the commencement of this Act—
(1) Section nine (Rates of contributions) of the principal Act shall have effect as if after paragraph (iv) of Subsection (1) of the said Section there had been inserted the following:
(v) in respect of every person who is employed in any employment which is an excepted employment by virtue of paragraphs ( d ), ( e ), ( g ), or ( h ) of Part II of the First Schedule to the Insurance Act, and who has not attained the age of sixty-five, at the rates specified in Part IV of the First Schedule to this Act;
(2) Section fifteen (Persons employed in excepted employments) of the principal Act shall have effect as if the words "paragraph (iv) of Sub-section (1) of Section nine of this Act applies," contained in Sub-section (1) of the said Section fifteen, had been omitted therefrom and the words "paragraphs (iv) and (v) of Sub-section (1) of Section nine of this Act apply" had been inserted therein in lieu thereof;
(3) The First Schedule of the principal Act shall have effect as if the words "paragraph (iv) of Sub-section (1) of Section nine of this Act applies," contained in Part IV of the said Schedule had been omitted therefrom, and the words "paragraphs (iv) and (v) of Subsection (1) of Section nine of this Act apply" had been inserted therein in lieu thereof.—[ Mr. Maclean. ]
Brought up, and read the First time.
I beg to move, "That the Clause be read a Second time."
A considerable amount of time has already been spent discussing this Bill and therefore I do not propose to speak at any length in moving this Motion. The Minister of Health and the Parliamentary Secretary are well aware of my object, and therefore it is quite unnecessary for me to take up much time explaining it. Not only are the Minister of Health and the Parliamentary Secretary aware of the object of this new Clause but the Leaders of the Opposition to this Measure are quite aware of the purpose underlying it. The intention of this new Clause is to bring within the scope of the Bill a large number of people who are at present outside its scope, and if the House agrees to the Second Reading it will confer a boon upon a large number of people who otherwise will be kept outside the Bill, and who desire to come within its scope. As drawn at present the Bill excludes a large number of those belonging to the professional classes and many of them feel that they ought to be brought within its provisions. This new Clause proposes to bring the classes to whom I have referred within the ambit of the Bill and it-will enable them to qualify for the Old Age pension.
I beg to second the Motion.
This new Clause proposes to bring within the scope of this Bill teachers in Scotland, the North of Ireland, and certain other classes of teachers. The Government have to consider what is the general wish of this class expressed through their principal organisations. The question has been discussed on many previous occasions and the teaching profession has expressed its desire not to come within the scope of the Act of 1925. They were originally included in the Bill of 1925, but they were taken out at the express wish of the representatives of the teaching profession. Consequently, no contributions were made, and they have no right to voluntary insurance. Now this particular question has been raised again. The main institution which represents a large body of the teaching profession in Scotland has unanimously decided against coming within the scope of this Measure. In England and Wales the National Union of Teachers have discussed this point, and by a small majority they have expressed a desire to come under the provisions of this Bill.
What was the majority in the case of the National Union of Teachers, and were any other sections of the teaching profession in Scotland in favour of the Bill?
I cannot give the exact majority.
Are any sections of the teaching profession in favour of the Bill?
4.0 p.m.
I believe that the National Association of Schoolmasters are in favour of being included in this Measure, but that is the only teachers' association. I have heard of who desire to come under this Measure. I do not think we ought forcibly to include in this Bill a professional class who are not ready to come in. We cannot go against the unanimous decision of the Scottish teachers, and we cannot act contrary to the wishes of the majority of the associations of English teachers. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Edgbaston (Mr. Chamberlain), who was in charge of the 1925 Bill, said he could not bring in the teachers against their will. In this case, we are dealing with highly-educated persons who understand their own needs. I must decline to accept such an Amendment unless assured of the support of the great majority of those who would be beneficiaries.
Has the Parliamentary Secretary made any inquiries or received any representations from the uncertificated teachers?
I do not understand where they come in. The lowest class, the supplementary teachers, I am afraid, have no superannuation scheme of any kind. Their salaries are so low as to bring them well within the exemption limit. They are not included in the Insurance Act. The uncertificated teachers are included in the suggested Clause.
Question, "That the Clause be read a Second time," put, and negatived.
CLAUSE 1.—(Extension of right to widows' pensions.)
I beg to move, in page 1, line 11, to leave out the word "fifty-five," and to insert instead thereof the word "forty-five."
This Amendment, as will be seen, is intended to reduce the age of the women who receive a pension from 55 to 45. When the Bill was in Committee the matter was discussed at some length on a Motion by the hon. Member for Leith (Mr. E. Brown). The Parliamentary Secretary then stated that she thought there was more hardship in the case of the widow of 55 than in the case of the widow of 45, and she resisted the Amendment. So far as the question of age is concerned I can see no difference in hardship. Most Members on the Labour Benches will agree that at the last election all of us thought that, whatever else was done for the widow who received a pension for her children, if a Labour Government took office she would continue to have that pension. That was the minimum that we all had in mind. Under this Bill we are increasing the age in respect of children to 16. I am proposing not to include every widow, but to lower the age of recipients from 55 to 45. There are many women of 46 and 47 and 48 who are incapable of any kind of work in a labour market that is already overcrowded; they find it impossible to get work.
On what theory is this Bill based? A woman of 45 with a child of eight years will get the pension for the child for the next seven or eight years, but because the child of another woman next door happens to be over 16, that woman is debarred from receiving the pension. That is not equity. It is a distinction drawn merely because nature or Providence did not arrange that her children should be born at the same time as the children of her next-door neighbour. Such a distinction is indefensible. What defence is there for a proposal to give a woman a pension until a child reaches the age of 14½, and then coming along and saying, "That pension shall be taken from you, but when you reach the age of 55 it will be given back to you." I say candidly that at the last election Members of the Labour party thought that a Labour Government would at least have made sure that every widow, so far as insurability was concerned, was treated with equity. None of us thought that a Labour Government would make a distinction between widows because of a particular date.
The Amendment is a reasonable one. It reduces the age limit by only 10 years. I am asking the House to include a class of most deserving women who, at the last election, thought that these pensions were to be extended to them. We have been told that this Bill is not the final word, and that there is to be another. Let me put this point to the Parlia- mentary Secretary: A Bill dealing with coal is to be introduced, and we are told that it will not be the final Bill. Then there is Unemployment Insurance, about which we are to have a Bill. That also is not to be the final Bill. I have been in Parliament for seven years, and I know that talk about other Bills is sheer and unadulterated nonsense. This Parliament cannot go on duplicating its work. Apart from anything else, Parliamentary time will not allow it to be done. Why should we wait for another Bill merely in order to reduce the age limit from 55 to 45? Would the change add tremendously to the cost? Do the widows of 45 not need the money as much as the widows of 55? Is this extension refused because widows of 45 are not deserving?
When I was at Brighton, at the Labour party conference, and was attacking the salary paid to a certain organiser, the remark was made that a person who was a Member of Parliament could not live on the £400 a year that he received, and must have some addition to his income. If that statement applies to organisers, some of them single and with no responsibilities, how much more should it apply to the widow of 45 and the 10s. a week? I would remind the Parliamentary Secretary that I personally pledged my word at the election that every widow who had a pension now would have it continued, and that there would be no more of the Tory business of stopping a woman's pension when her child became 14½ or 16. What I am proposing now is neither a revolutionary nor a big step, and I hope that the Government will grant this small concession.
I beg to second the Amendment.
The great feeling of disappointment that arose when the Conservative Government's Bill was passed in 1925 was due largely to the fact that, though the Bill was entitled a Widows' Pensions Bill in application, it left out a large number of widows. I feel sure that many Members on both sides of the House must have been inundated with protests and expressions of dissatisfaction regarding the conditions that prevailed after 1925. I certainly have given every encouragement to those who were concerned in my constituency, by telling them that anything that I could do would be done to facilitate the bringing in of a larger number of those who really need this very small pension. It is a very thin affair at the best to the widow who is left to struggle along under adverse circumstances.
In proposing to reduce the age limit to 45 we are merely beginning to give evidence of our sincerity and our desire to remove the anomalies that occurred under the 1925 Act. I agree with the last speaker that it is not at all satisfactory to have to go to one's constituents and explain that in this and other matters the Government intend to introduce further Bills. We all know the possibility of emergencies arising, quite apart from any doubt that may be entertained as to whether the intentions of the Government are sincere. We know what might arise within a given time, and that among those who would be left in the lurch and exceedingly disappointed would be those on whose behalf we are making this claim now. Let us leave out all personal acrimony or partisanship and lift the question up to the level of fair consideration on its merits. Let us think of the widows. Let us try to do something substantial to encourage and uplift these people. I think that, when we arrive at that conclusion, we shall get support for this proposal, and I hope that the hon. Lady will be able to accept the Amendment.
I do not complain, of course, of hon. Members raising points which they think are really important at this stage, but I would remind the House that we have spent a very considerable time in very carefully discussing this matter, and all that I can do is to repeat broadly what I have previously said. If we look back, we see that the bulk of the discussion on this Bill has been devoted to bringing forward very hard cases indeed which are not within the scope of the Measure. To those who have brought forward such cases, we have pointed out what has been carefully underlined in the Labour party's Election Manifesto—[ Interruption. ] The Election Manifesto said that the grave injustices of the Widows', Orphans', and Old Age Pensions Acts would be immediately remedied, and that, as soon as the urgent legislation dealing with unemployment could be passed—
Does the Election Manifesto leave out the promises of the Prime Minister, the Home Secretary, the President of the Board of Trade, and the Foreign Secretary?
I have stated what the Election Manifesto said, and, if you consult the Election Address of the Prime Minister, you will find that the same thing was said there. The manifesto was printed and issued with every circumstance of solemnity, and was signed by the leaders of the Labour party.
What about the Prime Minister?
It was signed by the Prime Minister and by the chairman of the party. Hon. Gentlemen opposite know that programmes have been issued by the Conservative party, and hon. Gentlemen below the Gangway know that programmes have been issued by the Liberal party, and they know that the party programme which is put forward is the basis on which a party goes to the country. That is what we said in our Election Manifesto. I am not going to discuss that—
The hon. Lady talks about the manifesto, but what I think some of her own party are troubled about, and certainly what we are troubled about, and what many men and women who fought for and against this particular Bill are troubled about, is what the Prime Minister said about the case of the widow in need, and what the Foreign Secretary said as to an increase in these pensions. I do not understand the Labour Manifesto, and I do not understand the policy of the Labour party, but I do understand straight dealing, and I do not think we are getting it.
I do not think I can add any more; I just throw that out as a sort of cautionary hint. Having the situation before us, and knowing that very many hard cases were excluded, we selected 55 as the age. I admit that the selection of any particular age is arbitrary. It was arbitrary when the Liberal party chose 70 as the age for old age pensions. A case could have been made out then for choosing 65, and that case has since been made out, but 65, again, is an arbitrary figure. There are many people even under the age of 60 who are much older than other people over 70, for all practical purposes.
Will the hon. Lady forgive me—
I cannot give way.
Politeness costs nothing.
We had to draw an arbitrary line at one particular age, and we fixed it at 55. We could have argued in favour of making it 60, or 50, or 45, but we said that 55 is an age when the body weakens, and when, perhaps, the mind is not as bright as it used to be. Speaking generally of the masses of the people, those who employ people know that, generally speaking, a man at 55 is not as good a proposition as a man at 35. This, as I have said, is a limited reform, and even if I debated the matter at great length I could only put over and over again the same considerations which were urged when this Amendment was first proposed, namely, that we are not now remedying all the injustices and evils to which the population are subject, but we have chosen this class of elderly widows as the first to be given this concession, because their case is borne in upon us. Other cases will have to wait and stand out of the way while other Bills are being dealt with, but we hope and believe that later on it will be possible for us to complete the survey and bring in a more fitting instalment.
We have had another very interesting contribution to these Debates, and one which is likely to provoke some further discussion, though it is true that in the earlier stages of the Bill we have taken some notice of this particular matter. The Parliamentary Secretary, in endeavouring to deal with the Amendment moved by the hon. Member for Gorbals (Mr. Buchanan), in the first place took refuge in the Election Manifesto issued by the Socialist party at the General Election. She conveniently ignored the statement of the Prime Minister, the statement of the Foreign Secretary, and the statements repeatedly made by Members of the present Cabinet in their own election addresses, and has invited the people of this country, I suppose, in the future to pay no regard to any statement made on a public platform by her own colleagues in the present Government. That is really what it amounts to.
It is not possible to avoid undertakings which were given far more forcibly than in the Election Manifesto issued by the Socialist party at the last General Election. Everyone who has had any practical experience, as everyone in this House must have had, of what people pay attention to at a General Election, knows full well that people pay most attention to the statements which are made by the public men of the day, and which are reported widely in our newspapers, rather than to the carefully phrased and rather windy expressions contained in the Election Manifesto of the party opposite. [ Interruption. ] You cannot avoid pledges that have been given in that way. It would be most unfair, and it certainly would be a very poor reply to make to the widows of the country, who certainly relied upon the word of the present Prime Minister, to tell them now, in the Parliamentary Secretary's own words, which I think will be worth quoting in the future, that those widows will have to wait until other Bills have gone through, and then, after that, nothing definite whatever. There is supposed to be some Cabinet Committee which has been set up, really, I think, with the intention of avoiding the pledges that have been given, because, if the committee was not intended to avoid the pledges that have been given, if it was intended to give every widow in need a pension, it would have been quite easy to incorporate it in this Bill; it would not have taken a minute longer so far as procedure was concerned, and there is no reason whatever from a practical point of view why it should not have been done.
Why did not you do it?
The answer to that question is that we never gave any undertaking to do it.
That answer is an insult to the intelligence of the electorate.
Perhaps I had better develop that. Why does the hon. Gentleman say that that statement of mine is an insult to the electorate? The point I am making is that the answer which the Parliamentary Secretary has just given, relying upon the Election mani- festo of the Socialist party, is not an answer to this Amendment, and my complaint—I am sorry the hon. Gentleman does not understand it—is that the undertakings which were given, the pledges which were given at the last General Election to the widows and other old people affected by this particular class of legislation, have not been fulfilled. It is no reply to that to ask why I did not do it, when I gave no pledge or undertaking to do it. There is a very considerable difference indeed, because, at the last General Election, those of us who had some regard to what the cost meant, those of us who had some regard to the decencies of public life in this country, said that we could not give an undertaking of that kind. If the hon. Gentleman will spare a little time to look at the reply given by the late Prime Minister, and also by the Leader of the Liberal party, with respect to these matters, he will find a very different state of affairs altogether.
What was the reply given by the present Leader of the Conservative party, who was then Prime Minister, when these questions were put forward? It would have been very inviting to answer quite easily, "Yes, we will give you what you want." I suppose that nothing could have been said that would have appealed to a larger section of the people of this country. It would not only have appealed to the widows in need, but to a great many people who sympathise with them as well. The Leader of the Conservative party, however, set out very carefully the reasons why that pledge could not be given by him. He stated what the cost would be, and he said that in his judgment he was not able to undertake to carry out this particular pledge if he were returned to power. I was amazed to see in a newspaper this morning a statement to the effect that some promises and undertakings were given on this side of the House as lavish as the undertakings of the Socialist party. Whoever wrote that has not followed the course of events with regard to this matter. The Leader of the Liberal party also gave no such undertaking.
We, in fighting the General Election, endeavoured to have some regard to what promises meant, and, if we gave them, we saw what they would involve and what the cost would be; but reckless pledges of this kind were given, and we are now confronted with the statement that these widows will have to wait; and when the Minister representing the Government gets up to reply, she conveniently forgets every word that has been said by the present Prime Minister. I think I was fully justified the other day in asking the Prime Minister why he did not come down and take part in these Debates. It is just as important to the people of this country to know why he has not carried out his pledge, why he has not complied with his undertaking in this matter, as in any other matter affecting the public life of the country. The Prime Minister ought to have been here, and ought to have given an explanation. [ Interruption. ] An hon. Member asks why is not the Leader of our party here? The Leader of our party, as I have been endeavouring to explain, gave no such undertaking.
Why is not the Leader of your party here to challenge the Leader of the Labour party?
I say again that the Prime Minister ought to have been here to explain why the peldge that he gave has not been fulfilled. The other reply which the Parliamentary Secretary gave was a Very extraordinary one. The hon. Member for Gorbals (Mr. Buchanan) has put down an Amendment, which he has taken from an earlier part of our proceedings, asking that forty-five should be inserted instead of fifty-five. I am very surprised that he has put that down. I thought he would have put down an Amendment incorporating the pledge given by the Prime Minister at the General Election.
I know my party are not in power and I took it that the Liberal party would vote with us. My reason for putting it down was to make certain that there would be a majority.
The hon. Member has not followed our proceedings. The Liberal party have been forcing Amendments upon the Committee endeavouring to extend the Bill and, at any rate, on two important occasions they have been defeated by the votes of the Socialist party. The answer that the hon. Lady has given is that 55 is an arbitrary age. It is taken, I suppose, at random almost, but whatever reason there may be for it, it is stated that at that particular age people of that class are in exceptional difficulties and distress. Is that the real reason? Every member knows the reason. It is that the finances of the country only permit of pensions of this character being given at that particular age, if you once rule out the question of need. If we really had the honest truth told us, it is that the Chancellor of the Exchequer has told the Minister of Health and the Cabinet that, having regard to the state of the finances of the country, he could not undertake to carry out the pledge that was given at the General Election. He said, "The most I can do for you is to give you during the next 16 years, so far as I can foresee, a sum of £100,000,000." What the right hon. Gentleman has done is to take £80,000,000 of it and give it to a selected class, leaving out a very large number of deserving people who are just as much entitled to it as the class which has been selected.
I much prefer the hon. Lady when she is explanatory than when she is polemical. She is much more disingenuous when she is polemical than when she is explanatory. It is not treating the House with the respect it deserves to pretend that the sole pledge of the Labour party on this question was contained in the manifesto. She knows as well as I do that all three parties were approached on this specific and definite issue, quite apart from this electoral manifesto. I happened to be, in the last Parliament, the chairman of the Parliamentary sub-committee of my party, which went very closely into the matter for three weeks before making our own recommendations to our own party, and in the Election the caution of the Liberal party's reply to the national conference of old age pensioners cost us a great deal of support in every division where we fought. The hon. Lady must know it. I do not wish to say anything more about it.
I wish to turn my attention from her to the hon. Member for Gorbals (Mr. Buchanan). We are taunted outside the House by his friends as being back numbers and dead and of no use whatever. It is interesting for us to find the old position we used to see in the old village where you see a horse and cart and a small boy running behind and his friends shouting, "Whip behind." The hon. Member is like a small boy running behind a cart, and he is too late. He is nine days too late. He has raised the matter, but he had not the initiative or the constructive Parliamentary ability to think out the Amendment in the first place and put it on the Paper, when it ought to have been discussed by the Committee. That was left to this party, which he and his friends are calling effete and worn-out. He comes nine days after, with all the unction possible, and constitutes himself the sole defender of the widow of 45. He does not appreciate the arguments that were used by those who originally put it down. He used entirely different ones which have no real relevance to the Amendment whatever. He and his little group from Vinegar Hill, Gallowgate, must not expect to get any cheers from here.
We have been bred in the school that learnt to play with the team, and the sooner the hon. Member learns to play with his team and learns to face the hard facts before he goes electioneering the better for the widows to whom he refers as having been misled at the General Election. If he forces a Division I shall be bound to vote for the Amendment. I did not force it myself, because I heard the Minister's explanation, though it did not quite meet my point. Whereas 55 was a thoroughly sound age to choose if you were taking physical disabilities only into account, 45 was really the age when the economic power of the widow was lowest. That was the real case. I withdrew my Amendment, because we have not tried to make unnecessary trouble during the whole of the Debate. If the hon. Member is going to do that I would remind him of a speech by the Prime Minister two days after the Election results, in which he said, "We shall stand no monkeying." I ask the House and the country to observe that the monkeying is up there and we have had quite enough of it.
I only wish I had the freedom of utterance of recent speakers. I would ask the House really cannot we come back from this slinging one another.
Who began it?
That is like saying, "You are another." I came to this House with feelings of great pride, and I have had considerable feelings of pain since. [An HON. MEMBER: "We have all had it!"] I hope I shall never get over it. After all, what does it matter whether you said something last week? George Washington always said what he believed, and could be trusted, so that if you who protest can put your hands on your hearts and say you too are George Washingtons it does not apply to you. We are concerned with the widows. We are not dissecting one another. If we were, I am sure we could all make out a very good case that the other fellow is a very bad specimen. The right hon. Gentleman on the Front Bench criticised the hon. Lady for speaking of an arbitrary age, but why is he not fair in his criticism? Every age that is named must be an arbitrary age. Even 45 is an arbitrary age. Why quibble about an arbitrary age?
You promised it to everyone.
I have no hesitation in saying I am profoundly dissatisfied, but not for the same reason as hon. Members opposite. The right hon. Gentleman himself pointed out the reason, which is that finances do not permit. If that is true, and it is true, is not this opposition sheer hypocrisy? That is the real ground of my profound disappointment. The Minister of Health brings forward his proposals on the strength of promises which, I presume, he got from the Chancellor of the Exchequer, meaning that the financial question is at the base of the whole thing. The right hon. Gentleman opposite and his friends left the financial resources of the nation in such an appalling and bankrupt condition that the Chancellor of the Exchequer cannot do what I am sure he would delight in doing. Where does the blame rest, here or there? It is not for me to presume to suggest that I know the mind of the Minister of Health or the Chancellor of the Exchequer. It is not for me to attempt to plead for them. They are very well able to plead for themselves. But if I do not know their minds, I am sure I know their hearts, and the heart of the hon. Lady, too. [ Interruption. ] There, again, you do not mean what I mean. I believe the hon. Lady, her chief, the Minister of Health, and our esteemed and trusted Chancellor of the Exchequer. If they had the means at their command, and if the financial resources, to which the right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Woolwich (Sir K. Wood) has referred as being in such a parlous condition, had been left in the healthy condition which they will be in—[An HON. MEMBER: "When?"]—wait a minute—when Labour is in power with a 200 majority, I am perfectly certain, even long before that, that under those conditions none of my hon. Friends on this side, with whom I have the deepest sympathy, would ever require to ask a second time for any provision that is just, right, honest and fair. Hon. Gentlemen on the other side believe in sportsmanship. [ Interruption. ] I think that even the hon. Gentleman who grunted would claim to be a sportsman, and I would agree with him. In these days, we have a society for the prevention of cruelty to animals. I think that we want a society for the prevention of cruelty to Cabinet Ministers when we ask them to do things that we know in our hearts they cannot do. [An HON. MEM-BER: "Why did they promise?"] Why did you promise? Let us be fair. Be sportsmanlike. Give the other fellow a chance. We on this side promised the same as you promised. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] Oh yes, we did. I think I can prove to the hon. and gallant Gentleman opposite what I have said. When he was on the platform he made certain promises.
I never promised anything.
If the hon. and gallant Gentleman did not promise anything, I wonder what the intelligence of his constituency must have been.
I do not have to bribe.
All I can say is that, if he promised them nothing, he is giving them nothing. I am afraid that I am being led rather astray in trying to get my little speech off my chest. The point I want to make is that, even though there may be political differences, we should not let those political differences make us unfair and unjust to those who are in charge of this Bill. I am deeply and bitterly disappointed, not because they have failed, but because the resources at their command will not permit them to do what they want to do, and what they will do. I believe that. The hon. Lady says that there will be another Bill. I believe that, and, fortified and strengthened in that belief, I am prepared to face my constituency and say, "We have a pledge that another Bill will be produced at the earliest possible opportunity." [An HON. MEMBER: "Where is the money?"] Oh, we will, find the money. I have confidence in the Chancellor of the Exchequer to use the money he has wisely and well, and I am confident that when he makes his Budget it will be of a character that will enable him to do what he wants to do and what we want to do. I have no doubt on that point. I remember the old story of the bill which was alleged to have been put up in the concert room in front of the critical audience: "The artists are doing their best. Don't shoot!" Here we have two eminent and estimable artists. They are doing their best. What more do you want? What more can you expect? [ Interruption. ] Allow me to-put it still more personally. How much better would you do if you were in their places? You know very well that, whatever complaints you may have, they are doing as well as can be done under the circumstances. Therefore, while I am sorry that the finances of the nation were left in such a bankrupt condition by those who preceded this Parliament, I also believe that those who are using what there is available are using it to the very best advantage as the circumstances permit. Instead of finding fault with them, we ought to get on with the job, and enable them to make the best possible use of their opportunity.
It would be impossible to resist the ingenuous charm of the speech of the hon. Gentleman the Member for Nuneaton (Mr. F. Smith). It is a long time in this House since we have heard a speech that we have enjoyed so much or one which could be more truly labelled as an apologia for the Socialist Government. We have now had explained to us in the frankest terms the attitude of the Socialist party towards the electors. "We go down," says this Socialist party, "at election times. We promise this, and we promise that. After all, why should we not promise this and that? We know and they know that we cannot carry the promise out whatever happens." That is the defence of the party's position to-day. They make these promises at election times. The hon. Gentleman is not in the least ashamed of the position in which he finds himself. [ Interruption. ] His leader has placed before the electorate the most definite undertaking that a man in his responsible position could give to the electors of this country.
On a point of Order. I only rise to call attention to a remark which has been made by one hon. Member concerning another hon. Member which, I think, calls for some comment. The remark made by an hon. Member on the other side concerning my hon. Friend was a most unfair remark. If it had been applied to myself, I should have known how to deal with it, but I think it is very unfair upon an old comrade.
I did not hear the remark.
It was most unfair.
Not one of us would wish to be turned aside from the charming speech to which we have just listened and from the Amendment with which we are concerned. I would for a moment turn to the Front Bench, with which the hon. Gentleman the Member for Nuneaton has sympathised so sincerely. I do not think that they are in any sense worthy of sympathy. I think the position in which they find themselves to-day is one which they have richly deserved by the promises which they gave to the electors. The defence of the hon. Lady—great respect as I have for her talents—was the most cynical performance I have ever heard in this House. I am not going to chide hon. Members opposite because they have failed to fulfil their promises. We know perfectly well that those pledges were incapable of fulfilment. But we chide them because they are so cynical as to tell those sections of the electorate who may not be so able to understand as the hon. Gentleman the Member for Nuneaton that the resources are not available to fulfil those pledges, and because they have so cynically asked why we should be offended because they have promised what they cannot fulfil. That is the pledge which we have exposed in this Committee to-day. [ Interruption. ] Yes, it is. We shall see to it that a very much wider audience than this fully understands the position in which the right hon. Gentleman is placed to-day.
It is all very well for hon. Gentlemen opposite to talk now about: "We knew the means would not be available." Of course they knew it. Why did they make promises knowing that the means were not available? Why did they offer the electorate that which they knew they could not perform? What is the good of trying all the time to blame the innocent lamblike flock below the Gangway whose position has always been consistent. The hon. Gentleman cannot charge the Liberal party. It is his party and his party alone who have to bear the burden of having cynically disregarded those pledges that they held out to the electorate. This question of the age limit would never have been raised now if hon. Members at the election had had the courage to say that they believed that the system instituted by the last Government of the provision of pensions on a contributory basis could be extended and should be extended, and that by that means they could benefit all the widows of the country. Had they said that, they might to-day have been able to fulfil their pledges. They sneered at us because our system was contributory. They promised to do away with it, and give to all widows a pension on a scale which we all knew was impracticable under the present financial conditions. There is a line in an old musical comedy which I would commend to the Prime Minister, which runs
5.0 p.m.
This Amendment, so far as I can see, has very little to do with election pledges. The Amendment is concerned with a specific proposal to alter the age—not to give all pre-Act widows a pension, but to reduce the age from 55 to 45 years. As I said on the Second Reading of this Bill, 55 years seems to be a reasonable age, having regard to the position in which we are to-day, at which to deal with a specially deserving class of people who have begun to find it really difficult to maintain their foothold in the labour market. If you come down to the age of 45 years, you come down to an age where all that has been said about the spinster becomes redoubled in its force. The hon. and gallant Member for Warwick and Leamington (Captain Eden) spoke about the widow. What about the elderly spinster? The elderly spinster is a hard case, and, as I have tried, not once, but many times, to explain during the progress of this Bill, I know that it is a hard case, but I say that nobody who stood in my place now could, within the ambit of what I am trying to do arising out of the Act of 1925, deal with that problem. If I reduce the age of the pre-Act widow to 45, bringing within the ambit of this Bill many women who still maintain a foothold in the labour market, women without children, and many of them in easier circumstances than spinsters who may have to maintain relatives, what is the position of this Bill? I am in an impossible position. I am being asked then to bring in a large class which I say, and which this House has agreed, cannot well be brought within the four corners of the present Bill.
But as is usual in all these Amendments, right hon. and hon. Members arise and quote pledges. They even quote pledges which were never given. They have quoted in this House, not once, but many times, a speech alleged to have been delivered by the Foreign Secretary which was never delivered by him at all. In the publication "Hints for Speakers"—I like the word "Hints"—there is at the end an erratum, and we find tucked away there, and hidden in the bosoms of members of the party opposite, the truth that this pledge, said to have been given by the Foreign Secre- tary, was given, not by him, but by somebody called Mr. J. Henderson. We have never had an admission from the benches opposite that that pledge, quoted in the House, not once, but a dozen times, was a pledge never made by anybody who sits on this bench. During the last day or two, since the time when they discovered their error, they have fallen back on the Prime Minister's pledge.
Since when has the instantaneous fulfilment of all political pledges been an accepted canon of political life? If we were to accept the instantaneous fulfilment of pledges as a canon, what would be hanging round the neck of the Conservative party? I go back to the day of that great Tory democrat, Mr. Disraeli, who spoke and wrote of the two nations. What about pledges there? The two nations still exist. Have they been upbraided because in the short space of three-quarters of a century they have not fulfilled the ideals of their great leader? Nobody speaking for this party has ever said that in one all-comprehensive Measure, all pledges ever given should be fulfilled. [An HON. MEMBER: "You led people to think that they would be!"] We never led anybody to believe any such thing. We have a far higher opinion of the intelligence of the electorate. In our election manifesto, which after all is the final definitive document, it was clearly pointed out that while we had no desire—and I have no desire now—to escape from any responsible pledges given by leaders of the party, they had to be regarded as pledges which would be fulfilled by instalments, and that is what we are doing in this Bill. That is why we have attempted the largest practicable step which can be taken within five months of our having taken office to fulfil the pledges which we have given. We have brought within the scope of this Bill the pre-Act widow of the insurable class of 55 years of age or over. That is a substantial contribution towards the fulfilment of our pledge. I do not say that it is a fulfilment, and I have never pretended, speaking on this side of the House, that it is. I have always said that it is a substantial contribution towards fulfilment. But I say that the Amendment moved by the hon. Member for Gorbals (Mr. Buchanan) does not fulfil the pledge either.
It gets a, bit nearer to it.
My reply to the interjection of my hon. Friend is that so far from coming a little nearer, it makes this present Bill utterly impracticable because, as I explained at the beginning, once you get below the age at which the pre-Act widow is an ineligible applicant for work, you raise the whole problem which I say cannot be solved in this Bill at the present time. It is a problem which has to be threshed out. I think I may claim the support of the House in standing by the Bill as it is drafted, and in resisting any Amendment going beyond the maximum to which I can go at the present time, which is, to bring within the ambit of the widows' pension scheme 500,000 widows of the insurable class.
It had not been my intention to take part in the discussion upon this particular Amendment, and I should not have done so had it not been for certain observations of the right hon. Gentleman the Minister of Health which involve me personally. The right hon. Gentleman said that pledges had been quoted which had never been given. He said that a pledge had been attributed to the Foreign Secretary which was never made by him, and that no steps had been taken by anybody on this side of the House to acknowledge their error, although they had known it for some time. That is what has brought me to my feet, because I think I was the individual who first made the quotation to which the right hon. Gentleman has alluded. In the Second Reading Debate on this Bill, I did attribute to the Foreign Secretary three pledges, none of which I stated had been in fact fulfilled. Two of those pledges were pledges made to the secretary of the National Conference on Widows', Orphans' and Old Age Contributory Pensions. The third was taken from a speech, and it was to the effect that the Labour party guaranteed a pension to every widow in the land, and that the 10s. would be increased to £1 or more. At the time when I attributed all those pledges to the right hon. Gentleman the Foreign Secretary I need hardly say that I believed that he made all those three statements, but shortly afterwards I received a letter from the right hon. Gentleman in which he challenged my authority for the last of the three pledges. I thereupon made further in- quiries, and I found, as has been stated by the right hon. Gentleman the Minister of Health, that I had been mistaken in respect of that particular observation, and that it had been made, not by the Foreign Secretary, but by a Mr. J. Henderson, who was a Socialist candidate at the General Election, and was, I am glad to say, defeated, in the Lonsdale Division. I am glad that he was defeated, because it means that these promises, at any rate, did not do him any particular good. Of course, my first action was to write to the right hon. Gentleman the Foreign Secretary to explain to him the way in which I had fallen into error, to express to him my sincere regret for having wrongly attributed to him words which he had not used, and to offer, if he liked, to make a personal explanation in this House. I received from the right hon. Gentleman a letter dated 18th November—and the House will recollect that to-day is the 19th November—in which he says—I quote only the last paragraph:
"In view of the fact that you have taken steps to have the error rectified in any literature issued by the Tory central office in which it may have been repeated, there is no need for the correspondence to be published, I must leave you to decide the question of your making a personal statement in the House."
On receiving that letter, I decided that, in the course of the Debate on the Third Reading this afternoon, I would make a personal statement to this House, because I thought that, as it was in this House that I had made this unwitting error, it was due to the House that I should correct that error in the House. I think, therefore, hon. Members will acquite me of having attempted to evade acknowledgment of an error which was made in good faith and without any intention to deceive anybody. So much for that. Now, I must just add this: The right hon. Gentleman the Foreign Secretary does not, I think, deny for a moment that he gave the other two pledges to which I alluded; and he further said this:
"With regard to paragraph ( c ), I have to say that in its programme, 'Labour and the Nation,' the Labour party undertakes to improve the Widows' and Orphans' Pensins scheme and to provide adequate pensions for aged workers."
The question naturally arises, what was meant by "adequate pensions"? If the right hon. Gentleman thinks that the pensions already existing, pensions which are maintained at their present rates in the present Bill, are adequate, then of course that pledge has been fulfilled; but I venture to say that that was not what his auditors or his correspondents understood him to mean, and it was not what the general mass of the public understood; and it certainly was not what Mr. J. Henderson of the Lonsdale Division understood. He thought, apparently, that he was at liberty to translate that into his idea of what the pledge meant; and, although the right hon. Gentleman the Foreign Secretary himself is entirely innocent of having given the particular pledge which I quoted, I do not think that the explanation which I have given very much helps the party opposite.
We, on this side of the House, must have considerable sympathy with the hon. Member for Gorbals (Mr. Buchanan) in connection with this matter. The Minister of Health says that this question is not a matter of pledges. Of course, it is a matter of pledges, and that is why he is faced with this particular Amendment. The hon. Member for Gorbals was courageous enough to own that he gave this pledge. He says, quite frankly: "I gave this pledge. I had no command not to give the pledge. It was the policy of the party to which I belonged, and I give the pledge." A great number of instances could be collected in which the Socialist party offered pensions to all widows. The Home Secretary said:
"The Labour party's view was that the only qualification for a widow's pension would be widowhood."
The President of the Board of Trade said:
"They proposed to recast the system of widow's pensions to provide for all widows."
Therefore, the hon. Member for Gorbals is perfectly entitled to take his stand to-day, and we have a great deal of sympathy with him in doing so. The Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Health made a statement in which she fell back upon the manifesto, which she says was issued "in every circumstances of solemnity." In that manifesto it was stated that the injustices existing under the Widows', Orphans', and Old Age Contributory Pensions Act would be immediately remedied. Therefore, the hon. Member for Gorbals is perfectly entitled to come forward with this Amendment. We, on this side of the House, protest against the unwarrantable pledges that were given by the whole of the Socialist party at the; election. In the house of Socialism there are many mansions; but it is impossible for them on any important question to show a united front. On this question and on every important question they show divisions. The hon. Member for Gorbals was honourable enough to state the real position. Another hon. Member on the Government side, who spoke with a wealth of good feeling and sympathy from all parties, hoped that one day the Government might be able to redeem their pledges. I hope that at the next election the people of this country will listen with some degree of caution to the observations and promises made by right hon. and hon. Members opposite
The hon. Member for Eastbourne (Mr. Marjoribanks) has not been sufficiently long a Member of this House to know very much about pledges, and how they are broken. If he had more experience he would know that certain hon. Members came into this House fighting against pledges which were being made by his own party, in conjunction with another party, which have never been carried into effect. The Noble Lady the Member for the Sutton Division of Plymouth (Viscountess Astor) was returned to Parliament at a by-election on the strength of those pledges.
What pledges?
Homes for heroes!
Nonsense!
Can the hon. Member quote any pledge that was ever made about homes for heroes? Will he state precisely what were the words used?
The hon. Member knows perfectly well that in speaking on the spur of the moment one cannot bring into this House literature which would enable one to quote precisely, but I would remind the hon. Member that his present leader, in a speech at Wolverhampton, deliberately said that this was one of the promises made to the soldier on returning home from the War—homes for heroes.
No.
If the hon. Member desires it, I will bring the statement from my library, and produce it. It is a speech made by the right hon. Gentleman who leads his party. The same thing was said in a speech at Bedford during the pre-War days.
The Debate is getting wide of the subject before the House.
On a point of Order. The hon. Member said that I was returned at a by-election on a pledge about homes for heroes. I have a perfect right to ask him where he can find that pledge in tiny of my elections.
Homes for heroes.
You will never have homes for heroes so long as you let the Socialists have their way.
I was invited to go to Plymouth to speak against the Noble Lady, when she was a candidate, and I heard her address one meeting. If hon. Members will look at copies of the Plymouth Press they will find that the Noble Lady's pledges were greater, more lavish and more generous than anything of which she can accuse the Labour party.
What has this to do with the Amendment?
I am afraid that it has not very much to do with the question under discussion, but, if charges of broken pledges are made on one side, they provoke retaliations from the other side. I think the hon. Member had better keep to the subject of the Amendment.
One word in regard to pledges. The right hon. Member opposite began the broken pledge topic. He came into this House on the joint programme of Bonar Law and Lloyd George. [HON. MEMBERS: "Order!"] I am not out of order. I am quoting historical personages, and not merely the names of individuals as Members of this House. The right hon. Gentleman came in on the pledges made in that historical document of 1918, and yet he has the effrontery to-day to talk about the broken pledges of the Socialist party. There is no more glaring instance of unadulterated, unmitigated hypocrisy in this House than that presented by the right hon. Member for West Woolwich (Sir K. Wood). [HON. MEMBERS: "What about your pledges?"] My pledges from 1918 onwards are open. I stated that if and when the Labour party came to power we would put into operation the various proposals that I had placed in my election address.
What were they?
If hon. Members will send me their names and addresses I will let them have a copy, and when they have read the address I hope they will agree that people will be well advised to vote for me at the next election. With regard to the Amendment, I appreciate the difficulties with which the Government are faced. I can understand that with practically a bankrupt exchequer, left as the heritage from a profligate Tory Government, it is impossible for the Labour Government to carry into effect all the pledges and all the promises that we put in our election addresses. As a Government, which is also a minority Government, it will be impossible for them to bring before this House the many Measures which they individually and as a Government would desire to see passed.
There is one point to which I would direct the attention of the Minister of Health. This Amendment brings within its scope all the widows down to the age of 45. There is a class of widow, who are suffering very great hardship, who might have been taken into consideration. Those widows are not yet of the age of 55. I refer to those widows who were receiving widows' pensions because of the fact that they had children under the age of 14½ years. The Minister of Health has, in part, provided for some of those widows. He has decided that those widows whose children are still under the age of 16 shall continue to draw the pension until the child is 16 years of age. Many widows will appreciate greatly that concession. There cannot be a great class of widows, numerically, between the ages of 45 and 55, whose youngest child has now reached the age of 16, with the result that the mother is not now receiving the pension. The widows who have lost their pension because the youngest child has reached the age of 16—I mean widows between the age of 45 and 55—are suffering a very serious and grave hardship because of the loss of that pen- sion. Considering the smallness of the number of people who would benefit by such a concession, could not the Minister of Health consider favourably the position of the widows for whom I am now pleading who, having once enjoyed the benefits of a pension, have had their pension taken away because of the arbitrary age limit and conditions which were fixed by the Tory Government. I would appeal to the Minister of Health to give consideration to that class of widow and try to bring them back into the enjoyment of a pension, even though they have not yet reached the age of 55.
I do not want to enter into a discussion as to pledges, or anything of that kind, because that question has been sufficiently discussed, but the hon. Member for Govan (Mr. Maclean) stated, as a reason for not carrying out certain things which I gathered he and his party desired to do, that they are hindered because they are a minority Government, because they are in office and not in power. I can conceive that in regard to some points of their eventual programme that might be a legitimate and reasonable thing to say, but when they are dealing with specific Amendments which were originally moved from these benches by the Liberal party, it is a gross travesty of the situation to pretend that the Government are prevented through lack of a majority from doing exactly what they want to do. It is clear that on these specific points, and this particular Amendment is one of them, the Government have a majority, if they choose to act. That is a legitimate answer which I am entitled to make to the hon. Member.
I should like to call attention, very specifically and definitely, to what has been a new line of defence on the part of the Government. The Parliamentary Secretary and the Minister of Health, in referring to the election pledges, turned to the election manifesto of the Socialist party as the policy of the party, and the insinuation, which was not actually stated but was allowed to be made, was that if any member of the Socialist party makes any speech in the country which is not absolutely in accord with the election manifesto, then the Socialist party is not to be held to blame. That is a most immoral principle. You may have your policy in your election manifesto and members of the Socialist party should speak for that policy, but if any member of that party ventures or dares to make a promise that is not contained within the election manifesto of his party he must be held responsible for that promise, and I, as a Member of this House and a member of the public, protest most strongly against the Government trying to ride off on their broken pledges, which are scattered all over the country, on the statement that this or that pledge was not in their election manifesto.
The Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs is the secretary of the Socialist party and, as was made clear by the right hon. Member for Edgbaston (Mr. Chamberlain), he made two definite pledges. Although they were not in the election manifesto of the party, the right hon. Gentleman is the Secretary of the Socialist party and those pledges must stand in the country, and the country must decide, irrespective of the election manifesto, that the right hon. Gentleman has broken his word. Therefore, the party must stand the racket. I can well understand that hon. Members opposite are unhappy. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] Am I to understand that hon. Members of the Socialist party glory in their broken pledges and in the broken word of their leaders? I had a better opinion of them. [ Interruption. ] My impression throughout this Debate has been that in their heart of hearts, in their soul—[ Interruption. ]—they know that they have deceived the public and have therefore sat there quietly, but writhing inwardly, because if they said what they really feel they would have to go back to their people and tell them that they had deceived them, but that they must not blame them but their leaders.
On a point of Order. May I ask whether the hon. Member is dealing with the Amendment?
The hon. Member is, I understand, dealing with observations which have been made during the course of the Debate.
I am referring to the very definite statements which have been made by hon. Members opposite, and while I sympathise with hon. Members who made these promises during the General Election, believing that they could be carried out, there is no excuse for their leader or for the Chancellor of the Exchequer because they knew sufficient of the finances of the country to know that their promises could not be fulfilled. The back benchers of the Socialist party are to be pitied. [ Interruption. ] Laughter does not do away with the fact that pledges have been broken, and we are not going to allow hon. Members opposite to ride away on the plea that because a thing was not in their election manifesto it does not constitute a pledge to the country. We object to that; and we shall pin members of the Socialist party down to the statements they made in their speeches. I congratulate the hon. Member opposite who made such a charming speech for his apt illustration that "they are doing their best; don't shoot."
I want to assure the hon. Member for Royton (Dr. Davies) that we do not require any sympathy from hon. Members opposite and are quite ready to face our constituents when the time comes. It is quite true that we all gave pledges that all widows should have a pension, and there is no going behind that pledge. Our feelings that we have not been able to get all that pledge at once can be understood, but in the short time in which we have been in office we have not had an opportunity of fulfilling our pledges. We shall do that later on. We expect to be in office long enough to enable us to carry out the whole of our pledges. If we fail to do so then will be the time for hon. Members to say that we have deluded the electors. If we fail to carry out our pledges we stand condemned, and every party which does not fulfil its pledges ought to receive what it thoroughly deserves. I cannot understand why the hon. Member for Gorbals (Mr. Buchanan) desires to fix the age at 45 instead of 55. It will only lead to further trouble, because a woman of 40 will say, "Why not give it to me?" The hon. Member knows that the age has been fixed at a point at which we can meet the liabilities at the moment, and I hope the hon. Member will not press his Amendment. The Liberal party put this Amendment down during the Committee stage and the question was hammered out then. That was the time to decide the matter, and I am rather sorry that my hon. Friend should bring it forward at this juncture. We shall try to carry out all our pledges and if we do not then will be the time for hon. Members opposite to condemn us.
I think the hon. Member for Gorbals (Mr. Buchanan) has a distinct case against the Minister of Health. When speaking against the Conservative Government the right hon. Gentleman the Minister of Health used words to the effect that if the Government of this country really desired to give pensions to widows on the scale the Socialist party suggested it could be done, and the Government knew it. The Government now is a Socialist Government, and they have the chance of carrying out what they suggested. They are not doing it. They are substituting instead the fulfilment of pledges by instalments. I suggest that hon. Members opposite should really consider their position. I wonder if the hon. Member for Gorbals is going to press his Amendment. If not what is the object of moving it.
I have a good deal of sympathy with the hon. Member for Gorbals (Mr. Buchanan). He was one of the few hon. Members who did not go to the electors and give quite the same promises because he knew they could not be kept. Our contention is that we had to fight the last election on the full pledges of the Labour party. When we brought in our Bill in 1925 the fight came on the point that it was going to put a tremendous financial burden on the country. Hon. Members opposite said this time after time, and the Parliamentary Secretary was one of those who said it.
No.
At any rate, that was one of the cries of hon. Members opposite, the burden of finance, yet we have the hon. Member opposite, a more gracious and charming hon. Member never entered the House of Commons, telling us that the Government is doing as well as they can. What we want the people to understand is this: We knew all along that the late Government could not go any further than it did on account of the financial condition of the country. The Liberal party and the Conservative party gave no pledges at the last elec- tion. The Labour party, however, gave definite pledges, and if the Parliamentary Secretary had the courage she would get up and say that the Government find themselves in the position that they cannot do any more than they are doing in this Bill owing to the financial difficulties of the country. At the same time she might tell us whether the further instalment of widows' pensions is going to be on a contributory or non-contributry basis. If the Government would be a little more honest about this matter they would not get so much opposition from this side of the House. [ Interruption. ] Some of us feel strongly on this question, because it was very hard to fight all the tragic cases which were brought forward at the last election; and it was not honest to go ahead of the financial resources of the country. An hon. Member opposite has told us that the Government cannot do more because of the way in which the finances of the country were left by the late Government. The Chancellor of the Exchequer knew from the first what the finances of the country were.
Why has this hurried Bill been brought in? There is no construction about it, and on honesty in it. No effort has been made to deal with the necessitous cases. Some of us have often looked at the Labour party and almost longed to enter in, but we have never been such hypocrites as this. Hon. Members opposite talk about what they want to do for the people of this country. We on this side have just as much interest in the welfare of the country as they, and no Government ever brought forward so much social legislation as the late Government. [ Interruption. ] It is hard to have to sit and listen to hon. Members opposite, to fight the country under the conditions of the last election, and then have to bear the cynical attitude of the wise and hon. Lady opposite. Why has she not had the courage to tell us why the Government have not been able to go further, and also give us a little hint as to what the further Bill is going to be? The hon. Lady's Government gave a pledge to the women of this country, and she sits on that bench without saying a word; she has never explained it. What she says in the House does not satisfy us, and I do not think it will satisfy the women of the country. If this is the first instalment of Socialism, it will give the followers of the party opposite furiously to think. Why do they not have the courage to say that they know Socialism will not work? [ Interruption. ]
Order. The Question before the House is not Socialism, but an Amendment which proposes to lower the age from 55 to 45.
The Question before the House is finance, and I contend that Socialism and finance are very closely connected. An hon. Member opposite has said that the Leader of the Coalition Government promised homes for heroes. I am perfectly in order in saying that if the Socialist party had tried to make the system under which we live work this country would have had at this moment more money for a further extension of widows' pensions. I feel strongly about this matter, and thousands of women in the country feel the same. It is not right to go to the country with the definite pledges which the Socialist party did at the last election and wring the hearts of the electors as they did on that occasion. Hon. Members opposite every day were wringing the hearts of the House of Commons by the tragic cases of working people, and when we ask them to keep their pledges, they fail to do so. God help the country if the Socialist party keep all their pledges. They talked about the widows in need, but they have not even taken the trouble to find out who are the widows in need, and refused to accept an Amendment from these benches. I think we are extremely patient on this side of the House. We are not trying to force any further expenditure on the Government. The Liberal party withdrew their Amendment when they know what it would cost—
No.
Well, never mind. We have been perfectly reasonable. The one thing in the world which everybody despises is a hypocrite—[ Interruption ]—and those hon. Members who put their promises higher than their performances come very near to being hypocrites. We contend that the Members on the Front Bench opposite went to the country on absolutely false promises and not one of them has had the courage or honesty to get up and to say why they are not going further. They simply say, "this is a first instalment." Will the hon. Lady the Parliamentary Secretary tell us if the extension of this Bill which is promised, is going to be contributory or non-contributory. All that is of great interest, not only to the House but to the country, and I only wish that some of those trusting poor and needy women, who will be getting poorer and poorer as long as this Government stay in, could see the cynical attitude of the hon. Lady opposite when we talk about these things. To me it is most disappointing and I am truly sorry for the hon. Member opposite who expressed his disappointment. He thinks that we on this side have been contentious, but I wish he would read the previous Debates on this matter and he would see that no Opposition has ever acted with more moderation and decency than we have done on this occasion and no Government ever got in on such false promises as the Government opposite.
Amendment negatived.
I beg to move, in page 1, line 11, after the word "fifty-five," to insert the words "or is permanently disabled from earning her livelihood."
I commend this Amendment to the attention of the House, because I think it has some relevance to what is practicable and possible in connection with the Bill which we are supposed to be discussing to-night. It seeks to bring in widows of all ages who are permanently disabled from earning their livelihood. I hope the Government will regard the proposal sympathetically because the cost involved is very little. I imagine that the number affected must be small, and, therefore all the arguments which we have heard on previous Amendments about appalling cost, the terrible state of the finances, the lack of money and so forth do not apply and cannot be used against this Amendment. An argument in favour of the Amendment which should appeal to hon. Members opposite is that these are undoubtedly widows in need. A widow, even though she may be only 30 years of age, spending the whole of her life lying-in bed or sitting in a chair, ought surely to be entitled to a widows' pension and therefore I press the Government very strongly to accept the Amendment. If a test is required of what constitutes per- manent disablement, there is a precedent in the National Health Insurance Act in reference to disablement benefit, and the Government could easily apply that provision to cases of this kind. I ask the hon. Lady to consider sympathetically this reasonable proposal. It is one which hon. Members opposite will, I am sure, be glad to support because it enables them to go nearer the fulfilment of their pledges a matter in which we are all anxious to help them.
I beg to second the Amendment.
I hope that on a soothing subject like widows, we may be able to carry on this discussion without any heat. There has been so much obstruction and so much time has been wasted on minor points, that some of the really deserving cases are slipping away almost unnoticed by the critics. The point in this case is very simple and short. In Clause 1, the Government recognised that age is a factor in inefficiency—though age is not the only factor—and the age of incapacity has been fixed at 55. But surely if there are other factors which are even more disabling than age, account ought to be taken of those factors, and surely permanent disability is such a factor. It obviously keeps a widow out of the labour market far more than any age of incapacity such as is fixed in the Bill. No anomaly will be caused by the acceptance of this small Amendment and it will be a blessing to a number of very deserving people.
I fully recognise the hardness of the cases which the hon. Members who have moved and seconded this Amendment have in mind, and I should very much like to accept the Amendment, but I am afraid it is impossible to do so. Let me put the case in this way. If a widow is an insured person, she has 7s. 6d. disablement benefit through her approved society. If a widow is not an insured person then her case is a very hard case, and I think it is of such cases that the hon. Members opposite have spoken. But if it is remembered that disablement benefit is now part of the insurance system, then I am sure everyone will agree that that is a matter which must be looked into in connection with the reform of insurance. I do not wish to urge it as a further point against the Amendment, but I would point out that, as it is now drafted, it would mean that the widow who has now 7s. 6d. benefit in the right of her own insurance, would get 10s. benefit in addition. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] I do not wish to urge any mere debating point, when people are dealing with a really serious question, but I think the mere fact that that circumstance has been overlooked by the hon. Members who put forward this Amendment, is an indication that this matter of the relation of the sick population generally to pensions and health insurance, has not been considered by them. If hon. Members opposite had thought about that matter—though again I say I am not making the point against them—they would not have overlooked the fact that there are these two classes of people, the people who get 7s. 6d. and the people who get nothing at all.
May I point out that in connection with another part of the Bill we had the case of a widow who received compensation under the Workmen's Compensation Act and in spite of that got a widow's pension. This is an exactly analogous case.
Surely hon. Members opposite when they put down the Amendment, if they were aware of the fact that some disabled widows already received pensions of 7s. 6d. a week, would have taken that circumstance into consideration. My point, however, is not that this is an undesirable thing to do, but that it is definitely a health insurance question and can be dealt with very much better under the Health Insurance Act. If you were going to do this, you could not do it straight away through the Ministry at Whitehall. Disablement benefit is under the control of the local organisations and the approved societies and the relief given under the Poor Law is under the boards of guardians at present and will be under the county. If you are going to have a general provision of this kind for sick persons, you must at the same time create some machinery for watching them, for seeing that they are disabled, for going into all these matters which at present the approved societies look after. There is no machinery suggested by the Amendment to carry out its purpose and in the opinion of the Government this is clearly a matter for consideration—having regard to all those circumstances—in connection with health insurance. I very much hope that on reconsideration, hon. Members opposite will withdraw the Amendment.
I do not think the hon. Lady is quite fair to hon. Gentlemen below the Gangway in suggesting that this Amendment has not been well considered. If there is anybody in the House who ought not to make accusations of failure to consider this Bill carefully, it is the right hon. Gentleman in charge of the Bill and the hon. Lady the Parliamentary Secretary. I think it hard that hon. Members below the Gangway should be treated in this rather supercilious way. We are entitled to know from the hon. Lady certain definite facts on this Amendment. The first is the approximate number of people which this proposal would bring in, if it is possible to get an estimate of that number. The next is the number of insured people and the number of uninsured people who would be affected and the total sum of money which would be needed. I think it is only right that we should know exactly where we are in regard to these matters before we accept or reject the Amendment. As far as the insured people are concerned, I think the hon. Lady made out some case, but as far as the other disabled people are concerned, since they have absolutely no fund to fall back upon, I think the sympathy of the House, if nothing else, must go out to them. For that reason we should like a further explanation of the Amendment.
6.0 p.m.
I regret that I can give no answer at all. The approved societies do not classify their disabled members according to widow-hood. With regard to the total number of widows permanently disabled, again there are not any facts which could be given, and we should have to make a special inquiry, which would raise the whole of the spinster question and the whole of the destitution question.
Does not the hon. Lady think that, considering that the whole purpose of this Bill was to help the widows in need, it would have been better if the Government had waited until they had found out a little more about it and had then brought in this Bill? It seems to me that that would have been fairer, because of all the widows in the country, these are the most pitiful, and I am certain that all sides of the House will agree that these are the widows who most need help. In their great hurry to bring in this Bill, the Government have not taken the trouble to find out who are the necessitous and pitiful widows, and we are asked to give away these millions of pounds without the hon. Lady opposite and the Government really having taken the trouble to see who is most needy. I hope this Amendment will be taken to a Division, as a protest against the Government's not having tried to find a way of giving this money to the widows who most need it.
I think we ought to have a little more explanation from the Government that we have had on this matter. This is a very reasonable Amendment indeed, moved on behalf of people who are extremely deserving, and I gather that the Government are refusing the Amendment because these widows are now getting 7s. 6d. disablement benefit.
Some of them.
With the 10s., that would make 17s. 6d., and I think we are
entitled to some explanation from the Government as to whether they regard this as satisfactory for these widows who are permanently disabled. The hon. Lady also referred to something which will give 17s. a week to adult men as unemployment pension, but that, I take it, would be out of order to discuss. If 17s., however, is regarded as enough—it is pitifully small—to keep an unemployed man, why should we not have 17s. 6d. to keep a disabled widow who cannot go about and who cannot look forward to getting a job, but is left permanently stranded? It seems to me that this is an altogether intolerable refusal on the part of the Government. I do not know what Members on this side of the House will do. We try to be careful of the finances of the country, but we have also to be careful of the humanities, and I think the humanities ought to stand above the finances in this case.
rose —
I would remind the hon. Lady that we are now on the Report stage, and that she has already spoken twice on this Amendment.
Question put, "That those words be there inserted in the Bill."
The House divided: Ayes, 78; Noes, 215.
Division No. 42.] AYES. [6.6 p.m. Acland-Troyte, Lieut.-Colonel Galbraith, J. F. W. Muirhead, A. J. Aske, Sir Robert Ganzoni, Sir John Nield, Rt. Hon. Sir Herbert Astor, Viscountess George, Rt. Hon. D. Lloyd (Car'vn) Oliver, P. M. (Man., Blackley) Atkinson, C. George, Major G. Lloyd (Pembroke) Owen, H. F. (Hereford) Bellairs, Commander Carlyon George, Megan Lloyd (Anglesea) Peters, Dr. Sidney John Blindell, James Granville, E. Purbrick, R. Brown, Ernest (Leith) Griffith, F. Kingsley (Middlesbro' W.) Pybus, Percy John Burton, Colonel H. W. Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Zetland) Ramsay, T. B. Wilson Cadogan. Major Hon. Edward Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Rawson, Sir Cooper Carver, Major W. H. Harbord, A. Remer, John R. Colville, Major D. J. Hore-Belisha, Leslie Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth) Cowan, D. M. Hurst, Sir Gerald B. Samuel, Rt. Hon. Sir H. (Darwen) Crichton-Stuart, Lord C. Hutchison, Maj.-Gen. Sir R. Scott, James Crookshank, Cpt. H.(Lindsey, Gainsbro) Iveagh, Countess of Scrymgeour, E. Croom-Johnson, R. P. Jones, F. Llewellyn- (Flint) Shakespeare, Geoffrey H. Culverwell, C. T. (Bristol, West) Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Simms, Dr. John M. (Co. Down) Davies, E. C. (Montgomery) Jones, Rt. Hon Leif (Camborne) Sinclair, Sir A. (Caithness) Dudgeon, Major C. R. Kedward, R. M. (Kent, Ashford) Southby, Commander A. R. J. Eden, Captain Anthony Lambert, Rt. Hon. George (S. Molton) Ward, Lt.-Col. A. L.(Kingston-on-Hull) Elmley, Viscount Llewellin, Major J. J. Wells, Sydney R. England, Colonel A. Maclean, Sir Donald (Cornwall, N.) White, H. G. Evans, Capt. Ernest (Welsh Univer.) Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Wilson, G. H. A. (Cambridge U.) Everard, W. Lindsay Mander, Geoffrey le M. Womersley, W. J. Falle, Sir Bertram G. Millar, J. D. Wood, Major McKenzie (Banff) Fermoy, Lord Moore, Lieut.-Colonel T. C. R. (Ayr) Foot, Isaac Morris-Jones, Dr. J. H. (Denbigh) TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Morrison, W. S. (Glos., Cirencester) Dr. Hunter and Major Owen. NOES. Adamson, Rt. Hon. W. (Fife, West) Alexander, Rt. Hon. A. V. (Hillsbro') Angell, Norman Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock) Alpass, J. H. Arnott, John Addison, Rt. Hon. Dr. Christopher Ammon, Charles George Attlee, Clement Richard Baker, John (Wolverhampton, Bilston) Henderson, Thomas (Glasgow) Ponsonby, Arthur Barnes, Alfred John Herriotts, J. Potts, Jonn S. Beckett, John (Camberwell, Peckham) Hirst, G. H. (York W. B. Wentworth) Price, M. P. Bellamy, Albert Hirst, W. (Bradford, South) Quibell, D. J. K. Benn, Bt. Hon. Wedgwood Hoffman, P. C. Raynes, W. R. Bennett, Captain E. N. (Cardiff, Central) Hollins, A. Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Bennett, William (Battersea, South) Hopkin, Daniel Riley, Ben (Dewsbury) Benson, G. Horrabin, J. F. Riley, F. F. (Stockton-on-Tees) Bentham, Dr. Ethel Hudson, James H. (Huddersfield) Ritson, J. Bevan, Aneurin (Ebbw Vale) Isaacs, George Roberts, Rt. Hon. F. O. (W. Bromwich) Bondfield, Rt. Hon. Margaret Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath) Romeril, H. G. Bowen, J. W. John, William (Rhondda, West) Rosbotham, D. S. T. Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Kelly, W. T. Rowson, Guy Broad, Francis Alfred Kennedy, Thomas Salter, Dr. Alfred Bromfield, William Kinley, J. Sawyer, G. F. Bromley, J. Knight, Holford Scurr, John Brooke, W. Lang, Gordon Sexton, James Brothers, M. Lansbury, Rt. Hon. George Shaw, Rt. Hon. Thomas (Preston) Brown, C. W. E. (Notts. Mansfield) Lathan, G. Sherwood, G. H. Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Law, Albert (Bolton) Shield, George William Burgess, F. G. Law, A. (Rosendale) Shiels, Dr. Drummond Buxton, C. R. (Yorks. W. R. Elland) Lawrence, Susan Shillaker, J. F. Buxton, Rt. Hon. Noel (Norfolk, N.) Lawrie, Hugh Hartley (Stalybridge) Shinwell, E. Caine, Derwent Hall- Lawther, W. (Barnard Castle) Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) Cape, Thomas Leach, W. Simmons, C. J. Carter, W. (St. Pancras, S. W.) Lee, Frank (Derby, N. E.) Sinkinson, George Chater, Daniel Lees. J. Sitch, Charles H. Church, Major A. G. Lewis, T. (Southampton) Smith, Alfred (Sunderland) Clarke, J. S. Lindley. Fred W. Smith, Frank (Nuneaton) Cluse, W. S. Lloyd, C. Ellis Smith, H. B. Lees (Keighley) Cocks, Frederick Seymour Lowth, Thomas Smith, Rennie (Penistone) Compton, Joseph Lunn, William Smith, Tom (Pontefract) Cove, William G. MacDonald, Rt. Hon. J. R. (Seaham) Snowden, Rt. Hon. Philip Daggar, George McElwee, A. Spero, Dr. G. E. Dallas, George McEntee, V. L. Stewart, J. (St. Rollox) Dalton, Hugh Mackinder, W. Strachey, E. J. St. Loe Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton) McKinlay, A. Strauss, G. R. Day, Harry Maclean, Nell (Glasgow, Govan) Thomas, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Derby) Denman, Hon. R. D. MacNeill-Weir, L. Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow) Dickson. T. McShane, John James Thurtle, Ernest Dukes, C. Malone, C. L'Estrange (N'thampton) Tillett, Ben Duncan, Charles Mansfield, W. Tinker, John Joseph Ede, James Chuter March, S. Toole, Joseph Edmunds, J. E. Marcus, M. Townend, A. E. Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Mathers, George Trevelyan, Rt. Hon. Sir Charles Egan, W. H. Matters, L. W. Turner, B. Freeman, Peter Melville, Sir James Viant, S. P. Gardner, B. W. (West Ham, Upton) Messer, Fred Walker, J. Gardner, J. P. (Hammersmith, N.) Middleton, G. Wallace, H. W. Gibbins, Joseph Montague, Frederick Watkins, F. C. Gill, T. H. Morgan, Dr. H. B. Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline) Gillett, George M. Morrison, Herbert (Hackney, South) Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda) Gossling, A. G. Morrison, Robert C. (Tottenham, N.) Wellock, Wilfred Gould, F. Mort, D. L. Welsh, James (Paisley) Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton) Moses, J. J. H. Welsh, James C. (Coatbridge) Greenwood, Rt. Hon. A. (Colne). Mosley, Lady C. (Stoke-on-Trent) Westwood, Joseph Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan) Mosley, Sir Oswald (Smethwick) Whiteley, Wilfrid (Birm., Ladywood) Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Muggeridge, H. T. Wilkinson, Ellen C. Grundy, Thomas W. Murnin, Hugh Williams, David (Swansea, East) Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton) Naylor, T. E. Williams, Dr. J. H. (Llanelly) Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil) Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe) Hall. Capt. W. P. (Portsmouth, C.) Noel Baker, P. J. Wilson, J. (Oldham) Hamilton, Mary Agnes (Blackburn) Oliver, George Harold (Ilkeston) Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow) Hardie, George D. Palin, John Henry Winterton, G. E.(Leicester, Loughb'gh) Hartshorn, Rt. Hon. Vernon Palmer, E. T. Wright, W. (Rutherglen) Hastings, Dr. Somerville Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Young, R. S. (Islington, North) Hayday, Arthur Perry, S. F. Hayes, John Henry Pethick-Lawrence, F. W. TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Henderson, Right Hon. A. (Burnley) Picton-Turbervill, Edith Mr. Paling and Mr. Whiteley. Henderson, Arthur, junr. (Cardiff, S.) Pole, Major D. G.
I beg to move, in page 2, line 1, to leave out the words:
"the Minister (whose decision shall be final and conclusive) is satisfied."
and to insert instead thereof the words:
"it is shewn."
During the Committee stage a good deal of exception was taken to the words which I am now proposing to leave out. The object of this Amendment is to give to the applicant the right of appeal on the question of what was the normal occupation of the husband. Hon. Members will recollect that I drew a distinction at the end of the Debate between two points. One was the test of insurability, a highly technical problem which is always decided in the Department by those with expert knowledge. The other point was the difficulty in going back many years before the Insurance Act was in operation to determine the normal occupation of the husband of the widow who makes application for a pension. The Committee was generally agreed, and I concurred in their view, that we ought to preserve to the applicant the right of appeal on the question of the normal occupation of the deceased husband; and the Amendment which I now move fulfils the undertaking which I gave in Committee. A further Amendment appears later on the Paper to ensure that the normal occupation shall be a subject of appeal with the other causes of appeal, while retaining the technical question of insurability in the hands of the Department.
The right hon. Gentleman has quite correctly and fairly stated the issue between us in Committee on this point, and also the general effect of the agreement at which we arrived, but he has given a wholly inadequate explanation of how his proposed Amendment carries out an intention which he says that it is his wish to carry out. All that the Amendment says is that the words, "it is shewn," are to be substituted for the words, "the Minister (whose decision shall be final and conclusive) is satisfied." He does not vouchsafe to us any explanation as to whom it is to be shewn, or by whom it is to be shewn, or wherein lies any appeal from any decision which may be given by anybody with whom a decision lies. Therefore, before I can accept this Amendment as carrying out the understanding, I should like to hear from the Minister, first of all, whose decision now will be the primary decision in these cases; secondly, where is an appeal from that decision to be made in case an applicant is dissatisfied; and, thirdly, what are we to understand by the phrase, "it is shewn"? In other words, to whom is it to be shewn, and by whom?
What we have attempted to do, and what I am assured is done, is to bring this new opportunity for appeal within the list of appeals that are already available under the Act. In the first place, it will be to the Minister subject to appeal. What we have done is to maintain the existing procedure under the 1925 Act, but to add as a further opportunity for appeal this particular question of normal employment.
May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether these words, "it is shewn," will bring this particular provision under the provisions of Section 29 (1) of the principal Act? That Sub-section says:
"Subject to the provisions of this Act, and in accordance with any regulations made thereunder, all claims for and in respect of pensions shall be made to the Minister."
That is so. It really extends that provision as regards the particular case of normal employment.
Amendment agreed to.
I beg to move, in page 2, line 5, to leave out the words "within three years."
This Amendment, and the two following in my name—in line 8, after the word "society," to insert the words "or of the Navy, Army and Air Force Insurance Fund"; and in line 10, to leave out the words "within the said period"—really hang together. The Minister of Health will recall that I raised on the Committee stage this point in regard to the armed services of the Crown, and he stated that he thought my point had been substantially met, but that, if I did not feel that it had been covered, he would consider the matter further before the Report stage. I come to the House now to ask the right hon. Gentleman what steps he has taken to implement that undertaking. It cannot be the wish of this House, and I do not believe that it would be the wish of the Government, to place men of the services in a worse position than civilians under this Bill, but it is difficult to resist the temptation to believe that it is the intention of the Government to place them in a worse position, because under several Clauses of this Bill they suffer when compared with their civilian comrades.
Under this Clause, we are dealing with widows of the age of 55—widows of persons who have been insured, or who can be deemed to have been insured. Subsection (1) of this Clause says that the husband of a widow claiming the pension must at some time within three years before his death have been registered as a member of an approved society, or as a deposit contributor. In all other insurance respects, to be a member of the Army, Navy and Air Force Insurance Fund is as good as being a member of an approved society or a deposit contributor, and I am concerned to insert in the Sub-section membership of the Army, Navy and Air Force Fund, and to do away with the three years' qualification period. I do not mind which of these Amendments the Minister accepts, because either of them will bring in the members of the services whose case I am now putting. The position is that under Section 59 of the National Health Insurance Act, a special fund called the Navy, Army and Air Force Insurance Fund was instituted, and every man who joins the forces automatically becomes a member of it. When he leaves the forces he has an option. He can either join an approved society, become a deposit contributor, or make application within three months to the Crown to remain a member of the Navy, Army and Air Force Fund. The Section Says that if he can show the Minister that he cannot obtain admission to an approved society he may continue to belong to this fund.
I have put before the Minister this case. Take the South African War. A man left the forces in 1902. He is deemed under this Bill to have been insured, although the Insurance Act was not in operation at that date. If he dies within three years his widow will get a pension. If he dies within three years and three months, she will not get a pension unless he had subsequently joined an approved society or become a deposit contributor. To-day, a man who leaves the forces can ask to continue to remain on this fund because his health will not permit him to join an approved society or to become a deposit contributor. That option was not open to anybody before 1912, and it is impossible to say at this stage whether or not a man would have made an application to remain on this fund because the fund did not exist. You are unwittingly letting out of the benefits of this Bill a number of widows of service people; you are depriving of pension those widows of men who failed to make an application to remain under the Health Insurance Fund, and particularly the widows of those men who could never have made the application because the National Health Insur- ance Act was not in force. I am sure that it is not the Minister's intention to exclude widows of service men. The widow of any civilian in exactly the same circumstances can come in. I am sure that it is not his intention, because he has said that it is not, and he said that he imagined that the class of people for whom I was speaking were covered under the Bill. It is quite clear on examination that they are not covered at all, and that a great wrong will be done unless the Amendment is accepted. If the Minister has given that thought to the matter which he promised he must have come to the same conclusion which I have reached, namely, that a widow of a man who died before 1912, and who had no opportunity of asking to remain on this fund, will not get a pension. I therefore ask him to include membership of the Navy, Army and Air Force Insurance Fund, and I hope that he will not do further injustice to the services by opposing the Amendment.
I beg to second the Amendment.
This may seem a small matter to some hon. Members, and perhaps that is really the strength of the case. There cannot be a very large number of men whose widows will be potential claimants if these words are inserted, and there is no reason why the Minister should turn down the Amendment. The right hon. Gentleman has been very sensitive about accepting Amendments, but it would be most unfortunate if it should be said that a widow of a man who served his country in the armed forces was worse off than the civilian.
The hon. Member for Devonport (Mr. Hore-Belisha) will persist in thinking that I have some prejudice against the fighting services, for no reason that I can see. The House must realise what would be the ultimate effect of this series of Amendments. We are dealing in another Amendment with the person who volunteers for service in a war previous to the Great War. We are trying to cover that point. The regular soldier is covered. The effect of these particular Amendments would be that those people who joined up under the Derby scheme, and were technically on service for a day, would be eligible under the Act and their widows would receive a pension. This is not a question of service in the Forces. It is a problem of whether, under the circumstances I have outlined, we could give pensions to a very considerable number of widows. Where men were serving soldiers, where that was their normal occupation, then clearly they are covered; and where they were not professional soldiers they are covered if they so choose. As a matter of fact, as regards the late War we brought them in under the Act of 1925, and we are adding an Amendment bringing in precisely the same class of people in respect of wars prior to the late War and I still think that the substantial case put by the hon. and gallant Member is clearly met. It is perfectly true that there is this three years period, but that was put in to insure that there should be a reasonable period, and if it should be that during that period the man was ill and unable to follow his occupation he would still keep alive the claim of his widow to pension.
Not before 1912, because it was not in existence.
That is not the point. The point of the hon. Member is to be met as regards wars prior to the Great War by another Amendment where we have tried to bring within the ambit of the Bill people in precisely the same position as persons who joined up in the Great War but were not regular soldiers. We are giving that in the case of wars prior to the Great War, and after having considered very carefully what the hon. and gallant Member said on the Committee stage of the Bill it seems to me that his case is materially met, either because the serving soldier has a normal occupation which is insurable or because he was brought in. Because he technically became a member of the Navy, Army and Air Force Insurance Fund, or as a deposit contributor, he had rights which still enable him to keep alive his rights to secure a pension for his widow.
I rise to ask the Minister to explain a small point in order to settle some doubts which remain on this side of the House. If this first Amendment to leave out the words "within three years" is accepted, it will, of course, affect the position, so we understand, of the widows of policemen who died before 1918. We understand that if they died within three years of that date, namely, 1918, their widows will benefit under this Act, but if they died earlier then, although their widows may be older and poorer, they do not benefit under this Act. If the right hon. Gentleman would tell us the position of the pre-1918 policeman's widow he would clarify the minds of several hon. Members on this side.
If I understand the right hon. Gentleman he does not think there is anybody who is likely to be covered by these words. My hon. and gallant Friend, on the other hand, feels that without these words some widows may be left out. If the right hon. Gentleman does not think there will be anybody affected, why does he not accept the words and thus at any rate make sure that everybody concerned will get the benefits? It is very difficult to understand how anyone could be deemed to have remained a contributor to a fund which did not exist at the time. Rather than leave out one or two people by accident, surely it would be much better to insert the words.
I tried to explain to the hon. Member that one of the big objections to this Amendment is not the fear of bringing in a few people but that if these Amendments are adopted we shall bring in every Derby man who served in the Army nominally for one day. I think if that were put to the House they would not agree to that for one moment.
I quite agree that we do not want to bring in Derby men who actually did not serve in the War, but surely the very fact that a man was a Derby man and was not called up pre-supposes that he was employed on some national service which was insurable.
The right hon. Gentleman will remember that we had a very long Debate upon this in the small hours of the morning during the Committee stage and that he then promised us that he would give us a real answer to the points we raised. It does seem to me to be of some importance that words should be put into the Bill to deal with the specific points which have been raised, and I am at a loss to understand why, on the Report stage, which affords the last opportunity we have of inserting new words into the Bill, the right hon. Gentleman has not brought forward some words which will meet this point. He made a definite promise on the Committee stage that words would be found to deal with it. I quite appreciate his point that there are people who served only one day under the Derby scheme, but we are not thinking of cases of that kind. He promised to produce the words between now and the Committee stage, and even at this late hour I would appeal to him to do so, knowing several hard cases, which I mentioned on the Committee stage, in my own constituency.
Would it help us if the right hon. Gentleman were definitely to exclude Derby scheme men who were not called up? That would make sure, in effect, that they had some other insurable status.
I do not know whether it is in order to mention the case of the police on this Amendment, but would the right hon. Gentleman answer the point made by the hon. Member for
Chippenham (Captain Cazalet) about the three years? As I understand the Minister, he gave us a promise that they were in, but now it is said they will not be in unless this Amendment passes. He gave us a definite promise that the pre-1918 police widows should be in.
The case of the pre-Act police widows comes under Subsection (2). They are certainly in so far as they fulfil the other conditions, but their case really does not arise on this Amendment.
Question, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Bill," put, and agreed to.
I beg to move, in page 2, line 8, after the word "society" to insert the words
"or of the Army, Navy and Air Force Insurance Fund."
I am moving this Amendment formally. I made my argument on the first Amendment.
I beg to second the Amendment.
Question put, "That those words be there inserted in the Bill."
The House divided: Ayes, 162; Noes, 244.
Division No. 43.] AYES. [6.41 p.m. Acland-Troyte, Lieut.-Colonel Culverwell, C. T. (Bristol, West) Hartington, Marquess of Albery, Irving James Cunliffe-Lister, Rt. Hon. Sir Philip Harvey, Major S. E. (Devon, Totnes) Aske, Sir Robert Dalkeith, Earl of Haslam, Henry C. Astor, Viscountess Dairymple-White, Lt.-Col. Sir Godfrey Henderson, Capt. R. R. (Oxf'd, Henley) Atkinson, C. Davies, Dr. Vernon Heneage, Lieut.-Colonel Arthur P. Balfour, Captain H. H. (I. of Thanet) Davies, E. C. (Montgomery) Hennessy, Major Sir G. R. J. Beamish, Rear-Admiral T. P. H. Davies, Maj. Geo. F.(Somerset, Yeovil) Hore-Belisha, Leslie Beaumont, M. W. Dawson, Sir Philip Howard-Bury, Colonel C. K. Berry, Sir George Dudgeon, Major C. R. Hudson, Capt. A. U. M. (Hackney, N.) Birchall, Major Sir John Dearman Elmley, Viscount Hurd, Percy A. Bird, Ernest Roy England, Colonel A. Hurst, Sir Gerald B. Blindell, James Evans, Capt. Ernest (Welsh Univer.) Hutchison, Maj.-Gen. Sir R. Bourne, Captain Robert Croft Everard, W. Lindsay Iveagh, Countess of Bowyer, Captain Sir George E. W. Falle, Sir Bertram G. Jones, F. Llewellyn- (Flint) Boyce, H. L. Fermoy, Lord Jones, Sir G. W. H. (Stoke New'gton) Bracken, B. Fielden, E. B. Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Braithwaite, Major A. N. Fison, F. G. Clavering Kedward, R. M. (Kent, Ashford) Brass, Captain Sir William Forestier-Walker, Sir L. King, Commodore Rt. Hon. Henry D. Brown, Col. D. C. (N'th'l'd., Hexham) Galbraith, J. F. W. Knox, Sir Alfred Brown, Ernest (Leith) Ganzoni, Sir John Lambert, Rt. Hon. George (S. Molton) Burton, Colonel H. W. George, Major G. Lloyd (Pembroke) Leighton, Major B. E. P. Carver, Major W. H. George, Megan Lloyd (Anglesea) Lewis, Oswald (Colchester) Castle Stewart, Earl of Gibson, C. G. (Pudsey & Otley) Llewellin, Major J. J. Cautley, Sir Henry S. Glyn, Major R. G. C. Locker-Lampson, Com. O.(Handsw'th) Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City) Grace, John McConnell, Sir Joseph Cazalet, Captain Victor A. Granville, E. Macdonald, Sir M. (Inverness) Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. Sir J. A.(Birm., W.) Greene, W. P. Crawford Maclean, Sir Donald (Cornwall, N.) Colfox, Major William Philip Griffith, F. Kingsley (Middlesbro' W.) Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Courtauld, Major J. S. Gunston, Captain D. W. Makins, Brigadier-General E. Courthope, Colonel Sir G. L. Hacking, Rt. Hon. Douglas H. Mander, Geoffrey le M. Cowan, D. M. Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Zetland) Marjoribanks, E. C. Cranbourne, Viscount Hammersley, S. S. Millar, J. D. Crichton-Stuart, Lord C. Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham) Crookshank, Cpt. H.(Lindsey, Gainsbro) Harbord, A. Mitchell-Thomson, Rt. Hon. Sir W. Croom-Johnson, R. P. Harris, Percy A. Monsell, Eyres, Com. Rt. Hon. Sir B. Moore, Lieut.-Colonel T. C. R. (Ayr) Reid, David D. (County Down) Stanley, Maj. Hon. O. (W'morland) Morris-Jones, Dr. J. H. (Denbigh) Remer, John R. Thomson, Sir F. Morrison, W. S. (Glos., Cirencester) Reynolds, Col. Sir James Todd, Capt. A. J. Muirhead, A. J. Rodd, Rt. Hon. Sir James Rennell Turton, Robert Hugh Nathan, Major H. L. Ross, Major Ronald D. Vaughan-Morgan, Sir Kenyon Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Ruggles-Brise, Lieut.-Colonel E. A. Wallace, Capt. D. E. (Hornsey) Newton, Sir D. G. C. (Cambridge) Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth) Ward, Lt.-Col. A. L.(Kingston-on-Hull) Nicholson, Col. Rt. Hn. W. G. (Ptrsf'ld) Salmon, Major I. Wardlaw-Milne, J. S. Nield, Rt. Hon. Sir Herbert Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Warrender, Sir Victor Oliver, P. M. (Man., Blackley) Samuel, Rt. Hon. Sir H. (Darwen) Wayland, Sir William A. O'Neill, Sir H. Sandeman, Sir N. Stewart White, H. G. Ormsby-Gore, Rt. Hon. William Savery, S. S. Williams, Com. C. (Devon, Torquay) Owen, H. F. (Hereford) Shakespeare, Geoffrey H. Wilson, G. H. A. (Cambridge U.) Peters, Dr. Sidney John Shepperson, Sir Ernest Whittome Wood, Major McKenzie (Banff) Peto, Sir Basil E. (Devon, Barnstaple) Sinclair, Sir A. (Caithness) Wright, Brig.-Gen. W. D. (Tavist'k) Pownall, Sir Assheton Sinclair, Col. T. (Queen's U., Belfst) Young, Rt. Hon. Sir Hilton Purbrick, R. Smith, Louis W. (Sheffield, Hallam) Pybus, Percy John Somerville, A. A. (Windsor) TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Ramsay, T. B. Wilson Southby, Commander A. R. J. Dr. Hunter and Major Owen. Ramsbotham, H. Spender-Clay, Colonel H. NOES. Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock) Gardner, B. W. (West Ham, Upton) MacDonald, Rt. Hon. J. R. (Seaham) Addison, Rt. Hon. Dr. Christopher Gardner, J. P. (Hammersmith, N.) McElwee, A. Alexander, Rt. Hon. A. V. (Hillsbro') Gibbins, Joseph McEntee, V. L. Alpass, J. H. Gill, T. H. Mackinder, W. Ammon, Charles George Gillett, George M. McKinlay, A. Angell, Norman Gosling, Harry MacLaren, Andrew Arnott, John Gossling, A. G. Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan) Attlee, Clement Richard Gould, F. MacNeill-Weir, L. Baker, John (Wolverhampton, Bilston) Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton) McShane, John James Baldwin, Oliver (Dudley) Graham, Rt. Hon. Wm. (Edin., Cent.) Malone, C. L'Estrange (N'thampton) Barnes, Alfred John Greenwood, Rt. Hon. A. (Colne). Mansfield, W. Beckett, John (Camberwell, Peckham) Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan) March, S. Bellamy, Albert Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Marcus, M. Benn, Rt. Hon. Wedgwood Grundy, Thomas W. Marley, J. Bennett, Captain E.N.(Cardiff, Central) Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton) Mathers, George Bennett, William (Battersea, South) Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil) Melville, Sir James Benson, G. Hall. Capt. W. P. (Portsmouth, C.) Messer, Fred Bentham, Dr. Ethel Hamilton, Mary Agnes (Blackburn) Middleton, G. Bevan, Aneurin (Ebbw Vale) Hardie, George D. Milner, J. Bondfield, Rt. Hon. Margaret Hartshorn, Rt. Hon. Vernon Montague, Frederick Bowen, J. W. Hastings, Dr. Somerville Morgan, Dr. H. B. Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Haycock, A. W. Morley, Ralph Broad, Francis Alfred Hayday, Arthur Morrison, Robert C. (Tottenham, N.) Bromfield, William Henderson, Right Hon. A. (Burnley) Mort, D. L. Bromley, J. Henderson, Arthur, junr. (Cardiff, S.) Moses, J. J. H. Brooke, W. Henderson, Thomas (Glasgow) Mosley, Lady C. (Stoke-on-Trent) Brothers, M. Henderson, W. W. (Middx., Enfield) Mosley, Sir Oswald (Smethwick) Brown, C. W. E. (Notts. Mansfield) Herriotts, J. Muff, G. Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Hirst, G. H. (York W. R. Wentworth) Muggeridge, H. T. Brown, W. J. (Wolverhampton, West) Hirst, W. (Bradford, South) Murnin, Hugh Burgess, F. G. Hoffman, P. C. Naylor, T. E. Buxton, C. R. (Yorks. W. R. Elland) Hollins, A. Noel Baker, P. J. Buxton, Rt. Hon. Noel (Norfolk, N.) Hopkin, Daniel Oldfield, J. R. Caine, Derwent Hall- Horrabin, J. F. Oliver, George Harold (Ilkeston) Cameron, A. G. Hudson, James H. (Huddersfield) Palin, John Henry Cape, Thomas Isaacs, George Paling, Wilfrid Carter, W. (St. Pancras, S.W.) Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath) Palmer, E. T. Charleton, H. C. John, William (Rhondda, West) Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Chater, Daniel Johnston, Thomas Perry, S. F. Church, Major A. G. Jowitt, Rt. Hon. Sir W. A. Pethick-Lawrence, F. W. Clarke. J. S. Kelly, W. T. Phillips, Dr. Marion Cluse, W. S. Kennedy, Thomas Picton-Turbervill, Edith Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R. Kinley, J. Pole, Major D. G. Cocks, Frederick Seymour Knight, Holford Ponsonby, Arthur Compton, Joseph Lang, Gordon Potts, John S. Cove, William G. Lansbury, Rt. Hon. George Price, M. P. Daggar, George Lathan, G. Quibell, D. J. K. Dallas, George Law, Albert (Bolton) Raynes, W. R. Dalton, Hugh Law, A. (Rosendale) Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton) Lawrence, Susan Riley, Ben (Dewsbury) Day, Harry Lawrie, Hugh Hartley (Stalybridge) Riley, F. F. (Stockton-on-Tees) Denman, Hon. R. D. Lawson, John James Ritson, J. Dickson. T. Lawther, W. (Barnard Castle) Roberts, Rt. Hon. F. O. (W. Bromwich) Dukes, C. Leach, W. Romeril, H. G. Duncan, Charles Lee, Frank (Derby, N.E.) Rosbotham, D. S. T. Ede, James Chuter Lee, Jennie (Lanark, Northern) Salter, Dr. Alfred Edmunds, J. E. Lees. J. Sanders, W. S. Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Lewis, T. (Southampton) Sawyer, G. F. Edwards, E. (Morpeth) Lindley, Fred W. Scurr, John Egan, W. H. Lloyd, C. Ellis Sexton, James Freeman, Peter Lowth, Thomas Shaw, Rt. Hon Thomas (Preston) Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Lunn, William Sherwood, G. H. Shield, George William Strachey, E. J. St. Loe Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda) Shiels, Dr. Drummond Strauss, G. R. Wellock, Wilfred Shillaker, J. F. Sullivan, J. Welsh, James (Paisley) Shinwell, E. Sutton, J. E. Welsh, James C. (Coatbridge) Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) Thomas, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Derby) West, F. R. Simmons, C. J. Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow) Westwood, Joseph Sinkinson, George Thurtle, Ernest Whiteley, Wilfrid (Birm., Ladywood) Sitch, Charles H. Tillett, Ben Wilkinson, Ellen C. Smith, Alfred (Sunderland) Tinker, John Joseph Williams, David (Swansea, East) Smith, Ben (Bermondsey, Rotherhithe) Tout, W. J. Williams, Dr. J. H. (Llanelly) Smith, Frank (Nuneaton) Townend, A. E. Williams, T. (York, Don Valley) Smith, H. B. Lees (Keighley) Trevelyan, Rt. Hon. Sir Charles Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe) Smith, Rennie (Penistone) Turner, B. Wilson, J. (Oldham) Smith, Tom (Pontefract) Vaughan, D. J. Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow) Smith, W. R. (Norwich) Viant, S. P. Winterton, G. E.(Leicester, Loughb'gh) Snowden, Rt. Hon. Philip Walker, J. Wise, E. F. Sorensen, R. Wallace, H. W. Wright, W. (Rutherglen) Spero, Dr. G. E. Wallhead, Richard C. Young, R. S. (Islington, North) Stamford, Thomas W. Watkins, F. C. Stewart, J. (St. Rollox) Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline) TELLERS FOR THE NOES Mr. Hayes and Mr. Whiteley.
I beg to move, in page 2, line 21, to leave out the words
"joined the naval or military forces of the Crown for temporary service only,"
and insert instead thereof the words
"volunteered for temporary service abroad in the naval or military forces of the Crown."
It will be remembered that when we discussed in Committee Sub-section (1, a, iv), objection was taken to the form of the words. I now move an Amendment to take out certain words in paragraph (iv), and the Clause will then read:
"(iv) That having volunteered for temporary service abroad in the naval or military forces of the Crown in connection with any naval or military operations previous to the late War,"
and so on. This is. intended to cover not only the case of the man who volunteered for service, say, in the Boer War, but also those who were already in those corps and undertook to serve abroad. The word "joined" was objected to, and there was some difficulty in reference to the Militia and the Yeomanry in regard to those who had joined before the outbreak of war. I understand that the technical word which will cover all these special branches is the word "volunteered." I understand that the Yeomanry can only be used for foreign service if the men volunteer to serve abroad, and the words I suggest will cover the case of those who volunteer for service abroad. This will extend the advantages now provided to the men who served during the Great War and they will also be extended to those who served in previous wars.
The paragraph as it stands in the Bill, and as it has been amended in Committee, contains the words which I suggested. I should not have intervened but for the fact that the right hon. Gentleman is now proposing to alter the words which I suggested. In the original draft which was discussed in Committee, the words "during that War" were included. I suggested that they should be left out and they were left out, and they did not appear on page 2 of the Bill. Now the right hon. Gentleman proposes in his next Amendment on the Paper to insert the words "during those operations." The effect of putting in those words will be that it will be necessary in order to qualify that these men should have served not less than two years during those operations. Those operations were before the Great War, and included a number of campaigns which have not always been dignified by the name of a war, and did not last for two years. Consequently, by putting in the words "during those operations" we shall cut out a number of men from the benefits of this Bill who would have served two years if those campaigns had lasted, but they did not do so because some of those campaigns lasted only for a few months. My point would be met by leaving out the words "during those operations," and I trust that the Minister of Health will consider that point.
Some hon. Members opposite raised the question of the meaning of the word "joined," and it was with a desire to meet that point that the Government have suggested the alterations contained in my Amendments. On the question of the period, there is a manuscript Amendment which deals with the period of service, and perhaps the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Edgbaston (Mr. Chamberlain) will be willing to postpone his point until the discussion takes place on the Amendment dealing with the period. Whatever period may be decided upon, I think the paragraph ought to apply to a man who served during those naval and military operations. With that explanation, I hope the House will agree to this Amendment as well as to my next Amendment to insert the words "during those operations."
7.0 p.m.
I confess that I cannot understand how this Sub-section is going to bring in any widows at all. In the course of his numerous speeches, the Minister of Health has not given one single illustration of any one who can possibly come within this Sub-section, and I think we have a right to know which persons the Government have in mind. This proposal seems to me to be a great piece of camouflage on the part of the Government. They do not intend to do anything at all for the service men, and they are now putting up a painted piece of patchwork to make the country think that they are doing something for them. I cannot resist the belief that this proposal will not bring in a single widow. First of all, the Sub-section is going to apply to persons who volunteered for temporary service abroad in the naval or military forces of the Crown and served during those operations for a period of not less than two years. Why limit the proposal to two years? Then you have to be kind enough to die within three years of that. Who could satisfy all those conditions? The Parliamentary Secretary owes it to us to tell us which of the war operations in the course of British history she has in mind. This Amendment restricts the Minister's own Amendment which was carried in Committee. It changes the words which we carried in Committee,
"having joined the naval or military forces of the Crown for temporary service only,"
and substitutes the words
"volunteered for temporary service abroad."
Why abroad? A man may have joined the forces and through no fault of his own never have gone abroad. He may have done equally good work at home, on the lines of communication for instance. My hon. Friend says something about the Air Force, but we are contem- plating the days before the discovery of aeroplanes. Why does this word "abroad" suddenly appear? It is because the Minister his discovered that, under his Amendment as originally approved, some widow will get a pension, so he comes down here to do her out of it. I shall move later to leave out the word "abroad."
There seems to me to be danger in using the word "temporary," and I should like to know if there is any legal definition of that word. This new Amendment applies to a volunteer "for temporary service abroad." To enable his widow to get a pension, he must have volunteered for temporary service. Unless there is some definition of this word, it is putting the legal authorities into great difficulties to use such a loose word. I asked this question in Committee and I got no reply to it. I do not see any need for it; it would have been quite as easy to use the phrase "volunteered for service."
Question, "That the words proposed to be left out, stand part of the Bill," put, and negatived.
Question proposed, "That those words be there inserted in the Bill."
I beg to move, as an Amendment to the proposed Amendment, to leave out the word "abroad."
I beg to second the Amendment to the proposed Amendment.
I want to remind the House that we are now dealing with naval and military operations before the Great War, and that naval and military operations before the Great War could not take place otherwise than abroad. This Clause refers to men who were not in the Regular Army and served in war operations before the Great War. Since the Wars of the Roses I do not think that we have had any war at all on English soil.
The Civil War.
Before the War, volunteers and militia men joined for home service. If they volunteered for service abroad, they saw fighting and come under this Clause. They are not "enlisted"; they are "joined." We have consulted the authorities as to what the volunteers and the militia men do. They "volunteer for service abroad." We are told that that is the phrase the Army wishes to have to describe the service of those people who are not professional soldiers, who are not peace time soldiers as well as war time, but who, out of patriotism, or some other motive, volunteered for service abroad, and changed their status from that of volunteer or militia man at home to professional soldier abroad. There were very few naval and military operations to which men volunteered before the Great War. This question of the word "abroad" is a purely technical point. We have spent our time in careful consultation on the technicalities, and we are informed that the proper phrase to describe the status of those who joined for foreign service is "a volunteer for service abroad."
Does "abroad" cover the Irish Free State, because in the time to which I am referring Ireland was included in the phrase "at home"?
The hon. Member's dates are wrong. This refers to the period before the Great War, and 1916, which was the beginning of the troubles in Ireland, was after the Great War.
The Irish trouble did not begin in 1916.
No, but there was no calling for volunteers. We are not dealing with regular soldiers, who went on duty in Ireland, or Hong Kong, or Singapore; we are dealing with a restricted class of men who were not professional soldiers, and who were not called upon to serve abroad unless they volunteered.
Are we to understand that the effect of this Amendment to the proposed Amendment to leave out the word "abroad" would be to bring within the scope of this Bill all volunteers, militia men, and yeomanry who served in those forces prior to the Great War, irrespective of the fact whether they volunteered for service abroad?
Volunteers and militia men before the War were in- sured or were not insured. They were not insured as soldiers but as civilians. We want to give a special privilege to any man who saw service, and we are giving it to men who were not insurable by any other qualification. In the Boer War, people of all kinds of occupations far remote from insurability, people whose income limit took them well above the insurable class, went out to fight. It is only too well known that, when people give up good employment and volunteer for war, they do not find it so easy to get back to employment.
Is the effect of this Amendment to bring the volunteer, who is not an insurable person, within the scope of the Bill?
Provided he served. It is a technical term, and he cannot volunteer unless he serves. The object of the Amendment is to bring within the Bill everyone by virtue of his war service whatever his occupation in civil life.
The hon. Lady says that the test is whether a man has served. If she looks at the words of the Amendment, she will see that it says "volunteered for temporary service." Surely that covers a man who volunteered for service abroad even though he might in fact never have gone abroad.
The hon. Member has not quite read the Clause, because it provides that, having volunteered for temporary service abroad, he must have served with those forces. If the man volunteered and his heart failed him at the last moment and he deserted and never went on the ship at all, he will not get the pension.
I understand the reason for putting in the word "abroad" is that there is no one at home to whom this Clause would apply. If that is so, what is the reason for putting in the word at all? Is there anything of which we are afraid? Could it not be left out? Many soldiers and sailors were employed in home waters, convoying food ships. They may have volunteered for that purpose. Although there has never been a war in the last few years, we have had volunteer forces serving on ships. Why is it that the Minister puts in this word if he says that there is no one at home to whom this applies?
One point is not very clear from the reply of the hon. Lady. During the Boer War some of the militia were sent to Ireland, and some were sent to garrison places like Gibraltar in place of the regular troops who went to South Africa. That is service connected with the South African War. Are such men covered by this Clause or not?
Surely the word "volunteered" is the word that covers the whole point. If a man volunteered for service abroad, it does not matter whether he went abroad or not.
I should like to ask the hon. Lady or the Minister if, in answering the question of my hon. and gallant Friend, they can give any indication as to what ware they have in mind, and what would be the number, if any, of the people concerned. This question has been put several times, but I have not heard any answer to it except an obscure allusion to the Wars of the Roses, which have nothing to do with it at all. At the same time, I should like to ask why at this stage the restrictive word "abroad" is inserted, which was not in the original Clause.
We have consulted the War Office as to the exact definition of these people, and I do say that civilians dealing with Army matters are very much safer if they accept the views of the War Office. Neither my right hon. Friend nor I would for one moment dare to correct the language of the War Office. I would remind those hon. Members who have seen service of the way in which they regarded their superior officers, and their pronouncements on points of language, manners and the rest. In the same way we, in an even greater degree, regard the formula sent to us by the War Office. We cannot change it; we will not change it; we do not know what might happen if we altered the wording given to us by the service Department. [ Interruption. ] We are just standing in the breach, doing what officers who know all about it have told us.
Could the hon. Lady produce the Secretary of State for War?
Amendment to the proposed Amendment negatived.
Proposed words there inserted in the Bill.
I beg to move, in page 2, line 25, after the word "served," to insert the words "during those operations."
I dealt with this point in what I said earlier, and I imagine that hon. Members opposite will have no objection to it provided that there is an opportunity of discussing the period of service later.
Amendment agreed to.
I have handed in two manuscript Amendments for the purpose of trying to clear up what appears to be a misunderstanding on this side of the House. The first is with regard to the definition of "a man," in page 2, line 25. As I understand it, the idea of the Minister is to except officers, but to give the benefits of the scheme to petty officers, non-commissioned officers and men. I want to be quite clear that the word "man" includes petty officers, non-commissioned officers, private soldiers and seamen.
My second Amendment is in page 2, line 26, to omit the words "for a period of not less than two years." It seems to me that, if these words are left in, they will completely do away with the whole intention of the paragraph.
With regard to the first point raised by the hon. and gallant Member, I am assured that petty officers and non-commissioned officers are, with men, in the insurable class and are really covered, and, therefore, there is no need for the hon. and gallant Member's Amendment.
Would warrant officers be included?
I think so, but I will make inquiries and let the hon. and gallant Member know.
Does the hon. and gallant Member for Epsom (Commander Southby) move his Amendment?
I beg to move, in page 2, line 26, to leave out the words "for a period of not less than two years."
After what the Minister has said, I do not propose to move the first Amendment. As I have said, the inclusion of these words would seem to me to do away with the whole intention of paragraph ( a, iv) of Sub-section (1) of the Clause. The Minister has accepted an alteration of the word "war" to "naval and military operations," and it will be within the knowledge of the House that there were no naval and military operations before the Great War, with the possible exception of the Boer War, which extended to anything like a period of two years. If these words are left in, they will exclude any man who served in such operations as those in China, or those in the Persian Gulf for the suppression of the arms and slave traffic, or the Benin Expedition, or the West African Expedition. I am sure it is not the Minister's desire that they should not be covered. The Minister said just now that he wanted this provision to apply to men who actually served in the operations in question, and not to men who may have joined up temporarily but who took no part in the operations. I suggest to him that if he will accept this Amendment he will really be obtaining the result which he is seeking.
I beg to second the Amendment.
The Clause as it stands is undoubtedly a restrictive one. Since, as my hon. and gallant Friend has said, none of these operations has lasted as long as two years, the whole Clause would be practically of no effect whatever. If, however, the period of two years be taken out, and if, as the right hon. Gentleman has said, he wants the Clause to apply only to those who have been abroad, the word "abroad" has now been inserted, so that the Clause will apply only to those who have served overseas, and not to those who did not go abroad but served at home. I would put forward a suggestion to the Minister, that the test might be the obtaining of a medal for these operations—say the operations on the North-West Frontier or the Afghan Campaign—which would ensure that the widows of men who had actually taken part in those operations would get pensions. I know that that is what the Minister in- tends, and I would ask him not to allow this very restrictive period of two years to remain, because in most cases it is impossible of fulfilment.
I wish to sup port this Amendment, and I hope it will have the effect of eliciting some information that we have failed to obtain on previous Amendments. I quite understand the position of the hon. Lady the Parliamentary Secretary. I do not think that any Member of this House could have displayed a more adequate knowledge of this Bill than she has displayed, and one is absolutely lost in admiration for her great powers of exposition and her deep researches into various other Acts of Parliament that may be involved. But she has confessed that even she, with all her knowledge, is ignorant of the reasons why this provision is being inserted.
indicated dissent.
The hon. Lady says that what the War Office says in these matters is law, that the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Preston (Mr. Shaw), who now adorns the War Office, speaks with an almost god-like authority on these matters, and that the hon. Lady, who questions everybody else, would not dare to question him. That may be all right as far as her relations with the right hon. Gentleman are concerned, but it is not good enough as far as her relations with this House are concerned. We have on the Order Paper a provision that a lady of 55 can get a pension if she is the widow of a man who volunteered for temporary service abroad in the naval or military Forces of the Crown, served in those Forces for two years in the particular operations involved, and died within three years of the termination of that period. We have asked for an explanation, and the hon. Lady says: Well, these tablets have been delivered from Mount Sinai. I am glad to see that Mount Sinai has now come in, and is sitting on the Treasury Bench.
And is just as immovable.
If the right hon. Gentleman is referring to his physical dimensions, I will agree with him, but I do not think he has a right to be immovable as far as this particular paragraph is concerned. I want to know from the right hon. Gentleman what campaigns have taken place in the past, in respect of which a pension will be payable to a widow, that lasted for two years or more? We have a perfect right to know that. We are voting the taxpayers' money to give pensions to hypothetical widows who, I believe, only exist in the imagination of the Minister of Health and the Parliamentary Secretary. We do not know who these widows are, what these campaigns are, or why this particular provision is inserted. The Secretary of State for War has come in, I imagine in response to the distress signal sent out by the hon. Lady. If he has come in for any purpose at all, it is to justify himself as Minister of War. He has come in to explain a Clause which has been attributed to him, and I hope he will not be permitted to leave this House without rising to explain it.
Paragraph (iv) deals only with people who were not regular soldiers, but who volunteered for military service during a war prior to the Great War. [HON. MEMBERS: "Which war?"] Hon. Members hurry me a little too much; if they had only waited for my next sentence I would have explained. This matter was brought to my notice by hon. Gentlemen opposite, who asked me what was the position with regard to men who went out in the City Imperial Volunteers during the Boer War. Quite frankly, I had not thought of that, but it is quite right that, if we do something for the man who is not a regular soldier but who volunteers in time of war, as we have done something for the man who volunteered during the Great War, we should try also to meet comparable cases prior to the Great War. I do not think it is really the intention of the House to cover some skirmish on the Afghan frontier. [ Interruption. ] So far as I have been able to ascertain, the question of volunteers from this country has never arisen in those circumstances.
The big case is the case of the Boer War, and, if we can deal with that, which was a war where volunteer service was called for, we are meeting, as far as I can see, what was in the minds of the hon. Members opposite who first drew my attention to this problem. The immediate point at issue is that such a volunteer must have served during these operations for a period of not less than two years, and the point now under consideration is the hon. and gallant Member's Amendment as to the two years. That is the narrow point. I am asked what operations did last two years. My answer is, the Boer War, which lasted a good deal longer. I do not want to be unreasonable, but one does want a specific period of active service, and we have used that period in other connections. Having regard to the fact that earlier wars were not so long, and to the fact that one really does not intend to include every little skirmish that took place in any part of the world, I should be quite willing to reduce the two years to one. That would ensure that it was really effective active service for a period of one year, and if the hon. and gallant Gentleman would agree to withdraw his Amendment and move another, or permit me to do it, that would perhaps meet the general view of the House.
Would the right hon. Gentleman also admit the case of any man who served for a shorter time provided he is invalided out? A man might serve for six months and then be wounded.
Although I am disappointed that the Minister has not been able to see my difficulty, which is to bring in a man who served in China and places like that where they served under very severe conditions in a very severe war which was of short duration—[HON. MEMBERS: "NO volunteers!"] It is possible that there were men serving as seamen in transports and taking troops and munitions to China, or serving in armed launches and ships employed in the Persian Gulf against arms traffic and slave traffic. None of these come under the category of soldiers. I am thinking more of the point of view of sailors. In the Benin Expedition they recruited over 3,000 men for temporary service, and no one could say that that was not a war. It was a very severe war. I would ask the right hon. Gentleman to reconsider it and see if he cannot meet me by bringing in people who served in these operations. On the other hand, half a loaf is better than no bread and, if he remains adamant, the only thing I can do is to accept his suggestion, but I would ask him to reconsider it. He be- littles these campaigns as skirmishes. Anyone who took part in them would not look upon them as skirmishes. They were very severe fighting. I beg him once more, as a measure of justice to these men, to accept my Amendment in its entirety, but if he will not, I must substitute "one year."
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Amendment made: In page 2, line 26, leave out the words "two years," and insert instead thereof the words "one year."—[ Commander Southby. ]
I beg to move, in page 2, line 28, at the end, to insert the words:
"( b ) who died between the third day of January, nineteen hundred and twenty-six, and the first day of January, nineteen hundred and thirty-one, and as respects whom it is shown that at some time within three years before the date of his death or the date on which by reason of his age contributions ceased to be payable in respect of him, his normal occupation was employment of such a kind as is specified in paragraph ( f ) or paragraph ( g ) of the First Schedule to the Insurance Act; or"
Last night the case of contractors for manual labour and share fishermen was raised, and I agreed to consider the case of the widows of share fishermen and others who came within the Act of 1928. There is a curious hiatus with regard to the widows. The pre-Act widow of a share fisherman who was 55 or more and died before the operation of the principal Act can get her widows' pension, but as regards share fishermen who have died since, their widows will not become eligible until 1931, and it is a clear hardship in those cases. The purpose of the Amendment is to bring within the scope of the Bill the widows of share fishermen, and others in the same category, of course, who have died between January, when the Act came into operation, and July 21st by regarding them as in the same category as pre-Act widows. That will fill up the gap for this class of person because, by the beginning of 1931, the share fishermen will easily have fulfilled the qualifying contribution and automatically, therefore, after the death of a share fisherman the widow will get the pension.
I take it that the paragraphs ( f ) and ( g ) referred to here are paragraphs that were added to the schedule in the Act of 1928. If that is so, is it not a fact that there are two parts of the Schedule and there is a paragraph ( f ) and a paragraph ( g ) in each part? If so, ought not the Amendment to read "paragraphs ( f ) or ( g ) of Part I of the first Schedule"?
May I thank the right hon. Gentleman for the reasonableness of the Amendment and say how much I am sure a great many other people connected with the fishing interests appreciate the fact that he has been able to bring this particular section of widows within the Bill. I am sure everyone appreciates the reasonableness he has shown, although many of us had to put a considerable amount of explanation into it.
The Schedule is in two parts, but in Part I there are no paragraphs ( f ) and ( g ), and ( f ) and ( g ) must clearly refer to Part II. If it is not clear, I will see that it is made clear in another place.
Are not paragraphs ( f ) and ( g ) in Part II references to teachers?
No. In Part I it goes to paragraph ( e ).
In the Act of 1924, but as amended by the Act of 1928 there were paragraphs added.
I do not think it is necessary, but, if it is, I will see that it is put right in another place.
As the Member responsible for raising this matter in the first instance, I should like to say how much we appreciate the concession the Government has made. It seem to me fully to meet the part of the Amendment that the right hon. Gentleman promised to give us and I am certain it will be considered a very valuable concession by the classes concerned. We are very much obliged to you.
Amendment agreed to.
I beg to move, in page 3, line 16, to leave out the words "Sub-section (1) of section twenty-one or of".
This Amendment was moved in Committee with the object of ascertaining why the Government proposed to remove the disqualification that was imposed by the Act of 1925 in the case of a widow who was cohabiting with a man but had not married him. It was explained that the object was to deal with the case where a widow had cohabited with a man and subsequently married him, and then he died and she again became a widow. The point was raised by my right hon. Friend the Member for Edgbaston (Mr. Chamberlain) that the case we wished to safeguard against was the case where the widow had cohabited with some quite different man then married someone else, who died suddenly, and gone back to the man she had been cohabiting with. The Minister undertook to consider that point and to give an answer on Report. I merely put it down in order to ask the hon. Lady whether the point has been considered and, if so, what conclusion had been come to.
I beg to second the Amendment.
I understand that the hon. and gallant Gentleman does not object to the words as they stand here, which allow a death-bed marriage to take place in some cases. I am afraid we do not see any way of meeting the point raised. Under the Act of 1925, if a widow with a pension goes to live with a man, she loses her pension as long as she so lives with him. If she leaves him, she becomes again a widow within the meaning of the Act and gets a pension. If she contracts a marriage with someone else the widow's pension, of course, goes, but she would have been immediately before the marriage in the position of a widow in receipt of a pension. Therefore, she would have all the rights which belong to widows who re-marry while in receipt of a pension. I cannot see any way of dealing with the case 1 suggested. The present position indeed seems to me satisfactory. It is a good thing that if a woman enters into an irregular connection she should give her pension up. It is very reasonable that if she ends the connection she should resume the pension, and I can see nothing against ending an irregular connection and entering into the marriage state. I cannot, therefore, see that any Amendment is necessary.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
I beg to move, in page 4, line 3, at the end, to insert the words:
"(4) Section eighty-nine of the Insurance Act (which provides for the determination by the Minister of questions relating to employment) shall apply to any question arising under Sub-section (1) of this Section whether employment which was, or is alleged to have been, the normal occupation of any person was employment in respect of which contributions under the principal Act would have been payable if that Act had been in force."
This Amendment was put down in pursuance of an undertaking which was given by my right hon. Friend. Great objections were raised to the fact that the Minister's powers in Clause 1 were final and precise. It was urged that the Insurance Acts always had given the Minister such powers with regard to insurable occupations, and the answer from the opposite side was that Clause 1 dealt with two matters, "normal occupation" and "insurable occupation." There was a general feeling that the precedents of the Insurance Acts should be followed in the question of "insurable occupation" leaving the powers to the Minister. There was an equally strong feeling that the question of "normal occupation" was solely one of fact and that appeals should be to the referee on that question of fact. This Amendment is put down in consequence of an Amendment which was moved, and in consequence of an explanation given by the right hon. Gentleman at an earlier stage of the proceedings, and I hope that with that explanation the House will accept it.
I should like to thank the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Health for having met us in this matter. There was at the beginning a stage in which we were asking perhaps for more than we were entitled, and the Minister was perhaps inclined to give us less than we deserved. I think that the compromise which has now been arrived at is perfectly satisfactory, and I should like to express the thanks of those who moved our Amendment for the way in which we have been met.
Amendment agreed to.
I beg to move, in page 4, line 3, at the end, to insert the words:
After all, we have had it from the right hon. Gentleman that of the 500,000 widows who would receive pensions under this Measure no fewer than 400,000 cases would have to be investigated. It cannot, therefore, really be such a very arduous task to add this one extra question to all the other questions and inquiries which the right hon. Gentleman has admitted must be addressed to four-fifths of the widows who are going to benefit under this Measure. He refused the Amendment originally because he said it would increase the labours of the Departments concerned. I think he contradicted himself when he said a little later that 400,000 cases would have to be investigated carefully. If those 400,000 cases have to be investigated, I cannot see that the addition of another 100,000 and a perfectly simple test—many cases of widows in receipt of incomes which come within the purview of the Income Tax law would already be known to the Income Tax authorities—would cause an additional burden either in the work of administration or in the actual cost to the Treasury, or would warrant him in refusing to accept this Amendment.
We believe in this Amendment on two grounds, namely, that it is not fair that the taxpayers of this country should distribute their money to people who do not require it, and that these individuals themselves do not require this £26 a year which the Government are proposing to give them under this Measure. We disliked one Amendment which was moved applying the means test. Many on these benches agree on that point, and we have therefore substituted this new provision. All the arguments which the right hon. Gentleman used in regard to the means test cannot be used in respect of this Amendment, which, after all, deals with a sum of £5 a week, or £260 a year. Surely, the majority in receipt of incomes of over that amount already have these inquiries—inquisitorial if you like—put upon them by the Income Tax authorities.
Has the right hon. Gentleman any further information in regard to the number of individuals who would be affected by an additional provision of this nature? He told us in one of the previous Debates that he thought that the figure would be something under one per cent. It may be more; it may be two per cent. or three per cent. If he has no better evidence and no further information to give us than that it is somewhere about one per cent., we are entitled to press this Amendment with great energy. If it happens to be two per cent., a very considerable sum will be saved to the taxpayer if the Amendment is accepted. We only ask in this Amendment that money should be saved in this manner in order that it might be applied to many of the other necessitous and needy cases which have been quoted by various Members on all sides of the House. We should be very grateful if the hon. Lady has, in the days which have elapsed since the Committee stage of this Bill first began, been able to accumulate or discover any further facts or figures in regard to the number of individuals who would be affected by an Amendment of this kind.
I believe that the Bill in its final form, if it included an Amendment such as we propose, would be a more efficient Bill and one which would be more easily explainable and answerable to our constituents, because we have heard on numerous occasions of the anomalies which must be created. Nobody denies that anomalies and injustices are going to be created under this Measure. An hon. Gentleman who spoke from the other side of the House said that at least 20 cases of anomalies had come to his notice which must inevitably be created under the Measure. We believe that the inclusion of an Amendment on the lines here suggested would help to eliminate from the Bill many of those anomalies.
I beg to second the Amendment.
One must take note of the points which have been brought forward by the Government on the Committee stage and proceed from them. First of all, as regards the necessity for economy, one must repeat that it is our duty on either side of the House at the present time, to recognise the stringency of money in this country, and, when we are passing any new Measure which obviously involves great expenditure, we should sweep round in all the corners of the Measure to see whether we cannot economise and save money. The question as to whether it is a large sum or a small sum is not to the point. It is our duty to look into the corners of this Bill, and, if there are savings which can reasonably be made, we are obliged to make them. The Parliamentary Secretary has suggested that this involves an inquisitorial method, which would be either too much trouble or too expensive, and would be profoundly distasteful to the individual concerned. Surely, it is possible to devise a method which would fall short of that. The suggestion has been made that we should take the Income Tax line as the dividing line. Whether that is the line which is taken or not, I think that the system on which the Income Tax is worked is equally available in this case. In the Income Tax we rely upon a declaration and the individual's honour, subject to such other information as the Commissioners may find out. Inciden- tally, in the same kind of work one can rely upon the honour of the pensioners if they were called upon to make a definite declaration. Therefore, you might suggest that, in making a claim for a pension, the individual concerned should sign a form declaring that she has not an income above the limit, as we suggest in the Amendment, of £5 a week. This could easily be done. They are used to signing declarations of various kinds, but I maintain that this course would generally be effective. People nowadays are very chary of signing their names, especially when they know that it is definitely a statement of fact which may involve them in a considerable fine if they are found out for having made a false declaration. I think that that suggestion might get over the difficulty.
8.0 p.m.
We have here a definite proposal which I believe would result in saving very considerable sums of money. Although it is easy enough to quote instances when we are discussing new methods in this House and to give cases of hardship of one kind or another, I believe that there would be found to be some people who would be above this limit of £5 per week. Those of us who have really come into intimate relationship with the poor are surprised when we find here and there exceptional cases of people who have resources that were quite unexpected. They live thriftily, in a small way and unostentatiously, and their means are not known to others, but when you come to comb out the streets you find every here and there cases of that sort; and you also find coming into Somerset House, in the probate valuations of deceased persons, surprising cases of people who have sums far above what would be expected.
I should like to draw attention to the wonderful statement which was made by the right hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer in a speech made, I think, just before the commencement of this Session, in which he summed up the surprising increase in the savings of the people, mostly small savings. They again are suggestive of the fact that there is a very considerable number of people who would come above the Income Tax limit, even among those who are included in the class with which we are dealing as being the widows of insurable men. I believe there are considerable economies to be made in this way, and I believe that whether the economies are large or small, it is our duty to suggest them. I believe also that the method which we are suggesting of trusting simply to a statement and a declaration, which would add practically nothing to the expense and would be quite easy to work, would meet the situation and would be a practical means of carrying out the suggestion.
During the Committee stage of this Bill, when the question was before the Committee as to whether widows should be subjected to a means test, the right hon. Gentleman the Minister of Health indicated, as has already been mentioned by my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for St. Albans (Lieut.-Colonel Fremantle) that there would be something in the neighbourhood of 400,000 cases to go into. With all deference to the Minister of Health, I was far from being convinced that he really had any practical knowledge as to how many cases would have to be investigated. As far as I am concerned, I am deadly opposed to subsidising by the taxpayers' money people who are in a position to maintain themselves in what I venture to call a perfectly proper manner. Five pounds per week is perhaps not a large sum, but how many poor people have to keep their households going on less—not only a widow, but a man who is working and is getting perhaps £3 per week and possibly has a wife and two children to provide for. Nothing is going to be paid to that man; there is no proposal that, because he is getting only £3 per week, he should be subsidised with the taxpayers' money to the extent of another £2 per week.
I cannot for the life of me understand why the Government object to an Amendment of this nature. We were told during the Committee stage that the number of widows who have £5 per week or more would perhaps amount to something like 1 per cent. If it is only 1 per cent., I say let us save that 1 per cent.; because, after all, it does not take a very great calculation to tell you that 1 per cent, of 500,000 widows at £26 a year amount to £130,000 per annum. The Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Health is apparently utilising her opportunity to see whether I am right. I will make it plainer for her, if I may: 1 per cent. of 500,000 is 5,000, and 5,000 multiplied by £26 is £130,000 per annum. If you can save anything in the neighbourhood of that sum, it ought to be saved.
May I point out to the hon. and gallant Member that there is no restriction imposed by the Act passed by the Tory party.
Am I to learn that a Measure which was brought in by the Conservative party is to be accepted as final, and has it always been accepted by all hon. Members of the House as being the last thing that could be said with regard to Measures of this nature? Nothing of the sort. Anyone who has been in this House for any length of time knows full well that amending Bills are always brought forward when it has been found that an unnecessary limitation has been imposed, or that something has been excluded which it is necessary should be included. My hon. Friend the Member for Leigh (Mr. Tinker) should know that Amendments of various Measures are brought forward for the specific purpose of putting right things which have been found to be wrong. Does the hon. Member say that everything which has been passed by any Government is to be accepted as final? It does not matter to me what the Government is, whether it is a Socialist Government, a Liberal Government or a Conservative Government; if it brings forward a Measure which I consider is inadvisable I am going to rise in my place in the House of Commons and say so. I have been in this House for 19 years, and I have as yet failed to find any party which has ever brought forward any Bill in which one could not find something wrong in some shape or form.
When a Government has brought in a Measure of this magnitude and one finds points which are wrong, is the correct way for the Government to deal with the matter to turn round and say that another Government did not make any exclusion? My hon. Friend is apparently overlooking the fact that the pensions with regard to these 500,000 widows are on a non-contributory basis. I do not want to go into the whole question of the contributory basis, because I am not entitled to do so upon this Amendment, but it makes all the difference in the case of an insurance—or what is practically an insurance—whether a premium is going to be paid for it; and if the pension is on a contributory basis there is a premium. If you are going to give, and in many cases quite rightly to give, a pension to some widows who deserve it, surely you cannot say on the one hand that a man who is receiving £3 or £3 10s. per week has sufficient to provide for himself and his wife and children, and yet on the other hand propose a scheme knowing full well that a woman who is getting £5 per week will come into the scheme. Surely, when I have drawn attention to what £5 a week is worth, and what the 1 per cent., calculated at 10s. per week, which ought to be saved, amounts to, the Government will see that there is a strong case for this Amendment. Indeed, it is all very well to say that it is 1 per cent., but in taking that figure we are only accepting the figure given by the right hon. Gentleman the Minister of Health when he spoke on the Committee stage. We have no knowledge on the point; it may be as much as 2 per cent. or 3 per cent. If it is 2 per cent. the amount will be £260,000, and if it is 3 per cent. it will be £390,000, per annum of taxpayers' money.
It is all very well to propose these schemes, but there does come a time when you have to look carefully into these questions. Bon. Members would not be in a very great hurry to subsidise widows who had £5 per week if they were doing it out of their own pockets. That would be a very different proposition. [An HON. MEMBER: "Would you?"] No, I would not, and it is because I would not be prepared to do that, that I am not prepared to subsidise them with the taxpayers' money. For that reason I do hope that although we are getting nearly to the end of the Report stage the Government will see their way to accept this Amendment. They have accepted certain Amendments. So far as I am concerned it is not a question at all of an inquisition. The test would be perfectly easy, as my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for St. Albans has pointed out. You have a limit of £250 a year for purposes of Income Tax, so you know those people who have got £250 a year, and it is not very difficult to identify them. There is no reason why they should not be told, "You have £250 or more per annum; that is your income, as is shown by the returns which you have made, and so you are not eligible for a pension." Having all those facts before you, is it very difficult to go through them and ascertain those who would be outside the limit? The Government say: "The work in the Department is so heavy that we cannot afford to use up time for the purpose of saving £130,000, £260,000 or £390,000 per annum," or whatever the sum might be. I am all in favour of helping anybody who is in poor circumstances, but I am not in favour of paying pensions to these widows who have got sufficient, and who have in my opinion no right at all to come upon the State and upon the taxpayers. They have no right to expect to be subsidised by the State when they have quite sufficient to live upon themselves. I therefore have the greatest pleasure in supporting the Amendment.
If there is any argument which hon. Members on the opposite side of the House should avoid, it is the argument in favour of a means test. It seems to me that the party to which my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Dulwich (Sir F. Hall) belongs has turned itself into a "Society of Nosey Parkers." They are anxious to inquire into the circumstances of everybody else, but they take very great care that their own circumstances are not inquired into. What is good to give should not be bad to take, and I would suggest to hon. Members on the other side of the House that, if there is to be a means test, it should start in this House; because, if it started in this House, there are hundreds of Members who would not draw their £400 a year.
It never should have been paid. When I came into this House it was not paid.
The hon. Member must not discuss that question on this Amendment.
I gave that only as an illustration of how an argument of this kind can be used, and is intended to be used, against people who are badly off by those who are well off and do not apply the medicine to themselves.
I have always voted against the payment of Members.
I rather wish that on this, the fourth form in which we have had this Amendment before us, my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Dulwich (Sir F. Hall) had not used the argument which he did use. I understand the argument, and it is a very sound one, that a system of pensions, if it is to be general and comprehensive, must be based on need. That was the Prime Minister's test, and the only thing which we have to debate is how to apply the test of need. I wish that the hon. and gallant Member for Dulwich would not talk about subsidising people who do not want it. I remember sitting at the corner of a bench behind this one less than nine months ago and protesting against the action of the right hon. Gentleman the then Minister of Health and his Friends in giving financial benefits to wealthy firms of brewers, tobacco manufacturers, firms like Courtaulds, and in fact all kinds of firms, who were paying dividends of more than 10 per cent., and I did not observe my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Dulwich rise in his place in order to say that there must be a means test. That is not the proper way of testing it.
I am very glad indeed that this matter has been raised more than once; but the objections to this particular way of doing it were stated in one very unfortunate sentence by the hon. and gallant Member for St. Albans (Lieut.-Colonel Fremantle). What did he say: "We are going to comb out every street to find those with more than £5 per week." In using that phrase "comb out," he gave away the whole fallacy of this method of applying the means test to this class of widow. There are 500,000 widows, and nobody knows how many of them have got more than £5 per week at this time. We all do know that at some time they were the widows of men who were in the insurable class, and the presumption is that the overwhelming majority of them are now widows in poor circumstances. It is suggested that in order to find a very small proportion of that number we are now to apply the means test—a test which the right hon. Gentleman and his friends removed from the whole mass of old age pensioners—at the other end to 500,000 people—for what purpose? We are to "comb out." I should have thought that this House had had quite enough experience of the dreadful meaning of that phrase in the War period, when they went on "combing out." It is a horrible phrase, especially for a medical man to use. This Amendment has such implications with respect to the bulk of the widows to whom these pensions are to be given as will not commend to the Committee the form of Amendment which has been proposed. We believe that the way to settle this problem, on the basis of need, is to have a contributory system, on equal terms to all.
indicated assent.
The right hon. Gentleman nods his head, but I did not observe that when my Amendment went to a Division, at 20 minutes past one this morning, that there was a great amount of support coming from the right hon. Gentleman's party. I did not observe that the Division list was as big as I had thought it would have been on an issue which is the real issue not merely to-night on this Amendment, but an issue for the whole future of our pensions law and its structure. We cannot vote for this Amendment, for the reasons which I have given. We desire to see the thing put on a firm contributory basis, but we are not going to support this particular little test of a handful of people, and at the same time subject 500,000 widows to the combing out process referred to by the hon. and gallant Member for St. Albans.
I am anxious to put this matter in a way that will appeal to the hon. Member for Leith (Mr. Brown). I am anxious to carry him with us into the Division Lobby. His vote may only count as one from the numerical point of view, but from the point of view of intellectual capacity, and qualities of that kind, it counts far more, in my estimation. It is true, as my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Dulwich (Sir F. Hall) said, in his able speech, that the Amendment would mean a saving in relation to this Bill. Let me point out what prospects that would open out so far as the hon. Member for Leith and his friends are concerned. If we survey the progress, or the lack of progress, which has been made in the various stages of this Bill, we find that every Amendment which the hon. Member for Leith and his friends have moved, with the object of extending the provisions of the Bill, have been defeated on the ground that the finances of the country did not permit of such extensions. In the early stages of the proceedings I invited him and his friends to support a proposal of this kind, not because I am particularly desirous of preventing a widow with £5 a week from receiving a pension of 10s. a week for life, but because I desire that a test of this kind should be applied in order that there might be a certain sum of money available for other members of the community who are equally needy and deserving of this particular pension. The hon. Member must now realise that all the ideas that he and his friends entertain about giving pensions to other sections of the community who are equally needy and deserving have failed.
I do not like to reproach him, but if he had supported the idea which was put forward from these benches, and if the Prime Minister's test of means had been applied, there would have been available for other members of the community a certain sum of money which might have been distributed in pensions. I would ask him to consider the circumstances of the cases which he has brought forward—the women with invalid husbands, widows under 55 years of age, all of whom are equally deserving of a pension of 10s. a week for life. If our Amendment were accepted, it would make available a sum of money which would go, to some extent, to meet the claims of the other people. If the hon. Member votes against the Amendment, it means that he is going to give to widows of 55 years of age, who have an income of over £5 a week, a pension of 10s. per week for life, and at the same time he would prevent people who are in the same class of the community, women having exactly the same insurance status, from receiving the pension, simply because they happen to be under 55 years of age. That is a thoroughly unfair and unjust proceeding, and that has been the main line of our criticism.
The whole idea of this Amendment is to make available a certain sum of money from which other people may receive benefits. The Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Labour is present. He is helping to solve the problem of unemployment. What will he say to his constituents in Chester-le-Street when they know that an Amendment was moved in this House with the object not of depriving people unduly of a pension for life but of making available money which could go to other sections of the community who are equally deserving of benefits. What will he say to a widow of 50 or a widow of 55 who says that her circumstances are much more distressing and difficult than a widow of 55, with an income of over £5 a week, who is receiving a pension? What will he say when those widows ask him why he did not make some provision for them?
I think the right hon. Gentleman is now out of order. We have already dealt with the age of 55, and we are now discussing whether a means limit of £5 per week should apply.
One of the reasons I am advancing for this Amendment is that it makes possible a provision in the future for people equally deserving and who may be in greater need than the people for whom provision is made in this Bill. The hon. Member for Leith said that the Conservative party removed the limit from a large number of people when they brought in the principal Act, and it is true that the Socialist party in 1924 themselves invoked a means limit when the Chancellor of the Exchequer brought forward his scheme in relation to old age pensions. No one can say that the Conservative party, but for the extraordinary and unjust provisions of this Bill, would have pressed a means limit on the House. One of the things which the Conservative party undoubtedly did was to remove the means limit to a large extent and it is equally true that the Socialist party in 1924 had to rely on the means limit in order to make their scheme workable. It is not right and fair to say that hon. Members on these benches desire to impose an inquisitive scheme. I join with the hon. Member for Leith in saying that we stand for the contributory principle. The right hon. Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) on the Second Reading of the Bill which first introduced widows pensions into this country approved of it because it was on the contributory principle. Directly you depart from that principle you enter into this morass of injustices and inequalities so well illustrated by the provisions of this Bill. As far as we are concerned, we have endeavoured to make the best of the proposals in the Bill by saying that people with an income of over £5 a week should not receive it in order that other people equally deserving, should be able to receive a pension, a position which, I think, will commend itself to the conscience and common sense of the nation.
The right hon. Member for West Woolwich (Sir K. Wood) and his friends have made three or four attempts in favour of the application of a means test in the provision of pensions. That can only mean all the inquisitions and abominations which attach to an inquisitorial system, the combing, the idea of search, in order to see how many people you can rule ont of benefit under a Bill whose professed purpose is to get more people into pensions. I cannot square the two things. This Amendment is fundamentally foreign to the basis, structure, and purpose of the Bill. Whatever may have been said to the contrary this insurance Bill is based on a contributory basis. Even in the case of the pre-Act widow, about whom we have heard such a lot during the Debates, the presumption is that they were in the insured class when contributions were made in respect of them, and I am rather surprised that in the Report stage an attempt should be made to impose an inquisition on people whom it is the purpose of this Government to bring under the benefits of this Bill.
I have searched the Bill and I can see no provision for the rich widow to come in. The widow who comes under this Bill, anywhere and everywhere, must be in the insured class. It is presumed that her husband was an insured person, and if the husband was an insured person then the means limit of Income Tax obtains. I defy any husband in that case to make sufficient provision during his lifetime to leave his widow a rich woman. Even if there was the possibility anywhere of one of these rich widows coming in, through the back door so to speak of the provisions of this Bill, I should still say that it would not warrant all the machinery that would be involved in applying the means test, it would not be worth while any Government adopting such a combing process and such methods of inquisition. We have had the assurance of the Minister of Health more than once during our Debates that he has examined this question and that there is no possibility anywhere of the position alleged to be the underlying fear of hon. Members opposite in this Amendment. I hope we shall not hesitate to brush aside any attempt to introduce a means limit under this Bill, and that we shall always keep in mind, even where a means test does apply, that it is a most reprehensible kind of thing which should foe abolished.
I only rise because of the invitation given just now by the right hon. Member for West Woolwich (Sir K. Wood) to hon. Members on these benches. He spoke in his most attractive and dulcet tones, to which the House is now accustomed, and gave an invitation which I am sorry we cannot accept. Let me say in the words of a passage, on which no doubt the right hon. Gentleman has reflected in past years, "in vain is the net spread in the sight of any bird." The invitation was for us to go into the Lobby with him. Although he has proposed this Amendment I think he would sincerely regret if it was passed. He said that we were on the brink of a morass of inequalities, but the suggested Amendment would set up at once the gravest and glaring inequalities. You would have one class of widow who would receive her pension without any inquisition into her means, and another class who could not receive her pension without going through a process which is hateful in relation to a system of old age pensions. I would prefer, and I think Members in all parts of the House would prefer if we could give the money first of all to the widows who are in need. I think it is generally admitted that the number of widows concerned in this matter is so small—obviously small since it is confined to the insurable class—that in order to carry out the Amendment we should have to pay a very high price. First we should have to pay the price of setting up a costly system of administration. The cost of administration would be very much greater if you had to apply a means test and that cost would Have to be borne by the community.
I think the hon. Gentleman has overlooked the fact that the whole of the pension system of the country to-day is carried out by machinery of that kind. As he knows there are pension committees sitting every week and all cases have to be referred to them.
If the right hon. Gentleman were on the other side of the House and resisting this Amendment he would at once point out that you could not deal with a larger number of people without extending that machinery, and the same eloquence which we have heard this evening in favour of the Amendment would have been used against the Amendment if the right hon. Gentleman had been speaking from the other side.
And may I point out that there are periodical visits as well.
Yes, there are periodical visits and inquiries as to people's means—taking away from the gift all the grace of giving. Therefore, as I say, the first price which we should have to pay would be a very large increase in the cost of administration, a cost which the right hon. Gentleman cannot estimate and a cost which would have to be borne by the whole community. The second price would be the setting up of that hated system of inquisition which would destroy the very spirit of the Measure for which the right hon. Gentleman himself was in a sense responsible. Indeed, it seems to me that in proposing this Amendment the right hon. Gentleman is like a thoughtless parent trying to maim his own child. If anybody resists an Amendment which seeks to introduce an inquisitorial method into this system, it ought to be one whose name will always be associated with the original Measure. I am sorry that the right hon. Gentleman is now supporting this Amendment after his association with the Act of 1925, because the Amendment is quite contrary to the general principles of that Act.
I rather regret the method of attack which the hon. Member for Bodmin (Mr. Foot) has adopted against my right hon. Friend, because one distinct and positive point which the House seems often to have forgotten in these Debates is that a certain part of this Bill is not contributory at all, but represents an absolutely free gift. The fact that we press this Amendment on the House shows that we regard this matter as one of vital importance. We read that constant dripping will wear away a stone, and we have been hoping against hope that our repeated presenta- tions of the justice of our case would ultimately have some effect on the Minister or the Parliamentary Secretary and that they might find some way to meet us. We cannot congratulate ourselves up to the present on our success in obtaining any benefits from the Government. In fact I do not think we have had a single concession on the Bill, and that is very shabby treatment considering the way in which we treated the party opposite in 1925. I regard the Government and the House as in a sense trustees for the country. The Government are sent here by the electors to look after the interests of all classes to the best of their ability.
The Government have a certain amount of money—£98,000,000—and they have not sufficient knowledge or data as to how to distribute that sum, so as to fulfil the Prime Minister's test that it shall be distributed in the first place to needy women. Therefore, they are distributing it to women who, as we say—in a small percentage of cases at any rate—do not need it. For the sake of a little work and a little examination in order to find out how many of these wealthy widows there are, the Government are doing this. They say, "We cannot be bothered; it is too much worry; we should have to inquire here, there and everywhere, and instead of doing that we will give a certain amount of money, be it great or small, to people who ought not to get it. Rather than go to any trouble we will betray our trust." That, in the matter of principle, is what it comes to. The Government are betraying the trust of the people by handing over this money to people who do not need it simply because they have not proper statistics and will not go to the trouble of obtaining them.
That is a vital point. The Government are falling short of their duty to the community in that respect. They say the amount is very small, and some hon. Members like the hon. Member for Greenwich (Mr. Palmer) seem to think that there are no rich widows in the insurable class. But it is no unusual case for a man who was in insurable occupation 30 years ago to die, and for his widow to take up business and to become the licensee of a public house, or something of that kind, and to be in quite good circumstances to-day. Yet she will be eligible for a pension. Those cases are not uncommon and a certain definite number of women will receive this money unnecessarily. In pressing this Amendment we are not asking the House to save money for the sake of the community, but what we say is that, even if there are only a thousand rich widows, and if you do not give them this money, you can benefit a thousand poor women who need the money. That is a very important point, but the Government, because they have not the heart, or are too lazy to take the trouble to make the necessary inquiries, say they are going to give it to the rich widows and trust to Providence that somehow or other they will be able to look after the others. I think that is not worthy of the House and is not the right way in which to tackle an important Measure like this. The difficulties may be great but it is the duty of the Government to overcome difficulties, always bearing in mind their responsibility to the taxpayers and to people of this country to see that the money which is being spent is expended in the public interests.
Both hon. Members opposite and the Liberal party taunt us about the means test. None of us likes the means test, but the only method of ascertaining need is by the means test. If the Prime Minister gave his pledge that it should be for widows according to need, the only way to find out that need is to apply a means test of some sort, and by putting away the means test altogether you are simply destroying this pledge. As the late Parliamentary Secretary said, once you depart from the contributory principle, you are bound either to have a means test or to treat a certain class of the community unfairly. Under the National Health Insurance Act you have £260, in addition to manual work, as the test for being in the insurable class, and I am quite certain that there is a sufficient amount of evidence in the country, under National Health Insurance, pensions, and Income Tax, to make it a comparatively simple matter to find out who these women are with £5 a week. I would prefer to have a means test and so be quite sure that the money was going in the right direction, because if you have only one woman in a hundred or a thousand who is excluded in that way, you are certain that you are not spending the money of this country in an unjust and irregular manner.
I therefore appeal once again to the Government to bear in mind the widow in need. That should be the first consideration, and they should, as a matter of principle, object to paying money to women who do not desire it and who they know do not desire it. If they persist and say, "We will give this present of £81,000,000 for the next 16 years to a class of widows some of whom we know do not require it, because their income is over £5 a week," then I say, with all emphasis and with all respect, that hon. Members opposite are betraying their trust and that they are not worthy of the confidence of the people.
This Amendment was very adequately discussed on the Committee stage, and we have had much eloquence expended upon it again tonight. The hon. Member for Royton (Dr. Davies), who has just sat down, said there must be a test of some kind. Well, there is a test of some kind, the test of the insurable class, and we say that broadly, by and large, people who are in the insurable class or who would normally be in it are the people who, by an overwhelming majority, would satisfy the most meticulous means test which could otherwise be devised. It is no use hon. Members talking about our betraying trusts. The fact remains that we should have to have an examination into the financial affairs of 300,000 or 400,000 widows, and not only one examination, but a periodical examination, because if the circumstances change, the examination ought to take place again, under the hon. Members view of what should happen, and we should be faced by a continual examination and a very large administrative task, all designed to catch a very few—no one knows how few—people who otherwise ought not to get a pension.
Hon. Members opposite know the irritation which has been caused in the country by the existing means test, by questions whether a claimant is in receipt of allowances from relatives, whether these allowances come in more or less irregular form from relatives overseas, or from sons and daughters who may have got employment, the amount of any savings, the little co- operative society's passbook examined, questions asked as to whether an old woman goes regularly for her dinner on the Sunday to her son's house, and the actual cost of the dinner carefully estimated to make sure, if you please, that her income is within the means test. This irritation has grown to such an extent that I venture to say there is nothing which has so angered great masses of the decent working classes of this country as that perpetual examination; and when we calculate the cost of putting this Amendment into operation,
when we know that already there is a rough test, the test of the insurable class, when we know the enormous irritation that would be caused by the re-imposition of a means test on the new classes of widows who are being brought in under this Bill, I would, with very great confidence, ask the House to reject the Amendment.
Question put, "That those words be there inserted in the Bill."
The House divided: Ayes, 100; Noes; 282.
Division No. 44.] AYES. [8.54 p.m. Acland-Troyte, Lieut.-Colonel Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Mitchell-Thomson. Rt. Hon. Sir W. Allen, W. E. D. (Belfast, W.) Ganzoni, Sir John Monsell, Eyres, Com. Rt. Hon. Sir B. Atholl, Duchess of Gibson, C. G. (Pudsey & Otley) Muirhead, A. J. Atkinson, C. Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir John Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Balfour, Captain H. H. (I. of Thanet) Glyn, Major R. G. C. Peto, Sir Basil E. (Devon, Barnstaple) Bellairs, Commander Carlyon Graham, Fergus (Cumberland, N.) Purbrick, R. Birchall, Major Sir John Dearman Greene, W. P. Crawford Ramsbotham, H. Bird, Ernest Roy Gunston, Captain D. W. Remer, John R. Bourne, Captain Robert Croft Hacking, Rt. Hon. Douglas H. Roberts, Sir Samuel (Ecclesall) Bracken, B. Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Ruggles-Brise, Lieut.-Colonel E. A. Brass, Captain Sir William Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth) Burton, Colonel H. W. Harvey, Major S. E. (Devon, Totnes) Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Carver, Major W. H. Henderson, Capt. R. R.(Oxf'd, Henley) Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney) Castle Stewart, Earl of Heneage, Lieut.-Colonel Arthur P. Savery, S. S. Cazalet, Captain Victor A. Hennessy, Major Sir G. R. J. Shepperson, Sir Ernest Whittome Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Edgbaston) Hudson, Capt. A. U. M. (Hackney, N.) Skelton, A. N. Chapman, Sir S. Hunter-Weston, Lt.-Gen. Sir Aylmer Smith, Louis W. (Sheffield, Hallam) Colfox, Major William Philip Hurst, Sir Gerald B. Smith-Carington, Neville W. Colville, Major D. J. Iveagh, Countess of Somerville, A. A. (Windsor) Conway, Sir W. Martin James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert Spender-Clay, Colonel H. Crichton-Stuart, Lord C. Jones, Sir G. W. H. (Stoke New'gton) Thomson, Sir F. Crookshank, Cpt. H.(Lindsey, Gainsbro) King, Commodore Rt. Hon. Henry D. Titchfield, Major the Marquess of Croom-Johnson, R. P. Law, Sir Alfred (Derby, High Peak) Todd, Capt. A. J. Culverwell, C. T. (Bristol, West) Leighton, Major B. E. P. Train, J. Davies, Dr. Vernon Lewis, Oswald (Colchester) Vaughan-Morgan, Sir Kenyon Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) Little, Dr. E. Graham Ward, Lt.-Col. A. L.(Kingston-on-Hull) Dawson, Sir Philip Llewellin, Major J. J. Wardlaw-Milne, J. S. Dixey, A. C. Locker-Lampson, Com. O.(Handsw'th) Wood, Rt. Hon. Sir Kingsley Edmondson, Major A. J. McConnell, Sir Joseph Wright, Brig.-Gen. W. D. (Tavist'k) Elliot, Major Walter E. Maitland, A. (Kent, Faversham) Young, Rt. Hon. Sir Hilton Everard, W. Lindsay Makins, Brigadier-General E. Ferguson, Sir John Margesson, Captain H. D. TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Fielden, E. B. Marjoribanks, E. C. Captain Sir George Bowyer and Fison, F. G. Clavering Mason, Colonel Glyn K. Sir Victor Warrender. Forestier-Walker, Sir L. Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham) NOES. Adamson, Rt. Hon. W. (Fife, West) Broad, Francis Alfred Compton, Joseph Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock) Brockway, A. Fenner Cove, William G. Addison, Rt. Hon. Dr. Christopher Bromfield, William Cowan, D. M. Alpass, J. H. Bromley, J. Daggar, George Ammon, Charles George Brooke, W. Dallas, George Angell, Norman Brothers, M. Dalton, Hugh Arnott, John Brown, C. W. E. (Notts. Mansfield) Davies, E. C. (Montgomery) Aske, Sir Robert Brown, Ernest (Leith) Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton) Attlee, Clement Richard Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Denman, Hon. R. D. Baker, John (Wolverhampton, Bilston) Brown, W. J. (Wolverhampton, West) Dickson, T. Baldwin, Oliver (Dudley) Buchanan, G. Dudgeon, Major C. R. Beckett, John (Camberwell, Peckham) Burgess, F. G. Dukes, C. Bellamy, Albert Burgin, Dr. E. L. Duncan, Charles Benn, Rt. Hon. Wedgwood Buxton, Rt. Hon. Noel (Norfolk, N.) Ede, James Chuter Bennett, Captain E. N.(Cardiff, Central) Caine, Derwent Hall Edmunds, J. E. Bennett, William (Battersea, South) Cameron, A. G. Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Benson, G. Cape, Thomas Edwards, E. (Morpeth) Bentham, Dr. Ethel Carter, W. (St. Pancras, S. W.) Egan, W. H. Bevan, Aneurin (Ebbw Vale) Charleton, H. C. Elmley, Viscount Blindell, James Church, Major A. G. England, Colonel A. Bondfield, Rt. Hon. Margaret Clarke, J. S. Evans, Capt. Ernest (Welsh Univer.) Bowen, J. W. Cluse, W. S. Foot, Isaac Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Cocks, Frederick Seymour Freeman, Peter Gardner, B. W. (West Ham, Upton) Lewis, T. (Southampton) Scrymgeour, E. Gardner, J. P. (Hammersmith, N.) Lindley, Fred W. Scurr, John George, Major G. Lloyd (Pembroke) Lloyd, C. Ellis Sexton, James George, Megan Lloyd (Anglesea) Lowth, Thomas Shakespeare, Geoffrey H. Gibbins, Joseph Lunn, William Shaw, Rt. Hon. Thomas (Preston) Gill, T. H. MacDonald, Rt. Hon. J. R. (Seaham) Shepherd, Arthur Lewis Gillett, George M. McElwee, A. Sherwood, G. H. Gosling, Harry McEntee, V. L. Shield, George William Gossling, A. G. Mackinder, W. Shiels, Dr. Drummond Gould, F. Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan) Shillaker, J. F. Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton) MacNeill-Weir, L. Shinwell, E. Granville, E. Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) Greenwood, Rt. Hon. A. (Colne) McShane, John James Simmons, C. J. Grenfell. D. R. (Glamorgan) Malone, C. L'Estrange (N'thampton) Sinkinson, George Griffith, F. Kingsley (Middlesbro' W.) Mander, Geoffrey le M. Smith, Alfred (Sunderland) Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Mansfield, W. Smith, Ben (Bermondsey, Rotherhithe) Grundy, Thomas W. March, S. Smith, Frank (Nuneaton) Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton) Marcus, M. Smith, H. B. Lees (Keighley) Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil) Marley, J. Smith, Rennie (Penistone) Hall. Capt. W. P. (Portsmouth, C.) Mathers, George Smith, Tom (Pontefract) Hamilton, Mary Agnes (Blackburn) Maxton, James Smith, W. R. (Norwich) Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Zetland) Melville, Sir James Snowden, Rt. Hon. Philip Harbord, A. Messer, Fred Sorensen, R. Hardie, George D. Middleton, G. Spero, Dr. G. E. Harris, Percy A. Millar, J. D. Stamford, Thomas W. Hastings, Dr. Somerville Milner, J. Stephen, Campbell Haycock, A. W. Montague, Frederick Stewart, J. (St. Rollox) Hayes, John Henry Morgan, Dr. H. B. Strachey, E. J. St. Loe Henderson, Right Hon. A. (Burnley) Morley, Ralph Strauss, G. R. Henderson, Arthur, junr. (Cardiff, S.) Morris-Jones, Dr. J. H. (Denbigh) Sullivan, J. Henderson, Thomas (Glasgow) Morrison, Robert C. (Tottenham, N.) Sutton, J. E. Henderson, W. W. (Middx., Enfield) Mort, D. L. Taylor, R. A. (Lincoln) Herriotts, J. Moses, J. J. H. Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow) Hirst, G. H. (York, W. R., Wentworth) Mosley, Lady C. (Stoke-on-Trent) Thurtle, Ernest Hirst, W. (Bradford, South) Muff, G. Tillett, Ben Hoffman, P. C. Muggeridge, H. T. Tinker, John Joseph Hopkin, Daniel Murnin, Hugh Toole, Joseph Hore-Belisha, Leslie Nathan, Major H. L. Tout, W. J. Horrabin, J. F. Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Townend, A. E. Hudson, James H. (Huddersfield) Noel Baker, P. J. Trevelyan, Rt. Hon. Sir Charles Hunter, Dr. Joseph Oldfield, J. R. Turner, B. Hutchison, Maj.-Gen. Sir R. Oliver, George Harold (Ilkeston) Vaughan, D. J. Isaacs, George Oliver, P. M. (Man., Blackley) Viant, S. P. Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath) Owen, Major G. (Carnarvon) Walker, J. John, William (Rhondda, West) Owen, H. F. (Hereford) Wallace, H. W. Johnston, Thomas Palin, John Henry Wellhead, Richard C. Jones, F. Llewellyn- (Flint) Palmer, E. T. Watkins, F. C. Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Perry, S. F. Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline) Jones, Rt. Hon Leif (Camborne) Peters, Dr. Sidney John Wellock, Wilfred Jones. T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd) Pethick-Lawrence, F. W. Welsh, James (Paisley) Jowett, Rt. Hon. F. W. Phillips, Dr. Marlon Welsh, James C. (Coatbridge) Jowitt, Rt. Hon. Sir W. A. Picton-Turbervill, Edith West, F. R. Kedward, R. M. (Kent, Ashford) Pole, Major D. G. Westwood, Joseph Kelly, W. T. Potts, John S. Wheatley, Rt. Hon. J. Kennedy, Thomas Price, M. P. White, H. G. Kenworthy, Lt.-Com. Hon. Joseph M. Pybus, Percy John Whiteley, Wilfrid (Birm., Ladywood) Kinley, J. Quibell, D. J. K. Whiteley, William (Blaydon) Kirkwood, D. Ramsay, T. B. Wilson Williams, David (Swansea, East) Lambert, Rt. Hon. George (S. Molton) Rathbone, Eleanor Williams, Dr. J. H. (Llanelly) Lang, Gordon Raynes, W. R. Williams, T. (York, Don Valley) Lansbury, Rt. Hon. George Richards, R. Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe) Lathan, G. Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Wilson, J. (Oldham) Law, Albert (Bolton) Riley, Ben (Dewsbury) Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow) Law, A. (Rosendale) Riley, F. F. (Stockton-on-Tees) Winterton, G. E.(Leicester, Loughb'gh) Lawrence. Susan Ritson, J. Wise, E. F. Lawrie, Hugh Hartley (Stalybridge) Roberts, Rt. Hon. F. O. (W. Bromwich) Wood, Major McKenzie (Banff) Lawson, John James Romeril, H. G. Wright, W. (Rutherglen) Lawther, W. (Barnard Castle) Rosbotham, D. S. T. Young, R. S. (Islington, North) Leach, W. Sanders, W. S. Lee, Frank (Derby, N. E.) Sandham, E. TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Lee, Jennie (Lanark, Northern) Sawyer, G. F. Mr. Allen Parkinson and Mr. Paling. Lees, J. Scott, James
I beg to move, in page 4, line 3, at the end, to insert the words: We have discussed various classes of widows under this Bill. There is the pre-Act widow and the post-Act widow, and the occasional widow. I claim that this Amendment deals with an entirely new kind of widow who is not in fact a widow at all. This is a de facto widow, but not a de jure widow. She is the wife of a man of the insurable class who has left her for seven years, and, unfortunately, insurability is not the same thing as dependability, as far as marriage is concerned. During the course of the Debate, many hon. Members have probably had their attention called to cases where a wife has been deserted by her husband and is to all intents and purposes a widow, a widow in fact but not in law. Hers is a very hard case, because being a deserted wife she does not get the benefit of a husband, and being a widow she does not get the benefit of the loss of a husband. She is neither a spinster, nor a married woman; although she resembles either in some particulars, she differs from both in many particulars. Therefore, this lady is of a new class which deserves our heart-felt consideration.
In this Amendment we have selected the period of seven years, which is the legal period under the law of bigamy. In any charge of bigamy it is a good defence if the wife can say that she has not heard anything of her husband, or could not reasonably have heard anything of him, for seven years. I know that in Scotland you can get divorce after four years' desertion, but it was thought it would be more reasonable to put the period of seven years into the Amendment. We have not included in the Amendment the case of a wife who has obtained a separation order or who has divorced her husband. In both those cases the wife has recourse to the courts against her husband, and presumably can obtain a maintenance allowance. The deserted wife, not knowing whether ner husband is in this world or the next—unlike the widow, who is sure of that—is not able to find him in order to bring an action against him. We submit that this is a very deserving class of case, which has not yet been brought to the notice of the Government. As the de facto widow of an insured person who, although insured, has been unfaithful as to his marriage vow, she has nearly always to bring up a family. She is to all intents and purposes a widow, and we claim that she should receive the consideration of the Government.
I beg to second the Amendment.
A section of an Act of Parliament passed in this House many years ago was known as the Cowper-Temple Clause, and when this Clause is passed, as I hope it will be, it will be known as the Enoch-Arden Clause. One statement was made by the hon. Member for Norwich (Mr. Shakespeare) which I would like to amplify. He said that this was a Clause which was intended to help a widow whose husband may have been unfaithful, but it does a great deal more than that, because it meets the case of the widow whose husband has disappeared. He may have gone on a journey, have gone to another land and never since been heard of. There are a number of cases of that kind, and nothing is more pitiful than the position of a woman who can get no news of her husband's whereabouts. The law has made some provision for such cases, and when a period of seven years has expired steps can be taken under the law. Here I would read two sentences dealing with that point from Halsbury "Laws of England."
The Act of 1925, although it defines a child, does not, unfortunately define a widow, and I would ask the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Health whether she does not think that if there had been a Definition Clause in the Act of 1925, that very fact would have brought this point before the consideration of the House at that time. If this Amendment is not accepted, it means that the poorer class of widows will be denied what would be given in other spheres. I hope the hon. Lady will agree that the Bill is now a better Bill than when it was introduced. Slight adjustments have been made here and there, some of which she has readily accepted, such as, particularly, that referring to the age of the child at school. In some other respects the Bill, although its structure remains the same, has been adjusted; and wherever an opportunity has arisen, both the Minister and the Parliamentary Secretary have, I think, gone as far as they could go within its structure to make the easements required.
This is an Amendment upon which there ought to be no Division. There can be very few cases arising under it, and I submit that as the law in this country says that such persons shall be assumed to be widows for ordinary purposes of private property the same presumption should be allowed in the case of the poorer class of widows, and they should be brought within the ambit of this Measure. The administrative difficulties would be very slight. I think the Parliamentary Secretary said in the earlier stages of the Bill that any suggestions within the limits of the Measure would be welcomed. We are a Council of State sitting here. All the wisdom is not on the Treasury Bench, all the wisdom is not upon that side of the House, and I trust the suggestion which has now been made can be accepted, so that a number of women who would have been included in the Act of 1925 if the point had arisen for consideration then can be brought within this amending Measure.
I am sure hon. Members have been deeply moved by the eloquent and forceful way in which this Amendment has been placed before the House. I agree that the case of the deserted wife is an exceedingly hard one, and, quite irrespective of party con- siderations, we are all desirous of assisting in such cases. May I point out some of the administrative difficulties? The Amendment says:
"A woman who at the commencement of this Act has been deserted by or separated from her husband for a period exceeding seven years."
There is no mention in the Amendment of any contribution.
May I remind the hon. Gentleman that Clause 1 provides that a widow shall be entitled to a pension if she has attained the age of 55, and she must be one of the insurable classes?
I am advised that the wording of this Amendment might land us in a situation which I am sure hon. Members would regret. The last line of the first paragraph of the Amendment appears to make it inevitable that the pension should be paid for six years, and I am sure that neither the Mover nor the Seconder of this Amendment contemplated any such period. It would be almost impossible to prove desertion for a period of seven years, and the wording of the Amendment makes it possible to transfer the burden of supporting a wife to the pension fund. A woman may be separated from her husband for seven years and may be living with and being supported by another man, and yet under the Amendment she would be entitled to a pension. We all sympathise with the intentions of those who are supporting this Amendment, but I hope they will realise the administrative difficulties in which this Amendment would place the Government responsible for the administration of this Measure. For these reasons, I trust that the Amendment will not be pressed.
I am speaking quite seriously upon this question, and I think it is very sad indeed to hear the reply to which we have just listened from the hon. Member for Sterling (Mr. Johnston). We have been told that one of the difficulties raised by the Amendment is that it might include women who are not widows. It may be quite true that a certain amount of alteration in the wording of the Amendment may be necessary in order to bring it within the scope of the Bill, but, if those sitting on the Treasury Bench desire to do justice to this case, it is quite easy for them to carry out the object of this Amendment by introducing an Amendment in another place. I have not had much time to give this question serious consideration, but I am sure that my hon. Friend who moved the Amendment and my hon. Friend who seconded it did not anticipate that the Treasury would have to pay a pension of this kind for seven years. If we can be assured by the Attorney-General, or by somebody else who is not merely a bureaucrat, that what we have been told is the real meaning of this Amendment, then we shall be quite willing to have some alteration made by which the Treasury funds will be protected. The other place exists for the very proper purpose of amending the legislation of this House.
There is a third difficulty, which is one which could only have occurred to a bureaucratic mind. It is suggested that the two people have entered into collusion and into a conspiracy of this kind, and, after seven years, come upon the Government and commit perjury in order to get 10s. a week. Not only that, but they must have foreseen this legislation coming at a distance. Seven years back they must have known you were going to have a Labour Government, that this Clause was going to be introduced, and that this Amendment was going to be moved. Having this wonderful prophetic vision, they might have entered into collusion and conspiracy. The whole thing is absolutely absurd and ridiculous, and I trust that the right hon. Gentleman will go to his bureaucrats and tell them as forcibly as I am trying to tell him.
The fourth administrative difficulty is that it is impossible to get proof. The proof will apparently rest on the shoulders of the woman who is making the claim. All I can say is that, whether the bureaucrats think it impossible or not, we, at any rate, who have something to do with the law, know that this thing is proved every day and can be proved if the people who want it proved can provide the money. All we ask is that as the law does that for people who can provide the fees, so the public purse ought to do it for the poor who cannot provide the fees. As this is done frequently for the rich, why should it not be done for the poor? There is nothing in a single one of these four administrative, bureaucratic objections, and I trust that we shall get something like a reasonable reply from whoever winds up to the Debate.
We on this side are placed in something of a difficulty. Here we have the Liberal party's culminating part in connection with this Measure. This Amendment reaches the highest peak of the Liberal activities. The hon. Gentleman who spoke last must have been away from the Debate for some time, because he said that this Bill had been considerably altered and had been fashioned much more in accordance with the wishes of the Committee and the House. I cannot see there is any evidence of that. If there be one thing on which hon. Gentlemen opposite are to be congratulated, it is that they have secured the Bill as they desired it. Hon. Gentlemen are again baffled, and their suggestions are met with absolute refusal by the right hon. Gentlemen opposite. I sympathies with them in this respect. On the other hand, such is our difficulty on this side, that I have a good deal of sympathy with the right hon. Gentleman opposite who has to deal with the Amendment. After all, he is to be responsible for the Act of Parliament, and it is rather unfortunate that he has been pressed to accept an Amendment which would, in fact, mean the payment of six years of arrears to this unfortunate lady. In addition to that, she would be permitted to receive a free pension of 10s. and would be able to have the solace and care of another gentleman. As much as I would like to support hon. Gentlemen, I, therefore, reluctantly, am unable to do so.
As to the difficulty of the solace of another gentleman, would not that apply to any widow under the Act, and why should the right hon. Gentleman single out this particular class of widow?
I know the hon. Gentleman so well and have enjoyed his friendship for so many years that I am surprised he is coming forward to champion these particular ladies. Be that as it may, I think, speaking as an arbiter, that the House would be well-advised to leave this Amendment as a monument to the Liberal contribution to this Bill. We shall have it enshrined in the OFFICIAL REPORT in this way. The observations of hon. Gentlemen as to this having been opposed by bureaucrats might well stand as a testimony to the vigilance of our civil servants, who, after all, are the protectors of this House against the somewhat surprising proposals which have come from my hon. Friends. We must leave it at that. It has been an interesting contribution to our discussion, and it is a worthy and fitting end to the suggestions which hon. Gentlemen have made.
Many of the objections to this Amendment disappear if it is properly understood. To begin with, it was said that this might entitle a woman to a pension to which she would not be entitled even if she had been a widow. That is wrong to begin with. This Amendment says that a woman shall be deemed to be a widow if her husband has not been heard of for seven years, and, therefore, she would not be entitled unless she fulfilled the other qualifications and gave proof that her husband had been employed in insurable work. Then arrears are talked about. It is perfectly obvious that no question of arrears can arise, because this is the case of a woman at the commencement of the Act. It is not dealing with the woman in this position in the future, but with somebody who on the 1st January, 1930, has already been deserted or seven years. To take a simple case, it simply means a woman comes along and says that she has not seen or heard of her husband since 1923. She can go and ask the Courts to declare that he is dead and get them to presume that he died in 1924. There is no question of arrears at all. She will simply be entitled to a pension next year like any other widow.
Then there is the talk about collusion. I repeat that this is not applying to the future. It is absurd to suggest that there could have been collusion between 1923 and 1930, for this Bill could never have been heard of. I cannot for the life of me see why a woman whose husband had disappeared for seven years and who has a legal right to get his death presumed in a Court of Law, if she can pay for it, should not ask the Department to do what the Court can do, and declare that she shall be deemed to be a widow since 1924. That is all it is, and there is no question of arrears and no administrative difficulty at all.
First of all, it is proposed that a woman should be entitled to a pension as though her husband had died within 12 months after desertion or separation. If there is such desertion, she would certainly get a pre-Act widow's pension and arrears.
What arrears? The pension is not payable between 1924 and 1930.
The question has been raised of a woman going into a Court to get presumption of death, and it is suggested that a poor woman cannot go to the Courts. If the Department has evidence which leads them to presume that the man is dead, they treat her as a widow. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] Let me give a case. Supposing we are informed that a man has been on a ship, and there are letters from the captain to say that he has fallen overboard and been drowned. She gets a pension if there is evidence to enable the Department to presume that death took place at a particular time. [HON. MEMBERS: "That is not the same case!"] I am trying to explain the case. Where there is clear evidence that would enable us to presume death, we can act, and, if everything else is in order, we can pay a pension. If, however, the Courts are asked to presume death, they frequently say that they presume death seven years after the man was last heard of. Supposing such a decision to be given in the case of the widow of an insured person, how can the Department administratively fulfil the other condition that a man must have been insured for a certain period before his death? That is where the trouble comes in under the Insurance Acts. To presume that a man died seven years from the time when he was last heard of would land us in inextricable Departmental puzzles. Suppose that a man who was in insurance disappears, and his death is presumed seven years afterwards. How can we say whether he has paid contributions, or whether he was insured, or what his career has been?
He is presumed to have died 12 months after his disappearance, not now.
He is presumed to have died 12 months after his disappear- ance, but you have to find out what his insurable status was immediately before his death. It could be done quite comfortably and nicely if his death at a fixed date were presumed, and if what he was doing up to that time was known. To come back to the question of collusion, although there are not a great many cases, it does occur some times. A woman's husband may be a very unsatisfactory husband. He may be living with another woman, he may be all the things that a woman most dislikes, and, instead of going through the process of divorce, she just washes her hands of him, so that nothing may be known about his disgraceful conduct or where he is. There is a certain number of cases in which the parties know where each other is, but for some reason do not wish other people to know.
The case of the deserted wife is certainly a shocking case. The law does not look after her, or help her to find her husband. I agree that deserted wives ought to have better treatment, but I do not think we can help their case by putting the deserted wife within this particular category for the purposes of pensions. I do not think we could administer it, or that it would do them any particular good. I will, however, undertake that we will carefully examine this question and see whether anything can be done in regard to it under the Insurance Act. But this Amendment is not a practicable one. It could not, I think, be administered, and it would make cases of collusion more frequent than they are. Therefore, I hope very much that the hon. Member, having raised the case of the deserted wife, will now withdraw the Amendment and allow us to pass on.
We are only moderately satisfied on these benches by what the hon. Lady has said. We welcome her assurance that this matter is going to receive further consideration, and in these circumstances I hope my hon. Friend may be prepared to withdraw his Amendment. I should like, however, to point out to the hon. Lady that the administrative difficulties to which she has referred are not administrative difficulties that exist in her Department, but administrative difficulties that confront the woman who is claiming a pension. It is she who has to show that the husband who deserted her was of insurable status at the time of his presumed death, and, unless she can make out her ease, she cannot get a pension. Therefore, I am not at all sympathetic towards the answer which the hon. Lady has given.
The right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Woolwich (Sir K. Wood), who has floated so cherubically about these Debates, said that this Amendment would be a fit monument to what the Liberal party had done during this Debate. I wish, indeed, that that were so. If we could establish the case for a person to receive a pension who is not receiving it under this Measure, we should be well satisfied. But the monument to the achievement of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Woolwich was raised by himself and the hon. and learned Member who spoke after him, for they both spoke in utterly converse senses, and that has been the attitude of the Conservative party throughout this Debate. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Woolwich complained that the Liberal party had not been able to get through any of its Amendments. That is quite true, but it is because only half the Conservative party have supported them on each occasion, while the other half, or probably slightly more than half, 'at every possible opportunity has gone into the Lobby to support the Socialist party. The fact that the hon. Lady has received the support of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Woolwich on this occasion is a most effective argument that the time has now come when she should treat those members of her sex who have been deserted on an equality with the others who come under this Bill.
I beg to ask leave to withdraw the Amendment.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
CLAUSE 3.—(Provisions as to pensioners and insured person in His Majesty's dominions outside Great Britain.)
I beg to move, in page 5, line 3, after the word "Britain," to insert the words
"or with respect to insured persons in the employ of a British firm proceeding to any part of the world."
I do not want to argue this case at any great length, because I argued it during the Committee stage, but I was not at all satisfied, and I do not think the Committee was satisfied, with the answer that we received from the Government. This Clause extends the provisions and advantages of this Bill to those who go to His Majesty's dominions in any part of the world, and in this Amendment we seek to ensure that those who go to any part of the world, even if it be outside the British dominions, shall receive the benefits of this Measure. Surely, in this Measure we must have regard to the status and nationality of the person concerned. If a British workman is sent, as I pointed out during the Committee stage, to take part in the building of a Zambesi bridge which does not happen to be in British territory, he should have exactly the same advantages and rights as any other subject of the Crown who may be sent to Singapore, or to Malta, or to any part of the world that happens to be within the British Empire. He has got to earn a living, it is not his fault that he is sent to a part of the world which happens to be outside the British dominions, and he ought to have the advantage of exactly the same rates of contribution that are provided for those who go to the British dominions in any part of the world. I do not wish to detain the House further on this Amendment, because I argued it so fully in Committee, but I hope that the right hon. Gentleman will by this time have seen his way to extend the advantages of this Clause to British subjects who go to any part of the world.
I beg to second the Amendment.
In the very short interval between Committee and Report, I hope the right hon. Gentleman has thought of some way to meet this very real difficulty. After all, we are a nation of traders. It is our boast that we live by foreign trade, and the only hope of our country is to restore our foreign trade. The Lord Privy Seal has been preaching this doctrine, very wisely and rightly, throughout the country. We see hopes in many directions. Our great hope is that our engineers will be getting contracts in the Argentine, and even in Russia. With regard to Russia I am quite unrepentant. If we can get employment for our labour anywhere, whether in the Argentine or Russia, at trade union rates, by all means let us get the work for the steel to be constructed in our workshops and the work to be carried out in foreign countries. But in our desire for trade, do not let our workmen be prejudiced, or deprived of any of their rights. Do not let their widows, if they should happen to die in carrying out British work overseas, be the sufferers. I recognise the difficulty, but the Government exists to get over difficulties. I hope the right hon. Gentleman, with his ingenious mind, will be able to devise something which will achieve the purpose of the Amendment.
The hon. Member who moved the Amendment explained that he had argued it in Committee. I replied to him at length in Committee. Clause 3 is not designed to alter the general structure of the Health Insurance and the Widows' Pensions Acts. The only purpose is one on which the whole House is agreed, and that is to remove such discouragement as there may be to individuals who wish to migrate to other parts of His Majesty's dominions. The hon. Member then drives in a wedge which is in fact an entirely different question. He raises the question, not of people who are going abroad to live for the rest of their lives, not of British citizens who are going to populate His Majesty's dominions beyond the seas, but of the British worker who goes abroad following his normal occupation. Some are in the employment of the Crown and some are not, but, whatever it may be, they ought all to be put upon the same footing. The position is that the British worker who goes abroad, wherever it may be, employed by a British firm, is able to retain all his rights. It is true that he does so as a voluntary contributor, but I see no escape from this dilemma, if you meddle with that, that it is very difficult to enforce compulsory insurance abroad, and the best one can do to deal with British workers who go abroad, to build a Zambesi bridge or whatever it may be, is to give them facilities to retain their insurance rights. Those already exist.
To deal with the Amendment would be to import into the Clause something which is entirely foreign to it, the purpose of the Clause being to remove what impediments there may be on the part of people who would wish to emigrate to British territories abroad, but who in doing it, lose their pension rights, or may subsequently lose them. What the hon. Member is asking is what other Members have asked, that the Bill should be an entirely different Bill. The Bill is what it is. I am not apologising for that, but it would be quite foreign to the Clause to introduce this case and, moreover, if we were to deal with the cases the hon. Member has in mind, one opens up the case of other British workmen not in the employment of the Crown, but engaged, from the point of view of the hon. Member for South-West Bethnal Green (Mr. Harris), in just as important work. They may not be in the employment of the Crown, they may be in the employment of some large engineering firm, and one is drawing a distinction between people who go abroad. The kind of person the hon. Member has specially in mind—I believe most of them live in Devonport—
The right hon. Gentleman is making a very eloquent speech, but, I think, on an Amendment which is not being moved. I am not talking about anyone in the service of the Crown. I hope to move a separate Amendment about that. I am talking about persons in British employment The right hon. Gentleman is replying to an entirely different point. I quite sympathise with him, but it is not the Amendment.
I thought the hon. Member had got on to his hobby horse, but what I said still applies. If hon. Members will give two minutes' consideration to it, I am sure they will agree that if we do permit insured persons who go abroad to retain all their rights by continuing as voluntary contributors, we have done all that is practicable in the circumstances. A British workman may go outside the British Dominions, but as long as he is there on a piece of work which may run for five years, and in special circumstances longer, he is able to keep alive all his rights as an insured person, both under the Health Insurance and the Widows' Pensions Act. That is as far as you can go, because it seems to me quite clear that we cannot in this case enforce compulsory insurance where people go for service abroad. Previous Acts have really gone as far as is practicable in keeping the rights of the in- sured person through the device of allowing him to become a voluntary contributor. That covers the case of a person who goes abroad in the employment of the Crown. The position is in much the same category as that of a person who goes abroad for a British firm. I can see no Amendment that could be moved which would do greater justice to these people than the present law provides, without opening the door to considerable difficulties which I am unwilling to take on my shoulders.
Amendment negatived.
I beg to move, in page 6, to leave out from the word "entitled," in line 10, to the word "to" in line 13.
This is a purely drafting Amendment. The original Act allowed married women who went abroad to keep up their insurance. The point was raised on the other side that this was an anomaly. It was unfair to treat married women who went abroad better than married women who remained at home. It is merely to take out words which are now redundant.
Amendment agreed to.
I beg to move, in page 6, line 42, to leave out the word "modifying," and to insert instead thereof the word "adapting."
This is the first of a series of Amendments to meet arguments which were put forward on the Committee stage and the fulfilment of a promise which I made to the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Darwen (Sir H. Samuel). As the Clause now stands, it reads: I understand that the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Darwen, who is not here, would have approved of this form of words, and I think that they meet with the approval of hon. Gentlemen opposite.
The Minister of Health in putting forward this Amendment has quite accurately stated the views of the Members on these benches. It was in pursuance of some observations which I ventured to offer on the Committee stage that the assurance was given by the Minister of Health to the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Darwen (Sir H. Samuel) that these words in the proposed Sub-section should be amended, the word "modifying" to be displaced by the word "adapting" for the reason that the idea was to preserve, as far as possible, the intention of the Subjection. The word "modifying" would carry with it the idea of change. The word "adapting" was to preserve the spirit of the Sub-section but to make it more applicable to a particular section of persons in respect of whom the Minister was to be allowed to have a certain latitude. The word "adapting" therefore entirely suits the wishes of Members on these benches, and we desire to agree entirely with the suggestion.
Amendment agreed to.
Further Amendments made: In page 6, line 43, leave out the word "proper," and insert instead thereof the word "necessary."
In page 7, line 1, leave out the words "in their application," and insert instead thereof the words "so as to make them applicable."—[ Mr. Greenwood. ]
CLAUSE 6.—(Amendment with respect to statutory conditions as to pensions.)
I beg to move, in page 11, line 13, at the end, to insert the words: 10.0 p.m.
We have already argued the case of less than 104 contributions on its merits, and I do not propose to go back on it. This Amendment seeks to deal with the man who has not 104 contributions but has had a long period of Unemployment Insurance before becoming a voluntary contributor, so that he may be allowed to come in if he has had not less than four years as an employed contributor before becoming a voluntary contributor. Perhaps I can illustrate the case from a short extract from a letter relating to a case brought to the attention of my hon. Friend the Member for Norwich (Mr. Shakespeare). One of his constituents writes:
I beg to second the Amendment.
I think that the Amendment does seem to go a good deal beyond the intention of the Mover. What the Amendment says is, that statutory conditions shall be deemed to have been complied with in any case where a man was continuously insured between the date when the principal Act came into force and the date of his death, and had at some time before the principal Act came into force been an insured person for not less than four years—"at some time." That is to say, the man might have been insured for four years from the age of 20 to 24 and then have fallen into some uninsurable occupation, and then might at an advanced age look back over his whole career for the purpose of making the period not less than four years. That is contrary to the principle of National Health Insurance. The Insurance Act provides that if a person ceases to be an insured person and does not become a voluntary contributor he shall, if subsequently employed, be counted as a new re-insured person.
It is a very awkward question for the Approved Societies. The Approved Societies were originally compelled to keep a life record of all their members. This was found so intolerably burdensome that in 1918 they were released from the obligation, on the ground that it was quite absurd to give them the great amount of trouble which such a record involved. My right hon. Friend's answer to this Amendment, therefore, without dealing with the merits, is that he could not do it in the case of an elderly person who had gone out of insurance. The societies are right enough. They have got about 30,000,000 members—because there is a very large number of societies. People sometimes go in and out, and the particular person dealt with by this Amendment would be a very troublesome person to trace. He might have been in one insurance company and then in another, and in various forms of insurance; and he might have been a deposit contributor. It would be altogether impossible for the Minister to trace these cases, and I therefore very much hope that the hon. Member will not press this Amendment.
Amendment negatived.
CLAUSE 13.—(Amendment with respect to double pensions.)
I beg to move, in page 15, line 15, after the word "war," to insert the words:
"or when on duty since such war."
I move this Amendment because last night the Minister for Health expressed great sympathy with it, and I still hope that before this Bill leaves this House, the service men who are involved in this Amendment will receive justice at the hands of the present Government. This is a Clause which deals with double pensions. I want to make it quite clear to the right hon. Gentleman what it is that those of us who are interested in these service matters are advocating. We are not dealing here at all with retrospective pensions; we are dealing with prospective pensions. The right hon. Gentleman will remember the Amendment moved last night, because he accused me of getting into hysterics over it.
No, not that one.
Well, over the point involved in this Amendment. I think I was entitled to get into hysterics over it, because it will be a grave omission if this Amendment is not carried. This Clause deals with prospective pensioners. Every week each man in the Navy, the Army and the Air Force is mulcted in a certain sum for insurance, and insurance for widows' pensions. Out of his weekly money he has to pay so much into the Navy, Army and Air Force Insurance Fund. Therefore, when he dies his widow can claim a pension on the ground that she is the widow of an insured person; but for some reason or other a restrictive Clause is inserted only so far as the services are concerned. That Clause says that if this widow is entitled to another pension from another source, she cannot get the pension to which her husband has contributed. If that restrictive Clause applied to the whole community, I would not be moving this Amendment, because I do not desire anything for the services which is not enjoyed by the rest of the community.
We are dealing here with a pension which has been contributed to by the husband; and as the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Edgbaston (Mr. Chamberlain) emphasised last night, when contributions have been extorted from this man, it is not right to say afterwards "You are not going to get a pension because you are getting an allowance from another source." I pointed out last night that a civilian's widow can receive money from another source and still get her pension; and indeed it is only right that she should do so. She can, under this very Bill, receive money under the Workmen's Compensation Act without losing her pension; and it is only right that she should receive that money in addition to her benefits under this Bill, because her husband has paid his contributions under this Bill.
I want to bring in the service man's widow on exactly the same footing as the civilian's widow; and I want this Bill to provide that under this contributory in- surance scheme in the future any man who dies will leave an insured widow. I stress this because the right hon. Gentleman did not quite appreciate my point. My first point is that this is a Contributory Pensions Bill. We are dealing with the future; I am seeking to add the words "when on duty since such war." We are dealing with a contributory pension to which I claim that this widow has a right, and I say that as regards the future, when a man on duty since the War has been killed at his work, and his widow has received compensation from a service department, she should be entitled to receive her pension under this Bill, just the same as a civilian's widow who has lost her husband when on duty can receive a pension under this Bill and also workmen's compensation.
I beg to second the Amendment.
The hon. and gallant Member for Devonport (Mr. Hore-Belisha) is really a little unfortunate. Last night he made a very eloquent and very moving speech which was not to the point. I have read his Amendment. To-night he has made another speech which is not to the point. I did not see this Amendment until this evening, and therefore I have not been able to give it very detailed consideration; but what has he done? He has repeated his statement about the widow. I admitted last night that it was a difficulty which really had to be dealt with, but I pointed out that it was not possible for me to deal with it in this Bill. I really must point out that this Amendment has nothing whatever to do with the Bill. It has to do with a pensioner's sons or stepsons.
No.
That is how I read it—that it deals with cases of pensioners' sons or stepsons during the late War or when on duty since the War. I am prepared to consider that, because that is a new point. When I read the Amendment, I thought the hon. and gallant Member for Devonport had discovered a new point—that the fact that a son or stepson who had been on duty since the War had lost his life should entitle the mother or stepmother to the double pension. If that is so, as I say it is a new question, I should be glad to consider it; and if there is anything in it, it might perhaps be dealt with in another place.
Please do not ride off on a technicality. If it be the case that my Amendment is wrong, I do not in the least wish it to be carried. I wish to bring in these service men's widows on exactly the same basis as civilians' widows. The point was made very clear last night. If I have erred in any way as regards wording, or in any other respect, I will withdraw my Amendment, if the right hon. Gentleman will say that he will attend to this matter in another place.
I am sorry, but all I can say is that if the Amendment is withdrawn, the Amendment is not before the House. I thought that the Amendment now before the House was an entirely new Amendment. If the hon. Member does not wish to press the case of the pensioner's son or step-son, then we are back at the question which we thrashed out last night, upon which there was an expression of opinion from the House, I can only repeat what I said last night that it is impossible in a Bill of this kind to admit an Amendment, which is not before the House, the object of which would be to permit double pensions in the case of people who are the widows of persons in the fighting services. I admitted last night, quite frankly—I have never tried to deny it—that there was a real and practical difficulty in this problem, an anomaly that ought to be removed, but my difficulty was that I did not see how it could be removed in this Bill. I hope that it may be possible to remove it before a long lapse of time, but I must reaffirm what I said last night that it would be foreign to the purpose of this Bill to accept an Amendment which is not now before the House but which has been put before the Committee, and argued and re-argued, upon which there has been an expression of opinion by the House. If it were possible to do it I should be only too glad to deal with the problem, but I am not satisfied that anybody who stood at this box could solve the problem in the way suggested by the hon. Member. The right hon. Member for Edgbaston (Mr. Chamberlain) suggested last night what might be a practical way out of the difficulty, but it is not one which I feel able to deal with in this Bill. I hope that the House will agree not to persist in dragging into this Bill a problem which this Bill was never designed to meet.
The right hon. Gentleman has, quite rightly, pointed out the effect of my Amendment, but he has endeavoured to ride off upon it.
No.
With the leave of the House, I would like to substitute the words "or the pensioner's husband when on duty since such war."
The hon. Member had better withdraw the Amendment that has been moved.
I will do so.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
I beg to move, in page 15, line 15, after the word "war," to insert the words "or the pensioner's husband when on duty since such war."
I beg to second the Amendment.
I have already given my answer.
Question put, "That those words be there inserted in the Bill."
The House divided: Ayes, 144; Noes, 232.
Division No. 45.] AYES. [10.20 p.m. Acland-Troyte, Lieut.-Colonel George, Megan Lloyd (Anglesea) Morrison, W. S. (Glos., Cirencester) Aske, Sir Robert Gibson, C. G. (Pudsey & Otley) Muirhead, A. J. Atholl, Duchess of Glassey, A. E. Nathan, Major H. L. Atkinson, C. Glyn, Major R. G. C. Oliver, P. M. (Man., Blackley) Balfour, Captain H. H. (I. of Thanet) Graham, Fergus (Cumberland, N.) Oman, Sir Charles William C. Beaumont, M. W. Granville, E. O'Neill, Sir H. Bellairs, Commander Carlyon Greene, W. P. Crawford Owen, H. F. (Hereford) Bevan, S. J. (Holborn) Griffith, F. Kingsley (Middlesbro' W.) Peters, Dr. Sidney John Bird, Ernest Roy Gunston, Captain D. W. Peto, Sir Basil E. (Devon, Barnstaple) Birkett, W. Norman Hacking, Rt. Hon. Douglas H. Pybus, Percy John Blindell, James Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Ramsay, T. B. Wilson Bourne, Captain Robert Croft Hall, Capt. W. P. (Portsmouth, C.) Ramsbotham, H. Bowyer, Captain Sir George E. W. Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Zetland) Rathbone, Eleanor Boyce, H. L. Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Remer, John R. Braithwaite, Major A. N. Harbord, A. Rodd, Rt. Hon. Sir James Rennell Brown, Ernest (Leith) Harris, Percy A. Ruggles-Brise, Lieut.-Colonel E. A. Burgin, Dr. E. L. Harvey, Major S. E. (Devon, Totnes) Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth) Butt, Sir Alfred Henderson, Capt. R. R.(Oxf'd, Henley) Salmon, Major I. Carver, Major W. H. Heneage, Lieut.-Colonel Arthur P. Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Castle Stewart, Earl of Hennessy, Major Sir G. R. J. Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney) Cazalet, Captain Victor A. Hore-Belisha, Leslie Sandeman, Sir N. Stewart Chapman, Sir S. Hudson, Capt. A. U. M. (Hackney, N.) Savery, S. S. Colfox, Major William Philip Hunter-Weston, Lt.-Gen. Sir Aylmer Scott, James Colville, Major D. J. Iveagh, Countess of Scrymgeour, E. Conway, Sir W. Martin Jones, F. Llewellyn- (Flint) Shakespeare, Geoffrey H. Cowan, D. M. Jones, Sir G. W. H. (Stoke New'gton) Shepperson, Sir Ernest Whittome Crookshank, Cpt. H.(Lindsey, Gainsbro) Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Skelton, A. N. Croom-Johnson, R. P. Kedward, R. M. (Kent, Ashford) Smith, Louis W. (Sheffield, Hallam) Culverwell, C. T. (Bristol, West) Lamb, Sir J. Q. Smith-Carington, Neville W. Dalrymple-White, Lt.-Col. Sir Godfrey Law, Sir Alfred (Derby, High Peak) Smithers, Waldron Davies, Dr. Vernon Leighton, Major B. E. P. Somerville, A. A. (Windsor) Davies, E. C. (Montgomery) Lewis, Oswald (Colchester) Thomson, Sir F. Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) Little, Dr. E. Graham Titchfield, Major the Marquess of Dawson, Sir Philip Llewellin, Major J. J. Todd, Capt. A. J. Dixey, A. C. Locker-Lampson, Com. O.(Handsw'th) Vaughan-Morgan, Sir Kenyon Dudgeon, Major C. R. Long, Major Eric Wallace, Capt. D. E. (Hornsey) Edge, Sir William Lymington, Viscount Ward, Lt.-Col. A.L.(Kingston-on-Hull) Edmondson, Major A. J. McConnell, Sir Joseph Wardlaw-Milne, J. S. Elliot, Major Walter E. Maitland, A. (Kent, Faversham) Warrender, Sir Victor Elmley, Viscount Makins, Brigadier-General E. White, H. G. England, Colonel A. Mander, Geoffrey le M. Williams, Com. C. (Devon, Torquay) Erskine, Lord (Somerset, Weston-s. M.) Margesson, Captain H. D. Wilson, G. H. A. (Cambridge U.) Ferguson, Sir John Marjoribanks, E. C. Womersley, W. J. Fielden, E. B. Mason, Colonel Glyn K. Wood, Major McKenzie (Banff) Fison, F. G. Clavering Millar, J. D. Wright, Brig.-Gen. W. D. (Tavist'k) Foot, Isaac, Mitchell-Thomson, Rt. Hon. Sir W. Young, Rt. Hon. Sir Hilton Forestier-Walker, Sir L. Monsell, Eyres, Com. Rt. Hon. Sir B. Ganzoni, Sir John Moore, Lieut.-Colonel T. C. R. (Ayr) TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— George, Major G. Lloyd (Pembroke) Morris-Jones, Dr. J. H. (Denbigh) Dr. Hunter and Major Owen. NOES. Adamson, Rt. Hon. W. (Fife, West) Amman, Charles George Barnes, Alfred John Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock) Angell, Norman Beckett, John (Camberwell, Peckham) Addison, Rt. Hon. Dr. Christopher Arnott, John Bellamy, Albert Alexander, Rt. Hon. A. V. (Hillsbro') Attlee, Clement Richard Benn, Rt. Hon. Wedgwood Alpass, J. H. Baker, John (Wolverhampton, Bilston) Bennett, Captain E. N.(Cardiff, Central) Bennett, William (Battersea, South) Isaacs, George Romeril, H. G. Benson, G. Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath) Rosbotham, D. S. T. Bentham, Dr. Ethel John, William (Rhondda, West) Sanders, W. S. Bevan, Aneurin (Ebbw Vale) Johnston, Thomas Sandham, E. Bondfield, Rt. Hon. Margaret Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly) Sawyer, G. F. Bowen, J. W. Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd) Scurr, John Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Jowitt, Rt. Hon. Sir W. A. Sexton, James Broad, Francis Alfred Kennedy, Thomas Shaw, Rt. Hon. Thomas (Preston) Bromfield, William Kinley, J. Shepherd, Arthur Lewis Bromley, J. Kirkwood, D. Sherwood, G. H. Brooke, W. Knight, Holford Shield, George William Brothers, M. Lang, Gordon Shiels, Or. Drummond Brown, C. W. E. (Notts. Mansfield) Lansbury, Rt. Hon. George Shillaker, J. F. Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Lathan, G. Shinwell, E. Brown, W. J. (Wolverhampton, West) Law, Albert (Bolton) Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) Burgess, F. G. Law, A. (Rosendale) Simmons, C. J. Buxton, Rt. Hon. Noel (Norfolk, N.) Lawrence, Susan Sinkinson, George Caine, Derwent Hall- Lawrie, Hugh Hartley (Stalybridge) Sitch, Charles H. Cameron, A. G. Lawson, John James Smith, Alfred (Sunderland) Cape, Thomas Lawther, W. (Barnard Castle) Smith, Ben (Bermondsey, Rotherhithe) Carter, W. (St. Pancras, S. W.) Leach, W. Smith, Frank (Nuneaton) Charleton, H. C. Lee, Frank (Derby, N. E.) Smith, H. B. Lees (Keighley) Clarke, J. S. Lees, J. Smith, Rennie (Penistone) Cluse, W. S. Lewis, T. (Southampton) Smith, Tom (Pontefract) Cocks, Frederick Seymour Lindley, Fred W. Smith, W. R. (Norwich) Compton, Joseph Lloyd, C. Ellis Snowden, Rt. Hon. Philip Daggar, George Lowth, Thomas Sorensen, R. Dallas, George Lunn, William Spero, Dr. G. E. Dalton, Hugh MacDonald, Rt. Hon. J. R. (Seaham) Stamford, Thomas W. Denman, Hon. R. D. McElwee, A. Stewart, J. (St. Rollox) Dickson, T. McEntee, V. L. Strachey, E. J. St. Loe Dukes, C. Mackinder, W. Strauss, G. R. Duncan, Charles Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan) Sullivan, J. Ede, James Chuter MacNeill-Weir, L. Sutton, J. E. Edmunds, J. E. McShane, John James Taylor, R. A. (Lincoln) Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Malone, C. L'Estrange (N'thampton) Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow) Edwards, E. (Morpeth) Mansfield, W. Thurtle, Ernest Egan, W. H. March, S. Tillett, Ben Freeman, Peter Marcus, M. Tinker, John Joseph Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Mathers, George Toole, Joseph Gardner, B. W. (West Ham, Upton) Melville, Sir James Tout, W. J. Gardner, J. P. (Hammersmith, N.) Messer, Fred Townend, A. E. Gibbins, Joseph Middleton, G. Trevelyan, Rt. Hon. Sir Charles Gill, T. H. Milner, J. Turner, B. Gillett, George M. Morgan, Dr. H. B. Vaughan, D. J. Gosling, Harry Morley, Ralph Viant, S. P. Gossling, A. G. Morrison, Robert C. (Tottenham, N.) Walker, J. Gould, F. Mort, D. L. Wallace, H. W. Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton) Mosley, Lady C. (Stoke-on-Trent) Watkins, F. C. Graham, Rt. Hon. Wm. (Edin., Cent.) Muff, G. Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline) Greenwood, Rt. Hon. A. (Colne). Muggeridge, H. T. Wellock, Wilfred Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan) Murnin, Hugh Welsh, James (Paisley) Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Naylor, T. E. Welsh, James C. (Coatbridge) Groves, Thomas E. Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) West, F. R. Grundy, Thomas W. Noel Baker, P. J. Westwood, Joseph Hall, F. (York, W.R., Normanton) Oldfield, J. R. Wheatley, Rt. Hon. J. Hall, G. H. (Merthyr Tydvil) Oliver, George Harold (Ilkeston) Whiteley, Wilfrid (Birm., Ladywood) Hamilton, Mary Agnes (Blackburn) Palin, John Henry Whiteley, William (Blaydon) Handle, George D. Paling, Wilfrid Wilkinson, Ellen C. Hastings, Dr. Somerville Palmer, E. T. Williams David (Swansea, East) Haycock, A. W. Perry, S. F. Williams, Dr. J. H. (Llanelly) Hayday, Arthur Pethick-Lawrence, F. W. Williams, T. (York, Don Valley) Hayes, John Henry Phillips, Dr. Marlon Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe) Henderson, Right Hon. A. (Burnley) Picton-Turbervill, Edith Wilson, J. (Oldham) Henderson, Arthur, junr. (Cardiff, S.) Pole, Major D. G. Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow) Henderson, Thomas (Glasgow) Potts, John S. Winterton, G. E. (Leicester, Loughb'gh) Henderson, W. W. (Middx., Enfield) Price, M. P. Wise, E. F. Herriotts, J. Quibell, D. J. K. Wright, W. (Rutherglen) Hirst, G. H. (York W. R. Wentworth) Raynes, W. R. Young, R. S. (Islington, North) Hirst, W. (Bradford, South) Richards, R. Hoffman, P. C. Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Hopkin, Daniel Riley, Ben (Dewsbury) Mr. Allen Parkinson and Mr. Horrabin, J. F. Ritson, J. Charles Edwards. Hudson, James H. (Huddersfield) Roberts, Rt. Hon. F. O. (W. Bromwich)
I beg to move, in page 15, line 20, after the word "claimable," to insert the words
"in accordance with the provisions of the principal Act."
I am not quite clear as to why the Government find it necessary to alter Sub-section (2) of Section 24, of the principal Act by substituting the words:
"in respect of whom an additional allowance is claimable."
The point which I wish to make is that the word "claimable" is very vague and I think we should have some explanation from the Government as to the use of the word in this connection. One could understand the word "entitled" hut anybody might make a claim and the allowance might then be said to be "claimable." I shall be grateful if the Government will consider this and, if necessary, make the Amendment in another place.
I beg to second the Amendment.
If the hon. and gallant Member can assure me that there is a point, I shall be glad to look into it and have the matter put right in another place, if necessary.
I am much obliged, and I ask leave to withdraw the Amendment.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
I beg to move, in page 15, line 27, to leave out the word "unless," and to insert instead thereof the word "years."
This is purely a drafting Amendment, but it raises a point which is of some importance. We are getting used nowadays to legislation by reference, but I submit that if we are going to have legislation by reference, it is extremely important that the principles on which that reference takes place should be absolutely clear and fixed. If we move an Amendment to move out from a certain word in a Clause, we mean from after that word, but if hon. Members will look at the principal Act, they will find that leaving out from the word "unless" means that the word "unless" is to be omitted, and I submit that it is very inconvenient, unless we have some definite principle on which legislation by reference for leaving out words is based, otherwise we may get a Court of law in which an interpretation by a Judge is totally different from what the House intended, merely because of uncertainty as to whether a word in an Act is in fact to be left out or to remain in under legislation by reference.
I beg to second the Amendment.
This is a drafting Amendment, and the whole question is whether the word "unless" means that the words to be left out start on the left hand side or on the right hand side of the word indicated. I have read through the Amendment with the drafting expert, and he prefers that the omission should start on the left hand side. Therefore, this Amendment is unnecessary.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
CLAUSE 17.—(Revision of awards and decisions.)
Does the right hon. Member for Edgbaston (Mr. Chamberlain) move his Amendment to leave out the Clause.
No, Sir.
The Minister of Health has some suggestions to make by way of Amendment to this Clause, and I think he has already furnished us with certain copies of his Amendments.
It will be remembered—
There is nothing before the House if the right hon. Member does not move his Amendment.
I beg to move, to leave out the Clause.
At an early hour to-day we had some very considerable discussion on what was then Clause 16 of the Bill, and I think the Committee then agreed that we ought to amend Clause 17, as it now is, in two respects. I should move to leave out lines 17 to 20, and to insert now words in their place. The Committee took objection to the possibly wide interpretation of the term "other considerations" in the phrase:
"having regard to any new facts or other considerations which may have been brought to his notice,"
and I have drafted a form of words; which will meet the specific cases which the Committee thought we ought to be able to meet. Therefore I propose, when the right hon. Gentleman's Amendment is disposed of, to move in page 17, to leave out from the word "that" in line 16, to the end of line 20, and to insert instead thereof the words:
"The award or decision was erroneous-either in view of new facts which have been brought to his notice since the date on which it was made or given or by reason of some mistake having been made with respect to the facts or the law."
That would cover the two cases which I cited last night of pure mistakes or blunders by officers of the Department in the stress of dealing with large numbers of cases, and the subsequent decision by the referees which shows that the Minister's interpretation of the law was wrong. To meet the further point which was raised by the right hon. Gentleman I would like to propose a new form of words. I have thought a great deal about his proposal, and the more I think about it the more I tremble at the prospect of criticism from those who have been influenced by the views about the new despotism. I think that these words which I shall propose will meet the desires of the House—in page 17, to leave out from the word "that" in line 39 to the word "he" in page 18, line 8, and to insert instead thereof the words
"the referees might properly be asked to reconsider the decision in view either of new facts which have been brought to his notice since the date on which the decision was given or of any apparent inconsistency between the decision and any other decision subsequently given either by the Court or by referees."
It will be seen that the cases which are to be revised may be put to the court of referees for their decision. That would absolve me from responsibility, and would, I believe, meet the wishes of the House. If the right hon. Gentleman withdrew his Motion, I would then propose formally the two Amendments which I have explained.
I would like to say at once that I think that the right hon. Gentleman has very fully and fairly carried out the undertaking which he made in the early hours of this morning. I only want to add, first of all, that the additional words which he is proposing to insert in the Amendment to the first Sub-section are in our view already covered by the words "new facts." I still remain of the opinion that they are still covered by those words, but I am prepared to make what was clear clearer still. The second point is a trifling one. In the second Amendment it will be seen that in line 8 on page 18 the word "he" occurs twice, and in making his Amend- ment correct, the right hon. Gentleman must see that the words occur after the second "he."
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
I beg to move, in page 17, line 16, to leave out from the word "that" to the end of line 20, and to insert instead thereof the words
"the award or decision was erroneous either in view of new facts which have been brought to his notice since the date on which it was made or given or by reason of some mistake having been made with respect to the facts or the law."
I think some little protest ought to be made against this way of carrying out legislation. I quite appreciate the right hon. Gentleman's inexperience—[HON. MEMBERS: "Oh!"]—but I do not think that Amendments should be moved at the last moment from the Government Bench without the House having had an opportunity of studying them. [ Interruption. ] I have no doubt that hon. Members opposite have already mastered every word of the Amendment. They show great quickness of mind, no doubt, and know just what will be the effect on the people who are the beneficiaries under this Bill. What we ought to be quite sure about is that someone, not the present benevolent Minister, but someone of a more bureaucratic disposition, does not issue orders which would deprive—after all that is what this Amendment might amount to—beneficiaries of their rights under the Bill. I hope that in future Bills under the patronage of the right hon. Gentleman he will not make such a mistake, and at the last moment of the Report stage have to put before the House Amendments which are not on the Paper and ask the House to pass them blindly.
Amendment agreed to.
Further Amendment made:
In page 17, line 39, leave out from the word "that" to the second word "he" in page 18, line 8, and insert instead thereof the words—
"the referees might properly be asked to reconsider the decision in view either of new facts which have been brought to his notice since the date on which the decision was given or of any apparent inconsistency between the decision and any other decision subsequently given either by the Court or by referees."—[ Mr. Greenwood ]
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read the Third time."
Now that we have arrived at the final stage of this Bill I think there will be general agreement among those who have been present during the greater part of the proceedings that altogether insufficient time has been allotted for the proper discussion of the latter Clauses of the Bill, and, I would add, insufficient time at this hour of the evening for the Third Reading. I am aware that there was an understanding that the Third Reading should be concluded to-night, and I am not now suggesting that we should in any way go behind that understanding, but, nevertheless, it does remain a fact that in the small hours of this morning we were discussing Amendments in Committee, and that undertakings were given by the Minister in consequence of those discussions, to make Amendments on the Report stage. But those Amendments have never been placed upon the Paper and we have had to discuss them in circumstances which really do not permit of a proper understanding of them by hon. Members. That is a very unsatisfactory state of affairs. The responsibility for these difficulties lies upon the Government, and upon the Government alone, and if hereafter it turns out that the Bill is criticised on the ground that it has been badly drafted, or that its provisions have not properly carried out the" intentions of this House, the responsibility for that must fall upon the Government and upon the Government only.
I shall not detain the House with any long observations upon this final stage of the Bill, but I must recapitulate some of the considerations which have been present to our minds while we have been discussing its provisions. The Government have attempted over and over again to justify the provisions of their Bill on the ground that in one way or another they were merely carrying out the principles of the Act carried by the Conservative Government in 1925. In some quarters it has been claimed that I have admitted the justice of that view, in that I stated on the Second Reading of this Bill that the Conservative Government had always intended, if it remained in office, to remove the imperfections of the original Act which experience demonstrated to be necessary. I think it is a fantastic construction to place upon my words to say that I was prepared to admit that this Bill merely remedied the defects in the Act of 1925. There are Clauses in the Bill which have been presented to the House on the ground that they clear up certain obscurities in the Act of 1925, or because they bring in certain small groups which it had been our intention to include, but which had been excluded through faulty drafting, or because their case had not come under the attention of the Department. There is the case of Clause 23 in the present Bill which deals with adopted children. Those are the matters to which I was referring when I said that it had always been our intention to correct any defects in the Bill of 1925 when we had further evidence that those defects existed. That is something very different from the class of case which we find is covered in Clause 1 which goes far to undermine the contributory principle of the principal Act by extending non-contributory pensions to about 500,000 fresh widows.
In our criticisms of the Bill we have followed two main lines. In the first place we have drawn attention to the tremendous cost involved in this Bill, which we are told is only an instalment of the intentions of the Government. The Minister of Health made some play with a remark of mine in which I referred to the staggering cost of this Bill. I think that reference has been fully justified, because we have heard to-day that it has staggered the Government. We have been told when dealing with the cost of this Measure, that the resources of the country are not unlimited. We have been told that the Government have had to cut their coat according to the cloth, and some Members sitting on the Labour benches have described this Measure as pitifully mean and inadequate. I think we must remember that this Bill is only one of a number of Measures; each of which is going to lay additional burdens upon the taxpayers of this country. We know that there is another Measure coming very shortly before us, which will cost over twelve millions a year, and there are eight millions of additional cost in this Bill itself. We have an almost endless series of Measures which we have not yet seen, but every one of which we know is calculated to make the blood of the Chancellor of the Exchequer run cold. Therefore I think I was right in calling immediate attention, as soon as I had an opportunity of seeing the provisions of the Bill, to what I call its staggering cost.
We at any rate on this side recognise—and I think some of the Members opposite are beginning to recognise it—that you cannot treat these continual additions to the expenditure of the country—additions of expenditure which are entirely unproductive in their nature—as entirely negligible. Sooner or later you will be bound to see the results of this expenditure in fresh taxation which must impose additional burdens on industry, and that at a time when we see, week after week, in spite of all the efforts of the Lord Privy Seal, the figures of unemployment mounting up to ever higher and higher figures. Surely it must be a cause of concern even to the most reckless of hon. Members opposite, when we are asked to find money for provisions such as that included in Clause 1 of the Bill? Whether we like it or not, we have to face the fact that the resources of this country are not unlimited. You can no doubt keep on squeezing the country to a certain extent, but you must remember that every time you take an additional hundred millions out of the pockets of the taxpayers, at least you are depriving yourself of the opportunities of taking that hundred millions for some other purpose. You have, therefore, to make your choice between what you are spending to-day and what you may wish to spend at some future time.
There was one observation made by the right hon. Gentleman on Second Reading which I thought startled the House in all quarters and which was certainly surprising coming from one who is said to have made a special study of economics. What he said was that what the nation could afford depended upon how much it wanted. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] That is cheered by hon. Members opposite who have not studied economic questions and may not have appreciated the sense in which I have no, doubt the term was used by the right hon. Gentleman. I think it was loosely worded and it was a dangerous thing for a man in his position to bring in a sentence like that which is immedately taken up by other Members of his party who have not perhaps had his opportunity of studying economic questions. I take it we must understand that what the right hon. Gentleman meant to say was that within the possible resources of the country the nation could decide what it wanted most and could do that, only, of course, at the expense of other things. He did not mean to say that whatever the nation wanted, it could have, but simply that out of a certain number of things which the nation could afford, it must make its choice as to what it wanted first.
If that be an accurate description of what the right hon. Gentleman had in mind, then I ask the House to apply it to Clause 1. This is our second line of criticism. Supposing you take it for granted that the nation has got to find in the next 16 years this sum of £100,000,000 and devote out of that something over £80,000,000 for the purpose of Clause 1. Is that money being spent in the best possible way or the most efficacious way? When we came to examine this question, we were bound to say that we felt that this Clause was one which did not seem to have regard to any fixed principle and was going to raise a host of injustices, anomalies and inequalities, and that it would give rise to unutterable grievances—perhaps I should not say that, because they certainly will be utterable, and the party opposite will very soon wish they had heard the last of them.
I come to one point which I think was made by the Parliamentary Secretary. She said that it was inconsistent of us to object to a proposal to give pensions to other pre-Act widows when we had ourselves given pensions to certain pre-Act widows in our Act. When we said that, if you are going to give pensions for nothing, without any contributions having been made, you ought at least to see that they should go only to those who needed them, it was objected that we had not introduced any need test in our Clause relating to pre-Act widows, and that it was inconsistent on our part to ask for a need test in this Bill when we had not inserted one in our own Act. That is a typical specimen of logic pushed to an absurd and really indefensible length. What is really the case? It is perfectly true that we did give pensions to certain pre-Act widows whose husbands had never contributed anything towards the cost of those pensions. But we limited that gift to widows who had young children dependent upon them, and we justified that departure from what the right horn. Gentleman would call the pure milk of our gospel on the ground that, by giving pensions to widows with young children, whose husbands had died just after the Act, we were putting the children of widows whose husbands had died just before the Act in a worse position than they were in before. We said that we could not leave the matter in that position, but must put it right, for otherwise it would be a handicap imposed by us on the children of these pre-Act widows. But when you come to consider the question of a need test in these cases, I say that, before you can put into the same category the two instances of pre-Act widows under our Act and pre-Act widows under this Clause, you must consider all the circumstances of the case.
11.0 p.m.
It is perfectly true, as has been said by hon. Members opposite, that, if you are to introduce a need test, that means that you have to impose inquiries—humiliating, uncomfortable, awkward inquiries—upon a very large number of people the great majority of whom can easily pass the test. We were unwilling to impose that inquiry upon a large number of widows for the purpose of selecting from them those who were to receive a pension which was not a life pension, but only a pension given for a limited number of years, and, moreover, given because of the fact that they had children dependent upon them during those years—children who would otherwise be a burden to them. Compare that with the case of the widows under this Clause. Here you have not only a very much larger number of widows—three or four times as many—but you have the case of life pensions for these people, and these are pensions given to women who have not young children dependent upon them, but whose children, if they have children, are grown up and can help them instead of being a handicap. I put it to the House that it is really absurd to say that the one case is the logical outcome of the other. That is the sort of logic that might be employed by a quack doctor who says that, as the regular practitioner has prescribed a small, minimum dose of arsenic as a tonic for his patient, it is only logical, and no exception ought to be taken, if, arising out of that example, he prescribes a dose of 10 times as large an amount of arsenic. There is no logic in that. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] I am very glad that my observations appeal to hon. Members opposite. It shows the fallacy of saying that Clause 1 of this Bill grows logically out of anything which appeared in the Act of 1925. We have discussed Clause 1 at greater length than any other Clause in the Bill, and very rightly, because it is the principal substance of the Bill. It is the Clause on which hon. Gentlemen opposite plume themselves more than any other. It is the Clause which they will regret most of all the Clauses in the Bill, because this is the Clause that is going to give rise to those feelings of grievance and rankling injustice which were felt by many people in respect of our Act, and which they will feel still more in respect of this Bill.
I have been considering what my attitude should be upon the Third Reading. I know very well that, if I and my friends here were to divide against it, we could not stop it passing. We have demonstrated what we think of Clause 1 by voting against it. But while we have watched this discussion, while we have listened to the comments that have been made upon this Clause by Members of the party opposite, it has been borne in upon us that, if the Bill goes on to the Statute Book, it is going to be the first nail in the coffin of the Government. My attitude upon this is not immoral, but it may be described as cynical. I desire to see that coffin constructed at the earliest possible moment. As I see they are bent on constructing it themselves, I am not going even to raise a finger to prevent them from carrying on the good work.
I desire to say one or two things from the point of view of Members who sit here. I agree with the right hon. Gentleman that we have not had time enough to discuss the Bill, because, if we had, the right hon. Gentleman could not have belittled the amount of change made in his own Act by it. Because we have had so little time to discuss it, altogether too small a portion of the Committee's time was given to the provisions in the Bill dealing with de- pendant's war pensions and contributory pensions, the retrospective payment of pensions, the advances and recovery of sickness and unemployment benefit, and the problem of the extension of classes to the question of adopted children and inmates in institutions. All the provisions in the Bill are very useful extensions of the right hon. Gentleman's Act and will benefit a great number of people that his Act did not benefit.
While I say that, I agree that Clause 1 is, of course, the heart of the Bill, and I am bound to agree with the right hon. Gentleman when he says that it does not grow logically out of his Bill. But, while it does not grow logically out of his Bill, there can be no question whatever that it did grow practically out of his Bill. Think of what happened at the General Election. I would warrant that the Members who sit above me here very rarely found a widow under the right hon. Gentleman's Act who did get a pension. I am glad if they did, but my experience was that I very rarely found anyone coming to us to say what they had received under the Act. Of widows who did not get a pension, we heard hundreds and hundreds of cases in every Division of the land.
Our attitude has not been like that of hon. Members above the Gangway. We have tried to do three things. We have tried, on matters of detail, to correct what we see to be defects in drafting the Measure. We have tried to raise points affecting classes of widows outside who ought to come inside the scope of the amending Bill. We regret very much that we have not been able to get more concessions in this sense in the Bill. We have tried to do one other thing. We have tried to face the implications of this Measure with regard to certain other classes not now in the Bill. This Bill will at least do four things as it now lies before the House for the Third Beading. It will raise the issue of the widow in need, of every widow in need in the country. It will raise the issue of the other women in the country who are not widows. One could talk in great detail about that but I shall leave it there. It will raise also the wider question still of the needs of the class not in this Bill— the non-insurable class.
Finally, it must raise for Members in every part of this House in connection with this question of social pensions a question which has provided so much fuel for social feeling. For, after all, this Bill is the result of a great mass emotional movement outside. I put it to the House now, in assenting to the Third Reading of the Bill, that if these discussions have done nothing, they ought at least to bring every Member in every quarter of the House face to face with the fact that we have no right to feed this mass emotional movement until we are prepared to face the financial logic of the promises which are made. Whereas there was a great deal of discussion in pre-War days about the licking of stamps, there has singularly been little discussion outside the House about the licking of stamps. The right hon. Gentleman and hon. Gentlemen on the opposite benches have discussed this problem always on a non-contributory basis. The Bill which we have before us will compel them, as it will compel the whole country, to face the fact that, if we wish a great extension of our social service, we shall have to face an all-in insurance scheme, and not one on a non-contributory basis.
I would like to add many other things, but I will content myself with one personal impression. I think that in these Debates, the right hon. Gentleman has been singularly fortunate in that he has had a maiden Minister in two senses, and that his Parliamentary Secretary has helped the Committee with an almost unexampled lucidity of mind. I am sure that in assenting to the Third Reading of the Bill, I am only personally expressing what is felt in all quarters of the House. We approved of the Second Reading of the Bill. We approve of the Third Reading of the Bill, and we approve of it for the reasons given by the National Conference of Old Age and Widows' Pensions Society, whose words I desire to read. They are not satisfied with the Government. They cannot feel pleased with the Government. The Government at the moment have only kept one of the three pledges made to them. But they do say about this Bill—and since so much has been said on the other side I desire to read this—
I should like first, to thank the hon. Member for Leith (Mr. E. Brown) for his very kindly reference to my friend and colleague the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Health. Perhaps I know better than any other Member of this House what she has done to help us to carry this Bill to this stage, and I, with other Members, would express to her the thanks of the House for the way in which she has, with a better temper than I can command, explained the difficulties which are bound to arise in the course of a complicated Measure. If it be, as the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Edgbaston (Mr. Chamberlain) has said, that this Bill is badly drafted and full of imperfections, then I must take the responsibility for it. I am not ashamed to take the responsibility for it. I hate dilatory legislation. It may be that insufficient time has been devoted to this Measure. I can understand a case being made about that; but I can urge another case—that time has been wasted on this Measure. It ought to be possible for an intelligent and enlightened assembly of this kind to make up its mind finally and definitely on a Bill of this character within the space of a fortnight.
We can all agree that we have had an interesting series of Debates; and I should like to thank hon. Members of this House for the sustained interest that they have shown in what is, after all, a highly technical question. It is perfectly true that when one touches the question of insurance, one touches the common life of the people at a hundred points, and therefore it has a broad human interest. When one descends to the terminology of a Bill, the technicalities might well destroy the interest of most of us; and I am glad to think that the human interest has been able to carry us over all the technicalities of a Bill which, as one reads it now, is incomprehensible to most of us.
We have in our discussions ranged far, over problems and over territories. The Bill does not profess to be final; I say that to the hon. Member for Leith. I have worked with the tools which were at my disposal when we took office, and I have never pretended that the Bill was more than what I stated it to be on the Second Reading. Whatever may be its defects, whatever may be its imperfections, this Bill will bring new comfort and hope to over half a million homes in this country—homes where, for the most part, help is certainly needed. The right hon. Member for Edgbaston (Mr. Chamberlain) says that this Bill is based upon no fixed principle. He has attempted a most elaborate defence of why he departed from the contributory principle, and why I should not do so. I remain unconvinced. If a case can be made for any pre-Act widow, and a case can obviously be made for the pre-Act widow, with children—on these benches we never quarrelled with that case—then a case can be made for the elderly pre-Act widow who has lost her children. Indeed, as I think I suggested in an earlier stage of the discussions on this Bill, the position of the elderly widow whose children have left her to make homes of their own, the elderly widow who is finding it harder and harder to earn her livelihood, is a far more tragic case than that of the widow whose children are growing up before her eyes, and who will be the mainstay of her home in the future.
If it be right to depart from the contributory principle in the case of a widow with children, I claim that it is equally right to depart from the contributory principle in the case of those women who have given their children to the work of the world, and who have behind them a lifetime of activity in the community. They are entitled to look forward to their retiring years with ease and comfort. I am not pretending that this Bill does more than a small measure of justice. I think it does do a measure of justice to the pre-Act widow who, with bitterness in her mouth, has seen a young widow, young enough to be her daughter, receiving a pension for life, whilst she has been left penniless.
This Bill goes much further than that. It does do a little more for the pre-Act widow with children. It does do something to ease the circumstances of those who wish to make a home beyond the seas. It does do something to ease the conditions of those people who are growing elderly, who are finding it hard to maintain themselves in industry, and who might, if the conditions were rigidly imposed, find themselves lacking their old age pension. It does something in those particularly hard cases where the bread-winner has been killed as a result of following his work. It does remove one of the blots on the Act of 1925, that widows and orphans were left penniless, or virtually penniless, with small workmen's compensation payments to live upon, and then found the orphans' allowances diminished. This Bill does in many ways stretch the shoe which has pinched. I have never said that it produces a new shoe. We were given a shoe, an ill-fitting shoe, the shoe provided by the right hon. Member for Edgbaston. We have stretched it, we have repaired it, we have done the best we could with it for the time being, until the time comes for us to present a new shoe.
The hon. Member for Leith quite rightly said that the passage of this Bill raises further problems. The passage of this Bill beckons the House forward. It is but one step in a series of Measures which this Government and succeeding Governments of whatever party will have to pass to meet a public demand for justice. When the right hon. Gentleman raises the financial question, my memory goes back to the Debates, which I read, which took place in this House a century ago, when any single penny of public expenditure was bound to mean the ruin of the country. The people who opposed then every penny of public expenditure because it meant the ruin of the country are singing the same song today. As long as there is in this country sufficient wealth to enable the well-to-do, out of their surplus, to assist the poor, every Government must do their best to assist the poor. If we were all poor together, there would be no injustices. Perhaps that may be an amusing thought to some hon. Members opposite, but if they will think a little more about it they will realise that it is perfectly true. The problem that we have to face is the contrast between unmerited riches and unmerited poverty. What we have tried to do in this Bill is, within the limits of our opportunities, to redress a little the balance between unmerited riches and unmerited poverty.
I am very humble about this Bill. I am not ashamed of it. I am proud of it. But I feel humble that it should have been my privilege to introduce it, and I am thankful to the House for the generous way in which it has received it. I must leave the Bill on this note, that, although hon. Members opposite think we have gone too far, that we have tapped riches which might be fertilising industry, I say that it is only the beginning of a series of Measures which must continue until every citizen of this country receives his full opportunities to a decent, honourable and dignified existence. If I have done, if the House has done, anything in this Bill to assist in that great cause, then, whatever its imperfections and defects, we can part with it to-night with a feeling that at least we have done a little for the poorer people who sent us here.
Question put, and agreed to.
Bill read the Third time, and passed.
Highlands and Islands (Medical Service) Additional Grant [Money]
Resolution reported,
"That, for the purposes of any Act of the present Session to make provision with respect to an additional special grant for the purpose of improving medical service in the Highlands and Islands of Scotland, it is expedient to authorise the payment to the Highlands and Islands (Medical Service) Fund, in addition to the sum of forty-two thousand pounds payable to the Fund under Sub-section (1) of Section one of the Highlands and Islands (Medical Service) Grant Act, 1913, of such sum as may be annually voted by Parliament for the purpose."
Resolution agreed to.
Bill ordered to be brought in upon the said Resolution by Mr. William Adamson and Mr. Johnston.
Highlands and Islands (Medical Seevice) Additional Grant Bill,
"to make provision with respect to an additional special grant for the purpose of improving medical service in the Highlands and Islands of Scotland," presented accordingly, and read the First time; to be read a Second time upon Monday next, and to be printed. [Bill 74.]
Public Accounts
Ordered,
"That the Committee of Public Accounts do consist of Fifteen Members:
Mr. Benson, Mr. Bird, Mr. Charleton, Captain Crookshank, Mr. Denman, Mr. Gill, Sir Robert Hamilton, Mr. Leif Jones, Mr. Lathan, Mr. Pethick-Lawrence, Sir Assheton Pownall, Mr. West Russell, Major Salmon, Mr. Arthur Michael Samuel and Mr. West nominated Members of the Committee."
Ordered,
"That the Committee have power to send for persons, papers and records.
"Ordered, that Five be the quorum."—[ Mr. T. Kennedy. ]
The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.
Adjournment
Resolved, "That this House do now adjourn."—[ Mr. T. Kennedy. ]
Adjourned accordingly at Twenty seven Minutes after Eleven o'Clock.